Complementation I IGBO

- 1-

COmPLEMENTATION I IGBO

Thesis submitted,for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Philip Akujuobi Niuachukuiu

School of Oriental and African Studies University of London 1976 ProQuest Number: 10731283

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Abstract

Since a full appreciation of the part is not possible without an appreciation of the whole, we have considered it appropriate to supply the necessary background information to the main body of the thesis in Part I which, therefore, serves as an introduction to Part II*

Part I comprises three chapters: Chapter 1 situates the dialect of Igbo being described here and gives an overview of Igbo language, studies up to the present moment, pointing out their relevance to the subject of our investigation here - Noun Phrase Sentential Complemen tation, In chapter 2, we establish the phonological and morpho- syntactic features of the dialect so as to makB subsequent references to them easy, and also to draw attention to some fundamental differences between our dialect and that described by Green and Igee (1963). The third and final chapter deals with Tone in Generative Phonology.

Part II consists of six chapters, 4-9. Chapter 4 gives the

theoretical orientation.of the thesis, identifies all the categories of Igbo Noun Phrase (NP) complements and argues for a deep structure

generation of complementisers or the conjunctions functional in NP complementation. Chapter 5 deals with Indicative or Na complementation,

the class of matrix (main clause) verbs involved, and provides syntactic evidence in justification of the factive - non - factive distinction as

\ applied to Igbo. Chapter 6 examines the Interrogative or Ifla2 comple

ments (that is, embedded Yes/No questions) and reaches the conclusion

that the Igbo equivalents of embedded English $H - Questions are not

instances of NP complements, but of relative clauses.

/ In chapter 7, we examine Imperative or Si complementation and show

that the possibility of embedding imperative structures as NPs is due ✓ to the fact that the complamentiser in this construction type is si, a form of the verb isi - * to say.1 Chaptsr 8 is the last of these chapters on thB mechanics of complementation, and its subject is the subjunctive or Ka/Rla^ complementation; tha fact that this is the only complement type that is subject to Equi - NP Deletion is an automatic consequence of the semantic- features of the matrix verbs involved.

The last chapter, 9, is rather discussive and speculative; its main concern is with hou» ths description of languages such as Igbo might contribute to linguistic theory.

The Bibliography gives a list of the works to which reference has been made in thB course of this research. A sample lexicon as well as a chapter which argues that Igbo complementizers and function words must be verb-forms are contained in ths Appendix. -4-

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would consider this thesis imcomplete without a record of my deep sense of gratitude to all those who have encouraged me morally, financially or both at various stages in the course of its preparation.

First, I would like to record my indebtedness to my supervisor,

Professor J P Carnochan who, throughout the trying period of my registration at the School of Oriental and African Studies (S.O.A.S.), has rendered me assistance beyond the scope of mere academic supervision.

The research grant which I got from the liiest African Linguistics Society I and the subsequent fee remission granted to me by the School for |the academic year 1974/75 all bear testimony to his untiring effort to minimise my suffering and hardship.

To emphasize the humanitarian side of Professor Jack Carnochan is not to ignore his academic quality. I have benefitted immensely from his wealth of experience, and knowledge of linguistics.

Next, my gratitude is due to Dr. Neilson V, Smith, the head of the Dept, of Linguistics and Phonetics, University College, London, for gladly accepting to go through the whole of the second part of this thesis, and offering such insightful suggestions and constructive criticisms as have greatly improved the theoratical quality of this thesis.

I am also grateful to the following: Dr. Ruth IY1. Kempson, of the

Dept, of Phonetics and Linguistics, and Mr* F.D.D. Winston, Dept, of

Africa, S.O.A.S. for their constrictive criticism of earlier draft of this thesis;

Dr, Rebecca Posner and Mr. John Kelly, both of the Dept, of

Language, University of York, for their kind assistance to me while at

York.

I would also like to thank the following societies and individuals:

The ttlest African Linguistics Society for the research grant they made -5-

to me in August 1974;

The British Council u/hose scholarship made it possible for me to come to Britain in the first instance for postgraduate studies, and enabled me to obtain the first higher degree of B. Phil, in Linguistics at the University of York;

Mr. Alfred 0. Ukaegbu, M. Sc, a colleague of mine and post graduate student at the London School of Economics, who together with his wife, Christie, volunteered a timely financial help at a crucial stage when I desperately needed it;

Mr. G.B.I. Onuoha, M.Sc, M.PH, the head of the Department of

Health and Physical Education, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, now at

King’s College, London, whose follow-feeling and elder-brother attitude towards me has not only yielded some financial aid but also has continued to save me a lot of incidental expenditure on travels in London;

Miss Christine Prince, the adviser to Oversea students, and the deputy Secretary to Sir Ernest Cassel Educational Trust, Mrs. Barbara

Hardman, who between them made me some grant;

To those lecturers and professors of the Dept, of Phonetics and

Linguistics, S.O.A.S., especially Professor R. H. Robins, the head of the Dept,, and Professor Eugenie J. Henderson, whose lectures and seminars

I have benefitted from, I say I am grateful.

If this thesis is worth anything, I owe it to my wife, Ovute, for my pursuit of this jisgree„has called for more personal sacrifice from her: In the absence of any scholarship, she has had to forego her own studies with the sole aim of seeing me through. UJithout her encouragement, understanding and abiding love, I could not have per severed. To her and Mrs. Cyrina Njoku I am very grateful for their \ personal involvement in the accurate typing of this rather complex thesis. - 6-

CONTENTS Page

Abstract 2

Acknowledgement 4 .

Part 1 The Phonological and Grammatical Background 12

Chapter 1 Introduction

1; 1. The u/ork and its contribution to the study

of language

1. 2 Igbo in the context of Nigerian Languages 14

1. 3 Igbo - A Tone Language 15

1.3. 1 Abstract Syntax and Tone 16

i. 4 The dialect under investigation 19

1...5 Conventions used in the thesis

1. 6 Igbo language study - an overview 23

Chapter 2 The Phonological and Grammatical features

of the dialect 29

2.0. 0 Introduction

2 ,1. 0 Phonology - Consonants and Vowels 33

2 .1. 1 Vowel Harmony 35

2.2. 0 Assimilation 44

2 .2. 1 Phonemic (Vowel) Assimilation 55

2.2. 2 Lexical creation, Assimilation and Elision 58

2.2. 3 Tonemic (Low Tone) Assimilation 59

2.2. 4 Coalescent Assimilation 62

2.3. 0 Affixes 67

2.3. 1 Inflectional Prefix and Suffixes - 70

The Open Vowel Prefix A- 72

2.3. 2 Affirmative Suffixes - The Open Vowel

Suffix “0 /A 74 2.3* 3 Other Affirmative Suffixes 83

(i)- ■ The Simple Present with Zero Suffix

(ii) The Progressive Present Suffix -ghA 85

.(iii) The Progressive Present with (Auxiliary) Na 06

(iv) The Future 11 " ga

(v) The Past TensB Suffix -rV 87

. (vi) . The Progressive Past with Na 88-

■ (vii) The Perfect Suffix -1A~ nA 89.

2.3, 4 The Negative Suffixes . 91

(i) The Neg. Imperative Suffix -lA^nA

(ii) The Neg. Present and Past Suffix -ghl/-hll 92

And thB Periphrastic Neg. Construction 94

(iii) The Neg. Perfect Suffix -bele 95

2.3, 5 The Open Vowel Prefix - A Re-examination 96

2.4, 0 Construction Types - The Affirmative 99

Division

2.-4. - 1 Conditional Clauses A & B 100

2.4, 2 Relative M « 102

2,4,. 3 The Purpose Clause 105

2.4, 4 The Negative Division - Conditional Clauses

. 2,4* 5 Relative Clauses A & B 108

2.4, 6 The Purpose Clause 110

Chapter 3 Tone 115

3. 0 Introduction

3. 1 Underlying Phonological Representation 117

3, 2 Syntactically determined Tone Changes 119

And Downdrift

3. ^3. Tone Rules .128

-3. 4 Tone Classes 136

< -8-

3 * 5 Application of Tone Rules to Igbo 14D

. Nominal Constructions

3. 6 Relativization and the Tone Rules 153

Part II

Chapter 4 NP Sentential Complementation in Igbo 165

4.0. 0 . Theoretical Orientation

4.o ’. 1 Base Rules 173

. 4.0. 2 Rules forming Complex Symbol on Major

Lexical Categories

4.0. 3 The Lexicon 175

4.0. 4 Lexical Insertion Rules

4.0. 5 Transformation Rules (T-Rules) 176

4.0. 6 Explanation of Linguistic Terms 177

(i) Derivation

(ii) Tree

(iii) Labelled Bracketing

(iv) Dominance

(v) Left or Right Sister

(vi) " " 11 Daughter

4.0. 7 _ D e e p and Surface Structure Constraints

4.0. 8 Semantic and Phonological Components

4.0. 9 . Interpretive Syntax VS. Generative

Semantics 180

4.1. 0 Categories of Igbo NP Complements :

The Nja Indicative Complements 182

4.1. 1 jfla' Interrogative (Embedded Yes/No

Question) Complements 187

4.1. 2 Ka / maV Subjunctive Complements 189

4.1. 3 Si Imperative Complements *193

4.1. 4 Igbo Complementizer Morphemes 194 -9-

. . :4*1 • 5 The Si Complementizer - its Status 19B

4.2. Igbo Base (PS —) Rules 203

4.3. Defence of the Base Rules 217

Chapter 5 NaS Indicative Complementation 234

5.0.0 Introduction 236

5.0.1 Complementation or Nominalisation 236

5.0.2 Order and Cycle in Syntax 247

5.1.0 Na NP ‘ Complementation 256

5.1.1 Object NP Complementation 275

5.1.2 The Parameters of NP - Complements : The

Factive and Non-Factive Distinction 279

5.1.3 Emotive Predicates 291

5.2.0 Emotive Predicates tuith Conditional

Clause Subject NP - Complement 297

5.2.1 Emotive Predicates and Raising 316

5.3.0 NaV - Complement Predicates 320

Chapter 5 ftleu? NP (Embedded Yes/No Question) 324

Complements And Embedded Kedy Questions

6.0. Introduction 325

6.1. Types of Igbo Questions

" 6.2. Hfla^ NP-Complement: Embedded Yes/No Question 334 \ / 6.3.0 Embedded Kedu Questions 345 \ / 6.3.1 Kedy-Questions & NP-Complementation 357

6.4. Otho-headed NP's and Emotive Predicates 364

6.5. Interrogative (N^) Complement Verbs 376

Chapter 7 Si (imperative) Complementation 378

7.0.0 Introduction

7.1.0 Igbo Imperatives and the Range of Phonemena

Examined: Pe remptory Declaratives 379 ID

7.1*1 Imperatives: 381

Imperative 1 or Ga - Imperative

Imperative 2 .

/ 7^2.0 S4 - Imperative Complementation 390

7.3.0 Comparison and Contrast, & Concluding Summary 402

Chapter 8 KaN/ma Subjunctive Complements 404

8.0.0 Introduction

8 .1.0 KaVma Complement Constructions 405

8 .1.1 The Optatives, ico and ikhuio 415

8 .2.0 Subjunctive Complementation & Equi-NP Deletion 417

8.2.1 Equi-NP Deletion & Igbo Aspectuals 423

8.2.2 Equi-NP Deletion & Negative Purpose

Constructions 427

8.3.0 Sources of Igbo Infinitives 437

8.3.1 Nominals/Gerunds Versus Infinitives 441

8.3.2 The Enigmatic Case 446

8.4.0 The NP and VP Complement Distinction 449

Chapter 9 Epilogue * 453

Appendix I

Chapter 10 Towards a Coherent Theory of Igbo Function 462

Uiords: Conjunctions Complementizers &

-Prepositions

10.0.0 Introduction

10.1.0 Functions liJords as Predicates 464 \ v 10.2.0 Ka & ffla Subjunctive Complementizers 468

10.3.0 liia Interrogative Complementizers 477

10.3.1 tflaV Conditional & Temporal 479

\ 10.3.2 The Disjunctive fila 483 11

10.4.0 The Na's in Igbo 486 s \ 10.4.1 The Auxiliary Verb Ina

ID.4.2 The so-called Na Prefix 490

10.4.3 NaS Conjunction & Complementizer 491 \ 10.4.4 Na Preposition 494

10.4.5 The Auxiliary Verb Na and Na Conjunction

And Preposition 495

Appendix II Sample Lexicon 508

Bibliography 517 PART 1

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1. This work and its contribution to the study of

Language

This work is completely original and its aim is two-fold:

(a) To contribute to the literature on the Igbo language

and thus increase our knowledge of this Tone

Language in particular, and possibly, of typologically

similar languages in general;

. (b) From an accurate description of this dialect to

try to provide some answers, albeit tentative, to

some of the issues raised by transformational

generative theory.

With regard to the first aim, this work represents the first systematic description of the process of complex sentence

formation in Igbo. Our emphasis has been on an accurate des cription of a wide range of data so that any hypothesis we have made might not be very easily falsified.

In the first part of this thesis, we have demonstrated

that:

(a) There are inflectional affixes in Igbo and that

these are obligatory, in verb inflectional morphology,

„ rather th&n. optional, as has been suggested by

Green and Igwe (1963).

(b) A description of Igbo construction types along the

Affirmative and Negative divisions is much more

revealing and of general relevance to other dialects

of the language than the Green and Igwe analysis of

Subject Verb Forms I and II based on the presence 3nd

absence respectively of the open vowel prefix. 13

semantically empty function words in other languages

are verb forms in the language*

All these findings, together with new facts about Igbo phonology such as Tone assimilation, Regressive and Coalescent phonemic assimilation along with new dimensions of vowel harmony, will lead to a more accurate description and a better understanding of Igbo.

In pursuit of its second aim - its possible contribution to linguistic theory, the research has provided some tentative answers to some of the current issues in the theory of generative, transformational grammar.

Following Rosenbaum (1967) and Robin Lakoff (1968), the transformational treatment of sentential complementation has assumed that complementisers are semantically empty morphemes which have no place in the base, but are introduced into the appropriate derived structures by means of a transformation; hence the transformational hypothesis of complementiser insertion. In reaction against the above theoretical assumption, it has been argued, notably by Bresnan (1970) and Paul and CarolKiparsky

(1971) that complementisers are far from the semantically empty morphemes that they have been taken to bB. They point out that complementiser selection must be sensitive to the semantic inter pretation of the embedded NP complement, and therefore argue for a deep structure specification of complementisers* This is the

Phrase structure hypothesis. Our investigation shows that for a tone language such as Igbo, it is necessary to introduce com plementisers by means of base rules. 14

Secondly, uie have shown that certain Igbo conjunctions, complementisers and prepositions are associated with existing verbs of the language,

. Thirdly, the research reveals that only one category of

MP complements - the subjunctive Ka/(!fla complements - are subject, to the rule of Equi — NP deletion followed by Infinitivization.

In view of the fact that verbs which are subject to this rule in different languages - English, Japanese, Igbo, Akan - share similar, if not identical semantic features, the hypothesis becomes irresistible, namely, that those rules of language which are truly universal (and EQUI may be one such rule) are likely to be those which are semantically determined.

Finally, we have shown that there is no motivation for any distinction between NP and VP complementation in Igbo.

1.2.0 Igbo in the Context of Nigerian Languages

Igbo is one of the three major languages of Nigeria,

the others being Hausa, and Yoruba, It is the major language of

Eastern Nigeria, spoken by all the people who inhabit what is

now the East Central State (7,5 million people according to the 1 1963 Census figures ), and by the ll/est Niger Igbos in the Midwest

State. It is also the first language of Diobu - Port. Harcourt

and Ikwere Ece"e, whose peoples are racially Igbos, and of the

Opobo people (as a second language), all in what is now known as

the Rivers State of Nigeria.

Igbo has been classified as a member of the Kwa group of

languages by UJesterman (1952) and Greenberg (1960).

-jj liJe have avoided using the 1973 Census figures because they are subject of s.erious controversy in Nigeria, and are not to be quoted until they have been validated. I - 15 -

Greenberg's classification is the more recent of the two and

describes the Kwa group as one of the subgroups of the larger

family of languages to which he gives the name NIGER-CONGO. The

Kuia subgroup of languages covers most of the coastal areas from

Liberia down to and including Southern Nigeria; the Kwa languages

are mainly non-class, tone languages.

1.3 Igbo - A Tons Language

Igbo is a tone language; the function of tone in the tone

languages of the world is so increasingly becoming the subject of

research that familiarity with the term is taken for granted here*

(floreover, thB subject of this thesis is the syntax of an aspect of

a tone language, and since tone is central to the syntax of tone

language, the functioning of tone will become increasingly clear as

the thesis progresses. Briefly, then, a tone language is one that

makes use of lexically and syntactically significant pitch contrasts,

As an illustration of lexically significant pitch contrasts, the now

familiar quartet will be sufficient!

1 (a) akwa (high-low) cloth

(b) akwa (low-high) egg

(d) akwa (low-low) bed ✓ _ (e) Onu (high-downstep) - a proper name.

These minimal pairs are distinguished by their contrasting tone

patterns.

The interplay of tone and word order is the essence of the

syntax of the Igbo language, of which Noun Phrase Sentential

Complementation is an intergral part. 16

In view of the fact that the grammatical significance of tone will become evident in this thesis, a few examples will suffice to illustrate the point here:

2 (a) 0^ riri ya amusu (Declarative)

He ate him/her witchcraft:

He practised witchcraft on him/her.

(b) 0 riri ya amusu? (Question)

Did he practise witchcraft on him/her?

In these two examples, the change from a declarative to an

interrogative sentence has been signalled by the contrasting tone of the pronoun subject, _0, which is high in 2(a) but low

in 2(b). \ ✓ 0 ga ejhe ahya eci

He will go to market tomorrow. / N / _ 0♦ ga ejhe ahya eci.

He will go market of tomorrow:

He will go to tomorrow* s market.

Observe here that the change of grammatical function is indicated

by the tone patterns: in 2(c) eci is just an adverbial adjunct, but in 2(d) the same item is in constituency with ahya in the

nominal phrase, ahya eci, a fact which accounts for its final

downstep.

1.3.1. Abstract Syntax and Tone

The number of distinctive tones which a language has in

deep structure does not depend on the number of pitch contrasts

that the language employs. 17

In Igbo, for example, we have a three - level pitch contrast, high (') contrasting with a low (x), and downstep high (-) which 2 contrasts with its absence . But only the high and low pitches need be specified in dBep structure; the third - the downstep or lowered high, is a surface or phonetic manifestation of various grammatical relationships, and therefore has no place in deep structure in this dialect under investigation* Unlike the mid tone in Yoruba,the occurrence of which does not depend on a preceding high tone, the Igbo downstep is always a relation between two high tones.

To say this much is not to imply that downstep is the' only surface manifestation of underlying grammatical relationships in Igbo. A high or low tone is as much a marker of grammatical relationships as a downstep, but with this difference that early grammars of the language drew the attention of scholars to the presence of this tonal phenomenon because it is much more common in Igbo than, say, a low tone which derives from an underlying high tone or vice versa.

Professor Kay Williamson points out in her Igbo-English Dictionary, Ethiope Publishing Corporation, Benin City, Nigeria, 1972, that the Onitsha dialect of Igbo has minimal pairs such as ✓ alu bite * * alu abomination

ama space

ama a mark

This contrast does not exist in the dialect being described here, except in Prepositional Phrases as in -

n'onu - in the mouth n'ime - inside

(cf 3.4. p . 139). 18

3 For example, Mr. liJinston has likened the Igbo downstep to the

English morpheme £-sJ- which has the following syntactic functions:

(a) It is the Plural marker of count nouns;

(b) u ” " Singular ” " verbs;

- (c) ” " ” Possessive " n nouns and pronouns;

(d) It also indicates the unstressed Auxiliaries such

as has and jLs as in 1111 * s time".

The comparison is very appropriate.

But one should not forget that there are some surface or phonetic high pitches which derive from underlying low ones, in the same way as there are phonetic or surface low pitches which are high in deep or phonological representation. For example,

Igbo is full of nominal structures such as those of 3 where surface high and low pitches originate from deep low and high ones respectively.

3 (a) ala 4 = Ibe ^ ala Ibe; Ibe’s piece of land.

/ N \ / - \ odhu £ mgbadha odhu mgbadha: an antelope’s tail.

Tone changes such as the above and their generation in the phonological component of the grammar- by means of tone rules, form the subject of chapter 3.

In the same way, the rising glide that nouns of tone classes 3 and 4 (see 3.6.0) develop in relative clauses must also be seen as a surface or phonetic phenomenon:

' ^ \ ^ v v 4 (a) Ala kugburu madhu ^ Ala kugburu madhu

The god, Ala, killed somebody The god, Ala, that

killed somebody.

Mr. F.D.D. UJinston, Department of Africa, S.O.A.S. in an informal discussion. , \ ' v / ' 4 (b) Ogu zara ezhi ■___. Ogu zara ezhi

Ogu swept the compound '■ Dgu who swept the compound

All these tone changes reflected by examples 3 and 4 are exponents of an underlying syntactic relationship as much as a dou/nstep is. What these examples reveal is that whereas downstep remains a surface marker of underlying syntactic relationships, high (that is, non - downstep high) and low tones are basically deep structure tones which may also mark some grammatical relationships as in 3(a) above.

The foregoing examples suggests the need for Deep or

Abstract syntax in the analysis of tone languages. As we shall show in Chapter 3, it enables one to account for the above tone changes in a systematic way, and to capture essential relationship between items in structure, where this exists.

1.4.0 The Dialect under Investigation

The dialect being described here is one of the dialects of Ezinihitte in Mbaise Division. It is Dne of the central Igbo dialects and has a lot in common with Ghuhu, the dialect of * . .

Green and Igwe, but much more with the dialect described by Swift,

Ahaghotu and Ugorji (1962). Like other dialects of Igbo, this dialect has a terrace-level tone system. The phonological and morpho-syntactic characteristics of the dialect form the subject of the following chapter 2.

1.5 Conventions Employed in The Thesis

Orthography The orthography used throughout this dissertation is the Official Igbo Orthography approved and adopted by the East

Regional government of Nigeria in 1961 and used by Green and Igwe in their Descriptive Grammar of Igbo (1963). 20

Tone-marking Convention

Our system of tone marking differs from the now conventional system employed by Green and Igwe in which high tones are left unmarked. In our tone notation, only the first of a sequence of level tones on the same pitch is marked, the rest being left unmarked until a contrasting pitch is reached. Very rarely has a sequence of two highs or lows on the same pitch been marked, except far- the purposes of contrast or in order to draw, attention to a particular syllable. Thus, a fully tone-marked sentence such as 5(a) is marked throughout this thesis as in 5(b).

N / _ \ Acoro m ima ma 0 ga abya/ • * * / _ Acoro m ima ma 0 ga abya/ * * * •

UJant I to know if he will come : I want to whether (or not) he will come. Contrast the above pair with the following 6(a) and (b) where the contrasting tones of pronoun subject in Declarative and Interrogative complements are being highlighted:

r \ ' s 6 (a) Ece m na 0 gara Owere *

(b) ma 0 r • r -in til i. -

I think that he went to Owere

I wonder whether he " ” 11

If attention were not being drawn to the contrasting tones of the pronoun subject of the complements clauses in 6(a) and (b),

6(b) would be marked as in 6(c) > s (c) Ece m ma 0 gara Owere

Translation into English

As a general policy, we have adopted the method of giving the literal translation of ourIgbo examples first, and the idiomatic English equivalent afterwards. 21

This has been done to facilitate the reader’s understanding of the sentences and their internal structure, and thus enable him to follouj any arguments based on such an understanding* This general principle is, however, relaxed in certain cases; for example, if in a paradigm the literal translation of the first member has been given followed by its idiomatic equivalent, then only the idiomatic rendering of subsequent members is given, since the literal rendering of the entire paradigm is assumed to have been provided by the translation of the first member*. In other cases, a sentence may be straightforward and there is nothing gained in giving a literal translation first; in such cases only the idiomatic rendering has been considered necessary.

serve two functions. They may be used to collapse two or more rules sharing part of their structural description (SD). Thus, an expression of the form

is an abbreviation of the following two strings

(a) X V UJ

(b) X Z UJ

in that order' (in the case of ordered rules)*

In giving examples, braces are also used to indicate sets of synonymous expressions as in 7

7 (a) 0 ghugha ahu

(b) 0 ahu 22

Parenthesis (Circular Brackets) also serve tujo functions.

They may be used to indicate optional items in structural descriptions? thus

X (Y) Z is an abbreviation of the two strings

X Y 7.

X Z in that order.

They may also be used to indicate optional items in examples, that is, items which may be omitted without any loss or change in meaning.

Square Brackets C 1 have been ussd here to show phonetic representations and also to separate constituents of a phrase marker in which case they are usually labelled, as in

— —

N Verb NP_ VP NP Rel. Cl. Rel. Cl. l*_ NG.

They are also used to enclose (phonological) features as in

for a high tone, | Til n

r+si and r, for a low tone.

The Asterisk * indicates sentences characterised by the grammar- as deviant or ill-formed.

The Solid Arrow has been used in Phrase Structure rules to mean 're-write as* as in S NP VP

The Double Arrow means "is transformed into" and is used with respect to transformational rules. 23

1.6 Igbo Language Studies - An Overview

As far as we know,, the present study represents the first systematic account of the process of formation of any Igbo complex sentence type either within the Traditional Descriptive

or Modern Transformational model. This is not to say that the

Igbo language has not been described before in any detail. Far from that, there is a handful of Igbo grammars, some of which are briefly discussed below.

Among these, the first attempt to construct a grammar of

Igbo in the larger frame is Ida Ward's AN INTRODUCTION TO THE

IBO LANGUAGE, (1936). Ward's grammar is mainly a pioneer work with a modest aim "to set out the results of research into the tones and tonal behavious of Ibo, and to present these results

in such a way as to introduce the learner to the difficulties of

the language gradually, as far- as this is possible. It may be considered as a kind of handbook covering the initial stages of grammar and tones ...... " (introduction P. IX). Despite this modest aim, Ida Ward does go beyond simple sentences and tones to more complex sentences with subordinate (embedded) clauses* Chapter XXIV of this book on Subordinate Clauses devotes a section to Noun Clauses (the traditional label for

Noun phrase sentential complements), although only the Na noun clauses are briefly treated by way of a few illustrative examples* A separate chapter IX is devoted to infinitives? although she gives representative Igbo sentences with infinitival complements, she does not link these infinitives with any other non-infinitive clauses in the language. - 24 -

This observation must not be construed as a criticism of Ulard or, indeed, any other scholar of the Igb.o language because the insight into the necessary relationship between surface and deep structures has only been recently made possible by transformational generative

theory.

The next description of Igbo worth discussing is the Suiift,

Ahaghotu and Ugorji IGBO BASIC COURSE (1962). This is a purely pedagogic grammar aimed at foreigners, and is, therefore, primarily

concerned with the identification of tone contrasts by means of tone

drill exercises. It is, howaver, the only Igbo Grammar of those mentioned here that identifies si as a conjunction (that is, the

. / - complementiser), and associates it with the verb isi« I 'to say* 7 thus: ✓ - ''this form of the verb isi is used following verbs referring to what e persqn suggested, desired, agreed, intended and the like to intro

duce a clause of reporting (indirectly) the intention or suggestion.11

/ This is the first indication of the manifold function of si in the

Ezinihitte dialect of Igbo. Swift et al. also mention the substitu-

tability of ka for si in their discussion of Ka clauses which they

describe as Hortativss. They argue thus: "Hortative means ’mandatory1

or 'advisory', ..and this form following Ka (that) is a stronger order

than after si where it is a suggestion" (P 314). 25

The reliability of this semantic distinction based on s i and * \ S ka is, however, questionable. The fact is that si can be used in place of any of the conjunctions (complementisers) which we show in chapter 4 to be functional in Igbo NP complementation.

But the substitution of si for any of the other conjunctions carries with it some stylistic implications as the following

B (a) •- ( c ) show:

** % / B (a) Anyi coro si ka Ogu mechee (very formal) . . «

n it ii (b) u ka (formal) / (c) ii ii si ii it (colloquial) *

li/e want. that Ogu finish:

UJe want Ogu to finish (what he is doing) Thus, the above sentences vary from the very formal to the colloquial, and the question of one being a stronger order than the other does not arise since ka does not introduce the imperative in Igbo, a point which we take up in chapter 8.

In their discussion of Reported Speech (i\!a complementation)

Swift et al rightly observe that Subject pronoun singular may differ in foDm from reported speech to direct address. They thus give the form of subject pronouns in Reported Speech as follows:

9 (a) Am" I

(b) Agi You - *-■ \ -»■ • (c) Aya He/she

The observation is correct, and Green and Igwe (1953) describe such forms as those of 9 as the Emphatic form. But what they fail to point out is that such forms occur much more frequently after the conjunction si than after any of the others. 26

By far the most comprehensive and detailed grammatical

description of Igbo in existence is the Green and Igwe^A

DESCRIPTIVE GRAMMAR OF IGBO (1963); yet it is almost silent on

Noun Clauses, a topic which it dismisses in a couple of

illustrative sentences under the general heading of clauses.

Their chapter on Conjunctions does not seem to be based on any

discernible system. As far as one can judge, the value of this

chapter on conjunctions lies, not so much in the insight it gives

about the functioning of Igbo conjunctions, as in its numerous

and varied examples. Undoubtedly, this book is a copious

description of Igbo with a lot of detailed discussion and

illustration of the Subject Verb Forms and Relative clauses.

There is little doubt, however, that some aspects of Igbo grammar have had to suffer as a result of the detailed attention given

elsewhere.

Within the transformational model of grammatical description,

Mrs. Patricia Carrell's A TRANSFORMATIONAL GRAMMAR OF IGBO (1970)

represents the first application of the transformational generative

theory developed by Chomsky to the description of the Igbo language.

Like all the previous works so far discussed, it is a grammar in

the larger frame and, consequently, does not treat any aspect of

Igbo syntax in any detail. Nevertheless, this transformational

analysis of Igbo deserves some detailed comment here because of

the differences between it and the one presented in Part II of

this thesis.

Our analysis differs in some fundamental respects from that

of Mrs. Carrell. To begin with, all our complementisers are generated by rules of the base, and we have advanced reasons to

justify this method in chapter 4 (4. 3 0 * 27

DJe have also defended the specification of the abstract head proform ya^to all NF complements in Igbo. All this is in contrast with

Mrs* Carrell's analysis: she neither has the abstract proform ya in base structure, nor does she generate her complementisers by base rules* On the contrary, she introduces complementisers by a simple substitution transformation, much in the tradition of

Rosenbaum (1967), which changes the phrase boundary symbol into the conjunction Na or Ka\ She says nothing about embedded questions* Her silence on this aspect of NP complementation is I | understandable from the fact that the dissertation from which her book originated was submitted at the University of Texas at

Austin in 1967, only a matter of two years after Chomsky's ASPECTS.

Until Bresnan (1970) pointed out that embedded questions are also instances of NP complements, transformational generative grammarians had not come to recognise this fact*

In matters of detail, our analysis differs from Carrell's.

For example, we have not found any syntactic justification for deriving the surface Ka complements from a structure such as the following via a Reduction transformation:

V NP, (AUX) V, NP Ka NP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 B

Sc 5 7 null (i.e. delete 5)

Condition i optional

M na aco anwy ka anmy myp thaa

I uiant the sun that the sun shines today

^ \ / s * ffi na aco ka anwy myg thaa'

I want that the sun shines today:

X want the sun to shine. I 28

Ha' na acQ 93- ka 9i rie ji = £ i! | i They . want you that you eat yam

‘ Ha' na acg ka 93- rie ji 1 f They want that you eat yam;

They umnt you to eat some yam.

To the above analysis she addsi nKa clauses with the NP object

of the main clause as the subject are said to be 1 wordy’ and

redundant, though not ungrammatical, by native speakers. Hence,

the reduction described in this rule, though optional, usually

occurs” (F.52). This reduction rule is made necessary only by

Carrell’s analysis. A detailed examination of Igbo NP complemen

tation such as we have presented in this thesis reveals that the

above analysis of K*a clauses has little or no support from the

facts of Igbo syntax. There are other issues that one could

take up with Carrell's analysis of Igbo, but these belong, not

to this thesis, but to a review of her TRANSFORMATIONAL GRAMMAR

OF IGBO. \

Chapter 2 The Phonological and Grammatical Features

of the Dialect

2.0*0______Introduction

This chapter has been made necessary by a number of

considerations. First, although this dialect being described here

shares a.lot of similarities with Ohuhu dialect described by Green

and Igwe (1963), it has its own unique features which have never

been described before. These features, some phonological, some

grammatical, must be pointed out and high-lighted here and elsewhere

in this study so that their subsequent occurrence might not

startle the reader.

