DOCSLIB.ORG

Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala 8/1/2016 Refworld | Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala Publisher Freedom House Publication 29 June 2016 Date Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala, 29 June 2016, available at: Cite as http://www.refworld.org/docid/577a615011.html [accessed 1 August 2016] This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily Disclaimer endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. Freedom Status: Partly Free Aggregate Score: 54 Freedom Rating: 4.0 Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 4 Ratings Change: Guatemala's Political Rights rating declined from 3 to 4 because of the increasing influence of organized crime and business interests in campaign funding, as well as the murder of municipal office candidates and their family members during the campaign. Quick Facts Capital: Guatemala City Population: 16,183,752 GDP/capita: $3,667 Press Freedom Status: Partly Free Net Freedom Status: N/A OVERVIEW Months of protests over a corruption scandal as well as an investigation jointly carried out by Guatemala's Public Ministry and the UN­backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) led to the resignations and arrests of dozens of government and private sector officials, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti Elías. The multiple graft schemes cost Guatemala more than $200 million in lost revenue and resulted in the medical­malpractice deaths of at least 10 patients at state­run hospitals. Alejandro Maldonado was sworn in as vice president in May following Baldetti's resignation that month, and became president when Pérez Molina stepped down in September. In addition to the rampant corruption, Guatemala was plagued by violence and threats against human rights defenders and members of the media, as well as against labor, land, and indigenous rights activists. It was in this context that Guatemalans voted in September and October in national and local elections. The Renewed Democratic Liberty (LIDER) party and National Unity for Hope (UNE) won the most congressional seats, leaving Pérez Molina's Patriotic Party (PP) tied for third place with a new party, Todos. Comedian Jimmy Morales of the National Convergence Front (FCN) took the presidency in the October runoff. POLITICAL RIGHTS AND CIVIL LIBERTIES Political Rights: 23 / 40 (­1) http://www.refworld.org/cgi­bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?page=printdoc&docid=577a615011 1/5 8/1/2016 Refworld | Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala A. Electoral Process: 8 / 12 (­1) The constitution stipulates a four­year presidential term and prohibits reelection. Members of the 158­seat, unicameral Congress of the Republic are elected to four­year terms. In September 2015 legislative elections, LIDER captured 45 seats and UNE won 32 seats. Todos and the scandal­plagued PP each won 18 seats, a drop for the PP of 38 seats from its total in the 2011 elections. Nine other parties took the remaining 45 seats. Morales won a plurality in the concomitant presidential vote and, with 67 percent, defeated former first lady Sandra Torres of the UNE in an October runoff. Turnout was 71 percent for the September vote and 56 percent for the October runoff. The elections were generally judged free and fair. However, as in the past, electoral observers reported irregularities including intimidation, vote buying, and the burning of ballots and electoral boxes. A total of 11 municipal contests had to be repeated in October because of problems with the September votes. Since the beginning of the electoral campaign, an estimated 20 election­related murders occurred, mostly involving mayoral candidates and their relatives. The Public Ministry documented at least 532 arrests and 34 injuries to police officers in connection with the election process. LIDER's presidential candidate, Manuel Baldizón, alleged fraud in the preliminary results of the official vote count that put him in third place in the first round of presidential voting. He then withdrew his candidacy and left the party. In July 2015, the Guatemalan Supreme Court ruled that Zury Ríos Sosa, daughter of former military leader Efraín Ríos Montt, could register as a presidential candidate despite constitutional stipulations barring the relatives of coup leaders or dictators from running for the presidency. Her candidacy had earlier been turned down by the electoral commission. She won under 6 percent of the vote in the September election. A July CICIG report estimated that 50 percent of known campaign donations come from contractors doing business with the state and another 25 percent from organized crime. The CICIG report also found that nearly all political parties spend more money than they report receiving, and that they exceed spending limits. B. Political Pluralism and Participation: 10 / 16 Elections take place within a highly fragmented and fluid multiparty system. A total of 14 candidates vied for the presidency in September and 13 political parties won congressional seats. Newly formed Todos won 18 seats. The government uses the military to maintain internal security, despite restrictions imposed by the 1996 peace accord ending the 36­year civil war. Following his election, Morales took steps to limit the influence of the military in his administration, vowing not to appoint retired officers to the top posts in his cabinet. Although they comprise 44 percent of the population, members of indigenous communities hold just 20 congressional seats. There are no indigenous members in the cabinet. In 2015, 113 out of 333 Guatemalan mayors were indigenous. C. Functioning of Government: 5 / 12 Despite