Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 1999

Reviews of Irian Jaya, Papua New the (fap), and Guinea, and Solomon Islands are not the western Viti Levu–based Party of included in this issue. National Unity (panu)—the so-called People’s Coalition. The partnership that had been forged between the svt’s Rabuka The year 1999 marked the end of an and nfp’s Jai Ram Reddy during the era in Fiji’s politics. Few events were review and promulgation of the new more momentous and unexpected constitution flowed into other areas than the overwhelming electoral vic- of cooperation. The parties agreed to tory of the and its a seat-sharing formula in early 1999 coalition partners in May and the that would see the svt contest all swearing in of Labour Party leader Fijian communal seats and 14 open Mahendra Chaudhary as the country’s seats, and the nfp all Indian commu- first Indo-Fijian prime minister. With nal seats and 11 open seats. The ugp a new government taking office, there was given all 3 general communal occurred an upheaval in Fiji’s political seats and 2 of the open seats allocated leadership not seen since 1987. Exit- to the svt. There was also agreement ing parliament were Prime Minister that in the event of a svt-nfp-ugp vic- and National Federa- tory Rabuka would become prime tion Party (nfp) leader Jai Ram Reddy, minister, while Reddy would be a veteran of Fiji’s politics for the past deputy prime minister. quarter century. Also consigned to the No such agreement on seat sharing political wilderness was the nfp itself, or leadership was reached by the Peo- after failing to win a single seat in the ple’s Coalition, a fact that was heavily new parliament. exploited by its opposition in the elec- The prospect of a general election tion campaign that began in April. in 1999, conducted under the provi- While the svt-nfp-ugp presented itself sions of the 1997 constitution, had as the more solid and stable coalition, always promised to make this a partic- it branded the People’s Coalition “a ularly interesting year. The introduc- sham” and warned voters that its tion of open seats and the alternative members would fight over the posi- vote electoral system compelled parties tion of prime minister if they won. To into forming multiracial alliances. In the People’s Coalition, however, this 1998 two rival coalitions emerged. was not an issue. The prime minister The first combined the ruling Soqo- would be chosen once the results were soqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (svt) in. The Labour Party also countered party with the Indo-Fijian based nfp by attacking the svt-nfp-ugp Coali- and the general electors’ United Gen- tion for not having a single campaign erals Party (ugp). The other was a manifesto (unlike the People’s Coali- marriage between the mainly Indo- tion). This exposed a fundamental Fijian based Fiji Labour Party (flp), weakness in the alliance between the

507 508 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 svt and the nfp that Labour in par- unreality” surrounding the svt-nfp- ticular was keen to exploit. With the ugp campaign. While Reddy and svt campaigning on its record in Rabuka naively complained about the office, the nfp was faced with the opposition “ganging up on them,” dilemma of having to “go soft” on its other candidates warned of a coup partner’s policies, which it had previ- and bloodshed if the government lost ously derided while in opposition. (SP, 25 Apr 1999, 1). Thus its campaign was confined to The People’s Coalition, on the the more intangible and somewhat other hand, focused on the issues it vague areas of multiracialism, forgive- believed really mattered to the voters: ness, and the new constitution. “land leases, corruption, unemploy- The nfp also directed its fire at ment, crime and poverty” (FT, 20 April Labour’s willingness to allocate its 1999, 3). An ill-timed decision by the preferences not only to its coalition svt government to proceed with the partners but also to a newcomer on restructuring of the Civil Aviation the campaign trail: the Fijian-based Authority of Fiji, leading to the dis- Christian Democratic Alliance or missal just before the election of four Veitokani ni Lewanivanua Vakarisito hundred workers who did not accept (vlv). This emerged as the “third voluntary redundancy, provided pow- force” in the election, fielding a num- erful ammunition. ber of prominent and well-connected While it was expected that the elec- Fijian candidates. They included a tion would reveal disillusion with the former army commander, Epeli svt (especially among grassroots Ganilau; a senior civil servant, Poseci ) and that Indian voters would Bune; and Adi Koila Nailatikau, the not be comfortable with the nfp’s daughter of President Ratu Sir Kamis- alliance with the old enemy, Rabuka, ese Mara. While the vlv seemed torn most observers predicted that a win between moderates and conservatives for the svt and its allies was a fore- (especially on such issues as reactivat- gone conclusion. So confident was the ing the Sunday ban and declaring Fiji Review magazine, that its May edi- a Christian state), it nevertheless stood tion published a cover story on “Our united on its principal goal of unseat- New Cabinet”: a Rabuka and Reddy- ing the ruling svt. led government. In the absence of In this it found common ground national opinion polls, there was little with the People’s Coalition, as evident to go on. However, a Times-Tebbutt in their exchange of preferences. poll conducted in early May put Labour, fap, and vlv put each other’s Prime Minister Rabuka as preferred candidates ahead of the svt-nfp-ugp leader (at 26 percent), followed by the candidates. The nfp expressed out- fap’s Adi Kuini Speed (17 percent) rage at Labour’s tactics, branding the and Chaudhary (15 percent). vlv as an extremist party and Labour Polling began on 8 May. With as “devoid of morality.” Its campaign compulsory voting introduced for the advertisements played heavily on what first time, 437,195 voters were on the it thought was a vulnerable spot: “A rolls (100,000 more than in the 1994 vote for Labour is a vote for the vlv election). There were 304 candidates or the Christian party.” Commenta- (including 10 women) from 16 politi- tors, though, described an “air of cal parties contesting the 71 parlia- political reviews • melanesia 509 mentary seats. Twelve thousand offi- unthinkable: Mahendra Chaudhary cials were engaged to conduct the for prime minister. As the elections, which were estimated to editorialized: “Chaudhry deserves to cost f$6.7 million. Not surprisingly, be Prime Minister. A Fijian face would given the massive scale of the election be a sham and would be seen as such and the new and unfamiliar electoral by the whole nation” (FT, 19 May system, there were problems galore. 