Secondly, in morpho-syntax, there is a fundamental difference

between this and the dialect of Green and Igwe, a difference which

has only been pointed out in Interpersonal discussions, but never

put in print before. The difference is this: The role of Affixes

(prefixes and suffixes) in the inflectional morphology of Igbo has

been very narrowly understood, or at best, has been seen only from

the viewpoint of the Green and Igwe Grammar of 1963. Although in a

recent thesis accepted by the University of London for the degree

of Doctor of Philosophy in December 1973, Rev. Igwe presents a

very detailed and informative analysis of the role of Affixation in

Igbo grammar, the basic view expressed as far back as 1963 that

suffixes are optional elements (the underlining is mine) in verb

inflection is repeated in this thesis with greater emphasis* Since

our own analysis based on facts from a different dialect suggest a

radically different approach, this difference ought to be pointed

out with equal emphasis, if only to make the reader aware of a different set of facts and different viewpoint^especially as we are convinced that our view is more representative of more dialects of

Igbo than the analysis of Green and Igwe. 30

These views are expressed in sections 2,3 & 2,3,1 of this chapter.

Thirdly, the distribution of affixes according to construction

types differs in the two dialects being discussed here. This difference in distribution makes it necessary for us to modify, to a great extent, the Green and Igwe distinction into Subject Verb

Forms I & II based on the presence in Form II and its absence in

Form I of the harmonising open vowel prefix here symboliser‘ as A- _

In our dialect, the distinction holds only in Affirmative construe- I tionsj in Negative constructions, on the other hand, the need fori

such a distinction ceases to exist, since every Negative verb form in this dialect has an obligatory, harmonising prefix A-,

except when the subject of such a verb is the monosyllabic, inseparable

singular pronoun such as

I/I You (singular) 0/0 He/she/it

For our dialect and others like it, it is more appropriate to

talk of the Negative and Affirmative Conjugations of the Verb, making use of obligatory inflectional prefixes and suffixes, rather

than of Subject Verb Forms I and II.

This chapter is divided into two parts: the first part deals with the phonological features, while the second is devoted to the

grammatical characteristics - that is ~ the morpho-syntax and the

polysystemic tone patterns associated with different construction

types in Igbo.

■2.1 Phonology

Under phonology, we shall discuss the following:

(i) Consonants and Vowels.

(ii) Vowel Harmony and

(iii) Assimilation - 31 -

Consonants and Vowels:

Consonants

The consonant system ~of this dialect is like that of the

general Central Igbo dialectsj but it differs from some of them

in possessiong an ingressive /t/ which may be symbolised as /cT/

os in

ac/u chcwingstick

uda/ bow *

This means that our /cT / varies with /t/ in other dialects as

the following examples show:

-tA suffix in other dialects ~dA in ours

ifuta (to come out) ifuda I » * 4^

itutu to pick idu’du' • 4 « * ' *

izuta buy izuda • ♦ * # i

utu weevil udi/ • 4 * *

atu chewing stick adu

ututu morning ududu' • * • * * «

Although this sound correspondence exists between this dialect and

others, it is not always consistent, since the dialect abounds in

lexical items with /t/ where one would expect the ingressive /d/.

For example, one finds among the verbs, the following items with

the /t/ phoneme where one might be led to expect the ingressive /

~ito "to grow but not * ido

its " rub, dance, climb " " * ids'

This correspondence is therefore not predictable, because not

consistent. 32

As in most dialects of the Central Igbo area, aspiration, nasalisation, palatalisation and labialisation are distinctive in our dialect. A few minimal pairs are given below to illustrate these phonological features and the system of writing them in this thesis;

(a) Aspiration V akhu wealth

aku termite

j.khu to plant

ikG to beat • *

ithe to wake

ite to plaster, polish, smoothen

ig ‘u to tie (as of lood)3 bind. ^ s < \ igu (ahwa) to name ( a child)

Throughout this thesis, the symbol g' is used to represent the aspirated, voiced velar stop* This has bBen done to avoid a possible confusion with the voiced velar fricative gh as in agha £

(b) Labialisation

any bees

* anwu [ a lp u u J sun

isu to pound (yam into fufu) * •

i§su to clear a bush for planting • 4

ivy (ede) to harvest (cocoyams)

ivy to hatch (eggs/chickens) ^ \ ivu gny to bless, wish well (d) Palatalisation

j.ba to grow/become rich, increase

ibya to come « / ipa to carry

to flog, thrash

ipya okhalaka to grouj tall

to shouj the tongue in swearing to swear in earnest /* \ / \ irya (orya) to fall sick, be sick

The implication of the phonemic status of these phonological features in the Central dialects of Igbo is that such dialects have many more consonant phonemes than the present Igbo orthography

reveals* Professor' Armstrong (1967) summarises the situation as follows: " in Igbo, as in the other Kwa Languages there are in general no consonant clusters. On the other hand, there are many compound consonants, with quite complex articulations.

UJe see that the Onitsha dialect has less than half as many consonants as any of the three Eastern dialects* The figures are:

Qlu 64 consonants, Owerri 60 consonants, (Ezinihitte in ffibaise is grouped under Owerri), Onitsha, 28 consonants *” The problem of Igbo orthography is outside the scope of the present

study, and does not receive any more mention here.

Vowels

Like most Igbo dialects, our dialect has 8 vowels which strictly observe vowel harmony. These are

FRONT BACK 34

FRONT ‘ BACK

3 e o

4 a o

The two distinct harmonising sets are:

SET 1 SET

1 i 2 i

3 e 4 a.

5 u 6 V

7 o 8 0*

The vowels in each set harmonise with one another, and where this harmony is broken, it is an indication that there are two distinct roots involved in a compound word, for example in Igbo compound verbsr

igSfu - igS + ifu

to get lost travelling to go to be lost

From a purely impressionistic account, we believe that the phoneme /e/ has two allophones in this dialect, as exemplified from the*sound of the same orthographic / e/ in the following pair of words:

/ egbe kite

eke python > the tongue height in eke seems lower than in the articulation of the C e J in egbe - 'gun1. This needs to be investigated* The relative position of the above vowels on the Cardinal Vowel Chart is given by Dunstan (1969)* 35

2.1,1 Vowel Harmony

Vowel harmony has long been recognised in Igbo; it has been given prosodic treatment by Professor Carnochan (1960) in his article "Vowel Harmony in Igbo." Being features of entire syllables, vowel harmony along with such other phonological features as nasalisation seem best captured in a prosodic treatment which is economical and descriptively adequate at the same time.

Vowel harmony is very rarely, if ever, broken in this dialect even where formatives (prefixes and suffixes) are involved. For example, the following 1(a) is possible in some dialects of Igbo, but only 1(b) in which the -tA suffix, harmonises with the vowel of the preceding verb stem is used and heard in the dialect being described here,

/ N v ' - * 1 (a) UJetara m nca

(b) UJeters fn nca

Bring for me soap: Bring me soap.

It is true to say that in this dialect all inflectional and derivational affixes either harmonise with or assimilate to the preceding vowel, be it in the verb stem or in another suffix*

The only exception so far discovered is the perfect suffix, negative*

-bele which maintains its phonetic and tonemic identity in all contexts.

Similarly, the phonetic form' of the following prefix and pronouns is also governed by vowel harmony:

(a) The second, third, person, singular as well as the

impersonal pronoun subject;

(b) The infinitive, high front vowel prefix.

This is why the following symbolisation has been used throughout this thesis as the underlying form of the foregoing items: (i) A (With two phonetic realisations based on vowel

harmony a/s ) for the open vowel inflectional

prefix, as u/ell as for the indefinite pronoun.

(ii) 0 (UJith two phonetic realisations, o/o )

for tha open vowal inflectional suffix and for the

third person, singular pronoun subject, In the case

of the third person singular pronoun subject, 0 is a

morphophonemic variant of a deeper form ya which is

discussed extensively in chapter 5.

(iii) I (With two phonetic realisations i/i ,

represents the infinitive prefix, as well as the / morphophonsffiic form of the second person pronoun gi.

The use of the above symbols is illustrated in the following examples:

/ V v f (a) Ogu AriAlA hwe Ogu eriele hwe

Ogu has eaten (something).

✓ v / (b) Ogu AgaAlA ahya Ogu agaala ahya

Ogu has been to the market.

With Imperative Sentences

/■ \ / \ 3 (a) Unu fuD* Unu fuo

people, go out ✓ \ ^ \ / (b) Unu riA rie : Eat, you ✓ \ . ✓ n (c) -“Unu nuO• nuo : Drink / \ n W Unu gbuO gbuo : Kill, / \ / (e) Unu dhaA dhaa^ : Fall down n * r' ' / 0 \ garV gara ahya \ jherU jhere

He went to market, - 37 -

(a) hwurV ya huturu ya?

Did you see him?

\ (b) lorV ya I loro ya7?

Did you swallow it?

/ _ (a) me Verb ime ’to do*

(b) I + lu Verb ilu ’to marry* / \ / \ (e) I + bi Verb ibi 'to live1

For suffixes such as -rV ' which assimilates completely to th8

preceding syllable in tone and vowel, and the preposition na which

assimilates to the tone and vouiel of the following syllable, wa

propose the following morpheme-structure (fflS —) rulss:

IRS- Rule 1

_ — r ~

cvx 4- rV CV1rV1 ■------>

CT- V-stem

where denotes tha tone of the verb stBm.

ffl.S. Rule 2( a )

Prep. Prep* Nominal

v nV. CVrt na 1 v i

where V^ is a vowel, and <^ m denotesthe initial tone of a

two-syllable nominal.

"TUtS ;~~Rule 2 ( b )

Prep. Nominal

\ na na / N cv o C / where N is a syllabic nasal, and c^ d s n o t e s initial tone* - 3B ~

UJhat these two rules amount to Is that the proposition Na_ assimilates^:

(a) To the initial vowsl and tons of the immediately

following syllable of a nominal in a prepositional

phrase (ffl.S. Rule 2a) thust

\ / 7 (a) na ama __ na ama on the street / V / \ (b) c. ulo na ulo / nu ulo

(b) To the tone only of the immediately following syllable

of a nominal in a prepositional phrase, if this syllable

begins with a syllabic nasal (ffl.5. Rule 2b) thus: \ ✓ ^ (a) na mkpa _^ na^ mkpa in/from necessity \ (b) na =?= Ngwuru ^ na Ngwuru at Ngwuru v / V / ^ (c) na ndhu ^ na ndhu in life

\ (a) na z/L Lagwa na Lagwa at Lagwa \ \ / na London na London in London (b) — t \ \ . . (c) na Loji na Lgji at Loji

1 Perhaps, assimilation is not the right term to use in the description of the behaviour of the Na preposition. UJhat is certain is that the first syllable of the nominal that immediately follows Na is lengthened, if it begins with a vowel. The exact length of this syllable can only b© determined by means of a mingograph tracing. The issue is taken up again in 2.2.2 where evidence is provided to show that the duration of the Prepositional Phrase Na + N with tone and vowel assimilation is by and large the same as that of the two items unassimilated. 39

Carnochan (i960) has given a prosodic treatment of Vowel

Harmony in Igbo, but in the dialect being described here, the operation of Vowel Harmony is slightly different, as the following diectic structures showj

10 (a) Ishi &/ ehi this/that head

(b) Iri e / ehi this/that food

V nth I a this ear (c) (i) 4 / \ (ii) nthi ahi that ear 4 x (d) (i) ele e this antalopa ~ \ (ii) els ehi that antelope

/ - \ (e) (i) ijhe 8 this journey

(ii) ijha ehi that journey

\ f V (f) (i) ala a this land S'* v (ii) ala ahi* that land

S (9) (i) ama a this road / /v \ (ii) ama ahi that road ✓ X (h) (i) ugwu 0 this hill

(ii) ugwu ohi that hill / \ (i) (i) ugwu 0 this (type of) ✓ w \ (ii) ugwu ohi that " M hatred \ (J) (i) iro 0 this (type of) >v V ■""(Ii) ■iro -ohi that n " hatred

✓ - X ulo 0 this house (k) (i) * • S \ v ulo ohi that house (ii) • 4

In this dialect, the diectic element has eight phonetic realisations, whereas in the dialect described by Carnochan, it has only four. Tha Diactic structura being discussed hero can be further expanded by tha addition of nka thus:

NP,

ishi A / Ahi

FIG 1

Tha above Figure 1 is tha underlying form for the following

nominal phrases: ✓ V 12 (a) ishi ka 8 this head \ (b) ishi ka ehi that head \ (c) gru ka a this farm/work

f SV > (d) oru kB ehi that farm/work

/ (e) iwaanya ka a na aku ahya

opsn-■eya this that causes loss

This self-defeating boldness/audacity

As can be seen from 12(a) (a), tha number of phonetic

realisations after nka has been greatly restricted by the preceding

vowel /e / of tha diectic element. 41

Thus, in place of the eight possibilities given in (10), there is only one in the following examples from Onitsha dialect.

\ / ✓ ^ N / _ s 13 (a) mmanya afy mmanya afy that wine / / s y ^ s (b) nni afy — } nni afy that food / \ ✓ \ (c) eg6 afy —* ego afu that money ✓ ■" \ / nN (d) ugwu afy . ugwu afu that hill

✓ N / \ / \ A ^ ' (e) amakekwu afy — > amakekwu afy that incorrigible

\ \ (a) ung a —» yng a this house

S /■ \ V / (b) ufu* * a — »> ufu* « a this pain " \ V — ^ (c) ije a ije a this journey

UJhat is true of Onitsha dialects is equally true of other Central

Igbo dialects which have a/ ahu, that is an I hj in place of

Onitsha j'fj . In these dialects, vowel assimilation, but not harmony, obtains in Nominal phrases such as 13. These phonological

features being discussed here have not been pointed out before

because there has been no study of this dialect before now.

From the deictic structures being considered, another

phonological fact also emerges: the low-tone determiner a (this)

requires a preceding high tone. This has meant that all underlying

low tones preceding it turn out as high tones at the surface or

phonetic level, (see 1Qc(i), e(i), f(i) and l<(i), pp« 11-12).

This tone-raising is by no means an isolated incident, but part and

parcel of a more wide-spread phonological feature with all Nominal

structures in Igbo. ■ 42

This is discussed extensively and illustrated under’ Nominal

Structure Tone Rules in 3.3.0. UJhat: must be emphasised here is that this tonal change is structure-specific, its occurrence is restricted to Nominal structures only, under mhich structures the foregoing examples fall. Outside Nominal structures, this phonologically determined Tone-raising does not occur, as the following examples shorn:

NP V/P

15 (a) Ng9 uma meruru ala

Nguma defiled the land. v / _ (b) Imebi akhy na erne onye mkpata iwe.

To spoil tuealth does anger the one ii/ho earns anger

The squandering of wealth does anger the one mho earns

that wealth.

Each of 15(a) and (b) consists of a Nominal phrase (NP) and a Verb phrase (VP) in the relation of subject and verb in a sentence* Because of the two distinct structures involved, a low tone (sequence) followed by another low tone (sequence) as between

\ \ * — ' \ Ng9uma and merury or Imebi and akhy is not only phonologically possible, but perfectly acceptable* But in an NP structure, such a low tone sequence is blocked by a general phonological rule in

Igbo which demands that in any Nominal structure in the language a low tone preceding another low tone across word boundary be raised

tone thus:

\ \ \ ^ \ Abha Enwe abha enwe

jaw monkey a monkey' s jaw \ \ \ ' \ (d) Ngaji Nkata ngaji nkata

spoon the spoon of Nkata 43

(e) Ngaji zutara magburu onwe ya.

spoon Nkata bought beauty-kills self its;

The spoon which Nkata bought is exceedingly beautiful.

In 15(e) above, we have a Relative Clause as the NP, and \ the relationship between the modified Noun (Ngaji) and the modifying

Relative Clause rivtfat-aT Nkata "i1 zytara is formally signallrd iNkata J by the final high tone of the subject NP of the clause. In 1

! other words, if the NP is of the structure represented by Fig. 2, it is N-j that has its final low tone raised^

FIG. 2

But with a Relative clause, it is the final low tone of N2 which undergoes tone-raising, as Fig. 3 shows:

N 2 Rel. Clause

FIG. 3

There-is, therefore, a correspondence of tonal behaviour among

Nominal structures of the following types:

16 ' NP

N-j/A N2 44

(b) N P n

NP -j \ 2 Rel. Clause

(o) NP

Det / (det-]) det2

FIG. 4

It is this correspondence of Tonal behaviour that is our justification for generating their tone patterns by one and the same set of Tone rules in chapter 3,

2*2.0 Assimilation

Uihat Dr, Igwe (1974 pp. 32-34) describes as voiuel elision is here described as assimilation, and it is generally regressive.

Voiuel elision, by u/hich we understand a phonologically conditioned deletion or loss of vowel as in the following French examples: « ^ / C est for Ce est or

ii L b etat has very little, if any, place in Igbo phonology. Definitely, it does not occur in the prepositional constructions which Dr. Igwe cites on page "34 of his thesis* “The phenomenon of vowel elision is very much restricted in Igbo to a relatively very small number of lexical derivations involving the creation of proper names from

Igbo sentences; the process is described in the following section

2.2,1 under the sub-heading ’Lexical Creation, Assimilation and

Elision1 . 45

liie disagree with Dr* Igwe's view that vowel elision occurs in the language in prepositional phrases, as the following extract from page 34 of his thesis assert: 11 In all cases the number of syllables is maintained, except in the case of particle + noun where the particle is the preposition na_, and the following noun has an initial high-tane syllable. Compare (7) (a) with (b)*

7 (a) na +ohya : / n ghya / fin the bush*

(b) na +obu : / noobu / ‘in the hall* "

ll/hat must be emphasised here is that elision has absolutely

nothing to do tuith pitch. The phenomenon which he calls elision

(assimilation, as far as we know) takes place across word/morpheme

boundary regardless of the pitch of the items involved. This

being the case, it is surprising that prepositional phrases constitute

the only exception to what is a general phonological rule of the

Igbo language that Na assimilates to the pitch and vou/el of the

immediately following syllable, or to its pitch only, if the

syllable begins in a syllabic nasal. It seems that Dr* Igwe tends

to confuse orthography with phonological facts. Although it is

an accepted orthography in Igbo to write:

* / n 9 ama in place of na ama

n* yip 11 n ” nax yip

n 5 ahu* ’• *’ 11 na*ahtf * i

n* ala '• 11 » nav ala,

it is no more than a convention to do so, and what is written has

nothing to do with the number and duration of the syllables involved,

as indeed orthography does not necessarily reflect phonetic facts. 46

The following mingograms on pages 4 .7 - 5 0 represent the result of an experiment to determine the duration of the preposition na_ and the noun that follows it in a prepositional phrase. Two types of data have been used.

(a) The first type of data represent the phonological

environment where there can be no vowel assimilation

between n£ and the following item, such items being . .

monosyllabic nouns beginning with consonants. These are:

\ * 1 Na di in marriage etc. j

\ s Na ci from nature

N^ ji from/with yam

In the mingograms of these prepositional phrases, )t

Na has a duration ranging from 22~25mm.

Observe that on pagB § 0 , the initial low tone of the prepositional phrase Na Kano is by far higher' in pitch than the final low tone on - no. This observation is borne out by the fact that the striations of this final low-tone syllable are longer and more spaced out than those of Na^the initial low tone of the phrase, and thus confirming the hypothesis that pitch tends to drift downward from the beginning to the end of' a phrase or sentence, and this downward drifting applies to high as much as to low tones.

(b) These data are such that the phonological environment for vowel assimilation is met since the noun following na in. each case begins with a vowel phoneme. The mingograms are shown on pages 52

On each mingograrn the first portion represents the prepositional phrase spoken as distinct lexical items, without any assimilation, while the second portion shows rm assimilated to the vowel and pitch of the following syllable, thus:

iZ/

»\ 51

1st Portion 2nd Portion

Na * akpa naakpa * in the bag1

Na * aka naaka 'on the hand* na 4 uthu nuuthu 'on the penis’

Nouns beginning with high and low pitches have been used after the preposition Na* The result is as follows:

(i) In all cases, regardless of whether the noun following Na.'

begins with a high or low pitch, the duration na and the I following syllable in the first portion is of a shorter I

duration than the corresponding number of syllables in the

second portion showing assimilation* On page 52 * it is 30 mm.

in the first, but 34 mm* in the second portion; 35 mm. in the

first portion but 40 mm. in the second half of both pages

(ii) But this difference is very negligible when one considers the

fact that one second in time on these mingograms is represented

by 100 mm. What matters is the tendency for the assimilated

portion to be slightly longer in duration than the unassimilated

first portion, and not shorter.

(iii) This result thus confirms our stand that what is involved in

Igbo prepositional phrases is assimilation or change of vowel

and not the loss or deletion of it. Contrary to Rev. Igwe's

claim that high tones are deleted when preceded by the pre

position na, it turns out to be the verifiable fact that both

high and low pitches are subject to assimilation, and that

none of them is subject to deletion.

Types of Assimilation

Three types of assimilation need be distinguished in Igbo:

(a) Phonemic (Regressive) assimilation

(b) Tonemic (Low-tone) assimilation

(a <

I 55

These three phonological features are independent of one another.

The second type seems restricted to our dialect, or at least, it

does not occur in the Green and Igwe dialect. In our dialect,

Tonemic assimilation is limited to those nominals with inherent/lexical

tone pattern of low-high such as bke (rat), bfo (symbol of justice).

The second and third types are far more wide spread features of the

Igbo language; the second is a general phenomenon of cantin' ous s[. ech, while the third, Coalesaent assimilation, obtains only in a specific I phonetic context which will be made clear in the appropriate section.

Although the first and last types of assimilation are wide spread, we

have not come across any description of either of them in print. This

may well be the first: account of them in the literature of the Igbo

language. Let us now examine with illustrative examples, each type of

assimilation, in the order given above.

2.2.1 Phonemic (Uowel) Assimilation

Listening to the speech of an Igbo speaker, one cannot easily

tell where one word ends and the other begins. This is due to the

fact that across ward boundary two adjacent vowels are subject to

assimilation, the following vowel being the assimilating, the preceding

one, the assimilated vowel. This is Regressive assimilation because

the assimilating vowel follows the assimilated one, as the following

examples show:

17 (a) Q gara gry Q garggry

He went to work.

(b) Lrile anu /^Lrilaanu

Do not eat meat.

He is (busy) eating. 56

■*' - ' ✓ (d) 0 gbashara uwa ya n*anwu

C q gbasharuuwlenaanwu J

He spreads his clothes out in the sun.

(e) 0 rlri anu ( i) £ o r i r y a a n u ^

(ii ) jfOrlraanu J

He ate some meat.

In all these examples, it mill be observed that it is the preceding votuel which assimilates to the following one across word boundary* Furthermore, in 17(e) there are two possibilities; (e) (i) with the /y/ off-glide shows what happens when the tongue moves from the very high front sound /i/ to a low back one /a/, and (e) (ii) follows the pattern of other examples of 17 in having no y off-glide.

It has been observed by Rev. Igiue (1974) that ’’when the close vowels i/i and u/u occur as final vowel in a morpheme, no elision

(our assimilation) takes place between it and the initial vowel of the next morpheme whatever type the latter may be” (p. 32). He cites the following examples, besides which we add our own realisation of the same phrase.

(a) Igwe's Ours

/ ^ ishi oru isi ornu• • • •

L i f o o r u ]

C i f y o o r u ]

(b) udi — el"B . ... the appearance of the deer

/ _ (c) egwu gnwa £egwoonwa J

monn-light dance

/ - ( , V oru ochie £oroochie J (d) • • old piece of work £ o ru 5ch ie J

(e) egwu agha £ egwuagha J

war dance/music £ egwaagha £j I 57

, . \ ✓ \ ^ V 7 (f) udi udele I udyuudele J

the appearance of vultures

(g) egwu ikhe £ egwiikhe J

energetic dance Heroic 7 (h) imi Ume £ imyuume J

Um e ’3 noso \ / (i) asi £)koro £ asyookoroJ

Okorofs lie.

UJhat 18 (a)-(i) shoui for our dialect with regard to final i/i and

u/u is as followsi

(i) With i/i in final position, there is the additional

vowel height feature represented by 'y* off-glide, which

does not, however, prevent regressive assimilation, as

1(a), (b), (f), (h), and (i) conclusively show.

(ii) This 'y' off-glide is absent if and only if this final

syllable is a CV where the consonant (c) is the alveo -

palatal fricative /JV» as in 18 (a) where our dialect

has ishi £ i £ i j in place of Igws's isi.

(iii) li/ith u/u as the final vowel in a morpheme, regressive

assimilation takes place unimpeded,, as 18(c) - (e) show. 58

Rev* Igwe's observation does not, therefore, hold true for this dialect being described here.

2*2*2 Lexical Creation, Assimilation & Elision

Throughout this section, uis have consistently talked of vowel assimilation across word boundary, and we have illustrated this phenomenon at the sentence or clause level* There exists, however, at the Nominal group level, what one can describe as vowel elisioi in the sense that we understand it* This happens when two nominal items, or a nominal item and a lexical formative (a suffix, for example) j combine to give rise to a new lexical item, mostly a proper name.

The following examples illustrate what happens:

19 (a) nwa £ okhe nwookhB f nwokho 1

child male Inwokhe J male child

(b) Di' £ ikhe Diikhe Dikhe

husband energy (proper name)

\ /■ , ' v ^ z' V (c) Odo t emene Odgemene udemene

Another happen not (proper name)

\ f s \ ^ ^ \ S " N (d) Nkwp ft Umu t Eze f- ala Nkwuumezaala — >

market sons chief soil Nkwumezala

(a market name)

meaning •the Nkwa market of the real sons of the land'.

Enu Enu ) ugwu Enugwu 1 (e) $ ugwu -> Elu, Elu Elugwu J top hill

Enu Eliigwe 1 J Eligwe ) (f) * igwe Elu EniigweJ Enigwe J

top sky

/ (g) Anya * anwu Anyaanwu Anyanwu

eye sun (proper name) 59

To the above, we may add the following which is not a proper name:

S / — \ / « £ ekhwu useekhwu usekhwu

extreme hearth kitchen

As the arrows indicate, we have assumed that vowel assimilation precedes vowel elision, though this assumption is not crucial to the fact that vowel elision - that is, loss of vowel - does take place in these lexical creations. These examples do not, of course, imply that the formation of every new lexical item in Igbo will necessarily entail vowel elision; on the contrary, only a small lexical group - proper names - do permit of this process. UJe have not tried to discover any constraints, if any, on the operation of this vowel elision in some Igbo lexical creations, since such a subject is outside the scope of the present investigation, but what the data of 19 do strongly suggest is that there should be a separate phonology for proper names in Igbo, as is the case in such languages as Hausa,

Bachama and Yoruba.

2.2.3 Tonemic (Low Tone) Assimilation

Our investigation shows that Tone assimilation is restricted to a class of nominals with an inherent low-high, or low-high-low, or low-high-high. This group of items includes the following:

\ /

ofo» « symbol of justice, Justice \ / akhwa egg

gkuko fowl

\ / ^ omugwo post natal period, confinement of a mother

gpyipya penance, contrition \ ' oriri feast edible 60.

Whenever nouns of the above tone patterns are preceded by an item ending on a high tone, be it a noun or verb, they have their initial low tone raised to the level of the two adjacent high tones: This always happens in

(i) CAUSAL CLAUSES beginning with N'ebe, 'since*

(ii) NEGATIVE Imperative constructions.

(iii) Whenever members of this class of items are in obj ct

position after high-tone verbs. ! The following are illustrative examples; the relevant item4 whose low tone1 has been assimilated are underlined.

20 (a) N'ebe oke nwuruna, welaghani gnya

In the place rat has died, send back then trap

Since the rat has died, return, then,the trap.

, L ^ V — \ y r-> ~- (b) N'ebe akhwa a recherele, lufunee ha

Since eggs these have rotten, throw away them.

Since these eggs have become rotten, throw them away.

Since law traps him he pay fine

Since he is quilty, let him pay a fine.

Causal Clauses beginning with N'ebe are Relative clauses; one

would, therefore, expect the same tonal behaviour from these items in

Igbo Relative clauses given the same tonemic context. This is really

what happens in the following 21 (a-f) which contain relative clauses

21 (a) Onye pkykg ya furu, ya jhe jyo Ekhe

Person fowl his miss he go ask Ekhe

Anybody who loses a fowl should enquire from Ekhe. 21 (b) Agbogho omugwcT chara adii na nkohye

young woman who omugwo brightens is not in mistaking

The young mother on whom there is strong evidence of post- N / \ . natal c a r e (omugwg) cannot be mistaken.

/ \ - *» (c) Onye ofg gburu, ya elele madhy anya n'ihu

person whom ofo kills he look not person eye in face

He who has been penalised by Natural Justice should not look

round for a scapB goat.

(d) Okoro agbogho kwere di, 0 jikwe eg'o?

young man whom a young lady agrees marriage, he has money

The young man to whom a young girl has given consent, has he

got the money?

(e) Ohia oke juru n’ime , ya na atu ujg

Bush which rats full inside it causes fear-

A wood which is full of rats is frightful.

Negative Imperatives

In this construction type, as in Causal N'ebe clauses, the same tonal behaviour is displayed by this class of items, thus:

^ _ \ 22 (a) Acgla yba ahwa.

Look for not wealth much: Do not go after much wealth.

(b) Ecele yfomba thaa

Do not wait for yfomba today.

Do not call Okoro when you are going. 62

As Objects of Hiqh-°Tone Verbs

. / ~ 23 (a ) 0 riri akhwa

He ate some eggs*

(b) 0 ruru ofo

He contravened Natural Justice.

/ \ v *" . . (c) 0 kpgro anyi onn

He called us feast; He invited us to a feast* 1 I Nouj. contrast the tone pattern of the underlined nouns in 23 with their tone pattern in the following 24

24 (a) 0 rlele akhuia

He has eaten some eggs,

/ \ / „ - (b) Onya m amagbuole oke

Trap my has caught rat; ffly trap has caught a rat.

/ — (c) I ruola ofo • # • » | | •

You have contravened Natural Justice.

It will be observed that rather than maintaining the same level as the preceding high tone, the relevant syllable of' these same items is . on lowered high or dounstep relation to the preceding high tone.

Yet it is the same tonal assimilation that is going on. UJhat seerns to determine whether it is a high or downstep tone is a combination of the following factors;

(a) The presence of a previous doiunstep in the sentence, and

(b) The number of syllables on the same level as this dounstep

before the following doiunstep on the class of items being

considered here.

Contrast the following two sentences, for example;

25 (a) Cgbuole m oke; I have killed a rat,

(b) I gbuole oke: You have killed a rat 63

In 25 (a) oke merely 'assimilates to the immediately preceding downstep, but in (b) there is a further downstepping on oke where the distance, measured in terms of intervening syllables, is longer.

But since phonology is not our immediate concern in this thesis, we do not pursue this investigation any further. It is sufficient to point out that all these tonal phenomena are exponents of tonemic assimilation.

Before we leave this aspect of* assimilation, we must emphasise that tonemic assimilation does not take place if the items I involved have either of the following tone patterns*

(i) low-low such as ala or

(ii) low-low-high such as omume

Tor it to take place, the initial low tone must be immediately followed by a high tone. Consider the following examples in the light of the above statement:

26 (a) Nke e wu onye iwu ya. na eshi ikhe

(b) « " M ” ala ya na afu uka

(a) This is the one whose law is strict.

dispute

This is the one whose fowl got missing.

(d) Nke e wu onye omume ya na amashi m

This is the one behaviour his does please me

This is the one whose behaviour pleases me.

From the above data, it will be observed that low-tone assimilation

\ s has taken place in 26(a) and (c) where the lexical items, iwu and gkukg have the appropriate tone pattern, but not in (b).and (d) where

the items ala and omume'' do not meet the tone pattern requirement for low-tone assimilation. 64

The following rule captures this low-tone assimilation!

Tone Rule (Tn-Rule)4 /

W [ - ] / [•"] * - f t

where +R denotes (high) tone (low )

n " pitch value.

The above rule is part of a wider scheme on Tone and Tone Rules in Igbo,

which is the subject of the following chapter 3, (3.3,, p. 1 % $ )

Tonemic Assimilation in Prepositional (Nai NP) Phrases.

