Preverbs and Particles in Algonquian
DAVID H. PENTLAND University of Manitoba
In his comparative Algonquian sketch, Bloomfield (1946) distinguished three classes of words: nouns, verbs, and particles. Within the particle category he further distinguished pronouns (subdivided into personal pro nouns, demonstratives, indefinite pronouns, and interrogative pronouns), preverbs (defined as particles which freely precede verb stems, including some particles which never occur anywhere else), and prenouns (particles which similarly appear before nouns). Other scholars have found it useful to set up separate word classes of pronouns and numerals (e.g., Goddard & Bragdon 1988, Nichols & Nyholm 1995), and nowadays most Algonquianists treat preverbs and their kin as a separate category, rather than as a sub-class of particles. Beyond this there is little agreement. For example, in his sketch of Malecite-Passamaquoddy, Teeter (1971:203) divided the words we are concerned with into the categories prenoun, preverb and adverb - the last roughly equivalent to Bloom- field's particle. LeSourd (1993:8) more closely followed Bloomfield in stating that there are only three parts of speech, noun, verb and particle, but went on to note that there are also "loosely joined modifiers known as preverbs and prenouns" (LeSourd 1993:16) which may precede verb stems and noun stems, though he does not seem to have defined "modifier" in rela tion to the parts of speech. Leavitt (1985) introduced a distinction between "separate" preverbs and "attached" preverbs. However, in practice his "separate" preverbs include not only what others call preverbs, but also initial elements (i.e., "attached preverbs") which happen to be followed by an HI in derivation. In this treatment, the important distinction between initials (roots and longer strings which may begin a word) and non-initials (medial and final elements which can never occur at the left edge of a word) has been lost. In his Ojibwa dictionary, Rhodes classified his entries into nouns, verbs, adverbs, numbers, particles, pre-nouns, and pre-verbs. He noted
Papers of the 36th Algonquian Conference, ed. H.C. Wolfart (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 2005), pp. 323-338. 324 DAVID H. PENTLAND that "all forms which do not readily fit in one of the other classes are treated as particles" (Rhodes 1985a:xv). Rhodes eliminated Bloomfield's pronoun category, correctly identifying the Ojibwa members of this class as nouns. However, as with Teeter's Malecite-Passamaquoddy classifica tion, I think all his adverbs could be labelled particle without any loss of precision; the Nichols & Nyholm dictionary (1995) adopts this solution. Furthermore, the items Rhodes identified as pre-nouns and pre-verbs have a wider distribution than the terms imply: mno 'good' is labelled a pre-verb, but it also occurs before an "adverb" in mno-mnik 'quite enough' and (in other Ojibwa dialects, at least) it can occur before various nouns; de 'enough' is listed as both a pre-noun and a pre-verb, but the only "pre-noun" example cited is the "adverb" de-mno-mnik 'that's enough'. Valentine (2001:101) listed the Ojibwa parts of speech as nouns, pronouns, verbs, adverbs, numbers, particles, prenouns and preverbs. He later added a category "pre-adverb" to account for forms like mno-mnik (cf. above), but did not mention the "pre-pronoun" ge, as in ge-niin 'me too; I, however'. In Nichols & Nyholm (1995) all the prefixed elements are called pre verbs, subdivided into four position classes. A new category, defined as "a lexical prefix forming a particle from a noun stem," is given the label prenoun; I think the class-shifting properties of this category are overesti mated, and would prefer to reclassify them all as preverbs. Twenty-five years ago, I suggested that the term preverb be used for all the elements that can be loosely attached before a pre-existing full word - not only