impressive efforts to combat corruption in 2015, serious problems remain. Dozens of current and former high­ranking government officials, lawyers, bureaucrats, and retired military officials were arrested throughout the year as a result of corruption investigations into the country's customs service, social­security agency, health­care system, judiciary, municipal government, and Congress. Baldetti was arrested in August and Pérez Molina was arrested in September for their roles in a massive corruption scandal involving millions of dollars paid in bribes to avoid customs duties. Several members of their administration either were fired or resigned under clouds of suspicion. For example, Pedro Muadi, a former congressional leader, was arrested in October after accusations that he embezzled up to $81,000 in government funds between 2013 and 2014. In October, the mayor of Chinautla was arrested for allegedly stealing municipal funds totaling more than $1 million. As of October, two dozen lawmakers would not be allowed to take office in January 2016 because of either their alleged crimes, or because they were barred by article 164 of the constitution for being government contractors. Guatemala was ranked 123 out of 168 countries and territories surveyed in Transparency International's 2015 Corruption Perceptions Index. According to a recent Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) study, http://www.refworld.org/cgi­bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?page=printdoc&docid=577a615011 2/5 8/1/2016 Refworld | Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala in 2014 approximately 20 percent of respondents reported that they were victims of corruption. In November, Congress approved reforms aimed at making more transparent the processes for government award and issuing of contracts. Civil Liberties: 31 / 60 D. Freedom of Expression and Belief: 12 / 16 While the constitution protects freedom of speech, journalists often face threats and practice self­censorship when covering sensitive topics such as drug trafficking, corruption, organized crime, and human rights violations. Threats come from public officials, drug traffickers, individuals aligned with companies operating in indigenous communities, and local security forces. The Observatory for Journalists of the Center for Informative Reports about Guatemala (CERIGUA) reported that 59 attacks against journalists occurred in the first half of 2015. The government has made commitments to improving journalist protection, but little concrete progress has been made. Mexican businessman Remigio Ángel González owns a monopoly of broadcast television networks in Guatemala and has significant holdings in radio. Newspaper ownership is also concentrated in the hands of business elites, and most papers have centrist or conservative editorial views. While the government is making an effort to improve the country's telecommunications infrastructure, internet access remains limited. The government is believed to conduct illegal online surveillance. The constitution guarantees religious freedom. However, indigenous communities have faced discrimination for openly practicing the Mayan religion. Although the government does not interfere with academic freedom, scholars have received death threats for questioning past human rights abuses or continuing injustices. E. Associational and Organizational Rights: 6 / 12 The constitution guarantees freedom of assembly, though police frequently threaten force and have at times used violence against protesters. Unprecedented, sustained, and largely nonviolent citizen protests against corruption occurred in front of the National Palace in Guatemala City and elsewhere in the country throughout much of the year. In August 2014, more than 1,500 police officers occupied the Q'eqchí communities
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President
    Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President Supreme Electoral Tribunal in Guatemala called for general elections officially on May 2, 2015. Ahead of the election, the La Linea corruption case involving high-ranking officials of the outgoing administration, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti, was made public. The Vice President resigned in May and was arrested on fraud charges in August. More than a dozen ministers and deputy ministers as well as a number of government officials also resigned. Less than a week before the election, President Pérez was also stripped of his immunity, resigned and was arrested. Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre acts as head of state until a new president is sworn into office. On Sunday, October 25, voters will have to choose between a pallid right wing headed by of the former First Lady Sandra Torres, of the National Unity for Hope, and on the other hand Jimmy Morales, of the National Unity Movement, and puppet of a former military group which still dreams of full control of the nation’s society. In the case of Sandra Torres, she already has had a taste of power when her husband, Alvaro Colom, headed a presidency that promised much but gave virtually nothing, especially to the most needy sectors of the Guatemalan society such as the indigenous peoples, with the highest indicators of disease, ignorance and malnutrition and poverty. On his part, candidate Morales is benefiting from the corruption scandal that sent to prison President Otto Pèrez Molina and his wife, Roxana Baldetti. As a new face in the Guatemalan political scene, candidate Morales has grabbed the intention to vote from tens of thousands of indignant Guatemalan voters over prevailing corruption and open graft, which also extends to the congressional ranks.