There are two items in Igbo which are subject to a combination of

tonemic and phonemic assimilation: the first is the -rV suffix, and the

other is Na1 as a preposition. These two'items have been discussed in

2*1.1. Prepositional (Na NP) phrases are too well known in Igbo to deserve

any further belabouring here. UJe only give a few illustrative examples of

the total assimilation of Na to the tone and vowel of the immediately

preceding syllable, provided that the lexical item in question begins in

a vowel or syllabic nasal:

/ 27(a) Na ishi na ishi C_ n i i s h i j n'ishi

on the head / \ (b) Na uzo na uzo C nuuzo J n' uzo

on the way

in justice

(d) Na mba na mba n a mba

abroad

\ . / N (e) Na Laagwa na Laagwa na Laagwa

at Lagwa

na London (f) Na $ London na London

The foregoing examples show that assimilation is total or complete, 65 if the following nominal begins in a vowel; it is only tonemic but not phonemic, if the following nominal begins in a syllabic nasal; there is no assimilation whatsoever, if the following nominal begins in any consonant other than the already mentioned syllabic nasal (27 (e-f)).

Complete (phonemic and tonemic) assimilation (27(a-c)) is not dependent in any way on whether the initial tone of the following item is either high or low; it takes place regardless of the pitch of the adjacent syllable* As we have pointed out earlier on in 2.1.1., the number or duration of the two syllables involved remains unaffacted by the process of assimilation by which we understand a change of phoneme at word boundary, and not an elision or loss of the same phoneme. Such orthographic conventions as

n'ish.i for na ishi/niishi

n’ulo for na ulo/nuulo

n’ala for na ala/naala must be seen as such, and not confused with phonetic facts.

The rules to capture this unique feature of Igbo Prepositional

Phrases remain as given by ffl. S. Rules 2(a)-(c).

2.2.4 Coalescent Assimilation

Daniel Jones defines coalescent assimilation in the following words:

"the sounds A & C influence each other and coalesce into the single sound B"

(p.219). This seems to be what is happening in the following Igbo examples:

(a) Orthoqra phy Phonetic Realisation / ishi ya his/her head |J s 1 0

s . / (b) akpiK ya* - its louse akpia ♦

/ — M ukwu ya - his foot ukwia • • / > / (f) okpo ya his path Okpie 66

/ \ 29(a) 0 nyere m ya YOnyeretnia ' " '

He gave ma it: He gave it to ma

s \ Y' ' ' 1 (b) 0 nyere gi'ya Onyeregia

He gave you it: He gave it to you. s (c) 0 nyere ya ya \ O n ' n y Ne n e' y a

He gave him it: He gave it to him, \ / (d) 0 nyere . snyi ya J^Onyeraanyi'aj

Ha gave us it: Ha gave it to us; ✓ \ («) 0 nyere unu ya r Onyeruumen v ' -N ' 1

Ha gave you it: He gave it to yyou.

✓ rv / r . s - (f) 0 nyere ha ya I Onyerehia4"] Ha gave them it: He gave it to them.

The phenomenon could be represented in ths following u/ay:

M.S. Rule 6 V ^ Ya ™

/ I / will of course be realised as either [ij or ^ i ^ i n harmony with the preceding vowel, and will in turn determine the phonetic value of

/ £ I, the vowel of ya, as the data of 28 reveal.

Coalescent assimilation is not structure specific, it takes place whenever tho phonological environment for it is met, that is, in environment

c ° v j but not *n j y j ___

In other words, ya must not be preceded by two consecutive vowels in order for coalescent assimilation to take place; the following

illustrate the point

30(a) Bhsf ya C bhia J Grab/get hold of him \ / (b) Bhaa ya — > */bhaia_J Enter/get into it *jqbuiej Kill it (c) Gbud ya — >

(d) Nyif ya eg'o nyieeg’o^J Give him/her money 67

The starred examples in 30(b) and (c) are not phonetically possible

* because of the preceding consecutive vowels in each case. UJe have not

come across any mention of coalescent assimilation in Igbo anywhere before.

2.3 AFFIXES

In this section, we shall set out all the inflectional affixes

(Prefixes and Suffixes) which function in this dialect, and we also provide

appropriate sets of examples to illustrate their use.

As we made clear at the beginning of this chapter, the role of affixes

in the inflectional morphology of Igbo has been either misunderstood or very

narrowly understood. Dr G. E. Igwe, who with IDiss !K1. Pfl. Green produced the

first ever comprehensive grammar of Igbo in 1963, still holds the view that

suffixes are optional elements in verb inflection: "It has been erroneously

assumed that the suffixes -ghl and ~1A were necessary elements in Negative

Clauses. But what will be stated very emphatically is that no suffix of

the language, including the vowel suffix, has to occur obligatorily in any

construction type, whether Imperative or Non-Imperative, Negative or Positive.

Suffixes occur only when the particular function which they indicate are 3 present in the constructions".

UJe find it very difficult to accept this view of Dr Igwefe in the face

of strong evidence to the contrary from our own dialect, which must be

considered a dialect of the Igbo Language. It is still too early in the

study of the Igbo Language to make such a global statement as the above

quotation from Dr Igwe's thesis.

Contrary to what Dr Igwe says, we believe that in Igbo, as in any

other language, it is possible to omit certain grammatical forms of language

provided that there is a contextual clue as to the meaning of the omitted

forms. Consider the following Igbo sentences in the light of this observation

3 G.E. IGUJE, University of London Ph.D. thesis, p. 155. y S f \ S n> \ / 28(a) 0 jho ahya mgbu m hwuru ya

Hb was going to markst when I saw him.

(b) 0* jhere ahya (edfci gara aga)

Ha uient to market (yesterday).

In tha above 28(a) & (b), it will be observed that the past time suffix, rV, is an obligatory element of one of the verbs: dn (a) it is present in the verb of the subordinate clause hwuru -

•saui*, which gives the entire construction its time reference.

In (b), it is the main verb of the sentence that bears the time suffix. This suffix is never optional in any dialect of Igbo that os are aware of. The effect of omitting this time suffix is to produce the ill-formBd 28(c) inspito of tho presence of a subordi nating clause of time. On the other hand, 28(b) above is well- formed whether or not there is a tims adverbial clause simply because tho time-indicating suffix is present in the verb.

He is going to market yesterday.

Furthermore, in the absence of any study of Igbo verbs, it will be very difficult to support a statement which claims that suffixes ere optional in verb inflection in Igbo. 69

optional in verb inflection. ft random sample of verbs from the language t suggests the recognition of-the following sub-categories of verbs on

syntactic or phonological grounds:

(a) those verbs which obligatorily take the open vowel suffix, and

(b) those that do so optionally - in certain construction types.

The construction types which provide the diagnostic tests are:

(i) Imperative Affirmative

(ii) Perfect Tense "

(iii) Conditional Clauses and

(iv) Narrative Constructions

Thus, in Imperative Affirmative; we have I'V* / 29(a) hwu ya but not *hwuo • « ya

see him / (b) gbuo ya but not *gbu ya

kill it/him / (c) rie ya but not *ri ya

eat it

In the Perfect and Narrative forms, the same / N -V / / 30(a) Ogu ahwuna nwie ya:

Ogu has seen his wife ✓ N ✓ (b) Ogu egbuole nnunu

Ogu has killed a bird / \ / (c) Ogu eriele nnunu

Ogu "has eaten ""'a bird s \ / v. X1* \ ^ 31(a) Ibe gara ula ogwu, hwu nwanne ya

Ibe went to the hospital and saw his brother/sister,

(b) Ibe khworo ala gbuo nwanns ya

Ibe regarded land and killed his brother/sister.

Ibe killed his brother/sister because of land. ■32. Ibe shichere anu 9 rie ya

Ibe finished cooking meat, and ate it.

It will be observed that this vowel suffix is consistently taken by verbs like igbu, and iri in all these construction types, ihwu, on the other hand, consistently does not take it. But when, in perfect tense, and perfect tense only, ihwu takes an open vowel suffix, a new element of meaning emerges thus:

33(a) I hwuona ya (tha')?

Have you ever seen him (today)?

■ (b) Ee, ahwuona m ya. j

Yes, I have once seen him.

33(a) and (b) suggest that there is not just one, but two, or possibly more vowel suffixes in Igbo, one inflectional, and the other meaning-modifying. The same may apply to the -r«? suffixes; there may be many more of them than have been so far recognised. Since a sub-catego risation based on these inflectional characteristics must be recognised in a thorough study of Igbo verbs, it is a bit premature to talk in terms of suffixes occurring when the function they perform is present. UJe pursue this subject in greater detail in the following section 2.3.1 where we show that there ip nothing random or optional about the occurrence of these or any other Igbo suffixes.

2.3.1 INFLECTIONAL PREFIX AND SUFFIXES

The following prefix and suffixes are obligatory and inflectional in the dialect being described here. It is very similar to that described by

Swift, Ahaghotu and Ugorji in IGBO BASIC COURSE, 1962. Foreign Service

Institute, Washington D.C.

In view of the fact that reference will constantly be made to verbs in the examples which follow, we have adopted the following classification of verbs after the suggestion of Professor Carnachan (1966). 71

VERB CLASS 1 for high-tone verbs such as

/ „ iri to eat.

VERB CLASS 2 " Iouj tones verbs such as

idha to fall.

l/ERB CLASS 3 for those verbs formerly classed as

High-Low verbs, such as

iga, ’to go', ibya, to come.

This class comprises verbs which in one construction type behave as high, and in another as low tone verbs. For example:

. . / ^ 34(a) 0 gara ahya: He went to market.

(b) D gala ahya: He has gone to market.

/ \ /" V / - (c) Ya gaa ngwangwa: Let him go quickly.

(d) Ya^ gaa ngwangwa: If he goes quickly ...

Thus Class 3 verbs will tonally behave like members of Class 1 in some

construction types, and like Class 2 verbs in others.

A fourth group, Verb Class 4, may be recognised along the line

suggested by Dr Igwe, in his thesis (p.45), this is the class of compound

verbs. Despite Dr Igwe's argument to the contrary, there is a lot to be

said for Professor Carnochan's suggestion that these classes of verbs should

be sub-classified according to those which take or do not take the vowel

/ t suffix - 0/A. The situation is that on phonological grounds alone, some

members of these classes will obligatorily take the vowel suffix, while for

others its presence is optional. As we observed earlier on, for all verbs

ending in the highest front and back vowels £i] and [ u ] , a harmonising

vowel suffix seems obligatory, for other vowels, it seems optional - a

fact which suggests a re-examination of the vowel suffix along phonological

rather than strictly syntactic lines. 72

In ths rest of this section, we shall set out the relevant prefix and t suffixes, illustrating their use as we go along.

(i) The Open Vowel Prefix, A«-

The symbol, A- stands for the harmonising vowel prefix ths presence

of which constitutes the diagnostic test for Green and Igwe Subject Verb

Form II. It is found in

(i) all Negative verb forms in this dialect

(ii) Perfect verb forms

(iii) Narrative verb form, Non-initiating

(iv) the verb form of Subject-Verb Inverted construction 1

M it also stands for the Indefinite Pronoun Subject in the

Igbo pronominal system.

In this dialect, therefore, the verb form representative of (a-d) above is

of the following morphemic shape:

jT a + cv + suffix. (Prefix + verb-stern + suffix)

Verb

UJe thus agree with Dr Carrell's analysis of the same verb form, although

Dr Igwe disagrees with both of us. For the time being, two examples of

each type will suffice to illustrate the point here, since the rest of this

chapter is devoted to a full illustration of various construction types and

the type of verb forms they permit.

Negative Constructions:

^ N / — \ / X ' > 35(a) Ogu eribele hwe ke mgbu ututu.

Ogu has not eaten thing since time of morning:

Ogu has not eaten anything since morning. V ^ - ✓ s ' - \ y - (b) Obi aju^gha"hii unu hwe mere^ni

Obi is asking not you thing which happened:

Obi is not asking you what happened. 73

Narrative - Non-initiating ✓ > ^ *> 35(c) ..... Anyc agaduj ya agwachaa anyi okwu • •

UJe reached and he told complete us words:

(And ) uie reached, he talked to all of us. (when)

(d) Ya”" ahwu m, gbawa oso. • • *

And he saw me, and started running.

Verb - Subject Inverted Construction: This subject verb inversion is

possible only with the first and third person singular pronoun

35(e) Agara m ahya

UJent I market: I went to market.

/ ^ \ /- _ (f) Ebidhole hi iga akwukwo

Started have they going School: They have started going

to School.

Perfect Verb Form

' s . ' (g) Unu anuona mai m dhoro

You have drunk wine I left: You have taken the wine

which I left.

^ N / S (h) Anyi agwala ya otho i kwuru

UJe have told him manner you said:

UJe have told him as you said.

Indefinite Pronoun Subject ^ V 36(a) A luru og'u n'ahya.

One fought fipbt in market:

People fought in the market.

(b) F gbucere mma n'og'u ohi * • * •

One cut even matchets in fight that: People even matcheted

themselves in that fight. f / 2.3.2 SUFFIXES - The Open Vowel Suffix -O/fl

This suffix which is' associated with affirmative verbs is to be found in the Perfect form of the verb as well as in the following construction types:

(i) The Imperative

(ii) The Narrative

(iii) Conditional Clauses A (Open Conditions)

(iv) The Perfect tense/aspect of the verb.

In order to illustrate what happens in the above construction types, the following representative verbs have been chosen:

(a) iri (vb cl. l) to eat

(b) ili ( 2) " bury / m (c) iti (mkpu) ( 3) ” shout < _ (d) ire ( 1) " sell

(e) ig'e (nthi) ( 2) u listen /* „ (f) ime ( 3) " do ✓ _ (g) iri ( 1) " crauil (of insects)

(h) ici ( 2) M laugh » . ■» imi ( 3) " dry over the fire (i) . *

(j) ira ( 1) 11 leak, eat ✓ V (k) idha ( 2) " fall / ^ iga ( 3) u go (1) •

(m) iko (akuko) ( 1) u narrate v ~ (n) iko ( 2) " plant

igo (ago) ( 3) " deny (o) • • * / _ (p) ifu ( 1) ” pain « • X N. (q) ifu ( 2) " go out

(r) inu ( 3) “ hear s _ (s) ito ( 1) H grow ✓ *" (t) ito ( 2) " praise 75

/ _ 3?(u) ilo (vb. cl.3) to swallow / „ M igbu ( 1) t> kill

/ % M ifu ( 2) ti get lost

M ikwu ( 3) ii talk, say

The following are illustrative examples of their use in the following construction types.

(i) Imperatives / 38(a) Rie ya Eat itl

v / (b) Lie ya Bury it

^ / (c) T ie mkpu Shout out

/ (d) Ree manu kobo iri

Bell the oil kobo ten: Sell the oil ten kobos.

V s‘ ^ **•» y ^ (e) G'ee ni nthi n'okwu ya • •

Listen you ear to word his: Listen to him, you people

(f) [Ylee/ hwe o gurara g i

Do thing he told you

✓ \ ( g ) Lju, ria n 1 ala (a hypothetical situation) •

Snail, crawl on the ground!

S / / (h) Cia (oci) mu elee. * • • *

Laugh (laughter) let me s e e .

^ V / (i) lYlia azu n 1okhu

Dry the fish over the fire .

N (j) Raa _epe niil.e. ...f.oro ni • • •

Eat oranges all which remain *

Eat all the remaining oranges.

S (k) D(a)aA n ’ala, bewe akhwa

Fall on the ground start crying cry:

Fall on the ground and start crying.

(i) Ga(a) ngwangwa, bikho

Go quickly, please 76

(m) Koo akuko bhara uru. • • • » Narrate story which is useful: Narrate a useful story.

(n) Koo ji tupu i koo Bde • * # ft • Plant yams before you plant cocoyarns: Plant the yams

before the cocoyams *

/ \ s * \ / - (a) Goo ago gbuo, mu akugbuo gi • ft « • •

Deny denial now I beat will you: If you deny

now, I will beat you up.

(p) Ya^ fuo m ufu * «

It pain me pain: Let is pain me.

(q) Fu(o) osiiso * ♦ * • •

Go out immediately.

A/ / N ** (r) Nu hwe ekwughe hi »

Hear thing are saying they: Hear what they are saying.

(s) Too tha, too eci

Grow today, grow tomorrow: Grow very rapidly.

(t) Too ya maka hwe oma ya niile

Praise him for thing good of him all: Praise him for all

his good works.

(u) Loo ya

Swallow it.

4 Ule have used the circular brackets to denote that the open vowel suffix is optional in the relevant examples. If the imperative verb form is the simple (unsu ffixed) verb stem, then its tone is determined by the following consideration - thus: if the following item begins on a low tone, then the tone of the simple imperative verb must be high, but low, if the following item begins on a high tone; Fy n 1a m a : Go out to the road - but not *Fy It dha'" n* al a : Fall to the ground, but not *dha ii So far only verbs of Tone Class 2 & 3 are known to behave in this way. 77

38 (v) Gbuo ya Kill it

(w) Lufuo ya * Throw it away

(x) Kwuo hwe i coro • ft ft

Say thing you want: Say what you want.

(ii) The Narrative

The verbs in the Narrative form are underlined.

(a)..Va^ erie hwe n'anyasu *

And he ate something in the evening s / s /• (b) fflgbu e mechere, e lie ya

When one finished, one buried him: They buried him

afterwards.

. . i"- N ^ *“ S — (c) Ndi ohi byara, anyi etie mkpu *

Thieves came and we shouted.

(d) Anyi gara ahya^ ree eghu ft 1

UJe went to market and sold the goat

, , /* — ■>./ /■ _ (e)..Ha abya q’ee nthi n'okwu ya.

And they came and listened ear to words his:

And they came and listened to what he had to say.

^ N / *** \. t (f) 0' bechere akhwa, bya mee hwe a gwara ya.

He complete cried cry come did thing one told him

He finished crying and then did what he was told.

(g) Eju aria, esu ana

..Snails crawled about and millipedes crawled about, too. s' ^ ^ „__ ... >. s' >• y (h) D kwuru " okwu, anyi acia.

He talked and we laughed. / „ N / r> ^ (i)..Ya eqbute azu, mia ha n'okhu * ft * * And he caught fish and dried them over .the fire

s' \ / V / (j) Imo ghotara epe raa

Imo plucked some oranges and ate. 78

x 39(k) 0 nyujhe elu, dha(a).

He was climbing and fell: He fell while climbing.

(1) 0 shiri ulo oru qa(a) ahya • ft

He went through house of work went market: He went

to the market from his work place.

(m) Q futara koo otho ha jiri mee ft » •

He came out and narrated manner they u s b P and did:

He came out and told us how they got on.

*'"N s V / , V ■ ^ _ Anyi koro ji, koo ede, koo akpu, (n) # * • •• ft« * UJe planted yams and planted cocoyams and planted cassajva:

We planted yams, cocoyams, and cassava. / N X N (o) 0 mechere goo okwu niile o kwuru.

He finished and denied words all he said:

He finally denied everything he had said.

(p) 0 mere ya ogwu, ya afuo m ufu

He did it medicine, it pained me pain:

He applied some medicine to it, and it pained me.

(q) 0 gatara na mgbawa fu(o)

It went through crack and went out: It escaped through

a crack (on the wall).

(0 Anyi noro n'ezhi inu okwu ya, • ft • •

We stayed in compound and heard word his: We heard

him from outside. /* ~ XV (s) Nwa ya nwokho etoo dimkpa

And son her male grew a man:

And her son grew to become a man. N / \ N ^ v V (t) Ha jiri ukwe na ekpere too Chineke.

They used songs and prayers praised God:

They praised God with songs and prayers.

p mahii ama loo ya • • He did not know and swallowed it: He unknowingly swallowed it. 79

/ \ ^ s ■*' - 39(v) D hwuru ag* u, qbuo ya • I I »

He saw a lion and killed it.

(w) Anyi colakara ya fuo n'ime ohya • « t

Ule searched For him and lost in the forest: UJe kept

on searching for him until we got last in the forest.

(x)/ \ A manyere - ya, ya ekwuo- hwe di - ya n'obi "

One forced him and he said thing which is to him in mind:

He was forced to say what was in his mind. . -

(iii)____Conditional Clause A - Open Condition I . In view of the fact that the ability of any verb in Igbo to tak^ the open vowel suffix in question does not depend on its tone class, but on the quality of its final vowel, we shall restrict our examples here and in the following sub-section to just one verb representing its tone class. UJe shall give more than one example of each class of verbs only in cases where such examples present a contrasting behaviour. By so doing, we hope to cut down on the number of examples rather drastically, without detracting from the point being illustrated here.

s 40(a) Gi rie an u , mu erie azu * • •

If you eat meat, I shall eat fish . s \ (b) Gi ree eghu m, aga m agbara gi akwukwo ♦ • *

If you sell goat my shall I summon you paper:

If you sell my goat , I shall take you to court.

s ^ \ / \ / (c) Ukpara ahi ria ya n 1ahu, ya etete *

If grasshopper that crawls it on body, it wakes.

If that grasshopper crawls on to its body, it will wake. \ / (d) Ya^ raa shi, e meshie ya ikhe.

If he eats mess, one treats him hard(idiomatic)

If he should become unruly/rude, he will be severely dealt with. 80

✓ / — 40(e) Gi dha(a) I ga imeru ahu • * • •

If you fall * you will wound body : If you

should fall, you will be hurt.

Ya^ nkhu, anyi aqa^a) m i ri . (f) • *

If he goes for firewood , we shall go for water.

^ \ / c~> \ (g) Unu koo hwe unu byara, anyi agwa unu % «

If you narrate thing you came for, we tell you x hwe^ anyi c e r e .

thing we think: If you tell us the object of your miss

we shall tell you what we think (about it).

/ X (h) Ogwu ohi f uo ya ufu, ya ebewe. * « « *

If medicine that pains him pain, he start cryii

If that medicine should cause him some pain, he will start crying.

fu(o), anyi * « •

(j) Ya' nu okwu anyi, obi ga ajo ya njo: . • * •

hears words our, heart will be bad to him bad:

hears our utte :es, he will feel offended,

(k) Ya to o , ya amia mkpuru e * «

If it grows, it will bear fruits.

— N / (1) Gi" gbuo madhu, b qbuo gi • *

If you kill person, one kills y o u : If you commit

murder, you will be killed.

(lv) The Perfect Tense/flspect

/ \ — / 41(a) Amandfkwa eriele (idiomatic)

Amandikwa has eaten: Amandikwa is lucky.

/ (b) 0 reele rnoto ya

He has sold his car.

\ (c) Gju ariala laa. (idiomatic)

Snail has crawled and gone: Something good has escaped us. V / - / _ 41(d) Araala epe niile foroni • • •

have eaten I orange all which remain:

I have eaten all the remaining oranges

(adha la 1 (b) Nway ahi Ca'bhaa'' la

Child that has fallen: That child has fallen ✓ (f) 0 gala ahya

He has gone to market.

(g) o' qaala ahya

He has been to market (and back).

(h) 0 koola hwe mereni » • *

He has narrated thing that happened: He has narrated what

happened.

nice ukwu

UJound that has pained him pain very m u c h :

That wound has given him a lot of pain.

(j) 0 fu la He has gone out fuola ✓ (k) nu na hwe mere ni?

Have you heard what happened? x ✓ (l) I ‘ nuona hwe mereni • * •

Have you ever heard what happened?

(m) Nwef ya etoole

Child her has grown*. Her child has grown. ✓ (n) Ibe egbuole eghu wa

Ibe has killed goat the: Ibe has killed the goat.

Throughout these examples, the same set of verbs given in 37 have been

used. These verbs are representative of all the tonal classes given at

the beginning of this section; furthermore, they represent all the vowels

that possibly may end the citation forms of Igbo verbs, ranging from the

highest from vowel to the highest back one. The examples based on these 82

verbs provide strong evidence in support of our vieiu that it is neither

* fortuitous nor irregular that some Igbo verbs take the open vowel suffix

obligatorily, while others do so optionally. The determining factor seems

phonological, rather than syntactic*

The essence of the data presented in 37-41 is to show the consistency

of Igbo verbs in taking the open vowel suffix either obligatorily or

optionally in the relevant construction types given here. From the above

data, the following facts emerge:

(i) If a verb takes the open vowel suffix obligatorily in its

imperative form, it does so consistently in all the construction

types listed here; if the vowel suffix is optional in its

imperative, it remains so in all the relevant construction types.

(ii) all verbs whose citation form ends in the high vowels i , e ,

u and o obligatorily take the vowel suffix, while some of

those ending in the relatively less high vowels i , a , u

and o do so optionally,

(iii) in some cases where the vowel suffix is optional, its presence

in one verb form, as opposed to its absence in the other, may

introduce an extra dimension of meaning as in 41(f) and (g).

(iv) in other cases, it is possible for a verb which does not take

this vowel suffix in all the relevant constructions to do so in

the perfect form in order to signal a meaning difference. Such

is the case with inu (37 (r) in examples 4l(k) and (l). This

phenomenon seems restricted to questions.

(v) it is also necessary to point out the existence in Igbo of other

instances of meaning distinguishing (or semantic) vowel suffix,

as in the following examples:

42(a) 0 nuna. He has heard (vb inu hear) • * * *

(b) Q/ nuona It has warmed up (vb inu to warm over the fire) « • * * * / - (c) Miri anuona The water has become warm. 83

in cases such as 42(a) & (b), the vowel suffix only serves to

distinguish the tiuo homonyms -

inu to hear

inu to warm (liquid) over the fire. t • 5 The full details of the situation are yet to emerge from a research into the inflectional monphology of Igbo verbs.

However, in the face of the phonological and semantic facts presented here, it seems premature to suggest that the open vowel suffix is an optional element in verb inflection. Far from that, its occurrence with any particular verb seems predictable on purely phonological grounds in the first instance. ! It is after one has predicted those verbs which take the vowel suffix obligatorily, that one can venture to the next statement about those verbs for which this vowel suffix is optional. At this stage, we may have to separate the semantic vowel suffix from the optional but inflectional one in order to arrive at any meaningful general statement about them.

5 UJhat we have sketched here does not amount to such a full scale research, but only shows the regularity of the occurrence or non-occurrence of this vowel suffix in this dialect. Our findings here may be subject to qualification based on new evidence, but they have a fair chance of being basically true. Since verb inflectional monphology is not strictly relevant here, we shall pursue the investigation no further. UJhat we have done here amounts to providing some possible approaches to such an investigation. 84

2,3.3* Other Affirmative Suffixes

(i) The Simple Present with zero suffix

The morpheme constituent of verbs in this tense/aspect is simply the cv stem. But only a small class of stative verbs are involved here, her.^e such verb forms are capable of being interpreted as either the present progressive or simply the existential present. Such verbs includes

/ \ 43(a) ino - to be, stay at (vb cl.2) • • \ (b) ikhwo - to have regard for, intend 11

(f) c - to carry (vb cl.3) / _ (9 ) idi - to be * . / _ (h) iwu - to be

*H _ <— 1 / Q. CD CO E

I n the unsuffixed present, all these verbs, except iwu behave like class 2 or low tone verbs, as the following examples show:

44(a) Oikhe no n'ulo * * *

Dikhe is r in the house n

at home J)

^ S. (b) Ekhe vu igu

Ekhe is carrying palm fronds

Amaka is (Tarrying her baby.

z' \ / (d) Ngozi kwo nwa n 1 azu * « *

Ngozi is carrying a baby on her back. * / \ s ^ v (e) Ug'o ji egbe

Ug’o is carrying/has a gun.

(f) 0 wu Qkoro • •

It is Okoro In the foregoing sentences, all noun subjects, regardless of their

*>tone classes, maintain their inherent tone pattern. This fact reflects one

of the differences between our dialect and that described by Green and Igwe.

where all tone classes 1 and 2 nouns would be expected to take on an extra

low tone thus:

44(g) D ik h e v no n ’ulo: Dikhe is in

(h) Ekhe vu igu: Ekhe is carrying some palm fronds.

(ii) The Present Progressive Suffix -qhfl

In this dialect, the verb with -ghA suffix is very commonly used to

express an on-going action in place of the alternative construction with the

auxiliary verb Nja. The suffix is harmonising and assimilates to the tone of

its verb stem. As in the case of the simple present with stative verbs, all

noun subjects retain their inherent tone pattern. UJe, therefore, give the

following paradigm with pronoun rather than noun subjects. / „ 45(a) £ righe m anu: I am eating some meat *

(b) I righe azus You (sing.) are eating some fish

People are eating fresh yam today. X V x _ (e) Anyi righe ji ohuo thaa: UJe are eating fresh yam today X" \ X _ (f) Unu righe ji ohuo thaa: You " " " 11 "

(g) P E ’righe hi 1 " " " They" " " " "

Lha righe J

Verbs of tone classes 2 & 3 behave tonally identically here, their stem is

on low tone, and so is that of the following -ghA suffix. The fallowing

46 illustrate this fact:

/ . X ' \, y' V X v X V. X ^ X V 46(a) Ovute keghe umu ndom akwa n'otu n'otu (vb. cl.2)

Ovute is sharing to womenfolk cloth one by one

Ovute is giving out a piece of wrapper to each of the women. 86

/ \ ^ 'v * / 46(b) filgbaji gaghakwa ahya du tha (vb. cl.3)

Hflgbaji is attending still market reach today: fflgbaji is still

trading up till today.

(iii) The Progressive Present with Na

Because of the existence in this dialect of the present progressive

suffix -ghA, the alternative form of expressing an on-going action by means

of the auxiliary ria is much less used. UJhen used in this dialect the Na

auxiliary verb is more and more restricted to one of its two functions -

that of expressing the habitual action. Thus 47 have the habitual rather

than the progressive present meaning: ^ \ 47(a) Dgu na ahu mai •

Ogu does drink wine: Ogu drinks / N ■N* (b) 0 na 8 VU akwa

He does carry cloths: He is a dealer in

tj / (c) Orna\ ezu ohi

U * 1

He does steal: He is a thief.

/ \ s (d) 0 rna aru ala

(jij

He does defile the ground: He is a wicked

As 47 (c) & (d) show, when na is used to express a habitual meaning, it is / V in free variation with another auxiliary iji. However, for those dialects

of Igbo which do not have any other way of expressing a progressive present meaning than by the use of na, the situation described above does not obtain.

(iv) The Future with qa

The simple future is expressed in most, if not all, dialects of Igbo

by means of the complex verb form shown in the following examples:

48(a) 0 (* ga abya 'T eci

ibya J

He will come tomorrow, \ / _ s V 48(b) Okuko ga af u ndhu ma e lemaa anya

ifu

Fowl this will come out alive if one looks well eye

This fowl will survive, if care is taken. \ (c) Ibe ga ^mbya / N < abya > ma gwa ya

✓ _ cibya. •

Ibe will come, if one tells him: Ibe will

come, if he is told.

Observe that the verb form after _ga admits of various prefixes, we shall

discuss these prefixes in detail in 2.3.5.

(v) The Past/Time Suffix ~t\f

In this verb form, as in the -ghA present progressive, verbs of

classes 2 & 3 behave identically in having their stem on a low tone. As we

pointed out in 2.1.1., the-rV suffix assimilates to the vowel and tone of

the immediately preceding element, be it the verb stem or another suffix.

As in the simple present, all noun subjects with the past tense of the

verb retain their inherent tones, a situation which contrasts with Qhuhu

where nouns ending on a high tone (classes 3 & 4) generally develop a final

low tone. This low tone along with the time suffix -rV is taken to

constitute the marker of this tense form for that dialect. But in our

dialect, the time suffix alone is the past time indicator. UJe give a few

illustrative examples:

f a \ Ekwe duru ishi mkpu (Ohuhu) . . ✓ Ekwe n It ii (Ezinihitte)

Ekwe swore oath false: Ekwe swore a false oath.

N Anya kuru nkwu 0 n'anya'su (Ohuhu) • * • « ♦ * *

Anya kuru nkwu 0 ’* (Ezinihitte) * « •

Anya tapped oil palm this in the evening:

Anya tapped this oil palm in the evening. 88

Apart from th8 falling glide on the noun subjects in 49(a) and (c)

* above, there is also the additional fact that the -rV verb form in Ohuhu

is always on low tones regardless of the class of verb involved. This

fact accounts for the contrasting tone patterns of the same verb in

49(c) and (d).

In the following examples, each member of the three classes of verbs

has been used:

50(a) E riri ya iwu (vb. cl.l)

One fined him fine: He was fined.

/ (b) Imo dhara elu ugba (vb. cl.2)

Imo fell top of oil bean tree: Imo fell from an

oil bean tree.