Bloomfield's prenouns and preverbs, but also the less frequent pre-particles (Valentine's "pre-adverbs") and pre-pronouns\ unfortunately, I buried this suggestion in a footnote in my dissertation (Pentland 1979:46), so it had little impact. As far as I can tell, the only restrictions governing the occurrence of preverbs are semantic: the pre verb meaning 'good' (Ojibwa mino, from Proto-Algonquian *melwi) can occur before a verb (as in mino-ayaa 'he is good, well, content' and mino-waawiinjigaazo 'he has a good name, is well spoken of), a noun (such as mino-ayaawin 'good health, contentment'1 and mino-manidoo 'good spirit, the Holy Spirit'), or a particle, as in Rhodes's example mno-mnik 'quite enough'. I therefore proposed the consistent use of the term preverb in its etymological sense of "something that occurs before PREVERBS AND PARTICLES IN ALGONQUIAN 325 another word," without any limitations at all on what class the following word should be. Like so many other terms traditionally used in Algonquian linguis tics, preverb was firstuse d to label a feature of Indo-European languages. In Indo-European, however, the term refers only to forms used as verb prefixes as well as prepositions (or postpositions) or adverbs, e.g., Latin trans 'across' in Rhenum transire 'to cross the Rhine' beside trans Rhenum ire (Baldi 1999:88-89). Unlike Algonquian preverbs, their Indo- European counterparts are generally limited to forms with spatio-tempo ral meanings, and are perhaps better called "locative auxiliaries" (Friedrich 1976:468-469). When I suggested that the term preverb be used to cover a much broader range of items, however, I was not aware that I had lumped two distinct kinds of elements into the one category. Bloomfield (1946:103) had mentioned that some of his preverbs never occur except before a verb stem; he also noted that most preverbs end in the particle suffix *-i - but did not specify that these two observations refer to different sets of words. Only the forms which never occur anywhere else - Bloomfield's "parti cles [which] occur only as prior members" - were original members of the preverb category. At the 24th Algonquian Conference (October 1992), Ives Goddard gave an impromptu presentation during a coffee break in which he explained how preverbs of this kind were formed in Proto-Algonquian: a final obstruent consonant was replaced by *h, while a final sonorant con sonant was lost without a trace, as shown in (1) and (2).
(1) Roots ending in an obstruent: (la) *ki-s- 'finish' -> *kvh past tense (> Cree ki, East Cree ci, Ojibwa gii('), Potawatomi gi, Fox kvh, Arapaho-Atsina nih, Cheyenne n§h) (lb) *ke-kya-t- 'nearly, almost' -» *ke-kya~h (> Cree keka, Ojibwa gegaa [particle], Malecite-Passamaquoddy keka [particle], Penobscot keka) (lc) *pye-t- 'hither' -> *pye-h (> Creepe, Ojibwa bi, Potawatomi bye, Fox pye- (?).2
1. In some ways, it would be preferable to analyze mino-ayaawin as [[mino- ayaa]vwin]N, with mino still functioning as a modifier of the underlying verb rather than a "prenoun"; the approach taken here deals only with the surface morphosyntax and ignores some very challenging semantic problems. 326 DAVID H. PENTLAND
(Id) *te-p- 'reach all the way, suffice, enough' -> *te'h (> Ojibwa de, Shawnee teh [cf. Costa 2002:153-155]) (2) Roots ending in a sonorant: (2a) *ki'w- 'around, about' -> *kr, changed *ka- (> Cree-Montagnais kd, Ojibwa gaa, Fox ki', Cheyenne e) (2b) *kataw- 'want to, intend' -> *kata future tense (> Cree (ka)ta, Ojibwa (ga)da, Illinois kata [particle], Arapaho he't [with initial change], Massachusett kat, Munsee kata) (2c) *pwa-w- 'fail, be unable' -> *pwa' (> Ojibwa bwaa, Potawatomi bwa, Menomini/?