    [Show full text]
  • Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala
    Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala by Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada 2012 Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education University of Toronto 2012 Abstract Maya peoples in Guatemala continue to practice their Indigenous knowledge in spite of the violence experienced since the Spanish invasion in 1524. From 1991 until 1996, the state and civil society signed a series of Peace Accords that promised to better meet the needs of the Maya, Xinka, Garífuna and non-Indigenous groups living there. In this context, how does the current educational system meet the varied needs of these groups? My research investigates the philosophy and praxis of Maya Indigenous knowledge (MIK) in broadly defined educational contexts through the stories of 17 diverse Maya professional women and men involved in educational reform that currently live and work in Guatemala City. How do they reclaim and apply their ancestral knowledge daily? What possible applications of MIK can transform society? The findings reveal that MIK promotes social change and healing within and outside institutionalized educational spaces and argues that academia needs to make room for Indigenous theorizing mainly in areas of education, gender, knowledge production, and nation building. I analyze these areas from anticolonial and critical Indigenous standpoints from which gender and Indigenous identities weave through the text.
    [Show full text]
  • Guatemala Project
    PEACE BRIGADES INTERNATIONAL – GUATEMALA PROJECT MIP - MONTHLY INFORMATION PACKAGE – GUATEMALA Number 98, November 2011 1. NOTES ON THE CURRENT SITUATION 2. ACTIVITIES OF PBI GUATEMALA: WITHIN GUATEMALA 2.1 MEETINGS WITH GUATEMALAN AUTHORITIES, DIPLOMATIC CORPS AND INTERNATIONAL ENTITIES 2.2 MEETINGS WITH CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS 2.3 ACCOMPANIMENT 2.4 FOLLOW-UP 2.5 OBSERVATION 3. ACTIVITIES OF PBI GUATEMALA – OUTSIDE GUATEMALA 4. NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS 1. NOTES ON THE CURRENT SITUATION IMPUNITY The Convergence for Human Rights condemns an attempt to give immunity to military personnel accused of genocide Guatemala, 24.11.2011 (CA, SV) .- The Convergence for Human Rights denounced the attempt to pass a bill that favors military personnel accused of crimes against humanity, so that they cannot be judged by the Guatemalan courts. The independent MP Christian Bousinott presented under pretext of national urgency, the 37-11 Initiative, which according to Iduvina Hernandez, director of the Association for the Study and Promotion of Democratic Security (SEDEM) had already been passed by Congress in its second reading in 2008. However, when comparing the initiative now submitted, which was shelved for three years, Hector Nuila, Nineth Montenegro and Aníbal García-members of Congress, realized the phrase "with the exception of crimes considered against humanity " had been removed. They were forced to withdraw from the Chamber, to break quorum and prevent final approval of the document. Julio Solórzano Foppa, the son of one of the victims of internal armed conflict, said: "This was a deceitful and illegal act. They intended for us to believe that these falsified documents were the ones approved in 2008." Oswaldo Samayoa, human rights activist, said an investigation has begun to criminally prosecute those who collaborated in the falsification and manipulation of the draft.
    [Show full text]
  • Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
    Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Institute on Religion and Public Policy Report
    GUATEMALA COUNTRY REPORTS 2019 Human rights Watch 2017/2018 Amnesty International The institute 2019 – Freedom House WORLD REPORT 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Guatemala three branches of government, and prompting the resignation and arrest of the country’s then-president and vice-president in 2015, for their alleged participa- Progress in prosecuting corruption and abuse made in recent years is at risk due tion in a scheme to defraud the customs authority by collecting bribes instead of to serious obstruction from the government. This progress was the result of the customs duties. collaboration of the Attorney General’s Office with the United Nations-backed In- Prosecutors also pressed charges against scores of officials—including more ternational Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), established in than a dozen current and former members of Congress from six different political 2007 to investigate organized crime and reinforce local efforts to strengthen the parties—for hiring people in Congress who never performed any work for the in- rule of law. At time of writing, CICIG and the Attorney General’s Office were pros- stitution (or already received a salary from another employer) and pocketing the ecuting more than a dozen current and former Congress members, as well as for- wages for those “phantom jobs.” mer President Otto Pérez Molina and former Vice-President Roxana Baldetti, who In October 2018, former Vice-President Baldetti was sentenced to 15 years and were arrested on corruption charges in 2015. six months in prison for her role in a scheme to defraud the state for US$18 mil- In August, President Jimmy Morales announced that he would not renew CICIG’s lion.