He did thing earth abhors: He committed an

abomination.

(vi) The Progressive Past with l\la

The popular way of expressing a past progressive action is by the us

of the past form of the auxiliary verb, na^ followed by the appropriate

form of the verb, as in 51.

S N /* V 51(a) Ogu r nara n awa ojhi

(jiaara J ' '

Ogu used to saw iroko tree: Ogu used to be a sawyer N -A / (b) Onyekwere nara agbafu mgba

Onyekwere used to wrestle ably wrestle: Onyekwere used to

be an able wrestler. *■'' N ^ x / „ (c) Og'e i nara ekwu ezhi-okwu agaala *

Time you used to talk true word has gone:

Gone are the days when you used to speak the truth.

Theoretically, there exists an alternative method of expressing the

progressive past - by means of the present progressive suffix -ghA and the

- r V time suffix as in 51 (d). 89

51(d) ? 0 zaghara ama: He was sweeping the road.

But in practice, 51(d) is very rarely, if ever, heard. For this reason, we have not bothered to give any examples based on this fbrm. ll/hat happens is that the present progressive -ghA verb form and the past progressive J\[a auxiliary form are in complementary distribution: the verb +-ghA suffix is the papular choice for expressing present conti nuous action in preference to the nia_ verb form, whereas in the past the Ha_ form with -rV time suffix has displaced the -qhA+ rV1 verb form. Thus, the lack of popularity of the Na" form in the present progressive is compensated by its popularity in expressing the past progressive action.

(vil) The Perfect Suffix ~lA/*^~nA/

In this dialect, the perfect form of the verb with the high tone suffix "1A (which is realised as -na ifthe preceding sound is a nasal or nasalised) is the only affirmative verb form with the open vowel prefix A-; this prefix has been discussed in 2,3.1, and its analysis as the Aorist tense marker by Rev. Igwe (1974) will be re-examined in 2.3.5. In the perfect form^verbs of tone classes 1 & 3 behave identically, that is, the tra ditional high - low verbs behave as high-tone verbs in this form. The following examples reflect this two-way distinction: s \ y 52(a) Ibe eriele ala (idiomatic) (vb. cl.l)

Ibe has eaten ground: Ibe is lucky/fortunate,

\ / (b) Uboci thaas amaana mma t (vb cl.l) • * »

Day of today has become beautiful: Today is a

beautiful day.

\ (c) Ogu abyala faa (vb. cl.3)

Ogu has come early

/ (d) Ibe alola n 'o g 1e (vb. cl.3)

Ibe has come back in time.

\ ✓ (b ) Ng'a ng'a egbuole gi (vb, cl.l)

Pride has killed • you: You are very proud. 90

fw> V / \ f 52(f) Nwa ahi adhala (vb. cl.2)

Child that has fallen: That child has fallen

/ \ / (g) Ngozi akaala otho ohi (vb. cl. 2) *

Ngozi has said manner that: Ngozi has said so. • *

Observe that the tone of the vowel prefix varies from high to low

in the above examples; two factors are responsible for this: the final tone of the preceding noun subject, or item and the tone class of the verb: If the preceding item ends on a low tone and the verb stem is on a high tone (classes 1 & 3 verbs), then the vowel prefix is on a low tone.

It is on a downstep, if the preceding item ends on a high tone. But with a low tone (class 2) verbs, the same'prefix is consistently on a high tone

regardless of the final tone of the preceding item. A few more examples will make the observation clearer:

53(a) Ekhe emeene (vb. cl,3)

Ekhe has done(well): Thanks to Ekhe

V. r (b) Aboki aluola nwanyi odo (vb. cl.l) * • ♦ *

Aboki has married wife another: # *

Aboki has married another wife. • • / \ x y, - 6 s \ / (c) Njoku hi afutachaala (vb. cl.2) Njoku and company have • * _ \ / 7 . „ all come out. (d) Ara ya afuola ahya

Madness his has came out to market: His madness is beyond cure.

(e) Umu-madhu ekhworole unu fushia (vb. ikhwo cl.2)

Children of human beings have regarded you (and) come out:

People have come out because of you.

6 hi/ha is a pluralising morpheme, for more details, see G.E. Igwe (1974) Chapter 11, especially pp. 183-189.

7. It is the belief among my people that a mad person has a good chance of recovery provided he has not made any public appearance, such as in a market in full session. If his madness drives him to public gatherings and market place, then his chances of recovery are thereby jeopardise, and from this time his relations start to give up any attempt to get him medical attention. For them, the madness has exceded bounds, it is beyond cure. 91

As 53 (a) & (b) show, the vowel prefix is on a downstep before a j preceding high tons if the verb stem is high, but always on a high tone

if the verb stem is low, as in 53(c)-(e).

2,3.4 The Negative Suffixes

As was pointed out in 2.3.1, all verbs in the negative in this

dialect take an obligatory harmonising vowel prefix followed by the verb

stem and the appropriate suffix. These suffixes include:

(i) The Neq. Imperative Suffix -lA~nA

54(a) E^rile D o n 11 eat (vb. cl.l)

it (b) Afula go out ( “ " 2) • / V ti (°) EmeQie do, stop it. ■ ( " " 3)

it (d) E j h e l e go ( " " 3)

Note that in the absence of any following lexical item, all classes

of verbs in the above examples have their stem on a low tone, and the

«1A ~ nA suffix is also on a low tone. Contrast this situation with what

happens in the following examples 54(e)-(i).

54(e) Unu ejhele ahya tha (vb ijhe cl.3)

You people, go not market today:

You people, do not go to market today.

(f) Ha ekwule okwu (vb ikwu cl,3)

Let them not talk.

(g) Unu emene otho ohi (vb ime cl.3)

You people, do not manner that: You people, don’t do like that

/ \ ' N / - -V ✓ S , t - (h) Unu erile in n'ututu (vb iri cl.l)

You people, do not eat in the morning.

(i) Unu azala ezhi gbuo (bv is,a cl.2)

You people, do not sweep the compound now.

As these examples show, the vowel prefix here is consistently on a

high tone with all classes of verbs, and the -1A suffix assimilates to

the tone of its stem. In this construction type, classes 1 and 3 verbs

behave identically in having their stem on a downstep. 92

(ii) The Meg. Present & Past Suffix, -qhl/-hll

This suffix is used as the direct Negative equivalent of the ~rV time suffix, thus:

Affirmative Negative / _ ^ H / n ^ 55(a) 0 rirx hwe 0 rihii hwe (vb cl* l)

He ate something He did not eat anything,

(b) 0 gara ahya 0 ga hii ahya. (cl.3)

He went to market He did not go to market.

✓ \ s ' ^ . (c) 0 zara ama D zahii ama (vb cl.2)

He swept the road He did not sweep thB road.

Observe that this suffix does not co-occur with the »rV time suffix, but is used in place of it. Contrast this with what happens in the following

55-57 where the negative suffix is used along with the present progressive suffix -ghA, and with the auxiliaries na and ga:

56(a) Affirmative

Ogu zagha mgbe Ogu azaghahii mgbe

Ogu is sweeping the parlour Ogu is not sweeping

the parlour

(b) Ibe righe hwe Ibe erighehii hwe

Ibe is eating Ibe is not eating.

Ekhe is going to market: Ekhe is not going to

market

Ekhe is doing some trading Ekhe is not doing any

trading.

X \ /• — N A, - x . x 57(a) 0 na aftu mai 0 nahii anu mai ♦ * • « ♦ ♦ * •

He does drink (wine) He does not drink (wine)

(b) 0 naara anu mai 0 nahii ri anu mai » * 1 « * * *

He used to drink (wine) He never used to drink (wine) 93

^ ^ / v /,' <-> .... 57(c) 0 gaara mbya: 0 gahii ri ibya(ni) *

He mould have come He mould not have come

From these examples, it is observable that in general the negative suffix ~ghl/*"*hll does not co-occur mith the -rV time suffix, except m! 2 n ' N * ** the auxiliary verbs ina and iga are involved, as in 57(a)-c). But the • • same negative suffix freely co-occurs mith such suffixes as the progressive

-ghA, as 56(a~c) shorn.

Observe, also, that mith classes 1 and 3 verbs, the negative suffix is on a douinstep, but on a lorn tone mith class 2 verbs, although all verbs in the negative may have their stem on a high tone, as 55(a-c) shorn*

Verbs of tone class 2 may, homever, have their stem on a lorn tone.

Like the negative imperative suffix, -1A, the negative suffix —hII is on a lorn tone in sentence-final position, but assimilates to its verb stem, if there is a folloming item, thus:

58(a) 0 rihii: He did not eat. (vb, cl.l)

Ogu " » It

(b) 0 ~ byahii He did not come (vb. cl.3) • ♦ «

Ogu " 11 IT

azahii ^ s 0 zahii He did not smeep.

59(a) Ogu erihii iri: Ogu did not eat food. (vb. cl.l)

. . ^ N / w v v%. (b) Ogu abyahii tha 11 did not come today. (vb. cl.3) • *

Agbakmuru did not say what he saw.

As in the negative imperative, the open vowel prefix A- is consistently on a high tone regardless of the preceding tone, or the class of verb involved. 94

(iii) The Periphrastic Negative Construction

The fact that there is only one negative suffix, -hll/-ghl, for both the present and past tenses becomes understandable when one realises that, for these tu/e tenses, there is a more popularly used negative construction - the periphrastic negative. This negative construction begins in this characteristic way: v - \ 60(a) 0 dihii ahya 0 gara • # ♦ # »

f i t is not market he went

(_There is not market \ „ ii

He did not go to market.

\ '' j ^ \ (b) 0 niuehii onye m hwuru

It has not person I saw: There is nobody I saw:

I saw nobody/l did not see anybody.

From these two examples, it will be observed that what is negated is the first verb, in this case

dihii and •

nwehii and that the second verb bears the tense/aspect marker. Thus it is possible to vary the tense/time expressed in the second clause, leaving the first verb unaltered, thus:

(d) j kwuru

(e) I ga ekwu

There is not talking (which) I am talking: I am not talking.

______" talked : I did not talk.

______shall talk: I shall not talk.

61(a) 0 nwe hii eghu bhara n’obha No goat entered the barn. «

(b ) ______na abha " ______enters 11 u

(c ) ______ga ibha 11 ______will enter the barn, " * <*

(d ) ______bharala " ______has entered " " 95

This negative construction is so popular that it is very often heard in

the daily conversations of speakers of this dialect.

(iv) The Negative Perfect Suffix, -bele

This is the only suffix in our dialect that maintains its inherent

low tones and vowels quality in all contexts;

/V - S 62(a) Eg' cf nu ahwubele hwe (vb. ihwu cl.3) * •

Eg' onu has not seen thing; (idiomatic) • *

Eg' onu has never suffered. • •

/ \ v / - - \ ✓ S’ S I f - » (b) Okpankhu emehebele onu ya thaa (vb ime c l .3)

Okpankhu has never opened mouth his today, • *

Okpankhu has never uttered a word today. • * \ (c) Ogbede aza bele hwe ke mgbu thaa (vb. iza cl,2)

Ogbede has never swept thing since today.

For the whole of today, Ogbede has never done any sweeping

^ V / - (d) N no dim a ciribele oke ya (vb. ici cl.l)

has not picked share his

Nnodim has not picked his own share0

As these examples reveal, all verbs have their stem on a downstep in the perfect form, and the vowel prefix is expectedly on a high tone.

\ It has to be emphasised that -bele is considered here as a single morpheme on low tones. There is, however, another morpheme -bele also

\ s associated with the Perfect Aspect in Igbo. This -bele occurs only in

Interrogative clauses where it introduces the meaning 'ever1 as the

following sentences illustrate:

N i-v ^ \ / 63(a) I hwubele ya mby?

You see ever have him before? Have you ever seen him before?

(b) 1 hwubele t e r e ni ukwu nga o shi uzo igwe aga? k * * * You see ever have train big as it goes through road of iron?

Have you ever seen the big train as it travels along (its) rail tracks

Now contrast (a) and (b) above with (c) where a different shade of

meaning is implied:

Haws you not . . , _ _ seen a leopard before?

never

The meaning difference between 48(a) and (b) on the one hand, and sentences like 48(c) on the other, is achieved by the contrastive tones of the first two items: I hu/ubele Have you not seen ? • «

I hwubele , Have you ever seen? • « % 2.3.5 The Open Vowel Prefix - a re-examination

For the Na auxiliary verb and a handful of other verbs in Igbo which can be used in an auxiliary capacity, the A- prefix is an obligatory element of the following verb form.

64(a) o’ ji / ezu ohi: He steals/he is a thief.

0 na * v / \ .A _ V, ^ \ (b) I ga agwa m hwe I meghe n'ulo

You will tell me thing you are doing at home.

You must tell me what you are doing at home.

11 used bicycle carrying palm fruits.

Iroakazhi is carrying the palm fruits on bicycles.

Before we go on to give a brief paradigm of construction types in this dialect, and the permissible tone patterns in these construction types, we would like to comment briefly on Dr. Igwe's analysis of the vowel prefix A-

The analysis of the vowel prefix A™ in his Ph.D. thesis represents a very radical depature from his 1963 analysis with Miss [YL IY1. Green in a Descriptive Grammar of Igbo. For one thing, he has now come to agree with our view that the vowel prefix A« is an obligatory element in all

Negative clauses in Igbo, a fact which makes the distinction into Subject

Verb Forms I and II untenable in Negative clauses in the language. For another, the re-analysis of this prefix as the Aorist prefix sounds far-fetched. The Aorist tense, according to Dr. Igwe, "represents what might be summarily called "punctiliar" or "punctual" kind of action. It 97

represents the action denoted by the verb as a 'point.Consequently, the

^ form may represent INGRESSIVE, EFFECTIVE or SUMMARY action: INGRESSIVE,

if attention is focused on the fact of the action beginning, without any

regard to its continuance; EFFECTIVE, if attention is given to the fact

of the completion of the action, and summary, if the action is viewed

as simply having occurred, without distinguishing any points in its

progress." (p.9l). Then Dr. Igwe goes on to argue that it is because of

these three possibilities in the meaning of this prefix that in translating

the Aorist Tense into English, for instance, the same verb can be rendered

by either 'begin to + verb', 'have/has + past participle of verb' |

! (the perfective expression), or simply by 'verb + Past') (the past tense

verb). He then supports the foregoing analysis with the following examples

DECLATIVE II

(6) Ojhi / ekwu / okwu

(a) Ojhi begins to talk

(b) " has begun " "

(d) " spoke.

^ Ojhi f ahnif / ya

(a) Ojhi has seen him

(b) " saw him.

If sentences (6) and (7) were capable of all the given English

renderings, then, there would be no need for the corresponding suffixes

which express the various times / aspects represented in (a)~(d) for (6)

and (a)-^) for (7), For us, and I believe, for many dialects of Igbo,

there are FOUR formally distinct representations of 6(a)-(d) thus:

65(a) ...... Ojhi ekwuwe okwu ~ (-UIA Inchoative suffix.) * *

And Ojhi began to speak. • *

(b) Ojhi ekwuwele okwu (-UIA ~1A Perf.)

Ojhi has begUn to speak. 98

✓ N 65(c) Ojhi ekwuole okuju («0 + -1A Perf.) * •

Ojhi has spoken X (d) ... Ojhi ekwuo okwu (-0 suffix)

And Ojhi spoke

Without these suffixes being overtly present in structure, it is not possible to express the above meanings in our dialect. This fact is responsible for some of Dr. Igwe*s examples sounding un-Igbo in our ears.

We have maintained that those Prefix and Suffixes described in 2.3.1 2,3.4 are inflectional and obligatory in our dialect, though they may be optional in Dr. Igwe’s. In view of this .important difference, the proposed analysis of Dr Igwe's is in-compatible with observed primary linguistic data from this dialect, and is consequently rejected on this ground.

The danger in the analysis of Igbo is to pin a label on formatives and lexical items and then go on to justify this tag. This approach has characterised the Green and Igwe approach in 1963, and now Dr Igwe's attitude in 1973. The vowel prefix called Aorist by him is not incompatible with other Time/Aspect suffixes in the Language; on the contrary, the Prefix and such suffixes must be present, at least in our dialect, m order for the appropriate time to be expressed. This is what is shown in 65(a)-(d) above as well as in the following 66:

66(a) Ya kwushie ikhe, anyi acuo ya •

If he talks hard, we sack him.

If he makes a fuss, we sack him.

/ _ (b) IN kpola gi, gi azakwani + • •

If I have called you, you do answer.

If I call you, do respond. ^ \ / (c) 0 kporo m, mu aza ya • • • *

He called me (and) I answered him.

He called me, and I responded.

In these and similar examples, it would be begging the question to select the vowel prefix as the time/aspect meaning - expressing morpheme in utter disregard of other relevant suffixes. UJe therefore suggest that it appears more appropriate to consider, for purposes of analysis, the vowel prefix A- along with any time/aspect suffix with which it may occur, and thus assign the resultant meaning, not to one item, but to the two or more of them combined.

It is also for this same reason that we think that no useful purpose is served by an analysis which seeks to break down the items enclosed in slanting brackets.

He will buy some meat,

UJe believe in treating these items as a unit - a complex verb form in which there is a choice of prefix between A- and I-*- before the form enclosed in curly brackets, if, and only if the first element is ga.

Although both 'iga' and 1 ina' are auxiliaries of some sort, the first * * being used to express the future tense, and the second the Progressive/

Habitual Aspect, the two verbs have different syntactic characteristics in the dialect under consideration,

67(b) 0 ga eri ya eri: He will (certainly) eat it.

But whereas 67(b) can be transformed into 67(b(i), 67(c) has no corresponding transform:

(b)(i) 0 ga ya nri; He will (certainly) eat it*

*(c)(i) 0 na ya nri. «

Ufe believe that Dr. Igwe's analysis of the vowel prefix A- as the Aorist prefix stems from his assumption that "no suffix of the language has to occur obligatorily in any construction type

2*4.0 Construction Types

In this final section of the chapter, selected paradigms or examples are given to show the tone patterns required by certain clause types in the language. This is done to make subsequent references to them easy. In some cases, the examples have been selected to reflect the differences rather than the similarities between the dialect being described here and that described by Green and Igwe (1963), Thus, we have not bothered to give examples of verb forms in the narrative division of the verb, since there are no dialect differences in this construction type. For the same reason, interrogative sentences have not been illustrated here.

The classification of verbs is as given in 2,3.1. It will be observed that members of class 3 verbs will behave tonally as either class 1 Or 2 according to the construction type being considered. lUe start with the

Affirmative division of the verb and then go on to the Negative division.

Since we have given numerous examples of simple sentence constructions in the preceding sections, we restrict our examination here to three complex sentence constructions including

(i) Conditional Constructions

(ii) Relative *'

(iii) Purpose "

2.4.1. The Affirmative Division - Subordinate

As in the affirmative clauses, main, the morpheme constituent of verbs in subordinate clauses is cv stem + suffix. Only very few examples have been givenofeach subordinate clause, beginning with the conditional clauses

(i) Conditional Clause A.

68(a) Ogu ga(a) ahya, e rie ya iwu.

If Ogu goes to market, one will fine him fines

If Ogu goes to market, he will be fined. x _ _ _ (b) Ejlkhe raa ubhe, afo arawa ya ahu ft ft

If Cjikhe eats pears, belly pain start to his body:

If Cjikhe eats pears, he develops stomach ache.

/ . * / N / \ / n ^ ^ N / >. (c) Unu kee ala ahi, ya afuo uka.

If you share land that, it will cause trouble:

If you share out that piece of land, trouble will ensue. 101

But Conditional Clause A can only express the open condition in which a future time meaning is implied in both the antecedent and consequent clauses. It is not equipped to express the improbable or unfulfilled conditional meaning, as in the following English examples'

If he were rich, he would donatB generously.

If he had listened to warnings, nothing would hav/e happened to him.

The fact that there are two types of conditional constructions, (Conditional clauses A & B) parallel with Relative Clauses A & B has not been pointed out before, and this has given rise to the wrong impression that Igbo has no construction equivalent to the above English examples. It is to handle such things as the improbable and unfulfilled conditional meanings that conditional clause B examples are given below. , ...

From the following examples of conditional clause B, it will become obvious that conditional clauses in Igbo are instances of N o u n Phrase sentential complements, although they differ from other Na NP complements in the following respect; Generally, Nsi l\!P complements express a proposition which makes some claim about its truth value, but in the case of these conditional Na complements, such a claim has been cancelled by the very nature of the construction. Conditional clauses in Na NP complementation are explored further in chapter 5.

(ii) Conditional Clause B

^ \ s \ i. / \ / •- — 69(a) Ya wuru ma Ogu mere hwe e, o jogburu onwe ya ♦ * ♦

If it be that Ogu did thing this it be bad kill self its

If Ogu did such a thing, it is very bad.

(b) Ya^ wuru ma I gwala ya, a ga mbya: * •

you have told him, he will come,

If you have been found guilty, you pay the fine. 102

69(d) Ya^ uiuru ma okhe-okpa ebeele, ci avoola 4 4 4 • •

If cock has crowed, day has dawned;

If the cock has crowed, then it is daybreak.

70(a) A si na Ogu anwuona, anyi ga(a;ra ama • t • •

If one said that Ogu has died, we would know

If Ogu had died, we would have known.

(b) A si na i kwuru ezhi-okwu, o gara idi m m a . • •

If you told truth, it would be good;

If you had told the truth, it would have been fine.

S' V X N ^ v. / (c) A si na unwu afula, madhu gara anwushi 4 4 4 4 - 4 « *

If famine has come out people would have died.

If this were the season of famine, people would die.

(d) A si na o duru ishi mkpu, muo gara egbu ya 4 ♦ • 4 * *

If he swore false oath, spirit would kill him,

If he had taken a false oath, the gods would have killed.him.

From these examples, it will be observed that after the expressions

Ho wu ru ma and

A si na 4 the following clause has a full range of tenses from the simple past to the perfect. All types of tense/aspect of the verb are possible with

Conditional B, but not with A. This is the great limitation on Condition A clauses. In 5.2,0, it is shown that Condition A clauses are instances of

Condition B types with the first part deleted. For our present purpose, it is enough to show that there is more than one type of conditional constructions in Igbo.

2.4.2 Relative Clauses A & B

(i) Relative A

In this subordinate clause, all verbs (classes 1-3) have their stem on a downstep in relation to the preceding noun/pronoun which invariably ends on a high tone: that is the Noun/Pronoun Subject of the Relative

Clause. 71(a) Nde nwere imi akpoo la anwuru. • * • •

Those who have ' nose have snuffed tobacco.

This is an idiomatic expression which means that "those who

are aware of their talents make capital of them."

s' - \ '' N, (b) Onye nwere madhu nwere akhu • 4

Person who has people has wealth.

He who has human resources/connections has wealth.

It is in Relative clauses that another difference manifests itself between this dialect and that of Green and Igwe; In our dialect, Nouns

Tone classes 3&4 have rising -glides; other nouns retain their lexical/ inherent tone pattern:

✓ _ - - V /v ✓ 71(c) Ele huru miri wu nke ha gbagburu. • • *

D e e r which drank water is the one they shot.

The deer which drank water is what they shot.

\ S’ _ S S n/ ^ (d) Adha di ivu wu onye m hwuru.

Adha who is fat is person I saw.

It is the fat Adha that I saw.

(e) Ogu nwere eg’o ga alu adha m.

Ogu who has money will marry my daughter,

. . N ’v' n, ■” (f) Nkata zuru ohi wu onye e jidhere.

Nkata who stole is the person one caught.

Nkata who stole is the one they caught.

(g) Onye zara ama emeene; .

lUho swept road has done. (vb. iza cl.II)

IDhoever swept the road has done well, ' .- - s ' (h) Ndi niile di n'otu nwere onu. • • »

Those all who are one have mouth.

All those who are united have bargaining power, or a say. IQ 4

(ii) Relative B

In this clause type, .verbs of Class 3 fall into the same group as those Class 2,they have their stem on a low tone, while Class 1 verbs behave as in Relative A, that is, in having their stem on a downstep.

Apart from this difference, Maun subjects of Tone Class 3*4 have a final rising glide as in Relative A:

PARADIGM with Noun Subjects and Class 2 verbs

y S /iv N 72(a) di Ekwe koro di ahwa.

The yams Ekwe planted are many

(b) di Ulo koro di a h w a . (iko cl.2) « • • « «

The ^ Ulo planted are m a n y . \ / * N. (c) di' U q 1 o koro di ahwa * »

The ; U g ' o planted are m a n y . ✓ (d) Ahya anyi gara di uthi (ig'a cl.3) • ♦ •

The market we went to is far.

Paradigm with Class 1 verbs; and pronoun Subjects:

73(a) di ririle di ahwa

The yam I have eaten is m u c h .

— N / c-' a h w a . (b) Oke ^..*T,-r,n.-TI qburule 1 T I di #

The rats you have killed are many

/ s / „ (c) Azu 0 qburule ehile

Fishes he has caught have become many

The fishes he has caught are many

/ /V Vi (d) Azu E qburule di' ahwa « •

The fishes one has caught are many

The fishes which have been caught are many

/ rv S ahwa: (b ) Enwe anyi gburule di * *

The monkeys which we have caught are many V. ^ ^ (f) Hflgbadha unu J gburule di lse

V unu

The antelopes you have caught are five. 105'

. . S‘ r* f „ -» , x 73(g) Ag'a ha ririle di asaa.

The ag'a yams they have eaten are seven in number.

2.4.3. Final/Purpose Clause.

The final/Purpose clause is treated extensively under NP complementation in chapter 9^ it is introduced by the conjunction ka o r ma. This clause type was treated by Green and Iguie as Subject Verb Form II, Subordinate

Conditional, an analysis with which we totally disagree.

In this clause type, verb classes 1 and 3 fall into one group in that they have their stem on a high tone, while those of Class 2 have their stem on a loiu tone.

We have not considered it necessary to give whole paradigms, but a few illustrative examples:

74(a) [Yle ngwa ngwa ma anyi gawakwani

Hurry up so that we may set out.

/ \ * *>* * ■— (b) Raa ogwu ka afo di gi rnrna

Take medicine so that stomach may be to you good.

Take your medicine in order that your stomach may get better,

/ \ \ / — \ \ / V (c) Kpothee ya ma o zaa ulo.

Ulake up him so that he may sweep house.

Wake him up so that he may do the sweeping of the house,

/ . ^ / \ / - ^ (d) Nne loro ahya faa ma ya shiere anyi hwe • * *

(ffly)mother returned market early so that she cook for us thing

My mother returned in time from market in order to cook for us,

2.4.4 The Negative Division - Subordinate

As with the Negative of main clauses, the morpheme constituent of

verbs in Negative subordinate clauses is

Prefix + verb stem + suffix

A + cv-stem + suffix.

The tonal behaviour of verbs is as given in 2.3,4. 106

(i) Conditional Clausa A

In conditional clauses, negative, all tenses and time are expressible, in all negative conditional clauses. In the following examples with noun subjects, the antecedent (conditional) clauses come first:

75(a) (Ma) Okoro erihii ji, letuo ya anya.

If Okoro eat not yam, look away him eye: If Okoro

does not eat the yam, do not mind him.

(b) (Ma) Ekhe erihit azu , ya erie anu * ■ »

If Ekhe does not eat fish let him eat meat.

. . s ' \ s \ s V, ■ (c) Ogu arahii ubhe, ya taa okha • * * *

If Ogu did not eat pears, let him eat maize.

In the fallowing examples, the consequent (clauses) come before the antecedent (ones).

76(a) 0 ga afu uka ma Ogu ekebele oru ohi • • i • • • •

It will cause trouble if Ogu has not shared land that.

There will be trouble, if Ogu has not shared out that piece of

farm land.

(b) Agahii m ibya odo ma Ug'o ekebele nkwu. « * * • ♦ * •

will come not I again if Ug'o has not shared

out the palm trees: I will not come again unless Ugo shares out

the (oil) palm trees.

, . / \ / \ ^ V (c) Nwa-opara ga cogha okwu ma o kehii ala. • .

The first son will be looking for trouble,if he shares not land:

The first son will be asking for trouble,, if he does not share out

the land.

With Pronoun Subjects, Antecedent clause coming first

77(a) Mu P eluhii ya thaa, eci ya aryolahu m

' i eluhii

If I throw not him today, tomorrow he challenge again me:

If I do not defeat him today, tomorrow he will challenge me again. 107

77(b) Gi ebe hii akhwa, kpo m anu-ohya. • •

If you do not cry, call me a fool.

N * * - - (c) Ya ahwuhii n'anya, o gahii ikweni

If he does not see with his eyes he will not believe, ✓ (d) Anyi agawahii n'og’e, anyi emee leethi, • »

If we do not set out in time, we shall be late. / ✓ \ / (e) Unu aduhii m n 'azu, unu agbafuole. • « •

Unless you follow me behind, you will get lost.

/ (f)/ V ~Ha / a k pa s c h a ^ h n . anya / • okwu ohi ajoo njo

If they open clearly not eye matter that be bad ! Unless they take due precautions, the matter will get out of control

Conditional Clause B ✓ „ V /-- 78(a) A si na a gwahii ya, o gahiiri ibyani * * * * » #

If one said that one told not him, he would not co me :

If he were not told, he would not come

had not been told, he would not have come

(b) A si na miri edobele, itu ji agahiiri ibidho • * i » * •

If rain has not fallen plant yam would not start.

If it had not rained, the planting of yams would not have started. / X v / . . ✓ (c) A si na mmehye adihii, mgbaghara agahiiri idini

If offence exist not, forgiveness would not exist:

If there were no offence, there would be no need for forgiveness

N /« \ / — * (d) 0 gahiiri . iri hwe ehihe, ma o gahii oru • * • *

He would not eat food of afternoon if he did not go to work

He would not have been given any lunch if he had not gone to the farm,

(e) Ogu agahiiri ikwota ya ma a si na i gwara ya • « • • * • *

Ogu would not have picked him if you told him:

Ogu would not have picked him, if you had told him. 78(f) Agaara hi iri ya iuiu ma a/ sii o nohiiri n'ulo ogwu

Would have they fined him fine if he were not in house of

medicinei They uuould have fined him, if he mere not confined in

the hospital.

Observe that in both conditional clauses A & B, the conjunction mav is obligatory only if the consequent (clause) comes first in the construction. Note also that the verb of Condition B clauses is a complex one made up of the auxiliary gja (in its modal use) plus the suffixes

-hiI and

~rV time and the following verb form which begins in the harmonising open vowel prefix. From these examples given here, it will be observed that the form of the verb is fixed, it does not vary. This verb form, which is discussed further in chapter 5, constitutes a diagnostic differentiating test for unfulfilled conditional constructions or conditional clause B.

2.4.5 Relative Clauses A & B - Rel, A

In relative clauses, negative, there is an obligatory jn£ auxiliary element which is always on a high tone. Because of this high tone na, the following open vowel prefix is on a downstep. For all classes of verbs, the stem is on a high tone; the negative suffix -hi I is on a low tone if the verb is a class 2 verb, but on a downstep if the verb belongs to either class 1 or 3.

Examples with iri (vb. cl. 1) and

iza (vb. cl. 2)

79(a) Onye na erihii iri thaa mere onwe ya

Person who did not eat food today did self his/her:

Whoever did not eat today cheated him/herself.

(b) Nguju na azahii ezhi zara ime ulo * * * *

Ngwu who did not sweep the compound swept the house. 109

Paradigm with Noun Subjects:

. . / — — ~ ^ f v 80(a) Chukwuemeka na azahli ezhi, erihii hwe. • •

Chukwuemeka who did not sweep the compound did not eat

(b) Dke na agbabhafuhii n'onu ka nkita cuwara • • * • Rat which could not run into its hole that dog chased.

The rat which could not run into its hole was chased by the dog.

Bushfowl that did not peck at yam did not get trapped.

The bushfowl which did not peck^at the yams did not get caught

in the trap. ^

/ \ /* ^ \ z'' " I (d) Dikhe na abyabele na agbagwoju m anya;

Dikhe who has not yet come is confusing me the eye

That Dikhe has not yet come is confusing me.

Relative B

Relative 8 clauses are like Relative A in that the tonel behaviour of verbs is the same in both clauses* and the .nsf Blement is also obligatory here. UJe give only one set of Paradigms with Pronouns as subject of the

Relative clauses:

. . / - * — ( 81(a) Anu m na enyehii Ekwe were ya iwe. # • *

(fleat I did not give Ekwe angered him.

The fact that I did not give Ekwe some meat angered him.