«a? [final -? unexplained], Shawnee pwa') (2d) *aOem- 'away from speaker' -> *a&e 'going away, on the way, in progress' (> Cree ati, Ojibwa ani, Shawnee hale, Munsee aid) (2e) *(en)ta0- 'there, at that place' -> *ta (> Shawnee tah [-h unexplained], Munsee tnta [with initial change], Unami enta) The key examples are the preverbs formed from *ki-s- 'finish', which ends in the obstruent *s, and *ki-w- 'around', which ends in the sonorant *w (cf. Clarke, MacKenzie & James 1993:32« and Goddard 1993:224«). The Fox reflexes are clearly distinct, and in Southwestern Ojibwa although both preverbs have the changed form gaa, the past tense preverb makes a following obstruent tense, whereas the relative marker, derived from *ki-w-, does not; in Rainy River Ojibwa, according to Alana Johns (1983), the past tense morpheme ends in a glottal stop, as shown in (3). (3) Rainy River Ojibwa (3a) inini gaa'- nagamod man PAST.IC sing.CJ.3 'a man who was singing'
2. The short vowel of Ojibwa bi has no obvious explanation. In western dialects the changed form is ba (Nichols & Nyholm 1995:20, Dumouchel & Brachet 1942:46); Mal- one (1999) incorrectly phonemicizes William Jones's
(3b) mini gaa- nagamod man REL sing.CJ.3 'the man who is singing'
Goddard's rule accounts for a number of preverbs, but not all of them.3 As might be expected, initials that end in a long vowel form homophonous preverbs:
(4) Roots ending in a vowel: (4a) *kapew- 'for the duration of, across (time or space)' —> *kape- (> Cree kape, Ojibwa gabe, Potawatomi gbe) (4b) *ke-hte-- 'old' —» *ke'hte- (> Cree kehte, Ojibwa gete, Arapaho he'te-, Penobscot kehte) (4c) *memkwa'- 'in the midst of —> *me%kwa- 'while, during' (> Cree- Montagnais mekwd, Ojibwa megwaa [particle], Potawatomi megwa 'still' [particle], Menomini mS'k) It is more difficult to write a formal rule to account for initials that end in two or more consonants. The traditional Algonquianist term "con sonant cluster" refers only to combinations of two [+consonantal] seg ments, thus excluding combinations of a (single) consonant followed by a semivowel. However, some roots (such as *melw- 'good') end in such combinations, and others end in a true consonant cluster, or a consonant cluster followed by a semivowel. The only combinations so far attested consist either of two obstruents or a sonorant (nasal) plus an obstruent; the corresponding preverbs probably always end in h, as shown in (5) and (6).
(5) Roots ending in two obstruents: (5a) *axpr?t- 'meanwhile; in a while' —> *axprh 'when, at that time' (> Cree ispi, Ojibwa apii, Potawatomi/?/, Menomini ehpeh 'at that distance, at that time') (5b) *me-?t- 'completely, to exhaustion' -> *me'h '(not) finished, (not) yet' (> Fox me'hi, Kickapoo meehi, Shawnee meh)
3. Goddard correctly predicts a reflex of final *h in some preverbs, and the frequent lack of a reflex in most of the daughter languages can probably be handled on a case-by- case basis. However, the rule does not account for -/; in Shawnee tah < *(en)ta (2e) and pah < *papa- (9b), nor for the glottal stop of Menomini pua? (2c). 328 DAVID H. PENTLAND
(6) Roots ending in nasal + obstruent: (6a) *went- 'from there, thence, therefore' -> *weh (> Cree 6 [vowel length generalized from prefixed no, nito ?], Old Montagnais we [postclitic particle, with initial change], Menominiyo-h [with prefix neto'h, with initial change wS'h]) (6b) *wvnk- 'pleasing' —» *wi'h 'wish, will' (> Cree-Montagnais wi, Ojibwa wii('), Potawatomi wi, Fox-Sauk wi'h, Kickapoo (w)iih, Shawnee wih)
In Rainy River Ojibwa, the desiderative future preverb w/z" ends in a glottal stop, as expected; the Fox cognate wi-h similarly ends in h. Ety mology is not always a sure guide, however: the other Ojibwa future pre verb, ga (< Proto-Algonquian *kah, derived from *kat(a)w- 'desire, want to, intend'), does not end in a glottal stop, and neither do any other Ojibwa preverbs which derive from initials ending in an obstruent. The future marker presents further surprises. Usually, a preverb can occur before any verb stem under appropriate semantic conditions. In Cree and Ojibwa, however, the future-tense marker has morphologically conditioned allomorphs, as shown in (7).