1999, 6). The Daily Post called on The most common were names not Chaudhary not to be intimidated: appearing on the electoral rolls (one “You have the mandate. The people commentator dubbed this “the elec- are on your side” (DP, 21 May 1999, tion of the missing names”), long 1). With his party’s endorsement, queues and delays at polling stations, Chaudhary moved quickly to secure and the high incidence of invalid the president’s support and was sworn votes (which was seen to reflect voter in as prime minister on 19 May. He confusion about the new system). then offered one of two deputy prime Voters were given the option of voting ministerial positions to the fap’s Adi “above the line” for one party only, Kuini Speed (the other went to which gave that party the right to Labour’s Dr Tupeni Baba). allocate preferences, or “below the In retrospect, Chaudhary’s speed line,” where the voter numbered each precluded what may well have been candidate and thus allocated their protracted and messy negotiations own preferences. More than 90 per- with his coalition partners, some of cent of voters chose the “above the whom were openly hostile to his can- line” option. didature. Both panu and the fap sup- Surpassing even its own expecta- ported Adi Kuini and attempted to tions, the Fiji Labour Party won 37 persuade the president not to recog- of the 71 seats. Its coalition partners, nize Chaudhary but to recognize fap and panu, also scored big wins their candidate instead. Ratu Mara’s (11 and 4 seats respectively). On the response, however, was unequivocal: other hand, the svt and the nfp suf- “For the sake of the country” they fered crushing defeats. While the svt should join the Labour government. managed to hold onto 8 seats, the nfp, Still smarting from what she described as noted earlier, did not win a single as Labour’s “lack of sensitivity” for seat. The ugp secured 2 seats, the vlv failing to consult with its partners on won 3, the Fijian Nationalist Party the prime ministership, Adi Kuini (Vanua Tako‘lavo) won 2, and Inde- agreed to accept Chaudhary’s offer. pendents won 4. It was estimated that In conceding defeat, Rabuka (who while Labour did not rely on prefer- had won his own seat in Cakaudrove) ences to secure its victory (it would warned the new government not to also have won under the first-past- use its majority to implement anti- the-post system), the svt’s defeat was Fijian policies. While accusing Indo- largely because of the preference sys- Fijian voters of rejecting multiracial- tem used against it by other parties. ism and “bloc-voting” against the The margin of the Labour Party svt-nfp Coalition, he also blamed a victory not only gave it a free hand to lack of Fijian unity for their defeat. At form a government, but also led many the same time he rejected a proposal to accept what previously had been that began to circulate soon after the 510 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 election for Fijian parties to form a evident that the svt leadership had “grand Fijian coalition.” “It is too staged an internal coup by ousting late for that,” he said. “I won’t con- Rabuka as party leader. The svt sider it because this will mean a return reportedly blamed their loss on to racial groupings and racial con- Rabuka’s multiracial platform and frontation in parliament” (FT, 18 May coalition with Reddy. He was asked to 1999, 6). stand down in favor of known hard- With eight seats in Parliament, liner Ratu Inoke Kubuabola. Accord- Rabuka’s party was entitled to a place ing to Rabuka, “People thought that in cabinet, alongside the fap and my conciliatory stance and my leader- Labour. (According to the 1997 con- ship of a racially based party in an stitution all parties with at least 10 inter-racial search for harmonious percent of parliamentary seats should existence in Fiji were incongruous” be invited into the cabinet). In form- (Review, Nov 1999, 17). He was not ing his cabinet, Chaudhary was per- out of the limelight for long, however. haps relieved that the svt put itself In June, the out of contention by making what he elected him as its independent chair- described as “impossible demands.” man, prompting Rabuka’s resignation These included four key portfolios from parliament. Ironically this was a and Rabuka to be deputy prime min- post created by the council in an effort ister. The 17-member cabinet that was to limit the influence of the minister announced on 22 May drew from of Fijian Affairs, at that time Rabuka. four political parties and indepen- To some observers, Rabuka’s move dents. In addition to Labour, cabinet signaled a long-term plan to turn the posts went to its coalition partners, Great Council of Chiefs into a new the fap (3) and panu (2). Chaudhary political force and focus for Fijian also secured the support of the vlv by unity, one that would also be the offering it two key portfolios. The fap power base on which he would build was later given the Home Affairs port- his political comeback. folio, bringing its cabinet tally to four. Despite warnings of a Fijian back- Of most significance to observers lash and some outbreaks of violence was the racial make-up of the cabinet: (including arson attacks and bomb 11 Fijians and Rotumans and 6 Indo- threats), initial reaction to the new Fijians. In terms of Fijian representa- government was generally positive. A tion it was also seen to be a regionally protest march led by Fijian nationalist balanced cabinet, although there was attracted only 150 a conspicuous absence of anyone people, a far cry from the heady days from the politically important prov- of the Taukei Movement in 1987. The inces of Rewa and Tailevu. Perhaps widespread view seemed to be to give alluding to the inclusion of the vlv’s the Labour-led government a chance and Adi Koila Nailati- to deliver on its election promises. kau, Chaudhary commented that the These included policies that targeted president, Ratu Mara, had “played a poverty and unemployment: stopping very major role in the naming of my redundancies, removing the value- Cabinet” (DP, 22 May 1999, 1). added tax from essential food items, As for the opposition, it was soon providing financial relief for cane political reviews • melanesia 511 farmers, reducing housing interest duced a 10 percent reduction in water rates, and improving health and edu- rates, while proceeding with the pri- cation services. vatization of the Fiji water authority. Among the People’s Coalition poli- The value-added tax was removed cies to attract most attention was from six basic food items, and import their commitment to a minimum tariffs on some household and food wage. Manufacturers, in particular items were lowered, but the govern- from the garment and textile sector, ment also announced plans to license strongly opposed this policy and rice importers, a move that would threatened major redundancies if likely lead to a rise in the price of forced to implement it. The industry rice. employs about seventeen thousand The first People’s Coalition budget, people and accounts for Fiji’s second handed down in November, was largest source of exports (after