/ (b) Anu I na enyeehii Ekwe were ya iwe »

The meat which you did not give Ekwe angered h i m .

/ » |VI (c) Anu o na enyehii Ekwe were ya iUJB

/ (d) (1 anyi it it it II it tf

(e) n unu ft ti i i 11 i i n

& ti n II n ii (f) 11 ha II

it n ii (d) it it n we n it ti i i i i

ti (e) ti t i ii you ii u n tt t« it ti

ti 18 II 11 it u n 11 u (f) it u they 110

In terms of Relative Clause constructions, this dialect differs

^ from Ohuhu in having an obligatory Na auxiliary element as part of * ■ » its complex Negative verb form. This JJa. element had hitherto been

analysed as a lexical prefix. But Dr Igwe’s recent view that it is the

Na' auxiliary is in keeping with our analysis of it in this thesis.

2.4.6 Purpose/Final Clauses

This construction type hitherto analysed as the Affirmative Conditional

■ Clause, Subject Verb Form II, by Green and Igwe (1963), is now analysed

as Negative Purpose clause. Thus, not only has the descriptive label

changed, but also it is treated here as negative rather than affirmative.

It might be argued, on formal grounds, that the above construction

type illustrated in 82 & 83 is not negative, since the verbs of the purpose

clauses do not contain any of the negative inflectional affixes of verb

conjugation given in 2,3.1-2,3.3. But one has to consider the construction

in its entirety, especially the tone pattern of verbs in the purpose

clauses which definitely express a negative meaning. The uniqueness of

the purpose clauses in these examples lies in the fact that the harmoni

sing vowel prefix, if any, the verb stem and its suffixes are all on low

tones regardless of the class of verbs involved. The inseparable,

singular, second and third person pronoun subjects end on a falling glide,

while nouns of tone classes 3 and 4 have their final low tone raised to

high, as though in relative clauses. It seems to me that the term negative

in Igbo verb conjugation must be widened to accommodate such facts as these

which are structure-specific.

Examples 32 contain pronoun subject in the purpose clauses, while

those of 63 contain noun subjects; all the classes of verbs are represented

as shown.

With Pronouns as Subject of the Purpose Clauses

\ ✓ - \ / , . 82(a) Kpachara anya mu erichee ya (iri vb. cl.l)

Open wide eye lest I eat finish it: Be careful lest

I should finish it all. Ill

82(b) Bikho, mere nwayoo "i dha. (idha vb. cl.2) « » » ■

Please take' gentleness -he should fall:

. Please, be careful, lest you fall.

Go on cooking quickly he should go market late:

Hurry.up with your cooking lest he should set out late to the

market.

(d) Ogu kpasuru anyi iu/e (khworo) ma anyi anun * * * * »

Ogu stirred up uie anger intending that we drink not

mai ya, (inu cl.lj

wine his: Ogu annoyed us f' lest we should ] drink his wine

[^so that we might not j

(e) Ogu tiwere mkpu unu abha ya (ibha cl.2)

Ogu shouted shout plest you seize hold of him.

[_so that you might not!

(f) Ngozi heturu ma hi ahwu ya (ihwu cl.3)

Wgozi hid so that they might not see her.

With Nouns as Subject of the Purpose Clauses

83(a) Rutani ovu (khworcT ma) eghu anwuo n'obhu (inwu cl.l)

Build you people, 'ovu'^ intending that goats might not die in tether;

You people, build an 'ovu1 so that goats might not die off in tether.

(b) Unu mechiri uzo oke abhata (ibhata cl.2) « * *

You closed the door so that rats might not get in.

s. s 8 Ovu, in a traditional Igbo compound, is the building in front of the compound through which all visitors enter the compound. It is here that unfamiliar visitors or callers of questionable character are received. It also harbours domestic animals such as sheep and goats during the day. Because it is a large hall, these animals roam about in it without having to be tethered, provided that its gates are locked. 112

83(c) Gashikwee ikhe Uzo agawa ahya (iga cl.3) • ♦ •

Go fast do hard Uzo sot out not market: * ♦

Do, be very fast so that Uzo might not set out for market. t *

(d) Kwudee ezhi-okwu Ala akugbuo gi (ikugbu - compound verb)

Do speak the truth lest Ala should kill you.

The uniform tone pattern of verbs in these purpose clauses - all on low tones - does not always obtain if the verbs were compound verbs.

As an illustration of what happens, consider the following examples,

84. Class 1 + 1 Compound Verbs

, . f « (a) A si m ya lawa a lugbuo opara nner m . * * • *

Told I her go home she not marry-kill eldest brother mine:

I told her to go horn lest she should marry my eldest brother to death.

\ \ y" '''' / — (b) IKlechie onu i rigbuo onwe gi • *

Close mouth you eat-kill self . your: Shut

up or else you die eating.

| _ N k a t a j

Remove the wine, or else Ogu should destroy himself drinking.

Nkataj

With compound verbs whose constituents are class 1 verbs, the same low tone pattern obtains in the purpose clause, both pronoun and noun subjects behave tonally as in 82 and 83 The same situation obtains if the compound verbs are of the following constituent members:

(i) Classes 1+3

(ii) " 2 + 1

(iii) " 2 + 3

(iv) » 3 + 1

(v) " 3 + 3

UJe give one example of each of the above compound verbs in a purpose clause: 113

s \ / XN. / 85(a) Unu gaghaara ya khworo si o ghaleere m okwu * *

You went left behind him so that he examine not me the talk.

You went without him lest he should examine the matter for me.

(l+3 compound verb)

(b) Lite i dhagbuo nwa m (idhagbu- ,2+1)

Get up lest you crush my baby.

/ — /S / Z1 N (c) Akwuola m ya ugwo o zhigara di ya ozhi (izhiga 2+3)

I have paid her the debt so that she might not send word to her

husband.

(d) Ogu furu 'o’ byakhwuo ya (ibyakhwu 3 +; l) • * • * ,

Ogu left lest he should find him (in the house).

(e) 0 gburu nwie ya llu o shigara nna ya m

(vb. ishiga 3 + 3)

He beat wife his beat lest she cook send food to her father.

He beat up his wife so that she might not cook food and send to

her father.

But compound verbs of the following constituents:

' - v (i) 1 + 2 (such as igbudha

(ii) 2 + 2 II M

(iii) 3+2 n " imefu

have a different tone pattern in that

(i) the singular pronoun subjects 0 and I are on a

high-downstep glide;

(ii) the first constituent of the compound verb is

on the same pitch as the preceding high of the

subject, or of the vowel prefix, if any, thus:

86(a) Anyi kpooro ya polishi 0 gbudha nkwu m * • * * • *

We called him police lest he cut down oil palm mine.

UJe called the police for him so that he might not cut down my

palm tree. 114

/ \ *■" 86(b) Kuio maa ugbo adhabha na miri

dhabha II H

Drive well boat fall not into water:

Paddle your canoe properly lest we fall into the water

X f N / - (c) Cukwaa ajo nwanyi ke e mefu gi na nwokho

Do drive away bad woman this lest she do out you from manhood;

You should drive away this wicked woman lest she should undo you

as a man.

From these examples, we make the following deduction;

(i) Compound verbs with the tone pattern - high - high or low - low

will all end up on low tones in what we analyse as Negative

Purpose Construction, while

(ii) those with the tone pattern - high - low maintain the same

pattern in the construction in question.

The foregoing chapter and its examples show conclusively that a division of Igbo constructions and verb' forms into the Affirmative and Negative not only recognises the opposition between the presence of the harmonising vowel prefix A- in the latter and its absence in the former, but also takes into account the important fact that all the inflectional, and consequently obligatory, suffixes given in this chapter are not mutually exclusive with but complementary to this vowel prefix which, we think, has been wrongly analysed as the Aorist prefix by Rev, Igwe. In our dialect, the vowel prefix is a regular marker of negative verb forms, although it is associated with some affirmative verb forms such as verbs in the perfect and narrative.

But whatever the case, the prefix must not be analysed in isolation from

the relevant inflectional suffixes in combination with which it expresses

the right time meaning in this as in many other dialects of Igbo, 115

CHAPTER 3 TONE

4 3 .0,. Introduction;

Tone occupies a central position in the syntax of Igbo. Consequently,

whatever aspect of the language one decides to investigate, one cannot

avoid some discussion of tone, hence the relevance of tone in the grammar

of Noun Phrase (Sentential) Complementation which is the subject of this

thesis. But in a more strict sense also, Tone is relevant to the subject

of this thesis. The rule of relativization constitutes an essential

distinction between factive and non-factive complements in Igbo, a topic

which is illustrated in chapter 6, Since the tone rules which are given

and discussed here apply to Igbo NPs of the structure CN f- NJ as well as IMP

to relative clauses some of which can be reduced to the above type of NPs,

the discussion of tone is particularly relevant to our subject here.

However, it has to be observed from the start that Tone is a full

subject of its own even beyond the scope of any one Ph.D. thesis.

Unfortunately, not very much has been done in this as in other areas of

Igbo syntax, and this chapter does not represent what is lacking in the

study of Tone, but what we consider relevant to NP complementation in Igbo.

UJe have decided on an early treatment of tone for the simple reason

that at every turn in the grammatical analysis of Igbo, the analyst is

confronted with the issue of tone; of how far grammatical relations are

signalled by means of tone, or how one underlying item can manifest

different tone patterns according to the various syntactic structures in

which it may be functioning. Some of these polysystemic tone patterns have

bean given in the examples of the various construction types given in the

preceding chapter 2, but the generation of such patterns by means of tone

rules is illustrated in the following sections so that subsequent references

can be made to them (that is, to the tone patterns and the rules that

generate them) . 116

In the description of tone in a tone language, one should in principle recognise two levels of analysis:

(i) Tone changes due to syntactic relationd

(ii) Tone changes due to the juxtaposition of certain tones.

But in practice, it is not easy to maintain this demarcation, since

one level dove-tails into the other. In syntax, grammatical relations

between units of structure are manifested by word order and/or by tone,

and tone changes are realised at the surface in terms of high-tone

lowering (downstep) or low-tona raising. Yet these syntactically

dotermined tons changes must be related to the phenomenon of Downdrift*

common in Ulest African languages, and douindrift is not syntactic, but

purely phonetic. Thus, although the motivation of some tone changes

in Igbo is syntactic, the surface realisation of such tones is by a

series of phonological rules which w i l l be discussed and illustrated

in 3 . 2 . 0 . As will be seen in this section, we have not got two sets

of phonological rules - onB SBt for syntactically determined tone

changes and the other for phonologically determined ones. Rather,

what we havo is a set of rules which work together to produce the tone

patterns that wa associate with Igbo sentences, and in most cases,

the application of one tone rule creates an output structure which

becomes the input to the next rule. In this way they are not isolated,

but interdependent, the result is that our distinction between

syntactically determined and phonologically motivated tone rules does

not obtain in practice.

In handling this chapter, we have drawn most of the phonological

rules from existing research on tone within the frame work of Generative 2 phonology, especially from Ibadan Notes. The aim of sucji research

has been to arrive at a uniform treatment of two phenomena in most

-tone languages which must

1 See 3 . 2 . 0 for definition 2 TONE in Generative Phonology, RESEARCH NOTES, Vol. 3, parts 2 & 3, Dept, of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, University of Ibadan, 1 9 7 1 . 117

be considered distinct in origin: Downdrift and Downstep. Hie could

have merely referred the reader to this research without repeating the

rules here. But we consider such a method inadequate, especially as we

have added to the number of these rules in a way which alters their

(intrinsic) ordering, and we have consequently extended their application to other NP structures in the language. Such additions and the extension consequent on them call for the citing of the rules without which a discussion of them and the justification of the extension could not be meaningfully carried out.

3.1. UNDERLYING PHONOLOGICAL REPRESENT AT I ON

Tone in Generative Phonology has merely begun to receive the attention of researchers in African Languages. One of the problems facing such

Africanists is the representation of tone in the underlying phonological form of verbs. HJe single out verbs as the source of problem here because with other lexical categories, such as Nominals, it is always possible to relate surface or phonetic tone patterns systematically to the under lying or inherent tone patterns by means of the tone rules. But with verbs, the situation is made difficult by the fact that the same verb which may be classed as high (Class l) or low (Class 2) or high-low

(Class 3) will manifest different tone (patterns) in different sentence or construction types. Take Relative Clauses, for example. As we observed in 2.4.8., all the three classes of verbs given above have their stem on . downstep (high) tone with regard to what precedes. This means that even an inherently low tone verb of class Ji behaves like a high tone one in this clause type. As far as we know, there is no way of deriving a high tone verb from an underlying low one short of tinkering. To avoid this unpleasant method, we have adopted the following method:

(i) the underlying phonological form of a verb is determined by

the sentence type in which it is functioning, hence in Relative A

clauses, the three tone classes of verbs are all high; 118

(ii) UJith regard to Nominals, underlying phonological form means

the inherent or lexical tone pattern;

(iii) Where an affix (a prefix or suffix) has a tone independent of

its tonemic context, such a tone is generally specified in

underlying phonological form. So far, only three suffixes -

1 * the perfect negative and affirmative suffixes, -bele and -lA-~nA, ✓ and the vowel suffix -0 are known to have inherent tones

unaffected by context,

(iv) Although nominals have been classified here according to their

tone classes, the tone class of a particular noun is not-suf

ficient to guarantee its appropriate phonetic pattern, uue need

to make reference to the type of syntactic structure involved;

to this effect the adjacent tones at word boundary and the use

of labelled bracketings give the necessary and sufficient

information. Tor example, the following labelled bracketing

U p is sufficient to trigger the generation of rising n B1 «

glides (V) on nouns or other items with final low tone in an

I\1P subject of a relative clause, as in (a) & (b) below:

(a) Ogu gara ahya ..... Ogu who went to market.

(b) Eghu o riri ji m .... This goat that ate my yam

^ V y where Ogu and the determiner ct have an extra high tone which now precedes the downstep on the stem of the verb of the relative clause.

Similarly, the use of the labelled bracketing

or (b) N Det is enough information (a) NP NP

to the effect that the final low tone of N^ in (a) or N

in (b) does not develop into a rising glide as in relative

clauses, unless N2 is a monosyllable, but is only raised

to a high tone provided N2 or Det begins in a low tone thus:

(a) Qdhy $ oke * odhu oke ’rat's tail1

(b) Ulo H g > ulo o this house

' \ ' J V - (c) odhu ji ----^ odhu ji tail of a yam X X 9

3.2 Syntactically determined Tone changes and Downdrift

Dotundrift is a phenomenon occurring in many tone languages with primarily level (as opposed to contour) tones; it also occurs in languages with glides which are analysable as a sequence of level tones. 3 It has received a fairly wide treatment by scholars interested in tone

languages. Downdrift may be defined as the progressive lowering of pitch throughout a phrase due to intervening low tones. For example, in a sequence of all high or low tones, the pitch remains the same, but

in a sequence of high-low-high or low-high-low, the second high or low is on a lower pitch than the preceding high or low tone. It is thus possible for a high tone late in a phrase to have a lower absolute pitch than a low tone early in the phrase.

The above hypothesis is experimentally verifiable, as the following mingograms/show. Compact, vertical lines (striations) represent pitch tracings: the longer they are, the lower the pitch of utterance, the shorter, the higher the pitch. In other words, pitch is inversely proportional to the length of triations.

The following sentences have been used:

\ y w ftem mi* ^ 1(a) ... Adha ahwu akhwa di ka akhwa eke

And Adha saw some eggs like' the eggs of a python.

(b) Otu mgbe, otu nwaanyi. pyere ohya akhu

□ne time, one woman went into bush of kernels:

Once upon a time, a woman went into the bush in search of kernels.

Mother, mine3who beautified herself with indigo and set out for

market.

3. Uielmers, 1!J. (1959): "Tonemics, morphotonemics and Tonal morpheme" General Linguistics 4 p. 1-9. lUinston, F.D.D(l960): "The ffiid tone in Ffic" African Lq. Studies 1, p.188-192. Schachter, P.(1961): "Phonetic Similarity in Phonemic analysis" Language 37:2 p.231-238. Arnott, D.UJ.(l964): "Downstep in Tiv verbal system" African Lq.Studies 5, p. 34-51, I 120

9 / %

ps T »i I: f. I '£. 0 7j

5 - r r/ C..

^ { 'X *ri V * r

a 7^ 3" S' § - r i> £ C P\ Vb n 0> 7 * * r

p>» f J ifcP j?” IE !/5s

£ fc

122

(M 0 r :c

n ic

;co ip

i L>

t-4.iir ii)

r 1

124

, . s \ / ' \ x . v z _ — 1(d) ... Ya abhaa n'ogba, ghpro uri, gwee ya maa ya

^ And he entered 'the garden, plucked indigo, ground it rubbed it

And he entered the garden, plucked an indigo fruit, ground and

rubbed it.

In the first mingogram (p.120 )» apart from the observable general

lowering of pitch, it will be seen that the initial low tone of the phrase v / on Adha has much shorter striations than the downstep on di in the middle

of the phrase, to say nothing about the much longer striations on the

final high tone of the entire phrase, itself a downstep. Correspondingly,

the pitches of these same syllables are roughly 130 Hz for the initial

low tone, 110 Hz for the downstep high on di in the middle of the phrase

and 90 Hz for the final high tone (downstep) at the very end of the phrase.

The difference between the initial low and the final high is very remarkable

In the second mingogram (p.!2J )> we are interested only in the z \ ✓■x / _ expression - Otu nwaanyi pyere ohya akhu

which constitutes a semantic unit. The first low tone of this phrase is

on the second syllable of otu , while the last syllable of the phrase is

on a downstep high. A look at their respective striations indicates that

the first low tone is on a higher pitch than the final high tone at the

end of the phrase. UJhile this initial low is on a pitch of about 100 Hz,

that of the final high is on a pitch of 85-90 Hz. The downstep relation

ship between the preceding high-tone syllables and the final downstep

in the last bit of the sentence,

...... pyere ohya akhu

is also interesting. These are in the relation of 100 Hz to approxi

mately 90 Hz. This same downdrifting effect is obvious from the third

mingogram (p. 122 ) where the first three syllables terrace down.as shown

from a pitch of about 140 Hz to about 110 Hz on the second downstepj

z „ N ne dechere

140 Hz 120 Hz 110 Hz 125

Because of the intervening low-tones on Ijri, the final high-tones on qauja ahya are both -lower than the preceding ones, and are in the pitch relation of 90 Hz to 80 Hz on the final downstep;

But this lowering affects low-tones as much as it does high ones.

For example, in the fourth mingogram (/3i23)> the first low tone of the entire sentence on -bha has a pitch of roughly 100 Hz, the subsequent ones after two intervening highs are on a lower pitch of about 80 Hz, while the next set of lows on uri are lower still, having an average pitch of 70 Hz. 4 What these results show is that the terrace level tone pattern associated with tone languages is both real and verifiable experimentally.

The range of the downward terracing may vary from sentence to sentence, or even according to the length of sentences, but the progressive lowering of pitch from the beginning to the end of a phrase does take place. However, what is observable from the pitch measurements given here and what must be emphasised is that, although pitch drifts downwards, the relative contrast between high and low is preserved throughout a phrase,

In addition to downdrift, Igbo, like many other tone languages, also has the phenomenon of downstep or lowered high-tone. Downstep in Igbo is always an indicator of some syntactic relationship, such as the relation of constituency between two items in an NP, or a verb-object relation. Whatever syntactic relationship it marks, the downstep in

Igbo is always preceded by a high-tone, and never otherwise. It is thus to be distinguished from the mid tone in, say, Yoruba, which can occur

4 The term, terrace-level, is due to Pike (.1948) Tone Languages, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor. independent of a high tone. In the following 2(a~b) which have been described as Genitive structure by Green and Igwe (1963) or Completive phrase by Voorhoeve, IVleeuseen and de Blais (1969), the pitch relation ship among the syllables is given as followsi

2(a) ishi i- eghu ishi eghu 1 1 1 2 head goat The head of a goat

^ \ y y — (b) ishi $ oke ishi oke 11 2 2 The head of a rat

The phonetic scale values 1, 2 ...... n indicate pitch, the smallest number representing the highest pitch.

Despite their distinct origins, downstep being a marker of syntactic relation, while downdrift is a mere phonological feature, the two phenomena can be uniformly treated, if we accept the basic hypothesis that pitch lowering in a sequence of tones is due to intervening low pitches. It is very likely that all downsteps can be diachronically derived from tonal systems with two underlying tones: high and low, although this is not always tenable in synchronic data. However, it has been shown (Fromkin, 1972 and Arnott 1964) that some downsteps do, in fact, derive from an underlying high-low-high sequence thus:

/ \ / 3. me obo ’my stone' ■

H L H

1 3 1 underlying pitches

1 3 2 pitches after the application of

downdrift rules

1 0 2 pitches after the deletion of / o / by

vowel deletion rule,

me bo

1 2 final phonetic form.

In addition to the above example given by Fromkin from Ak4n - a language of Ghana - Arnott (1964) has also demonstrated that in Tiv verbal system, a surface doujnstep derives from the same high-low-high sequence. In Igbo, on the other hand, there is even a- stronger case for postulating such a non-segmental loui tone in underlying phonolo gical form. First, there are ample data to show that in addition to deletion, there is sometimes an incorporation of this non-segmental tone in specific structure types, for example, relative structures;

f \ f v* — — «- 4(a) Dgu gara ahya alola

* - ~ (b) Ogu r' ahya *'

Dgu who went to market is back.

4(a) & (b) are dialect variants of the same structure whose under-

X \ ^ V lying subject (\IP is Dgu. In order to account for Dgu with its rising glide, or Ogu with its downstep high, one must assume the presence in underlying phonological form of a non-segmental low tone which (after the necessary phonological rules have applied to raise it) must have been incorporated in the one case but deleted in the other. The relevant rules are discussed in 3.5. All that these facts call for is the provision for a rule of Tone Incorporation in addition to one of Tone Deletion

(Tone Simplification in this thesis) in the phonological description of Igbo. UJe therefore disagree with Kipa^ky's argument (Kiparsky 1958) that these underlying non-segmental low tones never appear at the surface.

They do appear in surface or phonetic form in Igbo, given specific contexts, and this is why we have added a rule of Tone incorporation to the tone rules which we have taken from Ibadan Research Notes. UJe do, however, agree "with him that downstep must be given a phonemic status, at least in some dialects of a language, Williamson (1972) has shown that downstep in the Onitsha dialect of Igbo is distinctive, but this does not destroy the case for an underlying non-segmental low tone which triggers downsteps in the same way that segmental low tones intervening between high or low tones bring about downdrift. 128

3.3 Tone Rules

The following are the phonological rules necessary for the genera tion of Igbo downstep and downdrift tone pattern generally. They are first given here, then discussed later and subsequently illustrated with a wide range of data showing different construction types in the language, and thus demonstrating that the tone rules have a far more gsnaral application than had hitherto been realised.

Tone Rule (Tn-Ruls) 1 +S 1(a) (High tone) +R

+5 1(b) (Low tone) -S

UJhat Tn-Rules l(a) and (b) do is provids a mechanism for decomposing the underlying tones of terminal strings into distinctive (and non- distinctive) phonological features which now become the input to subsequent phonological rules. In addition to being segmental, ZT+SJ , high and low tones are distinct in being either raised £ + R J , or unraised f-Rj. The use of £ + n J and /j-r_7 , as opposed to Carrell's^

[.*] and M avoids a possible confusion with ’high* and 'low* as

features of tongue height, ffloreovsr, it enables one to speak in

relative terms.

Similarly, £"+SJ , a segmental tone or one belonging to a syllable

~in underlying phonological'Torm is here distinguished from the hypo

thetical non-segmental low tortB j introduced in underlying form to L-RJ trigger downstep and downdrift generally.

5 Carrall (1970) op.cit. Chapter 5 p.84. 129

Tn-Rula 2

h i

Where X and Y, already in phonological form, could be any of

the following:

(i) N1 * N2 ,m or N Det NP. Nr

(ii) NP - Verb

(iii) Verb ~ NP

As the double arrows show, Tn-Rule 2 is transformational; it introduces the hypothetical non-segmental low tone in underlying phonological structure between the two items whose tone pattern is being generated.

This rule provides the input to subsequent Tone rules and is in keeping 6 with the theory that downstep and downdrift are tone lowerings due to intervening low tones.

Tn-Rule 3 metathesis Rule (Transformational)

-5 +S +S -R + R

1 2 3' 213 1 ■ ■

This rule merely moves round the non-segmental low tone into such a position that it immediately precedes the second syllable of the fallowing nominal.

Tn-Rule 4 Tone-Raising Rule

M — » H / + M — ^ [-Rj

This rule enables one to capture the phonomenon whereby a low-tone preceded and followed by low-tones in a nominal phrase (NP) i s ■raised to a high-tone. This is also what happens when two basically low-tone

6 Kay Ulilliamson 1971 "The generative treatment of downstep" Ibadan Research Notes, 3, parts 2 & 3 p.23.33. For an earlier view of the nature of the underlying non-segmental tone, see V/oorhoeve, Meeussen and de Blois (1969). 130

verbs combine to form a compound verb, as in the following example*

S \ ikhufa ’to push’ and idha 'to fall* . / - \ ikhujadha ’to push doum'

The tone pattern of the above compound verb can be generated in the following way* V I ^ V (a) i khum dha i khea v dha - +S ~+S +5 +S +S -S +S +R -R -R -R -R (=£=) -R (=£=) -R

(b) +S +S -S +S by Rons Raising +R -R (qt:) +R (^fc) -R

(d) +S +5 +S by Tone Simplifica + R +R -R tion (Tn-Rule 7)

1 2 5 s \ ikhwadha

1 2 5

Tn-Rule 5 - Downdrift Rules

(a) hi / 7 ^ (b) hi / hi (c) *R / n

-ti/hsra -s-pitch value

and = a notational convention shoeing that the square

brackets are not enclosing feature specifications

as thay do in phonology, but are indicating that

w is always re-written as 1 etc, as squars

brackets do in syntactic rules,

Tn-Rule 5 (a) assigns the numerical values 1 or 3 to the initial

high or low-tone of a phrase. Observe that the losest number represents 131

the highest pitch. With the application of 5(a) as basis, one can

** generate the relative pitches of subsequent syllables by iteratively

applying 5(b) & (c). The rule works in a left-to-riQht direction.

Tn-Rule 6 - Tone Incorporation

This rule has not been formalised here, but uie are clear as to what

it does. It is responsible for the development of glides in

(a) Monosyllabic nouns of Tone class 1 (a) in first or prs-genitival

position. With this class of nominals Tone Incorporation must

be ordered after Tone Assimilation (Tn-Rule 8), as otherwise,

one gets a sequence of high-low-high, which is not acceptable,

as in Dii Chi, instead of the desired Jii Chi (Chi's yam);

(b) Nouns of Tone classes 3 and 4 when they are NP subject of

t * designated clauses (ie Relative - Temporal, N'ebe Causal, and

Manner Adverbial NP Clauses)

Tn-Rule 7 - TONE SIMPLIFICATION RULC

p- —' +s ~s Li' l. -ii mull +S R } | +R _ ekL „ h .

(where pC or ft is +).

This rule provides for the deletion of non-segmental tones at the end

of the phonological rules. Since the Tone Incorporation Rule is ordered

before this rule, there is no more need to block its application to

Monosyllables of Tone Class l(a) nor to nouns of Tone classes 3 and 4.

Tn-Rule 8 TONE ASSIMILATION

This rule provides for the assimilation of the initial low tone of

Nouns of Tone class 2 whenever this low tone is preceded by a high tone

across word boundary, as in / \ / r ■ * N'ebe oke nwuruna ------s, N'ebe oke nwuruna

Since; the rat has died. He killed a rat*

Tn-Rule 9 - TONE REDUCTION RULE — r~ — ~ ~ ! +5 -S +s +S + 5 + R — R -R -R -R

___ __ — _ — — _ _ 7 This deletion rule is made necessary as a result of the application of the foregoing Tone rules to nominal structures in which Tone Class 5(b)

Nouns (such as Ibe) are in genitival or second position. It will be re called that this class of nouns are either proper names or personifications and have a different tonal behaviour in this position from their counter parts in Tone class 3.

Other necessary modifications to these Tone rules will be pointed out and discussed when each of them is applied to some data from our dialect.

There is no doubt that, in order to generate all the permissible tone patterns in Igbo nominal structures, these rules will have to be extended, and some intrinsic ordering on their application stated where necessary*

Before applying these rules to Igbo structures, a brief discussion of them is appropriate here.

It will be recalled that the Tone rules given here are mainly

Base Rules, only a small number of them are transformational. This is the main difference between this and Carrell's handling of Tone. \Ue agree with her that only two tones - high and low - need be set up in underlying phonological structure, and that downstep is a surface or phonetic

7 Apparently, the Ibadan workshop (see Research Notes p.83-90) did not examine proper names such as Ibe when it is in second position as in x v Ishi Ibe * Ibe's head AVla" IVbe " land. In order to derive tone patterns such as these, one has to provide for the delet ion of the first of a sequence of +sl S' +S _+R j -R -R — _ which is a high tone. The rule is admittedly adhoc, and so is the tone pattern it is trying to characterise idiosyncratic. For the application of this rule, see 3.5. > phenomenon For Igbo, even though it has its origin deep in syntax.

Carrell’s use Df distinctive features such as + h for high tones, -a and -h for Iouj tones is in keeping with our own use of +S for the -e + R same high and low tones, though we prefer +R since this not only avoids a possible confusion of +h with features of tongue height, but also enables one to speak in relative terms. But we differ from her in this sense that the above features echo +e need not be introduced at all, let alone by a series of 8 transformational rules. We regard tone as a bundle of phonological features whose distinctive and redundant features are inherent and are, therefore, better captured by re-write rules such we have given in Tn-Rules 1(a) & (b). For similar reasons, we have also assumed that all boundary symbols employed here are generated in Base rules. These symbols include:

for Phrase (Sentence) boundary

u Word (Morpheme u

, " Formative boundary. T* (Formatives include prefixes and suffixes). These boundary symbols are better introduced in the Phrase Structures by Base-Rules, and this method is much more economical than Carrell's Transformational approach.

In order to generate downstep and downdrift tone pattern generally, she employs 7 cyclical and 4 post-binary rules. This same effect can be more economically achieved by means of the Downdrift rules given here.

Once the numerical value of the first tone has been determined by

Tn-Rule 5(a),then subsequent pitches can be determined by repeated application of 5(b) or (c) following a linear Left-to-Right direction.

Very early in this chapter (see 3 .0) we called for a distinction between syntactically motivated tone changes and other tone changes which are purely phonological. In practical terms, the only distinction one can make lies in the ordering oF the rules given here. For example, the Tn-Rule 2 uihich introduces the non-segmental low tone is the first step towards the generation of'downstep, or downdrift. Let us take a simple example to illustrate the process:

8(a) ishi eghu (the head of a goat).

8(b) / I shi B ghu 8(b) +5 +S + S +S + R +R + R by Tn-Rule NP _ NP

+ S -s +S 8(c) +S by Tn-Rule CJ1 + R +R 7sf= -R = 4 = +R ZO NP NP 1 1 + J l i

These two rules therefore prov/ide the phonological structure for!the application of Downdrift rules, (Tn-Rule 5(a) (b) & (c)).

8(c) therefore represents only a stage in the whole process of deriving a downstep; it is not the downstep itself. Only the application of

Downdrift and other necessary rules will yield the surface downstep thus

8(d) +S +S + 5 +S by Metathesis + R + R +R + R (Tn-Rule 3)

f s \ I shi e I ItO 8 ( b ) +S r +5 +R -S +5 By Downdrift Rule (Tn-Rule + R + R +S -R +R 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 by Tn-Rule 5(c)

1 1 1 4 2 " » 5(b)

1 1 1 0 2 „ ^ 8(f) by Tone Simplification

8(f) Ishi Bghu

1 1 1 2

It is necessary to point out that the numerical values are relative; the value 2 does not always stand far a downstep, but in relation to a preceding high tone, in this case 1, it is a lowered high tone, or drop tone or downstep.

From this and other subsequent examples, it will be seen that Downdrift is a late phonetic rule which converts phonological binary features to 135

phonetic scale features. There is no one rule which could be described

as the Downstep rule. All that Tn-Rule 2 does is provide the necessary

structure for the operation of subsequent tone rules. At this level,

therefore, syntax and phonology are not distict for the simple reason

that any phonetic tone pattern, be its origin syntactic or phonological,

'must be the product of some of the foregoing rules, which are essential

ly phonological. At this level in the description of Igbo, syntax and

phonology merge.