    [Show full text]
  • BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO Construyendo El Bienestar Para Todos DOCUMENTO PÚBLICO Gracias Por Su Lectura
    Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables Cuadernos sobre Nº 9 Poblaciones Vulnerables 2013 BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO construyendo el bienestar para todos DOCUMENTO PÚBLICO Gracias por su lectura. Ana Jara Velásquez, Ministra de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables – MIMP. Julio Andrés Rojas Julca, Viceministro de Poblaciones Vulnerables 2 Alfredo Alfaro, Director General de Población y Desarrollo. BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO BIENESTAR “Toda persona tiene derecho a la vida, a su identidad, a su integridad moral, psíquica y física, y a su libre desarrollo y bienestar, así como a elegir su lugar de residencia, a transitarpor el territorio nacional y salir de él, salvo limitaciones por razones de sanidad o por mandato judicial o por aplicación de la ley de extranjería”. Constitución Política del Perú Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables CONTENIDOS I. PRESENTACIÓN II. MARCO JURIDICO 3 III. CAMBIOS DEMOGRAFICOS EN LA POBLACION PERUANA BIENESTAR Y DESARROLLO BIENESTAR IV. Demográficos en la Población Peruana V. Migración Interna e Internacional VI. Envejecimiento de la población VII. La Política de Población para el Período 2010-2014 VIII. Programa de Acción de la Conferencia Internacional en Población y Desarrollo y su seguimiento después de 2014 IX. La población en el Perú X. Peruanos en el exterior XI. Los jóvenes en el Perú XII. Poblaciones vulnerables Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables Presentación En el año 2021, año del Bicentenario de En el año 2013 los hombres llegan a 4 nuestra Independencia Nacional, el Perú millones 191 mil 713 y representan el 50,6% alcanzará los 33 millones 149 mil habitantes. de la población joven.
    [Show full text]
  • Biografía Política Guatemala
    BIOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA de Francisco Villagrán Kramer GUATEMALA / Francisco Villagrán Kramer BIOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA de GUATEMALA -los pactos políticos de 1944 a 1970- .', , . ~ ,'.. (" :," ~-; ~ : : ",:' ..1, ,. _ l 3L~ ~ Z?­ ,)..:+ \, 'a ,~Dt:5 V712 Villagrán Kramer, Francisco Biografía política de Guatemala: los pactos políticos de 1944 a 1970. 2da. edición Guatemala: FLACsq, 1993. S04p. 1. Políticos - Guatemala. 2. Historia­ Guatemala. 3. Análisis histórico. Publicación de la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, FLACSO, programa Guatemala.. Diseño 'de portada: Rossina Cazali Grabado: Juan Antonio Franco Los criterios expresadosen esta obra son de la exclusiva responsa­ bilidad de su autor.. Este libro se publica gracias a la colaboración de Swedich Ageney for Research Co-operation wíth developing countries (SAREC). Impreso en Impresos Industriales, 1994 3a. calle 3-17, zona 9, Guatemala, C. A. Teléfonos: 316624 - 314369 FAX: 316328 ÍNDICE PRIMERA PARTE Presentación XIII Nota liminar XVII Capítulo I 1 La Revolución de Octubre de 1944 I Preludio revolucionario 1 11 Capitulación del Partido Liberal Progresista 11 111 La Junta Revolucionaria y los principios de la revolución 15 IV La Constituyente de 1945 y el acuerdo político con el ejército 25 Capítulo n 45 El primer gobierno de la revolución y el pacto del barranco I El programa inicial 46 11 El pacto del barranco 49 III Proyección institucional de la revolución 53 IV Proceso electoral prematuro y politización del ejér­ cito 63 V Asesinato del jefe de las fuerzas armadas 68 VI Epílogo 80 Capitulo m 87 El gobierno de Jacobo Arbenz, los pactos de caballeros y su renuncia Introducción 87 I El espectro de la confrontación política e ídeoló­ gica 91 11 El "pacto de caballeros" y el compromiso de unificación 103 11I La "operación exito" y el segundo "pacto de caba­ 113 lleros" IV Concertación en el exterior 116 V El frente interno.