(7) Morphological conditioning: Cree Ojibwa with prefix nika ninga with initial change ke ge elsewhere kata/kita, ta, (ki)ci gada/gida, da, (gi)ji Rhodes (1985/3) showed that the allomorphy reflects the alternating stress of Proto-Algonquian, and was therefore originally a case of phonological conditioning. In some Ojibwa dialects there are still phonologically con ditioned alternants, with ga before a consonant, but gad before a vowel (and changed ge, ged with the same distribution). In Nipissing Ojibwa, another preverb shows similar conditioning: according to Cuoq (1886:112), the complementizer z becomes izh before a vowel. (8) Phonological conditioning:
(8a) Ojibwa ningad-izhaa T will go', ninga-bi-izhaa T will come' changed ged-izhaayaan, ge-bi-izhaayaan (8b) Nipissing Ojibwa i-nigamoj maajii 'he goes off singing', izh-izhaaj ayami'e 'he prays as he goes'
In Old Montagnais the complementizer e may have alternated with is under similar conditions: Fabvre (1970:69) has an untranslated entry PREVERBS AND PARTICLES IN ALGONQUIAN 329
"Hech ante vocali. He esonte" (sc. "Hech ante vocale(m), He [ante] c(on)son(an)te(m)"), followed by three examples of is before a vowel, e.g.,
(9) Lexical preverbs: (9a) *nehta-w- 'be good at, accustomed to' -> *nehta- (> Cree nihtd, Ojibwa nitaa, Munsee nihta') (9b) *papa-m- 'around, about' (redup. of *pem- 'along') -» *papa- (> Cree papa, Ojibwa babaa, Potawatomi bba, Shawnee pah "andative" [with initial change pe-pah; -h unexplained], Munsee papa')
4. Obviously, I reject the claim by Siebert (1985) that *papa'm- is not related to *pem-; this type of archaic reduplication is far more common than he admits (cf. *kaka'nw- < *kenw- 'long', *mama'nk- < *mank- '(severally) big', *wawe'l- < *wel- '(properly) arranged', etc.), and can co-occur with other kinds of reduplication. 330 DAVID H. PENTLAND
(9c) *kakwe-t- (redup. of *kwet- 'try to') -> *kakwe- (> Cree kakwe, Ojibwa gagwe) (9d) *wesa-m- 'in excess, too much' -» *we«r (> Cree wesa [particle, with initial change], Montagnais usd, changed wesd, Munsee wscr)
However, some of the commonest roots do not form a true preverb - roots such as *melw- 'good' and *mat- 'bad', and some which might reason ably have been grammaticized, such as *ma-t- 'start, move, begin' and *po-n- 'cease, stop, quit'. A potential explanation for some of the gaps is that most Algonquian roots are monosyllables, and Goddard's rule of pre verb formation would create many embarrassing homonyms: for example, *mat- 'bad' and *mank- '(severally) big' would both yield **mah, hom onymous with the particle meaning 'here it is'. This may be why there are preverbs from some reduplicated initials (such as *papa-m- 'around' and *kakwe-t- 'try') although not from their unreduplicated counterparts. Other gaps are less easily explained. Cree-Montagnais ndpi and Ojibwa naabe 'male' are regularly formed preverbs from the noun stem *na-pe-w- 'man', but Cree-Montagnais lacks a cognate of the Ojibwa pre verb ikwe 'female', which is formed in the same fashion from the noun stem *eOkwe-w- 'woman'.5 Proto-Algonquian *nekweh, the preverb form of *nekwet- 'one', is reflected only by Ojibwa ningo and Potawatomi ngo, used in certain fixedexpression s (e.g., Ojibwa ningo-diba 'igan 'one hour, one mile'), and *nye- 'four' (from *nye-w-) is attested only in Cree ne-mitanaw and Ojibwa nii-midana 'forty'; surprisingly, none of the other numerals have a preverb form. It seems that early in the history of the Algonquian languages some free-standing particles began to function like real preverbs, and, as time went on, more and more particles were permitted to play the same role. Given what is known about Algonquian word order, it is not very surpris ing that this should have happened: various particles can be used as post positions, and the locative phrase would normally occur before the verb; if the verb does not have a prefix or initial change, there is no obvious cue to show where the verb complex begins, so a preceding element could easily be reinterpreted as being verb-initial, as shown in (10).