Order of the Tone Rules

The numbering of these rules does not necessarily reflect any

extrinsic ordering; it is more for ease of reference, and must be seen

as such. Any strict ordering of rules in Igbo grammar must wait for

more facts from a thorough study of various aspects of the language.

It must be observed that evidence from the grammar of complementation

presented in part II of this thesis is in favour of

intrinsic ordering, although the rules of syntax and phonology are

different in kind. However, where an ordering relationship between

two.phonological rules has been considered necessary, as in the genera

tion of the tone pattern of class l(b) nominals (that is mono-syllabic

nouns in first or pre-genitival position) such an order has been given.

In this regard, in order to ensure the derivation of the well-formed

9(a) or block the generation of the deviant 9(b) from the underlying

form 9(c), we must maintain the following ordering relationship;

Either Tone Incorporation (Tn-rule 6)

Dr " Simplification (Tn-rule 7)

If 6, then ” Assimilation (Tn-rule 8)

9 (a) Jii Ci C i 's yam

(b) * dii Ci 136

t 9 (c) Ji Ci

+S -S +S +R -R +R

1 4 2 (By Tn-rules 5 (3-0 )

1 0 2 (By Tn-rule 7) ---» 9(d) / (d) Ji Ci Ci's yam

1 2

To derive 9 (a) from 9 (c), we apply the alternative rules thus / Ji Ci

+S -5 +S J +R 7^ —R -i-R I

1 4 2 (By Tn-rules 5)

Ji Ci'

+S -S +S +R -R +R

1 4 2 (By Tone Incorporation, Tn-rule 6)

1 2 2 (" " Assimilation, Tn-rule 8)

9 (a) Jii Ci

1 2 2

Thus, Tone Assimilation is contingent on a prior application of Tone

Incorporation with classes 1 (h), 3 & 4 nominals, Failure to apply

rule 8 'after the application of 6 is responsible for the deviance of9(b)

3,4 TONE CLASSES

For the operation of the Phonological rules so far given, Igbo

nominals (nouns) have been classified as follows:

TQNC CLASS 1 (a)

This Tone class includes all nouns with tonal structure high-high,

except proper names or Personified nouns.

Tone Class 1 thus includes /✓ e ghu goat

+S +S +R +R

shi head - +S +S + R +R — 137

These nouns will always have a downstep final syllable when they are in second or Genitival position thus:

ishi zfz. eghu > ishi eghu

But they will behave differently if they are personified or used as proper names, thus:

10 (a) Nwa Eghu Nwa Eghu

the son of Eghu

(b) Nwa Anya Nwa/ Anya

Anya's son

Contrast nwa eghu (a small goat) with

nwa*" Eghu (the son of Eghu)

This contrastive pattern is enough reason for treating proper names and personifications as a separate group.

TONE CLASS 1(b) - This group comprises monosyllabic high tone nouns in the language. It is these nouns which in first or pregenitival position have the following possibilities, (cf. p.130 ) ✓ , 11 (a) 3i Ci or : Ci's yam

(b) Oil Ci

/ TONE CLASS I (c) - This is a covert class found in such nouns as Agu

/ — or in certain prepositional phrases such, as - Na onu : in the rnouth

11 ime : inside

TONE CLASS 2 NOUNS - This class includes all nouns with a low-high tone pattern as in:

"0 ke (rat) +S +b -R +R

TONE CLASS 3 - To this class belong all high-low tone nouns such nouns as: 0 dhu (tail) +s +S +R -R except proper names which, like those of Tone Class 1(a), behave idiosyncratically. The contrast between the following pair will illustrate'the point we are making: 138

12 (a) ukwa yzox (breadfruit tree by the way side)

(b) ukwa IJzo (Uzo's breadruit tree)

From (a) it is obvious that this class of items does not change their

tone pattern if and only if they are in both first and second positions, or they are followed by a noun of Tone class 1 (a)

Odo ahya (market position)

But in combination with other Tone Classes, they assume a non-inherent

" \ (a) Odo = 4 = anyi --- -> odo anyi (Our market position) • • a s (cl.3) (cl.2)

(b) Uru ala > Uru ala - (humus)

(cl.3) (c 1. 4)

/ ■>/ — (c) Odhu ji ---- odhu ji (The tail Qf yam)

(cl.3) (cl.l (b))

(d) yd o' ha v odgs ha (Their market position) /

(cl.3) (Pron. Cl.1(b)

* S> ru / (e) Qdhy ha" ----> Odhu ha (Their tails)

•v / 13 (d) and (e) are exceptions to the rule because of the pronoun hja ^ / in second position. With the exception of any4 (which behaves like

a Tone ‘class 2 noun in second position) all other pronouns maintain

their inherent tones if the preceding noun ends on a low tone.

TONE CLASS 4 ~ This class is made up of low-low tone nouns such as:

ala ground, soil

abha jaw \ ikhwu curse

They have the underlying phonological structure r_ \ __ +5 +s -R -R

In first or pregenitival position, their final low tone becomes high;

in second or genitival position, they maintain their inherent tones. 139

TONE CLASSES 5 (a) & (b)

This class has been set up to .account for Proper names or / / Personified nouns of Tone Class 1 (a) such as Anya, Onu, as well as

those Tone Class 3 - such as Ibe, Ubgci, uihich form the 5 (b) class.

As we pointed out earlier on (P* 139) these nouns do not behave like

members of their classes probably because of the semantic contrasts

which must be maintained between such pairs as:

/ _ / — 14 (a) ishi anya vs ishi Anya

the head of the eye Anya's head

. «v V. / ~ /tv — — (b) ishi onu " ishi Onu

smelling mouth Onu's (body) smell

roadside palm tree Uzo's palm tree

Tone Class 5 (c)

To be considered as submembers of this idiosyncratic class are

those nominals in Igbo which begin with the bilabial nasal /m/. These

include: /\ mai wine *

ma'nu oil

/ - miri water

muo spirit, ghost

Their number is very small, indeed; in second or genitival position,

they behave exactly like personified (Proper names) of Tone Class 1 (a)

as the following data show:... - / (a) ezigbo rnanu genuine oil, good oil

s / (b) otile mai the bottom of wine, the dreg of wine

(d) ala\ v' miri river/sea bed

decided, on phonological grounds, to group them separa tely from

members of 5 (a) with which they share identical tonal behaviour in

second position. 140

3,5 APPLICATION OF Tn-RULES TO IGBO NOMINAL CONSTRUCT!ON

The importance of tone in the syntax of the Igbo language has been repeatedly pointed out in this thesis as well as in all descriptions of the language. In this section, we shall examine, taking each tone class in turn, the series of phonological rules necessary for the generation of the tone patterns of what has been variously described 8 as Genitival Structures or Igbo Completive Phrase, The evidence from

Igbo syntax suggests that the same rules which generate the tone pattern: of nouns in Genitival structures could also account for the tone patterns of most, ,if not all, Nominal constructions in the Igbo l&nguaga.

In particular, Relativized Clauses seem to be the underlying form of some of these y.- N ^p structures, and it is possible to demon- i'j lJ strate that these structures derive from a certain category of Relative clauses via Relative Clause Reduction,

First of all, let us observe that there is nothing radically new in what we are about to say concerning Igbo genitival constructions.

These have been fairly adequately treated by Green and Igwe (1963, p. 20-23). Their findings on this subject hold good for Ohuhu dialect as for most, if not all, dialects of Igbo, But the wider implications of this'tonal phenomenon do not seem to have been fully realised in a

Grammar such as Green and Igwe's, whose main concern was to observe the data and describe them.

B l/oorhoeva, Ban; A.E. Meeussen and K.F. De Blois refer to the same construction as "Igbo Completive Phrases" in an article "New proposals for the description of Igbo Completive Phrases"in Journal of West African Languages 6, p. 79-84. 141

Our purpose here is to go beyond the surface nominal constructions, relate them and their characteristic tone patterns to Relative clauses and associated patterns, and in a systematic way show that some

Reduction rules have operated on certain Relative clauses to produce such nominal constructions as the Genitival ones being discussed here.

UJe take the Noun classes in turn, pointing out as we go along how they behave in first or pregenitival and then in second or. genitival positions: t on e : c l a s s i (b) ✓ 16 3 i Ci' Ji i Ci

+5 -s +S +S ~S +S (Ci's yam) P +R -R +R (a) +R +R +R 1 2 2 *— — L

Ji cl

+ S + S •i’R +R 1 2

The detailed derivation of 16 (a) and (b) have been given on page and need not be repeated here. UJhat the above output (16 (a) & (b)) predict is that all nouns of one syllable in second or genitival position will have these two possible surface structures. If a pronoun

(monosyllabic) is substituted in second position for Ci, there is only the (b) possibility, (cf 3.3 p. 13& ).

Thus we find:

(c)i \ Di ' ha but not *Dii ha

husband their: their husband

(d) 3i ya but not *3ii ya

Hi’s yam This fact therefore requires that Ton Simplification rule apply immediately

^after Downdrift rules have applied, if the second or genitival noun is a

pronoun, in order to c

TONE CLASS 1(a) (high-high-nouns).

. ✓ 17(a) 1 __ shiC e _ghu +s +S 4 ? | -S +S +S (b) +R +R ■R +R + R ---- >

(b) +S ~ +S +S +S / ishi eghu (goat’s head) + R +R +R + R 1 1 1 2

(For the details of derivation, see 3.3 p.'i36 )

As 17(b) shows, all Tone class l(a) nouns in genitival position have

a downstep on their final high tone; and maintain their inherent tone in

pregenitival position. As a matter of fact, all classes of nouns maintain

their inherent tones before high-high-tone nouns; a few more representative

examples illustrate this fact.

17(c) Oke ghya (cl.2 & lb) Oke ohya

(bush rat)

s / v / «- (d) Uzo 4 ahya (cl.3 + lb) uzo ahya

(the way to the market), v ( (b ) abha jnyi (cl.4 + lb) abha enyi

(an elephant’s jaw)

Extending these facts about Tone class 1(a) nouns to other structures in

this dialect, one can predict that in all subject verb forms, main g (initiating and Non-initiating), all nouns in Subject relation to the verb

maintain their inherent tone. Hence we have the following tonal structure

in contrast with the dialect described by Green and Igwe:

9 These terms are due to Green and Igwe (1963) A Descriptive Grammar of Igbo. 143

18(a) ftnya zara ezhi (our oujn dialect)

\ ^ ^ (b) Anya zara ezhi (Green and Igwe's dialect)

Anya swept the compound.

In our dialect, glides'*^ feature only in Subordinate, and never in main, clauses.

TONE CLASS 2 - (Low-high)

As with Tone classes l(a) and (b), Tone class 2 nouns maintain their inherent tones in first or pregenitival position, but acquire non-inherent tones in genitival position: /■ ^ 19 _ 1 shi ke ~+S +s -S +5 +S T- + R *i*R £ -R -R + R

(a) +S +S .A tS +3 +R + R -R + R by Tone Simplification

1 1 4 2 11 Downdrift rules

1 1 2 2 II Tone Assimilation

/ - (rat s h ead) (b) > ishi oke

1 1 2 2

10 UJe do, however, have glides in proper names, which might be structurally seen as Independent or main clauses:

(Chukwuma) God/Heaven knows. (Eluma )

Chinyere. This is probably due to the need to distinguish the name from the sentence

s \ ** t ~ Chukwu ma hwe niile. God knows everything. Chi'" nysre ngpz4.:~ God gave- the blessing.

It seems, therefore, that whenever a name is a shortened form of an indicative sentence, its subject NP (if it is a Tone class 1 item) will have a falling glide. Note also the name Cidi from Ci di: God exists. 144

20 With Tone Class 3 Nouns in First position \ \ / (a) 0 dhu \ 0 ke +s | +S -S +s +S + R | -R -R -R + R Metathesis does not apply,

(b) +s +S -s +5 +S + R -R £ + R -R +R by Tone Raising (Tn-R,4)

1 4 2 5 by Doiundrift Rules Tn-RulesS — — _ — (a), (b) (c).

(d) 0 dhu ke +s +S +S +S -f-R + R “R + R

1 2 5 3 by Tone Simplification, Tn-Rule 7

1 2 3 3 " " Assimilation^Tn-Rule 8.

(e) odhu Ol<0 (rat’s tail)

1 2 3 3

If we increase this nominal structure by the addition of a Relative clause, the result will be 18(e) with its progressiv/e downsteps represented by the following pitch values:

/ - — (f) Odhu oke nwuru anwus the tail of a dead rat

12 33 44 55

21 With Tone Class 4 nouns i ] in First position: \ LA . NYI^

(a) _ A J + b +S +5 +S i: -R -R -R + R

(b) A LA A NY I +S +S -S +S +S t -R -R -R -R + R by Tn-Rule 2

(d) +S + S *{*S +s 'rJ. ~R + R ~R + R by Tone Simplification

" Downdrift rules

" Tone Assimilation. 21 (e) ala anyi - our land/country

3 1 2 2 '

The same set of rules that generate 20 (e) and 21 (e) also account

for the following: noun and demonstrative structure (Deictic Structure)

/ \ ^ / .. \ 22 (a) ezs ^ A — ;— r eze e this chief

/ \ y* \ ' / — * (b) madhu $ A ' > madhu o " person

It will be recalled (3,4* that whenever two nouns of

Tone class 3 are in a Genitival construction, they maintain thei 1

inherent tones provided that the genitival (second) noun is neither ! personified nor is it a proper name. This rather important condition

accounts for the following structures:

, . s \ X N X \ \ 23 (a) ukhwa uzg ----> ykhwa uzo

breadfruit tree by the road side

(b) eze t. A h i > eze ehi (that chief)

. X \ jf* 'V V ^ \ x-v \ (c) madhu t Ahi ---- > madhu ohi (that person)

TONE CLASS 3 NOUNS WITH TONE CLASS 1(b) IN SECOND POSITION

Before we go on to the other Tone classes, let us look at the tone

pattern of class 3 nouns whenever they are followed by Monosyllabic

high-tone items. The following illustrate the tone patterns to be

discovered:

/ \ ■'* s f ^ /, v - 24 (a) otu -+ nwa — *-*■? otu nwa

one child, an only child

/ \ / x v — (b) uce Ci------> uce Ci

God’s will

X V ~ \ v «■* - (d) ng’wug’wu shi ---> n g ’wu g’wu shi

a parcel of excreta

s \ J m y x s f <-fmy opinion (d) Uce ji / ya i -- > uce £ / ya^ C his/her opinion fta their opinion 146

In all these examples, except (d), the need for a downstep on

the monosyllabic nouns in second position has entailed the development

of a rising glide on the preceding nouns. As example 24 (d) shows, the

development of this glide is blocked if the second element is a pronoun.

(Cf with an identical phenomenon involving monosyllabic nouns in pregenitival position. In 16(c-d) as here, the alternative structure

dii Chi (Chi's husband) is blocked before pronouns; hence *dii ya is

unacceptable). It is a general rule of Igbo phonology that glides never occur before pronouns.

The question to be asked is this: fan the phonological rules cope with structures such as 24 (a), (b) and (c)? The answer is yes, provided

that some essential addition is made. The addition (or condition) is this:

In order to provide for Tone incorporation, two non-segmental low tones must be present in underlying form, otherwise there is no way of generating glide toneson Tone classes 3 and 4 nouns.

Now, let us consider the following underlying form for (a)-(c)

nominal structures:

+s + S J. -s +S 4s + R -R ir -R + R

The underlying form, 25(a) does not meet the structural description for any

of the relevant rules such as Metathesis or Tone Raising rule. It does not

therefore advance the generation of the desired tone pattern. But 25(b)

with two non-segmental low tones does: / ~ C " “ ' 25(b) _ U che V chi J +s +S n +S . 4

+ R -R c 33 -R -j-R 1 ! 1 [ [ ! 1 1 1

(d) U che " “ chi *S +S +S -S +S 4 +R -R + R -R +R by Tone Incorporation

1 4 2 5 3 ” Downdrift rules

." Tone Simplificatio 1 4 2 $ 3 147

' N/ 25(e) uche chi

1 4 2 3 / — ~ Now, for some speakers, there is an alternative form ~ uche chi.

This is equally derivable from 25(c) via the following rules:

25(c) +s +S -S -S +S *** +R -R f + R £ -R +R

(dl) +S +S -S -5 + S $ +R -R + R -R + R .

1 4 2 5 3 by Downdrift rule .

ti 1 0 2 5 3 Tone Simplification t 1 0 2 0 . 3 n Simplification / ... ' Uche chi (el)

1 2 3

Whichever form one decides to generate, it will be necessary to stipulate two underlying non-segmental low tones. The addition or modification provides the bridge between Nominal structures such as Noun + noun and

Noun + Relative clauses. In both types of structures, Tone classes 3 and 4 nouns (and any lexical item with a final low tone) behave identically:

Examples:

•S s vV — nj ^ w, 26(a) Ogu zuru ohi ., : Ogu who stole .....

V _ — (b) Ibe gara nkpgro : Ibe who went to prison .....

\ V X (c) Nkata gburu madhu : Nkata the murderer ......

S \ S / \ 27(a) Okuko ufu vuuru: the chicken which the fox carried away,

\ s s y S (b) Uwe Ibe tirile . the clothes which Ibe has worn, X \ -V* _ (c) Ebe ala rurula since the soil has been desecrated, S S \s \ (d) Otho Diakhu mere how Diakhu acted ....

The two categories of Relative Clauses involved in the above data have been discussed in detail 2.4.8.

TONE CLASS 4 NOUNS (LOW - LOW NOUNS)

As is now obvious from the discussion of Tone Class 3 Nouns, Tone class 4 nouns retain their inherent tones in second position, but acquire a non-inherent tone pattern in first position if they are followed by 148 either Tone Class 2 or 4 nouns With the other Tone classess they maintain their inherent tones:

28(a) Ala nlauu ala nkiuu (no change)

palm tree plantation

\ , v .r (b) Ala ji ala ji

(yam mound) X / — (c) Ala oke ala oke

(rat land)

\ s / V Z' N f (d) ala Wgiuuru -7* ala Nguiuru

the land belonging to Ngiuuru

The derivation of 28(b)-(d) is similar to that of 25(el). Only one example is given here to illustrate the point.

\ \ \ 29(a) l\ la \ N gmu ru +s +S ~-S '+S "+S +S -R -R -R -R -R + R

(b) +S +S -S +S +5 +S -R +R -R ~R — R +R

by Tone Raising

.2 by Doujndrift

2 " Tone Simpli

fication

ala Ngiuuru (c)

3 1 4 4 2

V v In a Relative clause structure} ala mill become ala or ala, hence two non-segmental„loiu tones j/ill be ..necessary in underlying form thus:

\ \ / 30(a) _ A la- \ ; gbu#_ r_ ru _ r -i r n X +S +S -s -s +S +S £ * £ -R -R -R -R + R +R

(b) +S +S -S -S +S +S £ £ ■p -R -R + R -R + R +R by Tone Raising

+S +S -S -S +S + S (c) 1-■ii t- -R -R + R -R + R +R by Tone Incorporation

(d) a la a gbu ru +S +S -S zp -S +S +S -R -R + R -R + R + R

3 3 1 4 2 2 by Downdrift by Tone Simplification 3 3 1 0 2 2 I _ ___ I 149

v 30(g )!

* 30(e) ala^ gburu x

3 3 1 2 2

The nature of the object NP., X will determine whether a downstep is

necessary or not. If it is a Tone Class l(a) noun (high-high), then it

will have a downstep on its final syllable, and this will entail a

non-segmental low tone in underlying form, Thsse details are reserved

till the appropriate section 3,6 on Relativization,

TONE CLASS 5(a) Personified/Proper names of Tone Classes l(a)

First Tone Class l(a) (high-high).

These are very easy and straightforward to generate:

31(a) Nwa £ Anya Nwa Anya

+s -S +5 +S £ $ + R -R + R "j'R _ _ _ _ 1 4 2 2 by Downdrift

1 0 2 2 " Tone Simplification /> - > nwa Anya : Anya's son.

1 2 2

UJhat is peculiar about these proper names or personified nouns is the

fact that, although their underlying form meets the structural index for

[fletathesis rule, this rule, in fact, does not apply. The non-segmental

low tone is present only to lower the following high tone and is deleted

after the application of Downdrift rules. A few more examples include:

. , / •" x - 32(a) eg* o jt - Dikhe .... bg’o Dikhe

Dikhe’s money

(b) akwu £ Egbe $ akwu Egbe

the nest of Egbe (Hawk personified or

proper name) ^ \ ✓ y -- (c) ulo £ Ag'u --- > ulo Ag'u

Ag'u's house 150

, . / ~ *" . ,v " 32(d) oru 5t Ikhe -—? oru Ikhe * * * *

Ikhe's farm.

TONE CLASS 5(b)

Secondly, Tone Class 3 nouns - (high-low)

In second or genitival position, proper names of Tone Class 3 behave like

Tone class 4 nouns in changing from high-low to low-low tone pattern.

The generation of their tone pattern is as follou/s;

V \ s \ 33(a) a la I be +S +S j -s +S +S T* ■t -R -R -R + R -R

(b) +5 +S -S +S +S £ £ -R + R -R + R -R by Tone Raising Rule

3 1 1 4 4 " Downdrift Rules

(d) 1 +S +S +S +S -R + R -R -R by P-Rule 9. Tone Reduction

3 1 4 4 — — — „

(e) ala Ibe

3 1 4 4

Admittedly, our reduction rule is ad hocjthis' is because it is intended to handle a rather peculiar situation which is not wide-spread in the

Language, but limited only to proper names of Tone class 3 in second or genitival position. What the rule does is delete the initial segmental high tone whenever it is followed in this type of structure by two consecutive low tones, and give segmental status to the non-segmental low tone. This rule has to be added if we are to get the right tone pattern (33(e)) in surface structure.

It will be observed that the Tone Raising rule applied here before the

Metathesis rule. This is contrary to the order established by Williamson11

11 Williamson, Kay. "Some alternative proposals for Igbo Completive Phrase” RESEARCH NOTES; Vol. 3, part 2 & 3, Dept, of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, Ibadan Nigeria, 1971 (p.87). 151 that Metathesis Rule must precede Tone-Raising Rule. If Metathesis had applied before Tone Raising to 31(b), the output would have been

+5 +S +S +S -R -R +R -R

This output does not meet the structure index for Tone Raising Rule, which requires that the low tone to be raised must be flanked by low tones.

It seems to us that no hard and fast rule must be imposed on the order of these Tone rules be they in syntax or phonology - until more facts about the Igbo Languages are known. Apparently, the Ibadan workshop did not consider proper names Df Tone class 3 in second or genitival position and in subordinate Relative clauses where the phonological rules beirigi discussed ought to apply also.

TONE CLASS 5(c)

This class comprises those lexical items in Igbo, generally of two or three syllable, which begin with the bilabial nasal /m/. These include

manu (oil) miri (water) mai (wine) et cetera.

Tonally, these nouns behave exactly like members of 5(a):

/ \ f f 34(a) ezhigbo $ mai ezhigbo mai

genuine wine very good wine

' ' ■ v / - (b) ihu £ muo ihu muo (a shrine)

bottle water water bottle

They have been set up as a separate sub-class on the purely semantic ground that 5(a) and (b) deal with proper names where this sub-class 5(c) does not, moreover, phonologically members of 5 (c) form a set.

In the noun classification we have been discussing here in section

4.3, we have discussed only one-syllable or two-syllable nouns as if polysyllabic nouns are non-existent in Igbo. The fact is that the tone changes being discussed here operate regularly with one-syllable and two-syllable nouns. For example, riownsteps do not generally occur with 152 trisyllabic nouns, except proper names, as in oru Anyanwu (Anyanwu's Farm).

They never occur at all with a word of more than three syllables unless such a polysyllabic word is also a proper name: Hence the following two examples:

35(a) ibe £ oshishi -— > ibe oshishi

plank or piece of vuood ✓ \ (b) nwunye ^ Oshishi — -> nwunye Oshishi ™ \ £ Odoemene ——* " Odoemene ; (c) • # , -

the wife of Hflr Oshishi

" " n H Odoemene I ! No exceptions have so far been discovered with proper names (or personified nouns): Once the structural description is met, (ie a sequence of high- -\ ^ high .... n where n ^ 3)the expected downstep on the first syllable of 2 the second or genitival noun will occur. This seems to us a sufficient justification for setting up a separate class for proper names and personifications.

UJith nouns of Tone classes 3 and 4 in first or pregsnitival position

(as well as in Relative structures) one of these two tone patterns in

36(b) will always occur according to the dialect or speaker regardless of the number of syllables of the item. r* s 36(a) Alughulu zuru ohijr - 1 Rel.S Rel.S \ Nkata

^ Ogu 36(b) -'i ' v* 36(b) Alughulu zuru o h i : Alughulu who stole

v Nkata Nkata

a ^ v i./ Ogu Ogu

/ ~ Ogu J 153

The operation of this tone change does not depend on the number of

^ syllables present, but on the nature of the adjacent syllables across

word boundary.

In the following section (3.6), we shall examine the application c"

some of these Tone rules to Relative Clause formation in Igbo.

3.6 Relativization and the Tone Rules

In this section, we shall trace the transformational relationship

existing between certain relative clauses in Igbo and certain l\!Ps of

the N £ N structure which can be shown to represent a reduced form of

these relativized clauses.

Examples of relative clause constructions in Igbo have been given in

2.4.2 and 2.4.5, although the basis for the distinction into Relatives

A & B due to Green and Igwe (1963) was not made very explicit. Briefly,

Relative A represents that category of relative clauses whose formation

doss not entail any NP movement rule, while Relative B stands for those

whose formation entails the movement of an NP from an object position

to a subject one. As we pointed out in 2.4.2, in Relative A, all verbs,

regardless of their tone class, have their stem on a downstep, whereas

in Relative B, only class 1 verbs have their stem on downstep, while

those of classes 2 & 3 are on low tone. Were it not for this difference

in the tonal behaviour of verbs in Relative B, it would have been

unnecessary to distinguish between two categories of relative clauses

in Igbo, since a simple NP movement rule would be sufficient to relate

the two. But since tone forms an integral part of Igbo syntax, this

tonal distinction between the same verbs in the two categories of relative

clauses in this language must be recognised as a valid justification for

such a distinction into Relatives A & B.

The following examples are given to illustrate this tonal difference.

Relative A

37(a) Ogu" gara ahya faa loro faa (vb iga cl.3)

Ogu who went to market early returned early. 154

v ''” - f S ^ 37(b) Ekhe dhara alu agbakheelB (vb idha cl.2)

Ekhe who had a fall has recovered.

UJhoever drank my wine will pay me the cost.

Relative B

/ V \ f . . 38(a) Ahya Ogu gara di uthi (vb iga cl.3)

The market which Ogu went is far. / K / / % (b) Elu nkwu Ekhe dhara ehile. (vb idha cl.2)

Height of palmtree which Ekhe fell is much;

The oil palm tree from which Ekhe fell is rather high.

^ . - s / - / , - (c) Nlai o nuru . na egbu ya (vb inu cl.l)

The wine which he drank is intoxicating him.

While all the verbs in Relative A are on downstep, only class 1 verbs are on the same downstep in Relative B. Only Relative A clauses are relevant in the reduction transformation which derives N ^ N from relative clauses.

It is the similarity between certain Igbo relative clauses on the one hand and certain NPs of the N ^ W structure on the other that we now want to examine in detail. It seems that such NPs are derivable from certain relative clauses via the Relative clause Reduction rule. As an example, consider the following sentence - 39(a) and its transform 39(b)

^ - - V r N / 39(a) Nwanyi reghe manu no n ’odo ya

The woman who is selling oil is in her shade/stall.

A v - \ / \ / (b) Nwanyi manu no n ’odo ya

The woman of oil is in her stall; The woman oil dealer is

in her stall.

The above 39 derive from a deep structure such as is represented in Fig. 1. 155

Verb Locative

Prep.Phr. Verb NP

Progressive Present Prep NP

manuna gdQ ya

Let us assume that the rules of Relative deletion, Affix hopping and the phonological rule of votuel harmony have applied to Fig. 1 to produce 39 (e).

In order to become the input to the Tone rules which produces the tone pattern of 39(a), the above 39(c) has to be decomposed into a set of 156 phonological features by Tn-Rules 1 and 2; hence 39(c) becomes 39(d) with the boundary symbols' introduced.

✓ \ > / ✓ \ 39(d) Nwa- a ma nu no r - +s~ +S +B ~-S " -s’ +s~ +B ”~S +B +S + B 4 4* f + R -R -R -R -R + R +R -R +R + R +R

R e l . Cl Rel. Cl

na_ o do ya, +S +5 +s -R -R + R

39(d) becomes 39(e) by Tone Raising Rule (in-Rule 4) \ / \ ' v / / 39(e) Nwa a nyi s. re/ ghe^ ma nu +S +S +5 -s 7 -s” +S ~ +S -5 +B +S + R -R -R + R -R +R + R -R + R +R

na O' do" ya “+S ~+S _ ~+s~ +B +S * -R -R + R -R + R ¥£-

— — _ ,___ — _ _ — - As 39(e) shows, the first non-segmental low tonB has been raised ready

/N. S for incorporation as the final high tone of the nominal Niuanyii. Thus,

39(e) becomes 39(f) by Tone Incorporation.

\ \ / / / _TB j h e ma nu 39(f) Nuia a_ nyi1“ i » “1 +S +s" +5 -S +5 +S -5 +S +S r*s $ + R -R -R + R -R +R + R ~R + R + R l__ _ V \ no na 0 do ya + S +S r+s [~+S +S # -R -R jjfR L -R + R

39(f) becomes 39(g) by Douindrift Rules

\ / / 39(g) Nwa _ a _nyi i re ghe ma nu +S ~+S +s "■ +s' '+s' + B -S ~VS "+S zfp + R ~S -R + R + R + R -R $ + R + R

\ v / no na o do +5 +S wt* r + S +S +S T* -R -R + R -R + R #

7 7 5 8 6

Observe here in 39(f) that, although the structural description for metathesis rule (Tn-Rule 3) application has been met at two places, vizi at 157

/ re -s +S +S and -R t +R + R / ma" _ nu “ -S +S +S £ -R + R + R ___ — — — — the rule has not applied in either case.

The rule must be blacked in Relative clause formation in order to ensure that downsteps are on the right syllables in surface structure, that is at reghe; and for its non-application before mang, it has to be recalled that many belongs to Tone class 5(c) - words beginning with the bi] ibial' nasal

/m/, which in sscond/genitival position behave like proper names of Tone t class 1 in having their downstep always on the first syllable. !

Continuing the derivation, we derive 39(h) from 39(g) by the application of Tone Simplification iteratively until all remaining non-segmental low tones have been deleted,

v v / \ 39(h) Nwa a nyi i re ma. nu no r* '+S +S' _ +S ~ ‘+S +S ^ +S +s %S ' +S + R -R -R + R +R + R +R + R -R

1 3 4 4 7

\ na o do ya _ +S +S ‘+S +S -R +R -R + R H =

Deleting the' boundary symbols, one gets 39(c)

, . \ * s to. „ (l) Nwaanyii reghe manu no na odo ya

1442 33 44 7 7 58 5

By applying the morpheme structure rule 2(a) (2.1.p .37 ) to 39(i), we derive (j).

- . / ■ \ N -r — — V / \ s (j) Nwaanyii reghe many no no odo ya

And 39(j) may be orthographically written as (k), which is the,same as 39(a). — - v / s / (k) Nwanyi reghe manu no n'odo ya.

Sentence 39(a) or (l<) above is a well-formed Igbo relative clause. If we. apply the optional rule of Relative Clause reduction to the above (39(k), the output will be 39(1) thus:

V V . -"L, v ' SD : Nwanyi ?eghe manu- 1 1 no' n ’odo ya

NP NP Rel. Cl. Rel. Cl.

NP Verb NP VP

1 2 3 4

SC : 1 0 3 4 y _ ✓ X 39 (1) Nwanyx many ng n 1 ydg ya

And 39 (1) is the same as 39 (b).

The effect of Relative Clause Reduction is to delete the verb of the

Relativized sentence, leaving its object complement as a sort.of attributive nominal, a fact which is better brought out in Fig. 2:

N Verb Locative

Nwaanyii many no na gdg ya

✓. \ Nwaanyii many no n’odo" ya.