    [Show full text]
  • CAPITULO III Dictadura Militar, Partidos Políticos Y Luchas Revolucionarias
    Temas de nuestra américa ISSN 0259-2339 CAPITULO III Dictadura militar, partidos políticos y luchas revolucionarias En 1954 fracasó la Revolución El indiscutible avance capitalis- Democrático-burguesa en Guate- ta, junto al debilitamiento de las mala. A partir de esa fecha reapa- clases dominantes vinculadas al recieron con toda su intensidad los negocio cafetalero, impidieron a rasgos autoritarios y represivos que Castillo Armas completar sus pla- habían caracterizado al Estado oli- nes de restauración oligárquica. gárquico hasta la caída de Ubico; La imposibilidad de reconstruir las aunque ahora esa política se repe- viejas estructuras de dominación tía en un contexto histórico-so- condujo a la formación de un he- cial diferente. La Revolución de terogéneo bloque de poder integra- 1944-1954 dejó como saldo una do por los herederos de los antiguos Guatemala mucho más moder- sectores hegemónicos agrario-expor- na, en la que definitivamente se tadores y los grupos burgueses emer- habían impuesto las relaciones gentes, constituidos por industriales y de tipo burgués, aún cuando financieros, asociados al capital mono- persistieran importantes ves- polista norteamericano. tigios semifeudales y una inmensa masa indígena El denominador común de esa alianza fue marginada como expo- un inusual y distorsionado crecimiento nente del patético atra- económico, acompañado de nuevas entre- so económico y social gas de los recursos naturales —níquel y pe- del país. tróleo, por ejemplo— al imperialismo y de la sobreexplotación del campesinado y la clase obrera. La coronación de este bloque de poder se efectuó en 1957 con la fundación de una vigorosa federación patronal —el Comité Coordinador de Asociaciones Agrícolas, Comerciales y Financieras Número extraordinario 2013 61 Temas de nuestra américa Número Extraordinario 2013 ISSN 0259-2339 (CACIF)— que desde entonces ex- mejor el papel punitivo del ejército presa mejor que los propios partidos dentro de un esquema político to- burgueses las inquietudes e intereses davía más restringido —plasmado de las clases dominantes.
    [Show full text]
  • Augusto Cazali Avila Coordinador Historia De Guatemala Siglo Xx Las Transiciones Politicas: Del Ydigorismo Al Gobierno Militar
    AUGUSTO CAZALI AVILA COORDINADOR HISTORIA DE GUATEMALA SIGLO XX LAS TRANSICIONES POLITICAS: DEL YDIGORISMO AL GOBIERNO MILITAR DE PERALTA AZURDIA (1958-1966) ANA PATRICIA BORRAYO MORALES AUXILIAR DE INVESTIGACION UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA. DIRECCION GENERAL DE INVESTIGACION (DIGI). GUATEMALA, ENERO-DICIEMBRE DEL 2000 1 EXPLICACION Y PREFACIO Este trabajo histórico es el resultado de un proyecto de investigación que se presentó bajo el título HISTORIA DE GUATEMALA: SIGLO XX. Las transiciones políticas: del ydigorismo al Gobierno Militar de Peralta Azurdia. (1958-1966). A la vez, forma parte de un plan general de Historia de Guatemala sobre áquel período al cual consideramos como la historia contemporánea de nuestra nación. El plan se inició a principios del año 1990, dentro del Area de Investigación de Ciencias Sociales, en la Dirección General de Investigación (DIGI) de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala. Desde el último año citado, hasta finalizar el 2000 se han desarrollado los proyectos de investigación y escrito las obras históricas relativas a los siguientes períodos de nuestra vida nacional, incluyendo una bibliografía de apoyo a los investigadores, bajo los siguientes títulos: 1) Bibliografía de Historia de Guatemala: Siglo XX. (Un Volúmen) 2) Antecedentes del siglo XX en Guatemala. Epoca Republicana: Siglo XIX. (1821- 1898). (Un Volúmen) 3) El Gobierno de Manuel Estrada Cabrera. (1898-1920). (Dos volúmenes) 4) Del Unionismo a la Restauración del Liberalismo. (1920-1926). (Dos volúmenes) 5) El Gobierno de Lázaro Chacón. (1926-1930). (Un volúmen) 6) La Dictadura Ubiquista. (1931-1944). (Tres volúmenes) 7) La Década Revolucionaria en Guatemala. (1944-1954). Primera parte: La Revolución de Octubre y La Junta Revolucionaria de Gobierno.