5. Since Ojibwa regularly loses final *w plus a short vowel, ikwe might be the noun stem (matching Cree-Montagnais iskwew) rather than a true preverb. In this case the lack of parallelism between 'male' and 'female' would be even greater PREVERBS AND PARTICLES IN ALGONQUIAN 331
(10a) Cree: [otendhk isi] pimohtew => otendhk isi-pimohtew [town.LOC =to] he.is.walking (10b) hence *[6tendhk isi] nipimohtdn => otendhk nitisi-pimohtdn [town.LOC =to] I'm.walking
Many other particles have adverbial meanings, and since they, too, gener ally precede the verb, they are liable to be reinterpreted in a similar fash ion. In such cases, the daughter languages often do not agree on whether a particular particle is free-standing or used as a preverb; sometimes dou blets still exist in a single language, as shown in (11).
(11a) Sauk: dhkowi newanihke ~ netdhkowi-wanihke T forget every time' (Whittaker 1996:7) (lib) Shawnee: hoOa'tni nilepwa ~ no'Ga'mi-lepwa T worry too much' (Voegelin 1938-40:345) Menomini, as usual, has developed somewhat differently. Although many preverbs derived from particles occur with verbs, only a handful occur before nouns, e.g., we-c 'fellow' and ke?c 'old' in ne-c-ks?c-ene-niw 'my fellow oldster'. Usually nouns form "loose compounds" with preced ing particles, e.g., oske-h- nema-hkesenan 'my new shoes' (contrast Ojibwa ndooshki-mkiznan, Rhodes 1985:339), and there is even one example combining both types, neta-nehkow- no-hsehseh 'my great grandchild', with first-person n(e)- prefixed to both members of the com pound (Bloomfield 1962:202, 213). Sometimes particles developed different meanings depending on whether they were used as free particles or as preverbs. In Western Abenaki, for instance, the reflex of *ki-si 'finish, bring to a conclusion' has split into two lexical items: as a free particle, kizi marks the perfec tive, but when it appears within the verb complex it means 'can', as shown in (12).7
6. I first presented this explanation of the development of preverbs from both locative and adverbial particles in a series of lectures at the University of Manitoba in February 1997. The derivation of some preverbs from postpositions was independently arrived at by Richard Rhodes, who presented his analysis at the Belcourt Lecture at the University of Manitoba in March 1998 (cf. Rhodes & Costa 2003:194-195). -I -I -) ^32 DA\TD H. PENTLAND
(12) Western Abenaki: (12a) n 'okaozemi=ji kizi - kizi=ji n 'okaozemi 'I shall have had a cow' (Laurent 1881:129; gloss sic)
(12b) odaaba k 'kizi-wijawiw 'you can't come with me' (Laurent 1881:94) As soon as this kind of reinterpretation occurred - and it was likely very early, before Proto-Algonquian had begun to break up into distinct dialect groups - the way was open for all sorts of lexical material to be inserted into the verb complex. For the most part, the additions are just additional particles, leading to the long lists of so-called "preverbs" in the modem languages. But the particles used as preverbs are still followed by a phonological word boundary' - in fact, Russell (1999) has argued that in Cree every preverb is followed by a full word boundary - and this has allowed other material to slip in. Truman Michelson (1913:473) firstdre w attention to this phenome non, when he remarked that in Fox, ... it seems that the very great firmness in the unit}' of the verbal com plex is only apparent, not real. All sorts of incorporation can and do occur, save the incorporation of the nominal object and subject in the transitive verb. He later called this "loose composition" (Michelson 1925:282). One of Michelson's examples, with a particle meaning 'and' and an indefinite pronoun inserted between two particles used as preverbs, is given (in modern orthography) in (13):
(13) Fox: e-= pwa-wi- =kemhi owiye-ha kaski- kanawici AOR not and anyone can speak.CJ.3 'then truly no one was able to say a word' (Michekon 1913:474) Michelson's exclusion of nominal subjects and objects was unwar ranted, since another of his examples is the sentence in (14), with the obviative plural subject of the transitive verb incorporated into the verb complex following the "real" preverb wi-h and the particle-preverb pwa-wi.
7. The Nipmuck cognate ki'si has a similar freedom of movement, but without the semantic split: it is a freeparticl e in
(14) Fox: wrh=pwa-wi- asa'hahi -kehke'nemekoci FUT not Sioux.3'p know.CJ.3'>3 'that she might not be found out by the Sioux' (Michelson 1913:474)
Dahlstrom (1995) discussed many additional Fox examples of this sort in her Belcourt Lecture, including the rather spectacular example in (15), in which the preverb string is interrupted by an emphatic enclitic and two indefinite pronouns (one analyzed as being in Focus position, the other an oblique), followed by a preverb with two-syllable reduplication.