Fig. 2

It will be observed that the output of a Relative Clause Reduction rule is generally a Nominal structure in which the constituents have the right tone relationship to each other. This fact provides a strong

syntactic evidence in support of our claim that certain Igbo N 4 -- N the structures are/product of Relative Clause Reduction. More examples

of NP $ NP structures deriving from Relative Clause Reduction include:

4D(a) Onye na ere eghu ■ ■ \ Onye eghu

One who deals in goats A goat dealer

/ (b) Onye na atu ashi - Onye ashi

One who tells lies A liar

s \ (c) Onye nwere ndidi Onye ndidi

One who has patience A patient person

(d) Onye na ezuzu nzuzu Onyerf nzuzu ~ ~ v

One who is stupid A stupid person , . ✓ ^ v ^ ~ - " - - - '12 (e) Onye ehi zuru ohi Onye ohi ehi

person that who stole person of theft that

that person who stole that thief

(f) fffladhu/ hturu ashi ---^ m a d h u •ashi

1 (Ifladhu

(a person who told a lie) A liar)

However, it is not always the case that the output of Relative Clause

Reduction is a well-formed Igbo nominal structure of the N $ N type.

As examples, consider the following Relative clauses and the corresponding

N ^ N structures which derive from them via a reduction rule:

12 The Demonstrative itemPa ahi this/that,is always the last element of a Nominal structure. So in order to derive Onye ohi ehi from Onye ehi zuru ohi, in addition to the Relative Clause Reduction rule, one has got to switch round the determiner element thus:

^ Onye ohi ehi ~r 1 1 32 r** — r* \ / #4 ^ In structures such as Onye ohi ehi, Onye ohi is taken as a unit of structure which is beinq modified by ehi. The same is true of the Relative Clause Nwokho ohi ohij Rel.S. Rel.S / _ „ N where the Rel. Clause modifies the Nom, structure Nwokho ohi: that man. 160

41(a) Nwanyii toro agologo Nwanyi cfgologo

A woman who is tal-l: a tall woman

(b) flb0 / na akpa') / - ' v ' / N . ----- \ Ibe ng'ang'a J n y (ng'ang'a = = ? ) Ibe na akpqj

" who is proud proud Ibe

Ugo who does petty trading Ugo the petty trader.

In the examples 4l(a)-(c) - that is Nominal Structures involving

Nouns of Tone Class 3 and 4^in addition to Relative Clause Reduction, one

has got to apply some other Tone adjustment transformations in order to

get the right surface structure.

In 41(a), we suggest that a Glide Reduction rule is one such Tone

change necessary: By this proposed rule,

Nwanyii ^ dg'ologo \ Nwanyi ogologo

Condition:' The Genitival Noun must begin with a high tone - that is

H - In 41(b), the Glide Reduction could be formulated thus:

Here it is important that the high tone resulting from a reduced glide

be immediately followed by a sequence of two low tones, after which any

other tone may follow.

Example: Ugo nzogbu: Ugo the crusher or smasher

Apart from exceptions like those given and discussed under 4l(a)-(c),

Relative clause Reduction with Dnye or such Tone classes as 1 and 2,

and 5(c) nouns in pre-genitival or first position will generally result in

an NP of (N # N) structure with the appropriate tone pattern at the surface

Examples:

42(a) Nwokho na erne ughalama \ nwokho ughalama

A man who plays tricks A tricky man 42(b) Onye na erne afo oma —— Onye afooma

A person who has kind disposition a kind person

(d) Nwokho na atu ujo Nwokho ujo

A man tuho fears A cowardly man

There is no doubt whatsoever that Relative Clause Reduction is a prolific source of the so called Igbo Genitival structures.

The implication of this finding is that Igbo derives NPs of N # N structure through the same process which in Indo-European languages yields NP £ Adjective structures, and this raises the question as to whether there is any lexical category Adjective in Igbo. This question is not pursued any further here since it is not within the scope of our investigation in this thesis.

Summary

In this chapter, it has been demonstrated that the phonological rules as given in Ibadan Research Notes (1971) coupled with the modifications which we have shown to be necessary will generate all the permissible tone patterns in Igbo nominal constructions, whether the structure is of the

N1^N2 type, or of a complex nominal of an NP and a relative clause. UJhat these phonological rules have been geared to capture is the tone changes due to some basic syntactic-relation as well as to other features of Igbo phonology, Ulhere there is no difference between base and surface forms, no rules have been given to state this, or rather, the rules may be seen to have applied vacuuously.

For the purposes of stating the Tone rules, Igbo nominals have been classified into 8 sub-categories thus:

Class 1(a) high-high anya ’eye

ii 1(b) high C:i 'God'

2 low-high 162

Class 3 - high-low - ukhwa 'breadfruit'

"4 - low-low - ala 'ground1

" 5(a) high-high - proper names

(b) high-high beginning with the syllabic

, / nasal f m j - mai 'wine'

The surface tone patterns of these classes of items have been illustrated

in section 3.5.

From the illustrations given in 3.5, the following facts emerge!

(a) Relative-clauses and generally structures which require one of

their items to incorporate a non-segmental tone, must have two

non-segmental low tones in underlying phonological form, unless

the item in question is a monosyllable, in which case only one

non-segmental low tone is necessary.

(b) Nouns of classes 5(a-c) in second position constitute an exception

to the rule of Metathesis (Tn-rule 3) even though they meet the

structural description for it. This rule has to be blocked to

ensure that the downstep is on the right syllable. The same

situation obtains with relative clauses whose verb-stern is on a

downstep in relation to the immediately preceding high tone of

the nominal,

it is necessary to add an extra rule of Tone Reduction (Tn-Rule 9)

which is similar to, though not the same thing as Tone

Incorporation (Tn-Rule 7).

(d) There is ample syntactic evidence in support of the view that the

rule of Relative clause reduction produces in Igbo N1 N2

structures where the same rule in Indo-European languages,

especially English, yields NP's of N Adj NP structures. 163

(e) From the foregoing, the similarity between NPs of N1 N2 structure

and relative clauses is very obvious, a fact which explains why the

tone patterns of both types of nominal construction can be generated

by the same set of Tone rules. PART II

KlMl IVi 111 II j AIT — i i COMPLEfflENTATION J M i C j ^ O - 165

CHAPTER 4

Theoretical Orientation

4.0.0. The Grammatical ITiodel and its fllodification

The grammatical model on which this thesis in general is based is the revised version of Aspects model known as Extended Standard

Theory, (EST)^ But the nature of Igbo has dictated certain necessary modifications of this theory so as to allow it to describe the data concerning complementation. Since the examination of complementation is the topic of this thesis, the modifications are important and fundamental, because they constitute a slight departure from EBT and a movement in the direction of Generative Semantics although we do not make any of the big claims associated with this brand of T.G. such as the claim that Deep structure is semantic . These departures from EST concern:

(i) The specification of Complementizers in deep structure,

and the justification for it is given in 4.3.0.

(ii) The derivation of Pseudo-Cleft sentences from complement

structures. The Pseudo-Cleft rule is a well-established

transformational process, being a subset of the rules

needed in Focus and Topicalisation. Its application to

Igbo complement structure (cf p. 261 ff) yields an out

put with the structure of a relative clause in which the

/ ^ / sentence-initial proform Ya is replaced by hue. The

v / j substitution of hwe for Yja is structurally determine

as we argue on pages 244 ff* describe this substitu

tion as a kind of morphophonemic rule since it occurs at

a superficial level of structure just before the applies

tion of relevant phonological rules.

1 See page' 172 166

(ii) In Igbo, Ya^ and hme' have a distributional relation

similar to that between some and any in English, Any

accurate description of Igbo complementation must account for

the fact that there is a transformational relationship between

complement constructions and their Pseudo-Cleft counterparts.

Such a derivation may belong more to the theory of Generative

Semantics than to Established Standard Theory, but we feel that

a strict adherence to EST is bound to obscure certain important

facts of Igbo, namely that a transformational relationship can

be very easily established between complement constructions and

their Pseudo-Cleft counterparts. This syntactic relationship

must not be given up in favour of a principle which argues

against lexical insertions at any other than the deep structure,

especially when one realises that such a principle has been

arrived at solely from the facts of Indo-European linguistics, iii) Derivation of Relative from Complement Structures

It will be seen from the above account that the derivation

of relative clauses from underlying complement structures is a

syntactic fact of the language for which no apology is needed.

This topic has been discussed on pages 261 - 69 . IL'hen we

invoke the hypothesis of 'Target Structures' on page 265 to try

tD account for this syntactic phenomenon, we do so because a

comparable situation has been observed in Yoruba, a Kwa language

just as Igbo is (cf, Awoyale 1974). The occurrence of this

syntactic phenomienon in two typologically similar languages

implies that it may not be random or isolated, nor should it be

described as the analyst's artifact. Again this derivation may

not be strictly in keeping with E5T, but the facts of Igbo call

for it. 167

(iv/) Nominalisation of Factive Complements

Similarly, the nominalisation of a factive complement

structure in Igbo yields a relative clause. Again, this is a

•* syntactic which any accurate analysis must record, (cf pp. 267

Such relative clauses are the Igbo equivalent of the English

expression 'the fact that' Thus, when an Igbo speaker uses th

following 1 (a)

/ V ^ ^ ^ 1 (a) Ohi Ogu zuru u/utere m

Theft (which) Ogu committed pained me.

he means:

The fact that Ogu stole pained me. Constructions such

as the above are like other relative clauses in Iqbo, but it i s nevertheless necessary to show that they are transformstionall

related to factive complements in the language via the process

of nominalisation.

Let us illustrate the process with the following 1 (b)

as the derived sentence from which 1 (a) is itself derived:

1 (b) Na Ogu zuru ohi wutere mi

That Ogu stole theft pained me:

(The fact) that Ogu stole pained me.

Fig 1 is the structure underlying 1 (a) and (b).

Comp Verb NP

NP VP,

Verb

Ogu zuru ohi wutere

-fig. 1 168

From the above, me derive 1 (c) by obligatory Ya Deletion;

1 (c) Na Ogu zuru ohi uiutere m

1 (c) is represented by Fig* 2

Comp S

NP VP Verb NP

Verb NP

*v t Na Oguzuru ohi

Fig. 2

From Fig. 2 me derive Fig. 3 by optional Relativization mhich entails in this case

(i) The object NP Movement Rule (cf p. 267)

(ii) Comp Deletion, and

(iii) Tone Rules (phonological)

Verb

Ohi Ogu zuru

Fig. 3 I

169

The application of the relevant Tone rules to the surface structure

shown in the above Tig. 3 yields the well-formed 1(d) which is the

same as l(a).

. \ * n t V w - \ / 1 (d) Ohi Ogu zuru wutere is

Theft which Ogu- committed pained rse : The fact

that Ogu stole pained.

Note that what the foregoing process shows is that one type of

complex NP can be derived from another type; in this case, a relative

clause type has been derived from an underlying factive complement

type. This process is consistent with the grammatical model being

used here, in so far as transformational rules are allowed to alter

structures, but not meaning.

It has been argued that, since that subject NP of sentences

such as 1(a) can be any nominal item, they should not be transforma

tionally related to complement structures. But it needs to be

emphasised that relative clauses do not subcatsgorize verbs as compie

ment constructions do. llihat is involved here is complement-taking

verbs: if such a verb is factive, then its ccsolement can be nomina-

lised to yield a factive relative clause. Any accurate account of

Igbo complementation must recognise this fact, even if it means some

deviation from the principles of EST.

(v) Igbo Equivalents of English iii'rl- Questions i.e.

\ / Kedu Questions

HJb divide this category of questions into

(a) The Periphrastic Form (with Kedu in Surface form),

(b) The Non-Periphrastic Form (without Kedu in Surface

form.)

All Igbo Kedy Questions of the above (a) type contain relative clau

as NP. This is a syntactic fact of the Igbo language, which can be

very easily verified by examining the process of relativization in I ■ 170

But we do not go into such an examination since relativization is net,

strictly speaking, relevant in NP compleentaticn. 'Jnat we do on

pages 345 ff is to relate the above tuio forms transformationally in

a manner which is both systematic and consistent sith the modified

version of Aspects theory that we are following in tnis thesis.

Observe that the rules central to relativization in Igbo are also

involved here.

(vi) The Use of Dummy Symbols

The Aspects model also allows for the use of Dummy

symbols, which serve as a trigger for relevant transformations,

hence the use of Imp(erative), Cond(itional) and Q in the

PS- rules. But their use here has been limited to non-embedded

-structures. In embedded, structures, their use would be

redundant since the specification of the relevant complemen

tizers in -deep structure, (cf 4.3) provides all the necessary

and sufficient information about the type of structure embedded.

The Dummy symbol, is generally deleted after it has triggered

the relevant T-rule. In terms of the deep structure sentence

modes which this analysis entails, the process may be seen as

another modification of the Aspects theory.

(vii) Conditional Constructions

In .2.0. (pp 279 ff ) we treat Icbo conditional

constructions with respect to Emotive predicate complementaticn.

Of the two sub-categories of conditional constructions examined,

only one sub-category - the Open Conditional Constructions - is

involved here. It is only in this sub-category that the frozen

expression A sii / Ya wuru (if) can be optionally deleted; **■ *

it is also here that the complementizer may be deleted

provided that the tense constraint (cf 239 )is satisfied.

j 171

Because of the semantic equivalence of the pairs of variants,

it is necessary to postulate one underlying structure for all

open conditional constructions in Igbo, and thus show that

surface differences are due to the optional deletions in

question; examples 53 (a-k pp.299-300 ) illustrate this fact.

On pages 314-16 > ^ have argued a case for the transformational relationship ujhich we establish between the following pairs of sentence which have paraphrase relationship:

2(a) Ya^ wuru ma ma^hu mevoo onwe ya n1 gha, 0 jogburu

onwe ya.

If a man should disgrace himself in public, it is' very bad.

2(b) ffladhu irnevo onwe ya n 1 oha. jggburu onuie ya: Tor a

man to disgrace himself in prublic is very bad.

Hie uphold the constraint (suggested by Katz & Postal (1964) that transformations be meaning-preserving. For us, then, semantic equivalence is a necessary, though not sufficient condition for trying to establish a transformational relation between a pair of sentences.

However, if we can establish a transformational relation between a pair of semantically equivalent sentences using one or more of the well-established transformational process, u/e feel justified to do so provided that our method is systematic and devoid of tinkering.

This is what we have done with regard to sentences like 2(a) & (b)

( cf pp. 304-9 ) *

It has to be recalled that Igbo is an entirely different language from English, and that the aim of this research is not to produce an analysis which is a mere translation of English grammar into the Igbo language. The two languages differ, and so must their respective analyses. Expectedly, Igbo conditional constructions differ from their

English counterparts, and their analysis must not be judged against

the background of English. 172

The analysis presented here is the first attempt, to our knowledge, to apply the transformational generative model to the process of complex sentence formation in Igbo. It may, therefore, have all the shortcomings of a pioneer work. But even when alternative analyses are suggested in future, it is thought that ours is likely to remain a viable alternative. It is only by giving an accurate analysis of the linguistic data in the description of such non-Indo-

European languages as Igbo that one can hope to make some contribution to linguistic theory.-

Lyons (1970) summarises this transformational generative model thus: "As described in Aspects, the grammar of a language (and gr ammar must be taken in its widest sense) consists of three sets of rules: Syntactic, Semantic and Phonological. The syntactic rules generate the sentences of the language assigning to each both an underlying Phrase - Marker and a derived Phrase-IYlarker, The meaning of the sentence is derived (mainly, if not wholly) from its deep structure by means of semantic rules of interpretation; and the phonetic realisation of the sentence derived from its surface structure by means of Phonological rules" (p. 124).

1 For a full discussion of the inadequacies of the Aspects theory and proposals to remedy them, see Chomsky (1972) STUDIES ON SEMANTICS IN GENERATIVE GRAfflffiAR, fflouton, The Hague. The three essays that make up this book are concerned with the status of deep structure In a transformation grammar, as well as the problem of semantic interpretation. The essays reach the conclusion that a level o.f deep structure in the sense of the Aspects theory must be postulated, and that such aspects of meaning as cannot be determined from deep structure must be accounted for by late rules of semantic interpretation. The syntactic component of th is grammar is made up of three ssts of rules, namely

( i) Base Rules

(ii) Lexical Insertion Rules and

(iii) Transformational (T-) Rules

4 .0 . 1____ Base Rules

The base rules together with the lexicon (to be discussed in 4.0.3) form the base of the grammar which is it s e lf a sub-component op the syntactic component. There are tuio kinds of base rules: I ( i) The Phrase structure (PS-) Rules and |

( i i ) Rules forming complex symbols (CS) on major le xica l items.

PS-Rules or Branching Rules are of the form

A ------> XBY uihero X and Y may be null. If null, the rules are context-free (cf).

I f , however, they are non-null, the rules are context-sensitive (cs), and the above rule means: rewrite A as B whenever i t is preceded by X and followed by Y. All our PS-rules are of the context free type.

4 .0 . 2____ Rules forming Complex Symbol on Major Lexical Categories

Rules forming complex symbols on major le x ic a l categories (\!, and Det (though Det is not a major lexica l category) are not ordinary

PS-rules but elementary T-rules of some sort, or 'local transformations

(Chomsky 1965 pp. 98-99). There are two types of rule forming CS on major lexical categories. First, we have the context free rules which

introduce inherent features such as

£+ Animate^ , £+ Countet cetera.

The second kind of rules are context-sensitive, and they are of two typ

(i) Strict sub-categorisation rules, and

(ii) Selections! restriction rules.

Strict-subcategarisation rules are of the form 174 where "A stands For any symbol ready For re-writing through strict subcategorisation rules, such as N or V. CS stands For any partial matrix in the CS oF a lexical entry oF the Form +A, + X-Z "

(Seuren 1969 p,4l) Z and HI are complex, perhaps null strings acting as

context restriction, and ZAID is some X category symbol that appears on

the leFt in the rule X -----> 2AW that introduces A.

In concrete terms, then,iF A is a verb, then only the VP which in this case substitutes For X determines the strict subcategorisation oF A,

If, however, A is an N, then the strict * subcategorisation of A is

determined by Frames dominated by f\)P. j

Selectional Restriction rules "subcategorise a lexical category in

terms of syntactic Features that appear in specified positions in the

sentence; they are of the Form .

+ A ---- > c s / o i -/$ wherec?C&^ are variables ranging over a set of specified Features.

Thus, if + A is +V and £7^ is N, and is also N, then the rules abbreviated by the above schemata state simply that each Feature of the preceding and Following noun is assigned to the verb and determines an appropriate selectional subclassification of it” (Chomsky 1965 p,97).

Selectional Restrictions have come under severe criticism from generative sernanticists„ For example, file Cawley (1970) argues that

(i) Selectional restrictions have no independent status in

linguistics, whereas Chomsky (1965) employs them as a Form of

constraint on deep structure which, for generative sernanticists,

is not a clearly defined level as it is in Aspects;

(ii) Selectional restrictions are predictable From the meaning of

the lexical items in question;

(iii) Many of the so-called selectional violations do, in Fact,

correspond to "possible messages" in possible worlds.

Me Cawley, therefore, concludes, rightly it seems, that the deviance of

sentences arising from the violation of the so-called selectional 175

restrictions is in fact a consequence of extra-linguistic factors in

^ the context of situation. (fflc Cawley 1970 pp 166-168). If selectional

restrictions are seen as the semantic property of lexical items, then

the need to analyse them as a syntactic constraint will cease to exist.

It happens that certain property or features of lexical items may have

certain syntactic reflexes. For example, the application of Equi-NP

deletion happens to be sensitive to the specific property of certain

verbs being forward-looking. This is a semantic property which has '

corresponding syntactic reflex. Kempson (1973) argues along similar

lines in a University of London Ph.D. thesis (p.8). 1 j

4.0.3 The Lexicon

The Lexicon in a transformational grammar "is a set of lexical

entries, each lexical entry being a pair (D.C), where D is a phonological

distinctive feature lYlatrix 'spelling’ a certain lexical feature, and C is

a collection of specified syntactic features, a complex symbol"

(Chomsky 1965 p.84). In addition to phonological and syntactic features,

the lexicon will also contain the following information*.

(a) features peculiar to a formative which can trigger a transforma

tion or block it;

(h) relevant features for semantic interpretation

In our sample lexicon, we are primarily concerned with syntactic and

semantic features.

4.0. 4 Lexical Insertion Rules

The PS rules generate strings consisting of grammatical formatives

(for example, past, C et cetera. To derive a terminal string from

preterminal strings, a lexical insertion rule of the following kind is

required:

"If Q is a complex symbol of a preterminal string, and (D,C) is a

lexical entry, where C is not distinct from Q, then Q can be replaced by D"

(Chomsky op. cit. p. 84).

This rule permits lexical items from the lexicon to be inserted into the 176 preterminal string generated by thB PS-and subcategorisation rules ’if the markers in the lexicon for that item and the markers in the complex symbol under the particular node do not conflict’. (Grinder and Elgin

1973 p.129). As Seuren (1969 p,3B) observes "one notices that this lexical rule is not so much a rule as a rule schemas it is a cover formula for a large number of individual rules, each of which would apply to a particular complex symbol and a particular lexical item." The formal abstract structure generated by the base rules plus lexical insert!- a constitute the deep structure of a sentence and may be represented in

S the form of a tree. j

4.0.5 Transformational Rules (T-rules)

T-rules, like PS-rule^,are re-write rules. But they differ from

PS-rules in certain essential respects, for while "PS-rules operate on single symbols without being able to taka into account any other symbols from which they have been previously re-written, (their derivational history), T-rules operate on P-markers" f (Seuren 1969 pp,29~3G) generated by the base rules and lexical insertion rules, changing these P-markers into ’derived P-markers. A surface P-marker is generated when no more transformations need apply to a P-marker. Stockwell et al (1973 p.14) give an adequate account of T-rules, which is quoted in part below;

"Transformational (T-) rules change underlying P-markers into derived

P-markers. That is, the rules effect a restructuring of trees.

Each T-rule consists of

(i) a structure Index/Description (Sl)/(5D)

(ii) " " change (B C)

(iii) " set of conditions.

The SD/S1 indicates the set of P-markers to which the transformation

can apply, hence it is stated in terms of PS-symbols (eg =^, f\!P,

Det. etc), syntactic features (eg + def , + loc etc), morphemes,

and a variable X, which stands for an arbitrary string of symbols.

The SC indicates the restructuring which the T effects." Transformational operations include, among other things, such elementary operation as Deletion, Substitution, Adjunction and Permutation.

A Sister Adjunction rule, for example, can be formulated as follows:

SD X A B C Y

1 2 3 4 5

Process: Attach 2 as the right sister of 4

SC : 1 0 3 4 + 2 5

Condition: (specified)

where X and & are variables, possibly null,

XABCY, an underlying P-marker, and conditions, i

! if any, specified.

The output or derived P-marker will be XEICAY, Thus, a transformation defines a relationship between a pair of successive P-markers by altering the underlying or sub-sequent P-marker in one way o r another.

Optional/Obligatory Rules

Transformational rules are either optional or obligatory. Optional transformations may or may not apply even though the relevant structural description has been met, but an obligatory transformation must apply once its structural description has been met and relevant condition/conditions satisfied. An obligatory T-rule may, however, be blocked where the deep

structure is ill-formed, or underlies no sentence of the language under

description. This is done by means of deep structure constraints (cf 4.C.7)

In this way, a transformation may act as a 'filter' to ensure well-formed

ness, (Chomsky 1965, p. 139).

4.0.6 Cxplanation of Linguistic Terms

(i) Derivation: Where Ps-rules are applied sequentially, a derivation

results, as in PS-Rules Derivation 178

(±i) Trea Any derivation is convertible into a tree as in

S i A D F G

or " ~

(iii) Labelled Bracketing as in S B D C F G

Trees have been used here for illustrative purposes only, while labelled bracketing is used in the structural description of transformatior ■.

(.iv) Dominance: A string of symbols which is uniquely traceable to a single symbol _X is an X. Thus, in (ii) F G is a C, and BC is an|S.

In (ii), D, F, & G are strings in an 5, therefore they are said to be dominated by or under the dominance of S. Because there is no interme diate symbol between S and B & C, B & C are said to be immediately dominated by S.

Ulithin structures of immediate dominance, there are four particular relations which have been used here. "A is left (right) sister of B if both A and B are immediately dominated by the same node and if A is left

(right) of B, there being no node in between them, vizi

(v) Left Sister Right Sister

J m

Y f / B X X B \ ^ X

A is left (right) daughter of IY1 if Mimmediately dominates A and there is no node dominated by fYl to the left (right) of A. Viz

(vi) Left Daughter Right Daughter

fYl hi

A ' ^ ^ ^ x 'N \ \

(Stacktuell et al 1973 p.13)

4.0.7 Deep and Surface Structure Constraints

Perlmutter (1971, p.XI) has shown that along with the T~rules, a grammar of a language can have an additional mechanism for getting rid 179 of ill-Farmed sentences. The mechanism is called deep structure (DS) and surface structure (SS) constraints. DS constraints are defined as

"well-Forrnedness conditions on generalised phrase markers that apply prior to the application of transformations and 'filter out' certair generalised phrase markers generated by the base as ill-formed".. The need for such constraints, according to Perlmutter, is to be able to handle certain cases of ill-formed phrase markers generated by the base component, where such ill-formed P-markers cannot be characterised by the blocking of obligatory transformations. These constraints have not been found necessary in our analysis.

Surface structure constraints are also well-formedness conditions, not on deep structure, but on the output of the transformational sub component which, together with the base, constitutes the syntactic compo nent of grammar. UJe have had no need for these constraints.

4.0.8 Semantic and Phonological Components

These components are not central to the grammatical analysis presented in this thesis, consequently, we have not treated them in any detail, life do, however, devote chapter 3 to the discussion of tone and the tone rules that generate the various tone patterns required by different nominal construction types in the language. UJe do so because tone is the mediating factor between syntax and phonology, and certain tone rules in Igbo must refer to specific grammatical structures, though the tone rules themselves belong to Phonology, a fact which shows the inter-relationship of grammatical components.

The semantic component is interpretive in the sense that the rules of this component depend on the semantic specification of lexical items in the lexicon and the syntactic information provided by the underlying structure of a sentence, (cf Bierwisch 1969 & 1971). 180

The fact that th is model distinguishes between two levels of deep structure and semantic representation marks the point of departure between interpretive syntax on the one hand and generative semantics on the other.

4.0.9 Interpretiva Syntax l/ersus Generative Semantics

Generative semanticists (me Cawley, Lakoff and Postal and others)

reject the now fa m ilia r dichotomy between deep structure and semantic representation; the question whether there is a level of deep structure d is tin c t from semantic representation is for them a fundamental issue.

For them, too, the mapping which relates surface structures to semantic

! representation is effected by one type of rule-derivational constraints ~ and grammatical transformations, essentially as defined in extended standard theory, form but a subcase of these derivational constraints.

One of the claims of generative semanticists is that semantic trees are

not d iffe re n t in kind from syntactic trees.

It is, however, necessary to justify a level of syntactic deep structure from purely formal grounds without any recourse to semantics.

For example, Chomsky (1969) has provided evidence that a syn ta ctica lly defined concept of deep structure as in Aspects (1965) provides a natural account of the distinction between derived nominals such as destruction, belief, death etc. and the corresponding gerundive construction. He has shown that gerundives are sentential in o rig in , while derived nominals are not. Kempson (1973 pp.11-23) also argues for the maintenance of the d is tin c tio n between syntax and semantics for the simple reason that "the constraints on syntactic structure are not co-extensive with those of semantics."

III i thin the generative semantics theory, le x ic a l insertion csn take place after the application of certain transformations, an aspect of the theory which makes i t incompatible with Extend standard theory, for the

2 A University of London Ph.D thesis which has been published by Cambridge University Press under the t i t l e Presuppositio n and the D elim itation of Semantics. 1B1 latter requires that all lexical insertion be pre-transformational.

As an example of p re -le xica l transformation,. lYlc Cawley (1971) cites the 3 rule of Predicates - Raising which creates complex predicates from elementary ones. Such a rule, i t is claimed, produces k i l l from the following elementary predicates (cause (become (not alive))) and remind from (strike (similar)). It is the case that this rule does not produce in English derived verbs which are birnorphemic on inspection, although the output of the same rule is birnorphemic in some languages such s

Japanese,

In Igbo, as in Japanese, there is a host of compound verbs which

! are cle a rly birnorphemic in structure, but whether they are the product of morphological le x ic a l compounding or of Predicate-Raising remains an open question. However, there is yet a second category of compound verbs analysable as V-stem + s u ffix , an analysis which argues in favour of m orphological/affixal derivation. Since the analysis of this category of compound verbs must be related to the analysis of V-stern + V-stem compound

verbs in the same language, i t seems that the o ve r-a ll consideration of

Igbo grammar would favour a derivational, morphological approach rather than the transformational analysis via Predicate-Raising.

The following are examples of the two categories of Igbo compound

verbs %

( i) Compounds of two verb stems

1(a) idhabha from idha to f a ll * s 'to fall into' and ibha to enter, get into

(b) ibhadha from ibha, hold, grab

'to throw as in wrestle' and idha, to fall

3 For a detailed exposition of Predicate-Raising, see flic Cawley 1971. "Prelexical Syntax” in monograph 24. Georgetown Series on Language and Linguistics,and Postal 1970. "Gn the Surface Verb 1 Remind1" LI 1, pp. 37-120. 182

X - \ / - j.huf e from ihu to drink

' to drink to excess * and if e to cross, pass, exceed / - (cl) imezu from ime to do / s 1 to complete 1 and izu to be complete \ / - imehye from ime to do x s * to offend and ihye to be wrong, crooked t - X — ilodu from ilo to return • f f / - 1 to arrive * and idu " reach, arrive

(i i ) Compounds of a Verb stem + Suff i x ' ■" > 2(a) ibhata from ibha + “ta suff ix

*• to get into, enter *

(b) imeche from ime + -cha s u ffix

to fin is h doing, conclude t _ (c) igafu from iga + -fu s u ffix

to ba able to go

/ , (d) imewe from ime + -uua s u ffix

to start doing, commence

Throughout this thesis, we have maintained the existence of a deep level of analysis d is tin c t from semantic representation, a level where categorial relation and order of constituents are given along with information necessary for semantic interpretatio n which cannot be predicted • from other elements of structure nor accounted for by late rules of semantics, as suggested by Chomsky (1972). One such item is the complementizer, the deep structure specification of which is ju s tifie d in 4.3. Thus, the data have always shaped the analysis, and no attempt has been made at any stage to force Igbo language data in to a descriptive mould that may not necessarily f i t i t .

4.1.0 Categories of Igbo NP Complements; The Na Indicative Complements

The following Igbo sentences contain instances of structures tradi tionally described as Noun clauses and phrases, collectively referred to 183

hero as Noun Phrase ( NP) Sentential Complements:

3(a) Ogu gujara anyi (si) na ule' qaiuu eci

Ogu told us saying that exam-will be tomorrow:

Ogu informed us that the examination would take place tomorrow.

(b) Njoku kujuru (s i) na ahya aqachaala

Njoku said (saying) that market go complete have:

Njoku said that people had a ll gone to market.

The young unmarried g ir ls shouted shout saying that land has defiled.

The young unmarried g irls shouted out that the land had been desecrated.

Gospel says (saying) that love is important in midst of people:

The gospel says that love is necessary among men.

\ v ( ) Na nshi egbu madhu were anya

That poison does k ill person accustoms eyes.

That poison k ills is obvious.

(f) z y i r i na onye ouiula qa akwa ama n1Orukwu

One scheduled that person who i t be w ill clean road on Orukwu market:

I t is scheduled that everybody w ill clean the roads on Orukwu market day.

(g) Ckwere m nkhwa si apa m jnucha oqwu □ d p la e c i.

Promised I promise saying w ill I drink fin is h medicine th is reach

tomorrow: I promised to fin is h drinking th is medicine by tomorrow.

ih j 0 were unu anya na o wu onye ohyi

I t accustom you(pl.) eyes that he is person of th e ft:

It is obvious to you that he is a thief-.

, . N ft-* s f (1) Unu ma na nwaanyi ahi nwuru anwu?

You know that woman that died?

Do you know that that woman died? Am I looking oye K that he will come: I am expecting that

he w ill come.

(k) 0 wu hwe ihwere na^ i na eme,,, le e th i ubocj n iile • i ------— — ■ — ■ n ,. . i i— ------

I t is thing of shame that you do make late day a ll:

I t is shameful that you always come la te .

t \ ^ * / v [1; Dwutere. m na o wu onye apari

It pains me ‘that he is person of stupidity:

It pains me that he is an idiot.

r \ ^ ^ /r# “ _ ^ y — \ (m) Icofuta na o wuhil onye ezhi-okmu na agbawa m obi

Finding out that he is not person of tru th does break me heart:

Discovering that he is not an honest/truthful person causes me heart

break.