    [Show full text]
  • CEPPS FINAL REPORT Project Period: August 17, 2012 - January 31, 2017
    CEPPS FINAL REPORT Project period: August 17, 2012 - January 31, 2017 USAID Associate Cooperative Agreement No. AID-520-LA-12-00001, under the Leader Cooperative Agreement No. A-00-08-00350-00 Project Names: August 17, 2012 - September 30, 2014 GUATEMALA: Support Electoral and Political Parties Reform and Strengthen the Guatemalan Congress October 1, 2014 - January 31, 2017 GUATEMALA: Elections: More Inclusion, Less Violence Table of Contents Glossary of Project Acronyms ......................................................................................................3 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................9 Program Overview .......................................................................................................................12 Political Context ...........................................................................................................................15 Program Analysis .........................................................................................................................26 Objective 1 ..................................................................................................................................26 Objective 2 ..................................................................................................................................32 Objective 3 ..................................................................................................................................33
    [Show full text]
  • Universidad De San Carlos De Guatemala Escuela De Ciencia Política El Liderazgo En Los Partidos Políticos De Guatemala
    UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA ESCUELA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA EL LIDERAZGO EN LOS PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS DE GUATEMALA: CASO PARTIDO UNIONISTA 2012-2014 TESIS PRESENTADA AL CONSEJO DIRECTIVO DE LA ESCUELA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA POR FRANCISCO ORLANDO ARCHILA RAMÍREZ Carné 199918436 Previo a conferírsele el grado académico Licenciado en Ciencia Política Y el Título Profesional de POLITICÓLOGO GUATEMALA, AGOSTO,2017 DEDICATORIA A DIOS por darme la vida y sabiduría para lograr culminar esta etapa de mi vida profesional y ser el guía de mi vida. A MIS PADRES Francisco Archila y Susana Ramírez, por su amor, su ejemplo y enseñanzas. A MI ESPOSA AMIGA Y CONFIDENTE Karina Ascón, por su apoyo incondicional, paciencia y por alentarme en esos momentos en que uno piensa desfallecer. A HIJA Andrea Ixmucané, la luz de mis ojos. A MI AMIGO Y HERMANO Miltón Quezada, por estar siempre e incondicionalmente, gracias por ser vos tal cual eres. A MI SUEGRA Leticia Gamarro, por sus consejos y apoyo, siempre estaré agradecido. A Oliver, Pablo, Maya, Orquídea, Tete, Víctor y Betzabé, gracias por cada momento compartido. A MI TIA ESTER este triunfo también es tuyo. A MIS TÍAS, TÍOS, PRIMOS Y PRIMAS, gracias por ser mi familia por cada momento de alegría y por arroparme en los momentos difíciles. MIS AMIGOS, en especial Alfredo, Luis, Hugo, Melvin, Marleny, Karina, Eder, Cindy, Douglas, Flor, Ranfery y a tantos más que tuve la oportunidad de conocer en este camino gracias por su amistad incondicional, apoyo y consejos. UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA Y ESCUELA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA por haberme albergado estos años de estudio y darme la guía para realizarme profesionalmente.
    [Show full text]
  • Money in Politics: Sound Political Competition and Trust in Government
    Background Paper MONEY IN POLITICS: SOUND POLITICAL COMPETITION AND TRUST IN GOVERNMENT This paper was prepared by Mr. Bruno Wilhelm Speck in coordination with Paloma Baena Olabe for the OECD Policy Forum on "Restoring Trust in Government: Addressing Risks of Influence in Public Decision Making" hosted by the Public Sector Integrity Network, OECD, Paris, 14-15 November 2013. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. MONEY IN POLITICS – WHAT IS IT ALL ABOUT? ......................................................................... 3 1.1 The difficult task of defining political financing .............................................................................. 4 1.2 What has been done so far and what is new about this initiative? .................................................... 6 1.2.1 Taking stock on regulations ......................................................................................................... 8 1.2.2 Universal standards and best practices ...................................................................................... 10 2. A FRESH LOOK AT MONEY IN POLITICS ...................................................................................... 13 2.1 Enabling role of money in politics .................................................................................................. 13 2.2 Money influencing political competition ........................................................................................ 14 2.2.1 Donations from the private sector ............................................................................................
    [Show full text]