(15) Fox: e-h= po'ni- =mekoho owiye'ha ke'ko'hi -isih-isi- kanawici AOR cease EMPH anyone any.way thus.thus speak.CJ.3 'everyone ceased speaking in any way' (Dahlstrom 1995:18)
In a later article, Dahlstrom (1996:50) noted that e-h and wi-h, two o Fox preverbs that preserve the final h, cannot be separated from what follows in the verb complex; a break can occur only after a particle being used as a preverb, or (in her analysis) an /z-final preverb cannot move to the left edge of the clause unless attached to another preverb. Presumably the reanalysis of some particles as preverbs led to their being perceived as a legitimate part of the verb complex, and the old-style preverbs merely took their usual place at the beginning of the verb. The fact that preverbs ending in -i can also be used as free particles, however, gives them an ability to move to the left that /z-final preverbs lack - though they can go along for the ride if their "host" moves. This cannot be the whole story, however, since some /z-fmal preverbs can be separated from the rest of the verb complex. Fox me-h(i) 'yet, before' is in origin the preverb derived from the root *me-?t- 'to exhaus tion', but most the examples cited by Goddard (1995:136-138) are fol lowed by enclitics, e.g.,
(16) Fox: me'h- =meko ='pi pe'hki- kakano'netvha'wa'kwe yet EMPH QUOT really converse.with.PRl.3p>3' 'before they had a good talk with her' (Goddard 1995:137)
8. Dahlstrom (1996) did not mention a third Fox preverb ending in h, the "completed action" marker ki'h; curiously, Bloomfield (1946:103) also omitted Fox kvh when he cited cognates of Proto-Algonquian *ki'h, though it was duly listed in his much earlier Fox lexicon (Goddard 1994:79). 334 DAVID H. PENTLAND
The Shawnee cognate of me-h(i) is illustrated in (17), where it follows another /z-fmal preverb: (17) Shawnee: pi-leski- mhOo-Owayi tkanwi yeh- meh- wapaki wild buffalo.hide be.cold.O AOR yet be.dawn.CJ.O '...the buffalo hide is cool at dawn' (Costa 2002:143) Apparently Fox me-h(i), unlike Shawnee meh, is not an "/z-fmal" pre verb like e-h and wi-h, even though it usually lacks the final vowel. In Fox (and its sister dialects, Sauk and Kickapoo), and occasionally in the neighbouring Miami-Illinois language(s), some of the old preverbs have been reshaped by adding an -i (or if the preverb ended in a vowel, by add ing -hi), thus giving them the same shape as free particles. Another exam ple of this type: (18) *ke-h 'with, and' (< *ke~k-, changed form of *kek- 'having s.t.') > Ojibwa ge (p>reverb with personal pronouns, e.g., ge-niin 'me too'; also used as a particle) > Fox-Sauk ke'hi 'and' (clitic particle, with added particle final *-/), Kickapoo keehe, Blackfoot ki 'and' > Ojibwa gaye (particle, with double initial change), Atikamekw Cree & Montagnais kaye The old preverb *ke-h is preserved as such only in Ojibwa, but Fox and its sisters (along with Blackfoot) have made a free particle from the formerly bound preverb; Southwestern Ojibwa has a likely cognate of the Fox form, and all Ojibwa dialects, along with Montagnais and Atika mekw Cree, have the doubly-changed form as their usual word for 'and.' While some of the negative markers in modern Algonquian lan guages (e.g., Fox pwa-wi) are old particles now used as preverbs, others are preverbs which have become free particles. Proto-Algonquian appar ently had both a particle *ka-ta 'not' (> Menomini kat, Fox-Sauk ka-ta, Kickapoo kaata, Blackfoot kata?, Malecite-Passamaquoddy kat) and the corresponding preverb *ka-h (> Cree kd=wiha, Ojibwa gaa, gaa=wiin, Potawatomi ga=wi); Cuoq (1886:137) notes that in Nipissing Ojibwa the latter is
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