sugar). remarkable for its apparent turn- By July, government policy had tem- around in key areas. Instead of signal- pered somewhat, as Chaudhary ing a break with the past, Chaudhary announced plans for a minimum wage as finance minister delivered a budget scheme as opposed to a minimum that many saw as continuing the eco- wage guideline of $120 per week. nomic policies of the previous svt According to the minister for Labour government. Described by some com- and Industrial Relations, the govern- mentators as pro-business, the new ment did not want to “kill the goose budget defied expectations by not that lays the golden egg” and would increasing taxes or duties, not aban- tackle the issue through consultation doning market deregulation and asset with workers and employers. The sales, and not shifting the focus of prime minister later stated, “We will government investment. At the same not impose a national minimum wage time, he increased spending on infra- without considering the ability of the structure, agriculture, health, educa- sector to be able to absorb it” tion, and social welfare, mostly in line (Review, Dec 1999, 27). with election promises. One other sec- The minimum wage issue was one tor to benefit was the military, which of several economic policies that the was allocated a 12.7 percent increase government appeared to water down in its budget. The People’s Coalition once in office. On stopping redundan- plans to finance its policies mainly by cies, the government was quick to using capital from the sale of govern- direct the reinstatement of workers at ment assets, maximizing tax collec- the Civil Aviation Authority and its tion through better compliance, and offshoot, Airports Fiji Limited. How- cracking down on waste and misman- ever it was subsequently blamed for agement of government resources causing 108 workers to lose their jobs (Review, Dec 1999, 30). just before Christmas at what was The general reaction to the budget, formerly the government shipyard especially of business leaders, was one (now called Shipbuilding Fiji Limited). of relief. However, concerns were It dropped Housing Authority interest raised about whether the budget went rates, but did not apply this across the far enough to stimulate private-sector board as originally promised. It intro- investment. There were also warnings 512 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 that if the government was to fulfill months in office Chaudhary and his its social commitments, while contain- team succeeded in polarizing the ing public debt, gross domestic prod- debate even further, making the pros- uct would need to grow at around 6 pect for compromise and agreement percent for the next three years, a ever more elusive. The prime minister prospect that many thought unrealis- seemed to get off to a good start in tic (SP, 7 Nov 1999, 5). The economic June, when he addressed the Great outlook in 1999 was nevertheless a Council of Chiefs (becoming only lot brighter than in recent years, partly the second Indo-Fijian after Jai Ram due to recovery of the sugar industry Reddy to do so). He promised close from drought, record tourism receipts, consultation and dialogue on issues of growth in garment exports, and earn- crucial concern to indigenous Fijians. ings from gold. There were good In spelling out his government’s prospects for new tourism investment, approach to the land issue, Chaud- in particular hotel development. The hary indicated that he would continue economy was also benefiting from with the previous government’s policy devaluation of the currency in 1998. of ensuring the use of Crown land by In its election campaign, the Peo- indigenous Fijians. The new govern- ple’s Coalition had made the economy ment would also work closely with its priority and, specifically, the prob- the Native Lands Trust Board (nltb) lems of unemployment and poverty. and landowners in planning future Its grassroots support largely land use policy. depended on progress in these areas. What soon became clear, however, But two other pressing issues were the was that unlike the svt government, long-term future of the sugar industry the Chaudhary government was com- in a free-trade environment and the mitted to retaining the Agricultural vexing land tenure problem. Both Landlord and Tenant Act (alta). This were integrally related and, for the legislation provided for minimum Labour Party, both were of critical (and maximum) thirty-year leases and importance to one of its main con- was the framework under which most stituencies—the Indo-Fijian cane agricultural land was leased. But with farmer. However, the land issue was most alta leases expiring at the end also fraught with racial sensitivities of the 1990s and in the first decade of and proved to be the government’s the new century, the pressure was on Achilles’ heel—the focus of opposi- to find a successor arrangement that tion-fueled Fijian antipathy toward accommodated landowners’ needs as the government, as well as of conflict well as providing farmers with secure within the Coalition. tenure. With its political survival and the The previous government’s policy long-term health of the economy had focused on the resettlement of dependent on the resolution of the displaced farmers and had set up the land issue, the stakes for the govern- Land Development and Resettlement ment could not have been greater. It Unit to either purchase freehold land was therefore surprising and disap- or acquire leases on other vacant land. pointing that in their first seven The svt government, together with political reviews • melanesia 513 the Great Council of Chiefs, had also land. Fijian political parties also endorsed an nltb report that recom- rejected any attempts to extend alta mended that after leases expire, any leases, saying they would “resist, by new negotiations for leasing Fijian force if necessary, any such unlawful land should be conducted under the attempt to deprive [Fijians] of their Native Land Trust Act. This legisla- last valuable asset” (FT, 10 Aug 1999, tion was seen as more beneficial to 3). A September meeting of the Great landowners than alta as it gave them Council of Chiefs discussed the gov- flexibility in issuing rolling leases that ernment’s submissions on land. It reaf- had no minimum or maximum time- firmed its call for future leases to be frame. In general, their policy favored based on the Native Lands Trust Act, a return of land to Fijians in order to arguing that alta was no longer ten- provide them with opportunities for able, being inequitable to landowners. farming and employment creation. It also rejected the idea of a Land Use After setting up an alta subcom- Commission. By year’s end the situa- mittee to hold talks with the nltb, tion seemed to have deadlocked. Chaudhary announced in July that he With the land issue stirring up was putting on hold the farmer reset- Fijian hostility toward the govern- tlement program. The idea of a