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LESSONS IN NATION-BUILDING: REFRAMING A FRACTURED NATION A Study of Nation-building in Fiji CHRISTOPHER BEN MUDALIAR Thesis presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities Swinburne University of Technology September 2020 i Declaration I declare that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgment any material previously submitted for a degree in any university or another educational institution and that to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. ii ABSTRACT This thesis examines how government-led nation-building is taking place in the Bainimarama era in Fiji. It first examines the role that colonial state-building played in the development of a national consciousness in Fiji. It is argued that competing colonial discourses contributed to the formation of two alternative ‘nations-of-intent’ (Shamsul 1996). Conflict between an ethnic communal nation-of-intent – which views the nation as made up of different communal groups – and a civic egalitarian nation-of-intent that believes the nation should be founded on principles of equality, have posed significant challenges to nation-building since independence. This is because the state has historically supported an ethnic-communal nation-of-intent both prior to independence and in all post-independence constitutions until 2013. Ongoing conflict between these two nations-of-intent was evident throughout the ‘coup period’ starting with Rabuka in 1987, which drew on ethno-nationalist ideas to promote a climate of political instability, based on fears of an Indo-Fijian ‘take over’. Rabuka pushed an extreme version of the communalised nation-of-intent by appealing to beliefs that indigenous Fijian ‘paramountcy’ – a principle that indigenous Fijians should remain privileged over other ethnic groups – was the only legitimate political option for Fiji. This nation-of-intent was again drawn upon during George Speight’s coup in 2000 after the election of an Indo- Fijian prime minister. In 2006, however, another coup carried out by indigenous Fijian Commodore Frank Bainimarama broke with these historical trends by conducting a coup devoid of ethno-nationalist intent which instead emphasised a form of civic nationalism. From 2006 Bainimarama conducted an authoritarian nation-building program, which included the removal of the Great Council of Chiefs, state media censorship, the introduction of ‘iTaukei’ as a marker for indigenous Fijians, the installation of a new constitution in 2013 and new electoral laws, and the naming of all citizens as ‘Fijian’. An election in 2014 returned Bainimarama’s new FijiFirst party with a large majority, allowing him to continue his nation-building program through various education and language initiatives, attempting to redesign the national flag, forcing land lease income to be equally distributed, and increasing state infrastructure projects. Bainimarama’s current nation-building program raises issues that have historically spawned political instability, as it continues to challenge ideas of indigenous paramountcy. However, Bainimarama’s re-election in 2018 suggests his nation-building program is widely supported. This thesis critically examines Bainimarama’s nation-building program during both his authoritarian rule and democratic return. This examination draws upon both qualitative and quantitative methods, commencing with an interpretative analysis of nation-building discourses evident in official documents, press releases, policies, and select interviews of key figures. This is augmented by a substantial survey of Fijian tertiary students (n=323) attitudes towards national identity carried out by the author in 2016, which provides a snapshot of educated young Fijians who experienced democracy for the first time in 2014. iii It is argued that colonial state-building accelerated the development of national consciousness in Fiji through practices of indirect rule of indigenous Fijians and direct rule of Indo-Fijians. These two forms of rule created different expectations of the state, and contributed to the formation of two separate Fijian nations-of-intent. It is contended that the Fijian state has traditionally supported a communalised nation-of-intent, while Bainimarama’s nation- building program represents the first real push for a hegemonic civic egalitarian nation-of- intent within Fiji. Some evidence of the rapid advance of this model is found tertiary student attitudinal data, with respondents preferring ‘civic’ traits over ethnic ones when asked about national identity criteria. The success of FijiFirst in the 2018 election suggests that Bainimarama’s nation-building program has been successful in displacing a communalised nation-of-intent in favour of a civic nation-of-intent. iv Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Professor Michael Leach who not only guided me throughout my PhD, but from the outset of my journey into tertiary study. His patience and continuous support of my academic passage has contributed to both the person I am today, and provided motivation for the person I hope to become. I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Christine Agius for her supervision and insightful comments which encouraged me to both widen my PhD study and contribute to related research. Besides my supervisors, I would like to thank my thesis committee, Professor Robbie Robertson, Doctor Damon Alexander, and Associate Professor Lorenzo Veracini whose mentorship gave me the confidence to pursue my ideas. My sincere thanks also goes to staff at the University of the South Pacific and Fiji National University who gracefully accommodated my visits to their campuses. Last but not least my family, who gave me the confidence to aspire to greater things and supported me along the way through their sacrifices. To my fiancé for her unwavering support throughout this process, without which this would not have been possible. I dedicate this thesis to my family in Labasa and Suva, as well as my Aunty who sadly passed away during the course of my candidature. Your support and hospitality was invaluable to the publication of this thesis. Vinaka Vaka Levu v TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ........................................................................................................................................... ii ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...................................................................................................................... v TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................................... vi LIST OF TABLES /GRAPHS ............................................................................................................. viii ABREVIATIONS ......................................................................................................................................... ix PRELUDE: WHEN IS A NATION? ..................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 4 1. Background .................................................................................................................................... 7 2. Methods ......................................................................................................................................... 15 3. Significance .................................................................................................................................. 16 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW / THEORETICAL APPROACH ............. 17 1. Understanding Nationalism ..................................................................................................... 17 1a. Bi-cultural……………………………………………………………………………..23 1b. Nation-of-intent…………………………………………………………..24 2. Melanesian Literature ................................................................................................................ 26 3. Fijian Literature .......................................................................................................................... 28 3a. Fijian National Identity……………………………………………………31 4. Theoretical Approach ................................................................................................................ 34 CHAPTER THREE: STATE FORMATION ................................................................................. 36 1. Pre-colonial Societies ................................................................................................................36 1a. Chiefdoms ..................................................................................................................... 39 3. Cession .......................................................................................................................................... 41 4. Indirect rule & State-building: Indigenous Fijians ............................................................ 42 5. Direct Rule & State-building: Indian Plight ....................................................................... 63 6. Indirect Meets Direct ................................................................................................................
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