five- ment, talk again surfaced of a “grand year moratorium was mooted, where Fijian coalition,” based on Fijian farmers and tenants would be permit- political parties. The main proponents ted to remain on their land until the appeared to be the fap backbencher future of alta was resolved (for Ratu Tu‘uakitau Cokanauto and svt Chaudhary this meant an amended leader Ratu Inoke Kubuabola. Ratu version of alta being adopted by Par- Tu‘uakitau, who had won his seat on liament). The prime minister also pro- a recount, had emerged as a vocal posed that farmers who did not want critic of the government and of Adi to be resettled after the expiry of their Kuini’s leadership of the fap. Among leases would be provided with a other things, he claimed that Adi “rehabilitation grant” of $28,000. Kuini had compromised the party’s Later in the year Chaudhary dis- position by accepting only four cabi- banded the Land Development and net posts and that she did not consult Resettlement Unit, citing dubious the party on its senate nominees. He deals and waste of public funds. In also criticized government policies, its place the government planned to taking the svt line that it was “not a establish a Land Use Commission, government for the Fijian people.” In which would develop and implement September he was elected party leader policy for ensuring the long-term and by an fap executive meeting, but Adi productive use of all available arable Kuini applied for a judicial review, land. which she won, and was subsequently These moves triggered angry reelected party leader by the fap’s responses from some landowners and annual general meeting. The split in high chiefs. A major landowner in Ba the party executive was between fap province warned that landowners cabinet ministers who supported the would “die fighting” to keep their Coalition, and fap backbenchers who 514 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 acted more like opposition members. the future of land, despite the merits Early in the New Year (2000), Ratu of the government’s proposed Land Tu‘uakitau took advantage of Adi Use Commission. It did not help when Kuini’s absence overseas, where she Deputy Prime Minister and Labour was receiving medical treatment, and stalwart Tupeni Baba, in an interview his position as acting party leader, to with the Fiji Times, admitted that the threaten to pull the fap out of the government needed to be more careful Coalition. in the area of Fijian tradition. He also The fap was not the only Coalition acknowledged that some Fijian civil partner to suffer internal conflict. servants felt marginalized by the trans- panu’s leader, Apisai Tora (who had fers and appointments made by the lost his seat in the election), also new government. backed the concept of a “grand Fijian Some of the blame for this problem coalition” and had agitated against lay with Chaudhary’s leadership style the Chaudhary government since its and his tendency to not consult or election. In September he called for take advice. As was remarked on a panu’s four members of Parliament to number of occasions, Chaudhary withdraw their support for the gov- tended to run his government the ernment. Instead the members suc- same way he ran a union or a political ceeded in ousting Tora as party leader, party: with an iron fist. Although by electing in his place the minister for no means the first prime minister to be Youth, Sport and Employment Oppor- branded arrogant, Chaudhary proved tunities, Ponipate Lesavua. The four extremely intolerant of criticism, and panu parliamentarians reaffirmed his relationship with the media at their support for the Coalition. times bordered on open warfare. He The prospects of a “grand Fijian also showed a stubborn disregard for coalition” emerging as a real threat to good public relations, stirring contro- the government appeared limited, for versies over such issues as the appoint- now, by the desire of Fijian cabinet ment of his son to be his private secre- ministers to keep their jobs and the tary and renovations to his private lack of any clear leadership of such a home paid for by the government. coalition. However what remained a In a revealing insight, Chaudhary weak spot for the government (and a described former Singaporean Prime potential source of trouble) was the Minister Lee Kuan Yew as a visionary perception of the Chaudhary govern- and leader he admired. “Some people ment as being “not for Fijians.” An say he is a dictator. But he is a strong end-of-year assessment of the prime leader and he has delivered” (Review, minister was that he had not shown Jan 2000, 25). Whether or not Chaud- enough sensitivity to Fijian protocol; hary and his government deliver nor had he “reached out” enough to remains to be seen. There is no doubt the Fijian chiefs, in particular over the that Chaudhary has engineered a his- land issue (Review, Jan 2000, 20–22). toric electoral victory and political So suspicious had landowners become realignment in Fiji. With an end-of- of the government that it was impos- year approval rating of 62 percent, he sible to hold a rational debate about has an unprecedented opportunity to political reviews • melanesia 515 guide the country toward greater prosperity and a more promising future. The hope is that this opportu- nity is not squandered. sandra tarte

References

FT, Fiji Times. Daily. .

DP, Daily Post. Suva. The Review. Monthly. Suva.

SP, Sunday Post. Weekly. Suva. political reviews • melanesia 515

the nationalist parties to a minority, opposition role in Congress (Maclellan 1999). Rock Wamytan of the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Social- iste (flnks) and Jacques Lafleur of the loyalist Rassemblement pour la Calédonie dans la République (rpcr) had both heralded the accord, but for different reasons. Lafleur was pleased at assuredly forestalling independence during his career, while Wamytan was content with the concessions made short of independence, that is, increas- ing autonomy as a step toward decol- onization. As the May provincial elec- tions neared, gamblers lined up behind New Caledonia two emerging patronage systems, that of the flnks and the rpcr, while The year 1999 saw the first real test splinter groups took their own stands of New Caledonia’s new governing or crossed over the political divide. statutes, based on the Noumea Accord The election results were more of May 1998. Just before Christmas encouraging for the rpcr than for the 1998, the French Parliament in Paris flnks, but neither could claim a clear passed into law provisions that would majority in the Congress. The rpcr irreversibly transfer powers to New won 24 of 54 seats, but Lafleur voiced Caledonia over the next fifteen to disappointment that the right-wing twenty years, allow for a local presi- Front National, which doubled its dent to be elected by Congress, and seats to 4, had kept his party from also permit that legislative body to clear control by scaring people about enact “laws of the country” (pir, 23 the future. In addition, dissident loy- Dec 1998), thus granting significantly alist Didier Leroux’ Alliance pour la more self-government in a transitional Calédonie won 3 seats (an increase of period of shared sovereignty. High- one) by campaigning against Lafleur’s lights of 1999 would be the May elec- monopolism. On the nationalist side, tions and their impact, quasi-political the flnks won 12 seats, the Parti de labor union unrest, and debates about Libération Kanak (Palika) 6, and the future. Nidoish Naisseline’s Libération Kanak Some critics of the Noumea Accord Socialiste 1, for a total of 19 pro- had warned that it would empower independence seats. Dissident moder- anti-independence politicians from the ates from the nationalist camp had multiethnic, industrial Southern formed the gradualist Fédération des Province (where the capital, Noumea, Comités de Coordination Indépen- is located and 70 percent of the popu- dantistes (fcci) and won four seats, lation lives) to make the new “laws of which provided Lafleur with the ally the country” and thus would relegate he needed to form the requisite 516 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 majority of 28 in Congress. He called spoken head of the radical Kanak sta- the fcci “a party of peace” (pir, 11 tion Radio Djiido who had just won May 1999). a Congressional seat, proposed that In the provincial assemblies, the the presidency rotate between the rpcr dominated the South, holding rpcr and flnks (pir, 13 May 1999). 25 of 40 seats, but the flnks and Lafleur’s prediction about Lèques was other nationalist parties kept control accurate, and the rpcr-fcci took 7 of the North (14 of 22 seats) and of the 11 seats in the new cabinet, Islands (10 of 14 seats), perpetuating including economics, education, and the quasi-partition of the country into labor, while the flnks received only two political camps that has tended to 4, such as health and culture. The prevail for a decade and a half. For- vice-presidency went to Joredié of the mer Northern Province President Leo- fcci. Wamytan immediately accused pold Joredié found himself in the the new government of “drifting away opposition, as a representative of the from the spirit and the letter of the fcci, while Paul Neaoutyine, mayor Noumea Accord” (ran, 31 May 1999), of Poindimié, led the largest bloc in and he also criticized Joredié’s posi- the North, that of Palika, which out- tion, arguing that the fcci was not a polled the flnks 8–6. In the Islands, true independence party. Raphael the nationalists made enough gains to Mapou, former Palika leader and now avoid power-sharing, as Naisseline president of the fcci, retorted that the had done with the rpcr after 1995, flnks “has fulfilled its historical mis- but in the South loyalist parties con- sion. Today the challenge of the trolled all but 6 seats out of 40. Noumea Accord is to move on, to French High Commissioner Domi- bring people together.” He justified nique Bur assured people that his the fcci-rpcr alliance, saying it office would continue to “be the would bridge the two sides and guarantor of public liberty, also of change people’s attitudes (pir, 7 June legalities” (pir, 12 May 1999), despite 1999). When the dissident fcci first a rather biased record of Parisian sup- organized a year earlier, Mapou had port for loyalists in the courts. Les accused the flnks of losing touch Nouvelles-Calédoniennes, the local with its base, since the goal of a daily paper, called the elections a vic- Kanak socialist state was “no longer tory for both the rpcr and the flnks relevant in the current political con- but also noted that the Front National text [and] too abstract” (abc, 19 May had established itself in New Caledo- 1998). Sadly for the fcci, Vice Presi- nia, having drawn votes away from dent Joredié ended 1999 under a other loyalists (NC, 10 May 1999). cloud of financial scandal, for nepo- Tensions emerged as the newly tism during his tenure as former flnks elected representatives formed a gov- president of the Northern Province ernment. When Lafleur bragged in (NC, 13 Dec 1999). advance that his coalition would The new government began meet- make the anti-independence mayor of ing in early June, but French Minister Noumea, Jean Lèques, president of of Overseas Territories Jean-Jack the executive, Nicole Waia, the out- Queyranne swore it in officially on political reviews • melanesia 517

21 June, hailing it as a step toward Caledonian Parliament,” since the decolonization, as the territory builds flnks held a minority of cabinet its own identity in the region, apart seats (pir, 30 Mar, 29 June 1999). from France (pir, 21 June 1999). A In August, delegations from both the few days later, Thierry Lataste South Pacific Forum and the United replaced Bur as French high commis- Nations visited New Caledonia to sioner, a promotion after two years of speak to the leading political parties service under Bur in New Caledonia about progress toward self-determina- (NC, 24 June 1999). The French tion under the Noumea Accord. National Assembly allocated the Wamytan complained to them about equivalent of more than one billion the lack of “collegiality” in the new US dollars to be spent in its overseas government, but Lafleur claimed that departments and territories in 2000, the flnks and the rpcr were no an increase of 3.6 percent over 1999. longer adversaries but “partners” (NC, Queyranne explained that the French 20, 25 Aug 1999). France attempted state would not withdraw from its to send New Caledonian President dependencies simply because “auton- Lèques to Palau to attend the annual omy becomes more prominent” (pir, South Pacific Forum summit for the 19 Nov 1999). In Honolulu in Sep- first time, but his French military tember, French Ambassador Pierre plane broke down in Australia, leav- Garrigue-Guyonnaud, permanent sec- ing only Wamytan to represent his retary for the Pacific, announced that country at the Forum, though he was his goal was to expand French officially not allowed to speak because engagement with the Pacific via its he was not head of state (NC, 5 Oct territories. In the 1980s, New Caledo- 1999). The flnks had been attending nia had been “stumbling around in the Forum informally for thirteen crisis, bumping into walls,” he said, years already, to pave the way for but the Noumea Accord represented a wider participation by the country in consensual solution of shared sover- international organizations (NC, 6 Oct eignty (Garrigue-Guyonnaud 1999). 1999). Despite Lèques’ absence, the France had agreed to continue fund- Forum formally granted New Caledo- ing training courses and personnel nia observer status at future meetings, exchanges with Vanuatu (pir, 29 Mar based on its apparently clear path of 1999), and it sent a thousand New advancement toward self-government Caledonian soldiers on a UN peace- (ran, 12 Oct 1999). keeping mission to East Timor (NC, These ongoing contradictions 15 Oct 1999). reached a peak in October, when the Meanwhile, the Melanesian Spear- French Senate was due to vote on a head Group discussed arrangements constitutional amendment passed by to facilitate free trade among its mem- the French lower house, the National bers, which include not only four sov- Assembly, the previous year. The ereign states but also the flnks. amendment would change French Spearhead foreign ministers voiced Polynesia from an overseas territory concern over “the level of involve- to an overseas “country” (without full ment by Melanesians in the new New sovereignty), allow New Caledonia 518 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 and French Polynesia to have their industrial action by New Caledonia’s own citizenship, and limit the elec- powerful labor unions, which in the torate that could vote in a future ref- past have often served to put pressure erendum on New Caledonian inde- on political leaders to make progress. pendence. The flnks wanted to freeze The year began with the arrest and the electoral roll as of 1998, while the imprisonment of four dock workers rpcr wanted a more liberal criterion for instigating a militant blockade of of ten years’ residence in New Cale- Noumea’s port during the campaign- donia (NC, 30 Sep 1999). Lafleur had ing for the referendum that approved already objected to French Polynesia’s the Noumea Accord in November being allowed to become an overseas 1998 (ran, 28 Jan 1999). Sectors of country, arguing that it would intense union strike actions would amount to “independence within include the nickel mining industry, France,” adding, “If France pours so commercial companies run by Lafleur much money into French Polynesia, it or his family and friends, and the fire should have control of it” (NC, 24 department, airports, port, and radio June 1999). He and Pierre Frogier, station. In mid-May, the Nakety nickel both rpcr members of the National mine in the Northern Province was Assembly, went to France to consult closed and occupied by local residents with Queyranne and Gaullist Presi- after the owners, the Ballande Group, dent Jacques Chirac. The posturing in laid off thirty workers. Rival villages Paris included a threat by Wamytan blockaded the site, a mining company to pull out of the New Caledonian employee was shot by a sniper, and cabinet because the rpcr was failing electric power was sabotaged, in what to share power as the Noumea Accord Les Nouvelles-Calédoniennes called a prescribed (pir, 1 Oct 1999), and a “tribal war” (NC, 8 Sep, 20 Aug 1999). threat from Lafleur to resign from In response, nickel truckers protested Chirac’s metropolitan Rassemblement with sixty-three vehicles in Noumea’s pour la République if the Caledonian streets, on the same day that Noumea electoral rolls were frozen. Lafleur firemen demanded pay equal to that told the press, “The Noumea Accord, of their counterparts in France (NC, that’s me” (NC, 7, 21 Oct 1999), thus 11 Oct 1999). Meanwhile, a two- paraphrasing the famous seventeenth month strike paralyzed the domestic century claim by King Louis XIV of airport at Magenta, because the pro- France that he was the state. After flnks Union Syndicaliste des Travail- lobbying by both sides, the Senate leurs Kanak et Exploités (ustke) passed the bill, defining New Cale- objected to the hiring of a nonindige- donian citizens as having resided in nous worker when young Caledo- the country for ten years before 1998, nians who had been trained were and Chirac called for the full French unable to find jobs (NC, 10 June, 2 Congress to convene in January 2000 Aug 1999). to give its combined approval to the A broader pattern of strike actions measure (NC, 13, 27 Oct 1999). against Lafleur’s financial empire took Even more dramatic than the May on even more obvious political over- and October politicking was ongoing tones. In June, the powerful Union political reviews • melanesia 519

Syndicaliste des Ouvriers et Employés employees and that other jobs be de la Nouvelle-Calédonie (usoenc), found for them. Lafleur commented, began a three-month campaign against “I’m tired. My fighting spirit is intact, three companies owned by Lafleur’s but I’m 66. And I’d like to have time family—Cellocal, Sotrapa, and Sofra- to play the piano, paint, visit Central plast, manufacturers of packaging and Europe. . . . Already, I don’t chair the toilet products—because thirty-six Southern Province’s sessions any more, employees had been fired. As strikers and I’m tired of the National Assem- blockaded the companies and even bly meetings in Paris.” He named Lafleur’s political headquarters, occu- Frogier as his preferred successor (NC, pied buildings, and chained them shut, 30, 31 Aug 1999). Then a strike led Tontouta airport and the port also by ustke at Radio France Overseas suffered blockades, and anyone who antagonized not only the rpcr and tried to cross the barriers was roughed the French state but also usoenc. up. Within a month, usoenc, ustke After initial protests in September, and two other unions organized a ustke shut down the radio station general strike, and perhaps eight for a week in October, because three thousand protesters marched through Kanak employees had been suspended Noumea to present a petition to the for trying to prevent a conservative High Commission and the Employers’ businessman from expressing his views Federation, asking for more recogni- on a live talk show, thereby raising tion and representation, as well as an a number of difficult issues. When increase in the minimum wage to the Radio France Overseas rebroadcast equivalent of us$1,000 per month. the show, but also agreed to suspend Lèques, Frogier, and Lafleur all its disciplinary actions pending a court accused the unions of playing politics, ruling and to encourage the promo- and their leaders obliged by calling tion of Kanak workers at the rfo, the general strike “historic.” Didier both Lèques and usoenc objected Guénan of the usoenc told his peo- strongly over the issue of freedom ple, “You have proved that in this of speech and equal treatment for country there are free men and all races. usoenc closed down the women. New Caledonia will never station itself to show disapproval develop if workers don’t have their (NC, 27 Sep, 5–22 Oct 1999). In say” (NC, 9 July, 26 Aug, 8 Oct 1999; addition, tourism declined because ran, 11 June 1999). of the strikes (NC, 8 Dec 1999). After a court ordered that the pro- The latter part of the year saw testers be removed, Lafleur climbed planning to implement the transfer of the barricade outside Cellocal, shout- power from Paris to the territory, ing “I’m President of this Province. including primary education, labor This is like living under a totalitarian relations, external trade, and mining regime!” Guénan replied, “Look who’s (NC, 20 Aug 1999), but the cost of talking” (NC, 23 July 1999). In late such devolution to local agencies August, a government-company-union meant that revenues had to be settlement mandated that us$300,000 increased. In December, the Congress be paid to the thirty-six dismissed reinstated a defunct general tax on 520 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 services of 4 percent, as well as a gen- the Noumea Museum (NC, 7 June eral tax on imports (NC, 8 Dec 1999). 1999; pir, 12 Nov 1999). Some con- Economic indicators remained fairly troversy arose over whether to rename robust despite all the industrial Possession Day, celebrated every 24 actions: an increasing money supply September to commemorate the first yet low inflation (pir, 13 Jan 1999; landing by the French and their claim NC, 31 Aug 1999), optimism by for- of annexation in 1853. Moderate eign investors due to the Noumea Kanak on the new Citizenship Com- Accord, the recovering nickel market, mission wanted it called Citizenship and the prospect that the world’s Day, but the local Council on Indige- largest deposit of natural gas may lie nous Peoples opposed the change, as in local waters (pir, 29 June 1999, a reminder to everyone of the colonial bh 1999; ran, 10 Nov 1999). Mean- legacy (NC, 21 Sep, 1 Oct 1999). while, the new sixteen-member Senate david a chappell of traditional chiefs began its task of articulating and safeguarding Kanak identity, including land settlements References (NC, 30 Aug 1999), and the Congress abc, Australian Broadcasting Corpora- passed its first “law of the country,” tion. aimed at reducing health costs (NC, 20 Oct 1999). bh, Bank of Hawaii. 1999. Economic There were some encouraging signs Report on New Caledonia. June. of national reconciliation and local Garrigue-Guyonnaud, Pierre. 1999. Uni- autonomy in 1999. The French Uni- versity of Hawai‘i Center for Pacific versity, for example, separated from Islands Studies seminar, 13 September. its parent in Tahiti and entered into Maclellan, Nic. 1999. The Noumea cooperative arrangements with uni- Accord and Decolonisation in New Cale- versities in Fiji and Australia (ran, 9 donia. Political Chronicles. Journal of Feb 1999); tales from Wallis and Pacific History 34 (3): 245–252. Futuna, whose migrants make up NC, Les Nouvelles-Calédoniennes. almost 10 percent of the local popula- Noumea. Daily. tion now, were featured along with pir, Pacific Islands Report. http://pidp. Kanak storytellers at the Jean-Marie ewc.hawaii.edu/PIReport/ Tjibaou Cultural Center (pir, 19 Aug 1999); and a multiracial Green Party ran, Radio Australia News, Pacific Beat. formed to address growing environ- mental issues in New Caledonia, such as strip-mining (pir, 2 Feb 1999). In addition, the names of Kanak soldiers who fought for France in the world wars will be added to those of Euro- pean residents on the War Memorial monument in central Noumea, and letters from World War I soldiers (half of whom were Kanak) were shown at 520 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000

Vanuatu 1999 has seen the consolidation of political events in Vanuatu from the mid-nineties onward. It began with sadness for Vanuatu with the death of Father Walter Lini in February. He had suffered a stroke in 1987, but had political reviews • melanesia 521 remained active in politics, and at the ment with the National United Party. time of his death was the leader of the Since 1991 the political situation opposition. In order to understand has remained fluid, with politicians Vanuatu’s current political situation switching allegiances between parties some awareness of the historical polit- fairly freely, to the detriment of gover- ical alliances within Vanuatu is neces- nance. The only significant changes sary. It is therefore appropriate to to the political parties since 1991 are begin a consideration of 1999’s politi- Korman’s formation of the Vanuatu cal situation with a brief review of Republican Party (vrp) in 1998 after Lini’s role in politics from the found- rivalry between Korman and Serge ing of Vanuatu. Vohor, the leader of the Union of Lini had been instrumental in Van- Moderate Parties, and the presence of uatu’s struggle for independence, and, members of Parliament drawing sup- as leader of the Vanua‘aku Party (vp) port from the Tanna-based John Frum had headed a stable government until movement. 1987. The party’s major opposition The appointment of Vanuatu’s first came from the Union of Moderate ombudsman, Marie-Noelle Ferrieux- Parties (ump) which was formed by Patterson, in 1994 resulted in the the union of several small franco- exposure of a number of scandals phone parties. These parties were involving prominent politicians. As a largely distinguished by their support result of these reports attacks on the bases, with the Vanua‘aku Party position of ombudsman increased, attracting anglophone and the Union with the Council of Ministers attempt- of Moderate Parties francophone vot- ing to terminate her employment in ers. This francophone-anglophone 1997. Although that move was unsuc- divide continues to be a presence in cessful, after some legal scuffling the Vanuatu’s politics. After Lini’s stroke Ombudsman’s Act was repealed. A in 1987 his leadership began to be new Ombudsman Act (no 27 of 1998) challenged by Barak Sope, whose was passed in 1998, alongside a Lead- challenges to vp policy led to his dis- ership Code Act (no 2 of 1998). These missal from the cabinet. In late 1988 new pieces of legislation can be used Sope broke from the Vanua‘aku Party effectively to ensure transparent and and formed the Melanesian Progres- accountable governance but have yet sive Party (mpp). Instability and dis- to be fully tested. In the middle of satisfaction in the vp ranks continued 1999 Ferrieux-Patterson came to the to grow and in 1991, following a vote end of her term as ombudsman and of no confidence, Donald Kalpokas was replaced by Hannington Alatoa. replaced Lini as prime minister and Since that time the office has been leader of the Vanua‘aku Party. As a maintaining a lower profile, while the result Lini formed the National United new ombudsman adjusts to his job. Party (nup). In the elections of 1991 The wrangle over the ombudsman the Union of Moderate Parties, headed helped to increase dissatisfaction in by Maxime Karlot Korman, narrowly the government, and in early 1998, defeated the Vanua‘aku Party and following an ombudsman’s report quickly formed a coalition govern- detailing improper management 522 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 within the Vanuatu National Provi- encouraging private-sector-led growth, dent Fund, rioting occurred. This and improving equity between sec- resulted in a state of emergency being tions of the population. The reform declared. Money that was paid out of program is largely being funded by the Provident Fund after this incident concessionary loans from the Asian led to increased liquidity in the econ- Development Bank. omy. As a result a 20 percent devalua- In accordance with this reform tion of the vatu was announced by program various pieces of legislation the Reserve Bank. Although this were passed in 1998. Acts to increase devaluation was immediately revoked, efficiency and accountability in the the resultant instability deterred for- public sector included the aforemen- eign investors. It also had a significant tioned Leadership Code Act. Acts that detrimental impact on tourism, which were passed in order to ensure effec- is a major area of economic activity tive financial management and respon- for Vanuatu. sibility, in both national and local gov- In this very unstable atmosphere, ernments, include the Expenditure the elections were held in March Review and Audit Act (no 3 of 1998), 1998. No party gained a clear major- the Public Finance and Economic ity, and eventually the Vanua‘aku Management Act (no 6 of 1998), and Party, headed by Donald Kalpokas, the Government Contracts and Ten- and the National United Party, headed ders Act (no 10 of 1998). The gov- by Walter Lini, entered a coalition to ernment also underwent major form a government with Kalpokas as restructuring in accordance with the prime minister and Lini as deputy. Government Act (no 5 of 1998). Nine This coalition was stable until Octo- ministries were created, each with ber 1998, when the National United responsibility over a number of Party was sacked from the coalition departments. This replaced a previous after alleged breaches of the coalition structure of almost thirty ministries, agreement. The Vanua‘aku Party each with smaller responsibility. Each immediately entered into a coalition ministry is managed by a director with breakaway members from the general, who has a managerial rather Union of Moderate Parties and two than a political role. The number and John Frum members of Parliament. role of political advisors has also been The year 1999 saw the continua- reduced. crp also aimed to right-size tion of a Kalpokas government, and the public sector by 10–15 percent, continuation of policies that were and by the end of 1998 one hundred committed to the furtherance of the and sixty-eight government employees Comprehensive Reform Programme had received redundancy notices (crp). This program, endorsed by (QER, Dec 1998). A Transition Unit, the National Summit in June 1997, which aimed to support those receiv- is similar to many other structural ing redundancy notices and provide adjustment programs in the Pacific retraining, was established and came Islands region. Its features include to an end in 1999. redefining the public sector and mak- The most significant act to encour- ing it more efficient and accountable, age private sector growth was the political reviews • melanesia 523

Foreign Investment Act (no 15 of However, by the end of 1999 sup- 1998), which established the Foreign port for the Kalpokas government Investment Board, whose purpose is dwindled. In August four by-elections “to receive assess and approve project changed the balance of power. The proposals from foreign investors. This opposition, led by Mokin Stevens, will be organised purely at a technical began expressing concern with the level to fast track applications of for- Kalpokas government, largely because eign investors” (QER, Sept 1998). It it was “listening too much to foreign is made up of various government advisors” (pir, 29 Nov 1999). On 25 departments responsible for process- November Kalpokas resigned in order ing applications relating to foreign to avoid a vote of no-confidence. investment, and is essentially a “one- Barak Sope, leader of the Melanesian stop shop” for foreign investors to Progressive Party, was elected prime deal with. The taxation regime was minister and immediately announced also altered, with a value-added tax a government composed of his party, being introduced to Vanuatu. The the National United Party, the Union Value Added Tax Act (no 12 of 1998) of Moderate Parties, the Vanuatu introduced a tax of 12.5 percent on Republican Party, and the John Frum most goods and services and became ministers. The new cabinet includes effective from 1 August 1998. Most former prime ministers Serge Vohor import tariffs were reduced as a result and Maxime Carlot Korman, whose of the new value-added tax. bitter rivalry within the Union of While the Kalpokas government Moderate Parties in 1997 led to Kor- remained in power in 1999, the politi- man forming his own party in 1998 cal front remained steadily committed (pir, 30 Nov 1999). to the crp. The bulk of the political Preelection and immediate post- change instituted by Kalpokas’ gov- election comments about there being ernment was implemented in 1998, too many foreign advisors in Vanu- making 1999 seem quiet. Taxation atu, and questions about the value- revenue fell by 7.3 percent in the first added-tax scheme raised some doubt quarter of 1999 because of the intro- as to the future of the reform pro- duction of the value-added-tax system gram. In early December a petition and the reduction of import taxes, calling for the government to get rid and continued to be lower than pro- of the reform project, which had jected throughout the year (QER, gathered six thousand signatures, was March, June 1999). The revenue from presented to Parliament. The immedi- overseas grants was also significantly ate response by Sato Kilman, minister lower than had been projected. The in charge of the Comprehensive laws encouraging the private sector Reform Programme, was that the also seemed to affect the economy, petition was “an insult and an embar- with the level of foreign investment rassment, as the present Government being satisfactory in the first half of is committed to reforming this coun- 1999, sustaining levels of over 800 try” (TP, 8 Dec 1999). Reducing the million vatu each quarter (QER, June value-added tax to around 6–8 per- 1999). cent and reintroducing a turnover tax 524 the contemporary pacific • fall 2000 remains a policy, however (TP, 1 Dec been reported in the media as trying 1999). to rally support for a no-confidence Of further concern were statements vote against the current prime minis- made by Sope and directed at opposi- ter. As yet it is too early to see what tion leaders, journalists, and the pub- effect the change in government will lic that conspiracy and treason are have on the economy, and whether criminal offenses carrying a life sen- this spells the beginning of another tence (TP, 15 Dec 1999). Although unstable time in Vanuatu’s politics. Sope’s comments are not legally cor- anita jowitt rect, there is some concern about whether freedom of speech will be interfered with by the current gov- References ernment. pir, Pacific Islands Report Although the government appears http://pidp.ewc.hawaii.edu/PIReport/ to be stable at the moment, with a number of potentially volatile politi- QER, Quarterly Economic Review. Port cians in the cabinet, it remains to be Vila: Reserve Bank of Vanuatu. seen how long this situation will last. TP, The Trading Post. Port Vila news- The ousted Vanua‘aku Party has also paper. Two issues per week.