In the foregoing examples, the NP sentential complements have been underlined. In a ll these examples, _na is the -complementiser which rnay be optionally preceded by _si_, hence the above sub-heading - Na NP Complements.

Although si"* is an optional element in these examples, i t can be used alone as the complementiser in place of rra. This is what happens in colloquial usage in this Fzinihitte dialect, as the following 4 show:

x x / „ \ 4(a) Ckwuru hi s i unu wu nde mmegbu madhu

Said they saying you people are the ones of cheating people:

They said that you people are a dishonest lo t.

(b) 0 t i r i s i aya anwuona

He shouted saying he has died: He shouted that he is dead,

He thought that I was there

4 (4b) is a cry of indignation by a person who feels humiliated and helpless. 'Anwuonam1 simply means 'I am dead or finished; i f I were a man, I would not tolerate the situ a tio n .

5 The form of pronouns used in examples 4 & 5 is the emphatic form which is generally associated with reported speech. 4(d) 0 nuru si aqi kwu na ndi gbara ya ama

He heard that you are among those who betrayed him:

He heard that you were among those who betrayed him.

Compare the Foregoing with the Following examples which show varying degrees of colloquiality:

5(a) 0 kwuru si na aya ga abya (very formal)

(b) ______na ______(less *' )

(c)______si*______(colloquial)

(d) ______sa ______( " )

He said that he would come

The form of the pronoun in 5(d) is due to regressive assimilation which has been fully discussed in 2.2.1.

It is because si^ is substitutable for jna in the everyday usage of Czinihitte speakers that a complementiser is rarely, if ever, optional in NP-complements in the dialect. The behaviour of the complementiser _si in _Na complements is typical of its behaviour in all other categories of NP-complements in the dialect: it can be substituted for any complementizers of dealect. This unique characteristic of si'will be examined in 4.1.5.

In this category of complements, there is no restriction whatsoever on the tense that can occur in the verb of the J\ka clause. This is because the matrix (main clause) verbs involved here do not impose any tense constraints on the verb of the embedded complement sentence. Such matrix verbs include verbs of saying, hearing, thinking, feeling, fantasizing and declaring generally. These are verbs which state some facts about the speaker's knowledge of the world around him or make some claim about the truth or falsity of the prepositional content of their complements. Na complements have almost the status of independent sentences in the sense they make assertions and claims just like independent sentences without any restrictions on the form of their verb. It is for these reasons that

Na complements are described throughout this thesis as Indicative or

Declarative complements. I 186

The matrix verbs involved in indicative complementation have

embedded under them sentences in which pronoun subjects are on high-tones

if they are monosyllabic, or high-low tones, if they are disyllabic. The

following examples illustrate this fact: s \ , x , . . 6(a) Ibe mewere nna ya anya na m wu onye na ekp'e udho / (b) i / (c) 0 /■ (d) anyi wu ndi

(e) unu ii ti

(V \ ( D ...... hi w u ndi | ^ * 6 / (g) ...... umu wu ndi

Ibe made accustom father his eyes that l/you/he/she/etc be person

who makes peace:

Ibe convinced his father that I am a person who makes peace.

yor are ______

he/she is ______

we are people who make peace

you are people who make peace

they (inclusive) are people who make peace

they (non-inclusive) are people who make peace.

UJe shall contrast the tone patterns of these pronoun subjects in this

complement type with their tone patterns in the next category of complements

the Interrogative (Yes/i\lo Question) complements.

6 Two forms of third person plural pronoun have been used here to distinguish between the inclusive and non-inclusive meaning whenever a third person subject is present in the matrix (main) sentence. Thus, we have the inclusive form Tii/ha and the non-inclusive form umu, as in the following sentences:

Ogu si thi ■ gawa ngwangwa Ogu said that they x V Ogu si umu gawa" ngwangwa Ogu said that they 187

4.1.1 fYla2 Interrogative (Embedded Yes/No Question) Complements

Now, let us examine the following examples with special attention to the tone patterns of the pronoun subjects of ma2 complements and the semantic properties of the matrix (main clause) predicates:

s ' ^ , 's / s * . 7(a) Ogu mam ma m nwere eg'o ma mu enwehil

S / ^ iw (b) ______i ______i nwehii

(e)______u n u _____ '______unu ”

. . c* V is/ / (f) ______ba ______ha "

(g)i \ ______umu v v ______/ umu "ii

Ogu knows whether I have money or whether I have not:

Ogu knows whether or not I have money.

______you " "

______he/she have money

______we " "

you(pl) M "

______they " "

8(a) Eceghekwe m ma unu ga ejhe

Think am still I whether you will go: I am still wondering whether you will go.

/ —. v < v x - (b) Duo ya ma Ogu nwuru anwu n'ezhi-okwu

Ask him whether Ogu died in truth:

Ask him whether Ogu actually died.

Tell us whether father your is person of poison:

Tell us whether your father is a poison maker.

In contrast to the examples of 6, all pronoun subjects in this complement type are on low tones. (llle have deviated from our tone-marking 188 convention - which marks only the first of a sequence of tones on the same pitch - in order to emphasize the low-tone patterns of pronoun subjects in ma1 interrogative complements). Again, in contrast with the

V / matrix verbs in Na complements, all of which admit an optional si_ morpheme, only a handful of ma interrogative complements do permit sui to precede maP / s The verbs which may take a preceding si before ma_ include:

/ - iju to ask

ice to think -

^ ftp * ikpo to assume, wonder

Thus, we have the grammatical and acceptable sentences of 8(d-f) with|or without si.

8(d) Ajugha m (s.i) mo o no n'ura

Asking am I whether he is in sleep: I am asking

whether he is asleep.

(e) Eceni hi (si) ma anyi wu ndi ujo

Think they whether we are the ones of fear

They are wondering whether we are cowards.

(f) I kpo (si) ms m wu ebiri gi?

You think whether I am age mate of you?

A tb you wondering whether I am your age?

It is possible that there may bo one or two more interrogative matrix verbs admitting of an optional si*, nevertheless, it is true to say that the great majority of them do not.

Igbo Equivalents of Embedded English wh- Questions

The following 9(a)-(f) contain the Igbo equivalents of English

Ulh- questions, they are embedded as NP and the relevant clauses have been underlined. They are not NP complements, but relative clauses, as we shall show in chapter 7 where this clause type is examined in detail. 189

t \ y ^ x ^ \ / 9(a) Ibe gwara anyi pog'e~) o qa abya

mgbu I

Ibe told us (the time) when he will come,

(b)/ \ Anyi ' kweshiri ima / - ebe o shi

UJe ought to know place he come from:

UJe ought to know from where he has come,

/ \ \ ** *“ V Vi (c) Kedu hwe Ogu kwuru?

UJhat (is) thing Ogu said: UJhat is it that Ogu aid?

ILIhat did Ogu say?

(d) Gwa m hwe oke riri

.Tell me thing rat ate: Tell rne what the rat ate.

* \ (e) Ogc m nwokho juchara m otho di

Inlaw my male asked complete me manner you are:

ITfly father-in-law asked me how you are,

(P) I . ma r uzo m jiri mee ya

otho

You know way/manner I used do it: You know how I did it.

All that we want to point out at this stage is that the above underlined

surface structures are relative clauses with nominal heads, rather than

NP complements which they may appear on the surface.

4.1.2 Ka/ma Subjunctive Complements

This category of NP complements is characterised by the following

underlined constructions:

10(a) Acorc m (si) ka anyi qaa n ’oq'e * * '-* "" H* '' r"' ""

UJant I that we go in time:

I want us to be in time.

/ \ /■ ^ /> t o w - S ' \ (b) Ogu coro p(si) ka ya rie ) hwe faa thaa

Ogu wants that he (Ogu) eat thing early today:

Ogu wants to have his meals early today. 190

10(d) Ekhwo m (si.) ma anyi____ hwu____ ya____ bya

Have in mind I saying that we see - him (and) come:

I have come so that we may see him.

^ \ / * v / (e) 0 nyere m miri (si) ka m huo

He gave me water that I drink:

He gave me water to drink.

' y \ r' ^ / ,v ** (f) U mere ngwangwa (si) ( ma h o rie hwe

L ka .)______

He did quick-quick saying that hs eat thing:

He hurried up so that he (somebody else) might eat.

^ ' S \ * N / (9 ) Anyi gawara n'ututu si P ma ^ anyi gadu

' L\ _ ' tie set out in the morning saying that we reach

n ’uhuru ci anyaaVu

in bend of day of night: UJe set out in the morning so as to

reach in the evening.

(h) Byakwa faa C ka I .nyere : m aka

i A ______

Come do early that you give me hand:

Do come early so as to give me a hand.

✓ N / (i) Gushie akwukwo gi ikhe C ka h i pasia

Read book your hard that you pass:

Study hard so as to pass (your exams).

11(a) I coro si ka''- m ruo oru thaa?

(b)

(F) ha 1-91

Do you u/ish that I work today?

______you(sg) ______

______he/she ______

we ______

______you (pi)______

______they ______v ✓ Observe that as with JNa complements, _si_. is an optional element with kav or ma in all the examples of 10, except (h) and (i) where the matrix

(main clause) verbs are in the imperative mood. As a general rule, the ✓ optional si_ is excluded from this type of construction whenever the matrix

\ * verb is in the imperative. Secondly, as in Na_ complements sd can be substituted for either ka or ma. Here again, the same principle of stylistic variation can b8 invoked to account for the following:

12(a) Acoro . m si ka anyi lawa (very formal)

(b) 11 ka (formal)

lUant I that we start to go: I want us to start going.

Thirdly, ka and ma can be used interchangeably, except in 10 (a**c) where the matrix verbs are ✓ ^ ico - to want/wish, and

S \ ikhwo - to intend, have regard for, have in mind.

In the dialect being described here, ico is marked for j

Note also the tone pattern of pronoun subjects in ll(a-f): all pronoun subjects in this complement type are on high-tones in contrast to their low-tones in interrogative complements. Next, consider the semantic 192 properties of the matrix verbs involved in ka/ma complementation, for

r - ^ \ examples, verbs such as icq and ikhwo. These are verbs which express desires and wishes, the realisation of which is an open question; consequently, such verbs do not make any assertions like the Nas-complement verbs; they do not ask for information, nor express doubt like maX-interrogatative comple ment verbs. Because of these semantic properties, there is a dependency relationship between such verbs and the verbs of their sentential complements in the sense that the time expressed by the complement verbs can never be anything but future in relation to that of the main clause verb. Such matrix verbs are said to be verbs of forward-looking aspect, where the term, forward- looking aspect, is used to describe inter-clause time relationship. For example, in the fallowing 13, the form and time meaning of the ka'-cornplement verb do not vary, although those of the matrix verb da vary:

13(a) Ana m akwado ka anyi ga(a) ahya

Am I preparing so that we go market:

I am preparing for us to go to market,

(b) Ags m akwado ka anyi ga(a) ahya.

Shall I prepare that we go market: I shall prepare

for us to go to market.

(d) Akwadole m " " " "

I was preparing for us to go to market

I have prepared

Whatever the time expressed by the main clause verb, the form of the verb of the ka* complement is invariable, and its time is always determined from that of the main clause. We describe this complement type as the subjunctive, where subjunctive (+ subjunctive) means

- indicative

- interrogative

- imperative 193

UJe have already observed that the matrix verbs in 10(a-d) - ico and

4 ikhwo are complementizable predicates, that is, predicates which can take

NP-sentential complements. But in the rest of the data we have such verbs s .. as inye (10 e) to give

ime (10 f) to do

s — iga (10 g) to go

ibya (10 h) to come

S — igushikhe (10 i) to study hard

The verbs are not complement-taking predicates in Igbo, yet in these examples,

they seem to function as complementizable predicates. This calls for ’some i explanation of the structure underlying such sentences as 10(e-i) because

their superficial form hides their true nature. Our investigation shows that

the verbs to which the kaV/ma clauses are complements in these examples have

been optionally deleted, UJhat these verbs are, their semantic and syntactic

properties and their optionality in surface structures are discussed in 9.1.0. ✓ 4.1.3 Si Imperative Complements

This is the last and smallest (in scope) category of NP-complements in

Igbo, and needs only a brief discussion at this stage. Consider the following

as examples of si^complements:

14(a) q kara si anyi lawa

He said saying we start go: He said that we should go away.

(b) Ogu tikishiri si umuaka rnechie onu

Ogu shouted out saying children close mouth:

Ogu shouted at the children to stop talking.

The priest said we go away: The priest ordered us to

go a wa y.

(d) 0 siri anyi richee hwe bya ilawani

He told us eat finish thing come start going:

He told us to finish eating before going. 194

. . ^ ' >■ V / N. ft, / V / 14(e) 0 kwuuru unu faa si unu hetuo

He said to you early saying you hide; He told you in time

to hide.

14(a-e) highlight the specialised function of s_i as the exclusive

/ marker of embedded imperative sentences. In this function, si is mutually exclusive with Na, ka'/ma and ma interrogative, and the deviance of the following

15(a) is due to a violation of the above constraint.

15(a) 0 tiuiere si na anyi lawa

(b) 11 si anyi lawa

He shouted that we should go.

Apart from the violation of the above constraint, it should also be pointed

out that Igbo verbs have their imperative division or mood which is formally

distinct thus:

Affirmative Jegative / \ 16(a) Rie : eat (vb cl.l) Erile Don't eat

. . w (b ) Fuo : go out ( " " 2) Afula D o n 11 go out

These imperative forms can be introduced only by the complementizer jBi_ the

status of which is soon to be examined in the following section 4.2.0.

That it is possible in Igbo to embed an imperative sentence in the structure

of an NP is due to the nature of the complementizer itself.

4.1.4 Igbo Complementizer morphemes

From the data so far examined, and others which we shall see in the

course of this analysis, the following complementizers are functional in Igbo

Noun phrase sentential complementation, they are sot out in the following

table for ease of reference: 195

Complementizers (Comp.) (flood of Embedded S

Si' + S - Imperative

f ka' ^ + 5 - Subjunctive

] ma' ( L IJ (si) + S - Interrogative \ na + S - Indicative

u. - where + Indicative =

- Imperative 1 - Subjunctive j

- Interrogative

From the above table, it mill be observed that Igbo complementizers correspond each to a sentence type-mood. The table also highlights the / exclusive function of jsi above as the sole complementizer to imperative complements, as well as its optional presence before the others.

The term, mood, has been used here in its traditional sense. For example, the imperative mood belongs to commands and orders, the interro gative mood is associated with questions, the indicative/declarative mood with declarative sentences. It thus follows that the imperative and interrogative moods belong to non-declarativo sentences, while the indicative mood belongs to declarative sentences. The subjunctive mood is not very easy to characterise, though it is definitely associated with non-declarative sentences, and in this regard belongs to the same class as the imperative and interrogative moods. But whereas the imperative and interrogative moods, like the indicative, are associated with independent and dependent sentences, the subjunctive mood seems to be associated only with dependent

(embedded) sentences. The following are illustrative examples: 196

\ 17(a) Ogu o no n '1 ulo? (independent Claus e)

Ogu he is at home?: Is Ogu at home?

/ \ (b) Acoro m ima ma Ogu (o)no n 1 ulo (Dependent Clause)

Uiant I to know if Ogu he is at home *

I want to know whethe r (or not) Ogu is at home.

The Imperative Wood \ Unu f uo tupu mu ashaa anya (Independent Clause) 18(a) «

You go out before I open e y es : You go out before

I open my eyes « c s. (b) 0 si unu f uo'’ tupu ya ashaa anya (Dependent Clause)

He says you go out before he opens eyes: He orders

you to go out before he opens his eyes.

The Indicative Mood

~ * S / . 19(a) Ala oru nnas ha fughara ha uka (Independent Clause)

Land of farm father their coming out for them trouble: Their

father's land is causing some misunderstanding among them.

. . ^ _ \ / ,u s fv / s -V / \ (b) Onya oujula ma na ala oru nna ha fughara ha uka.

Everybody knows that their father's land is causing some

misunderstanding among them.

It will be observed from these examples that Noun phrase complementation

7 is a structure-preserving process in the sense that the process of embedding independent sentences as NP-complements does not alter their form, except for such pronoun changes as from mu 'I' in 18(a) to ’he’ in 18(b). Apart from this morpheme change which becomes necessary in indirect (as opposed to direct) speech, uiord-order and the diagnostic tone pattern of the sentence

7 This term was originally used by Emonds (1972) in a different sense from its use here. Emonds "structure-preserving constraint essentially specifies that constituents cannot be moved into certain structural configurations". See Stanley Peters(ed)(1972) Goals of Linguistic Theory, page 22. 197

types remain the same in both the independent and dependent clauses.

But with the subjunctive mood, the situation is different. Unlike the above three types of mood, the subjunctive mood does not exist, it seems, independent of the purpose and allied constructions with which it is closely associated. Admittedly, Igbo abounds in the following type of constructions:

20(a) KaV ci foo

Wish day break: Good night / \ v / (b) Ka emesia

UJish one finish: Goodbye, see you later.

UJish we greet him/her: Let us greet him/her.

One might argue that 20(a-c) are independent clauses; if they are, then the presence of the complementizer ka in such independent clauses is odd.

It is, at least, an isolated and, therefore, a curious situation that a subordinating conjunction should be sentence-initial. Mo other subordinating conjunction in the language behaves this way. But if these examples and all other Igbo constructions like them are analysed as subordinate clauses (an approach which we favour) then the presence of kja as the marker of the subjunctive mood along with the tone pattern of the _ka clause can be accounted

for on syntactic (transformational) grounds. For example, it could be argued that sentences such as 20(a-c) represent a reduced form of more complex underlying structures (Fig l) whose superordinate (main) clause has been deleted thus:

Verb ■NP

SC : 0/34 Comp Condition: 2 must be an Verb Comp optative verb 2 43

Fig 1. 198

This analysis is in keeping with the transformational rule of optative

Predicate deletion which we give in $,1.0 p .472'Robin Lakoff (1968) argues for a similar analysis when she tries to reconcile the so-called independent subjunctive constructions in Latin, which she shows to be clauses dependent on some abstract verbs of wish. She extends the same analysis to English purpose constructions. The presence of the ka conjunction in the above examples can be accounted for as the reflex of the subjunctive mood of a clause embedded as the direct object of a verb of wish. This analysis thus nables one to explain why ka is the formal distinction in Igbo between a command

i and a wish or between an order and a polite request as in 21(a) and (tj),

21(a) Anyi jhee ahya : a command

UJe go market: Uje should go to market; L e t ’s go to

market.

(b) Ka anyi jhee ahya (a polite request)

Ulish we go market: Let us go to market:

Could we go to market

The former has a greater imperative force than the latter.

From the foregoing account, we maintain the view that the subjunctive mood, unlike the others - the indicative, the interrogative and the imperative, is associated only with dependent clauses, in other words, it has a different status from these others.

4.1.5 The Si Complementizer - its status

Consider the function of si in the following examples:

22(a) deso kwuru si .* "Onye coro inwe ndhu ebeobe ga ahafu hwe

desus talked said: person who wants to have life everlasting will leave

. r, '

things all he has (and) follow me.

desus talked and said "whoever wants eternal life will abandon all

his wealth and follow me". 199

s 22(b) Anyi na ama iwu si: "Umu-nwaanyi ga naa aza

We are making law saying: UJomen will keep sweeping

ulo okpere na sotadee mile1'

house of prayers on Saturdays al

UJe are making it a law that women shall keep sweeping the church

every Saturday.

S v f _ “ - \ (c) 0 kara si: "Unu gaa ebeke Bishoopu'1

He talked saying "You go place of Bishop:

" " 11 " Yo u , people, g‘o to the bishop’s house"

In 22(a-c) the actual words of the speaker are in quotes. In these examples, si is consistently the second of two verbs of saying in a serial construc tion. If we wish to make the quotations reportitive, all we need do is change the relevant personal pronouns into the appropriate person, and the imperative mood of the verb in the now reported speech remains unaffected.

For example, 22(a) & (c) will become 22(d) & (e) respectively:

22(d) deso kwuru si onye coro inwe ndhu ebeebe ga ahafu hwe

— V / - niile o nwere sowe ya;

desus said that whoever wants eternal life will abandon all his

wealth and follow him.

(e) 0 kara si ha gaa ebeke bishoopu

He said that they should go to the bishop's house.

The use of any other complementizer, say, ria, will render these

examples deviant and unacceptable:

(f) *0 kara (si) na ha gaa ebeke bishoopu

* II U II II II II

V / The imperative form of the verb - gaa, for example - can co-occur

only with the complementizer si.

Mow, consider the following:

23(a) duo ya r si T o ga abya'"

(b) J soE

(c )______y ma J : Ask him whether he will come 8 This form so is due to regressive assimilation. Ask not him u/hether he will come? Don't ask him if he will come*

In 20(a-f) the main clausa verb iju - is in the imperative mood, and so is si. Similarly, in 22(a~e), _si_ is the second of two verbs of saying in a serial construction, and can thus be considered to be in the Narrative form0

Recall that in an Igbo serial construction, only the first verb of th&S series bears the tense/aspect marker, leaving the following verbs to copy their tense from the preceding one. Because the verb si_ always comes second in the type of sentences being considered here, it will always be suffixless for the foregoing reason, and consequently, its mood must be determined in context thus:

24(a) 0 si ya bya (si Indicative)

He is saying he come: He is asking him to came.

(b) Si ya byav (si Imperative)

Say he come: Tell him to come.

He shout started said I run up:

He started shouting for me to run up (to him).

Observe that in the sentences being considered here, only the verbs of t » saying are involved. Secondly, the verb isi is invariably the second of two such verbs, never the first. It is either used alone as in 24(d), or in second or third position according to the number of the preceding verbs of saying, as in (e)

(d) 0 si anyi lawa:

He is saying we go away: He is telling us to go away.

(e) 0 tiwere, kpowa, si anyi lawa

He started to shout started to yell said we go away: He started

shouting and yelling at us to go away. 2D1

/ The function of as a complemantizBr oujes its origin to the use of the verb in this type of serial construction. UJhat seems probable is that with time this verb started to be used after verbs other than those of saying in a kind of serialised (verb) construction, which is one / - prolific method of co-ordination in Igbo. Further more, this verb isi

introduces the actual words of the speaker, as though in quotes, necessary pronoun changes having been made. The unique function of _si^ as the sole complementizer to imperative l\!P-complements stems from this special chara cter of the verb. In other words,two essential factors are responsible

for this verb form being used as a kind of subordinating conjunction, viz: its fixed second/third position in a serial construction, never the first; secondly its ability to introduce the actual words of a speaker, and this is responsible for its being the only permissible marker of embedded imperative constructions. As we shall demonstrate in ^.2.0, si_ as the imperative complementizer (or the second of two verbs of saying in a serial construction) is deletable from surface structure only if the first verb

f _ (i.e. the matrix verb) is isi itself. This deletion accounts for the form of 24(d) above. ✓ Let us now relate the function of si in the foregoing examples to its

function in the following:

v / V / - 25(a) 0 kwuru CD si aya ga akpc m

na ya

that he will call me.

si 1 umu abyachaala

na J

that they have all come.

thing it comes to is that people these are people of cheating:

UJhat it amounts to is that these people are a dishonest lot. 202

25(d) I hwuna eceghe hi anyi?

Do you see that they are waiting for us?

/ (e) Acoro m psi h anyi haf u hi L >

want I that we leave/pardon them: I want us to pardon/

leave them.

(f) Ekhwo m f si ^ unu richefuo ya

L m e J

Intend I that you eat be able it: I intend that you will

be able to finish (eating) it.

In all the above examples, s_i and its variant forms are substitutable for any of the other complementizers - Na, ka/ma, and ma^ (that is ma interrogative), given the right matrix verb. Since all these forms have the same privilege of occurrence, they must all belong to the same form class. Our grammar must, therefore, show that s_i the complementizer is associated with si_ the verb. How to capture this relationship between certain' Igbo predicates and certain function words is discussed in

/ O -x-n p p e ^ v -. 1

We must, however, point out one difference between the two comple mentizers Nja and si^ This difference is brought out in the following examples:

26(a)/ \ Na of wu onye apari v were anya.*

That he is person of stupidity accustoms eye:

That he is an idiot is obvious,

(b) ?Si o wu onye apari were anya.

(same as 26(a)).

Person of stupidity which he is is obvious: The fact that he is

an idiot i-s obvious. 203

26(a) is grammatical, though not very popular; its popular equivalent is 25(c

But 26(b) is very questionable because the _si complementizer is sentence- initial. It seems to be the case that the two complementizers are in free variation only in clause-initial but not sentence-initial position.

Summary

Igbo complementizers constitute a set of mutually exclusive morphemes, each complementizer corresponding to a specific sentence type or mood viz - f\laN for the indicative, ka and ma^ for the subjunctive, ma^ for the inter- rogatiVB and si for the imperative mood. Although si may precede any of the others, or be substituted for it in colloquial usage, it is nevertheless the only permissible complementizer for embedded imperative construction.

This specialised function of _si stems from the fact that it is associated with the verb isi'to say' which permits the speaker's actual words, as if in quotes, as its NP object. From the point of view of mood, the subjunctive kav & mai^ complements stand in contrast with.the other complement types, being the only mood which is restricted to dependent (embedded) clauses, whereas the rest are associated with independent as with dependent clauses. From the view point of meaning* Na^ complements contrast with the others including

v the subjunctive complements, since Na introduces declarative complements while the others introduce non-declarative ones,* this explains why only Na complements can be factive, given that the relevant matrix predicate is one which entails the truth of its complement.

4.2._____ Igbo Base (PS~) Rules

1 j"1 > (Q) /* | Ernph j \ S (Conj 5 Conj S ... n)

\ / Imp J I where n 2

The declarative sentence is taken to be the norm; it can be turned

into a question or a command, emphasized or negated, hence the specification

of the category symbols Q, Imp(erative) and Emph(asis) which trigger the

relevant transformations. The category Neg(ative) has not been specified 204 here since it stands Tor a number of suffixes corrasponding to various tenses/aspects in Igbo (cf 2,3.4). The use of the trigger Q in Igbo question formation (both Yes/No and Kedu Questions) is illustrated in chapter 6; that of Imp. in Imperative Complementation in chapter 7, while g the T-rules triggered off by Emph. are incidentally illustrated in the

Appendix (10.4.3). Note-that Q and Imp. may co-occur in this language.

2. S NP VP

Interrog.

VP x (Aux) VerbC^l NP ( ) (NP) (Reason) (ftlanner) (Time) I . (Place) (Adv). Prep. Phr. O y j

Ps-rule 2 states that every Igbo sentence is composed of a subject

(l\!P) and a predicate phrase (VP), while PS-rule 3 indicates that VP consists of an obligatory element, the verb, and a number of other optional elements (in parentheses) selected according to a number of semantic and syntactic considerations. The element, Aux, is the first element of a compound verb directly dominated by VP and it is always deleted whenver such compound verb arB infinitivized.*^

4 Verb __ (Prefix) + V~(stom) + suffix + (compl.)

Observe from tho above rule 4 that verb consists of the verb-stem,

the inflectional affixes (prefix and suffixes), plus a complement, which is optional.. Tho justification for this analysis lies in tho fact that

Igbo is full of verbs whose citation form is incomplete without an

inherent object which specifies the meaning; these include

itu anya ’to expect1 * *

onu to burro©

mai to pour libation

9 S b q also Carrell (1970) pp.48-49 for mors illustration of emphatic sentences in Igbo.

10 Infinitivization involving a compound verb in Igbo, ie, an aux + verb, is discussed in S.2-and & .4 respectively where it is shown that only the main verb bears the infinitive prefix I whilB the auxiliary is deleted as a consequence. itu ama ’to sweep road'

" n'anya '" surprise’

iche ekpe to beg/ask for pardon

Although these verbs obligatorily take an inherent object in order to specify their meaning, they also take other objects, if they are transitive, thus:

27(a) Anyi turu anya gi. eci gara aga

UJe expected you day that past:

UJe expected you yesterday.

(b) Ya^ cheere gi ekpe |

He beg you beg: Let him ask for your pardon.

From these examples, it mill be observed that for some of these verbs the object comes after the inherent complement as in 27(a), for others, it intervenes between the neutral verb"*-^ and its inherent complement, as

27(b) shows.

The purpose of setting up a verb-complement string as a single unit is thus to give formal expression to the traditional distinction between nuclear elements, such as the above verb-complement string, and peripheral or non-nuclear ones, for instance, an adverbial modifier.

5 Verb ______CS (a complex symbol)

Rule 5 is a rule schema in which the category symbol verb is subcategorised in terms of the contexts in which it appears under the dominance of VP. For example, verbs taking sentential complements such as ico will have the following entries:

11 UJe have used the term, neutral, because items such as itu, although they can be inflected like other Igbo verbs, lock any meaning until the relevant complement has been supplied. The relevant complement is thus the meaning-specifying element. UJe have also used 'inherent' rather than 'cognate' to describe these complements since they are not necessarily cognate with the neutral verb. 206

ico

-f- V

- aux

+ trans.

+ forward-looking

+ S~subjunct

. fN S? 5 NP ^^Nomj

<7 s ------— comp S

8 Nom ------> N (N) (Mum.) (Quant.) (Det.) (S).

9 N ------> CS

PS-rules 6-8 are similar to those given by Carrell (1970, p. 18-1 but they avoid the rather confusing intermediate stage between the category Nom ( her rule 2.17) and N as a member of this category

(her rule 2,19). There seems to be no need for the intermediate rule

2*18 which expands Nom as Nom ------^ Nominal (Det) (#s).

It is sufficient to show that Nom(inal) is a syntactic category with the constituent structure shown by rule 8 above, and that N is one of those constituents and a complex symbol (CS).

However, the advantage of rules 6-8 lies in the fact that thceyprovide a necessary distinction in Igbo between two types of NP.

(i) a sentential complement of the structure

N Comp S

+ pro

+ def

+ abs

- loc

ya'

and 207

(b) a (complex) Nominal which is the domain of relative

clauses and other deictic elements such as Numerals,

quantifiers, and determiners.

As with tho strict subcategorisation of verbs, nouns are subclassified by rule schema 9 in terms of the contexts in which they occur. Thus nouns

(nominals) like

/ 12 oma

/ — o joo

ohwuo in addition to having the feature +N, will also be marked for the following

+ N

+■ attrib.

+ 2nd posit ion to show that they never occur alone, but as a sort of attributive adjective to a preceding nominal.

12 Lexical items such as these are classified as adjectives by scholars of the Igbo language, notably Green and Igwe (1963) and Or Igwe (1974). There is no denying the fact that they translate the English adjectives, good, bad and new. But there are thousand and one other nouns which also translate English adjectives, and which never occur alone, though they can be in first or second position in a nominal construction. Given this situation, and the absence of any diagnostic syntactic or morphological criteria for adjectives in Igbo, we suggest a neutral term, nominal, for these items and all well-established nouns of the language. It is the task of the grammarian to determine which of these nominals can function alone as NP, which must require another nominal N N those with fixed [N NP’ structural position, and those without fixed structural position. Ule have not considered a lexical category, Adjective a necessary pre-requisite for an accurate description of the Igbo language. 208 10 Reason 1Prep NP' The above rule is as given by Carrell (1970, op. cit. pp.17-18).

There are two types of Reason or Purpose constructions in Igbo. The first is of the structure:

Reason

Prep N NP

Na ihi Nom

Hflaka

From the above figure, we get the following Igbo examples according to the items selected:

28(a) N'ihi nwo1

For sake of males two: For the sake of the two men.

* N r%r (b) N ’ihi riha ha': For the sake of their father

Sake of person the: For the sake of the person

(about whom we have spoken)

y . \ " ■* V — ------(d) riYlaka -\mkpuru obi Osuagwu nwuru anwu

N ’ ihij

For the sake of soul of Osuagwu who died: For the soul of the

deceased Osuagwu.

(e) tflaka (ihi) gi: For your sake.

The second type of Reason or Purpose construction involves ka and ma^

NP-complements as in the following 29.

29(a) ftbyara m ka dokita" lee m anya n'ahu

Came I so that doctor looks me eye on body:

I came for the doctor to examine me. 209

\ 'v ✓ 29(b) E gbudhara nkwu nde e ma ihwe bhata n'ulo

One cut down oil palm tree these so that light come in house:

These oil palm trees were felled in order to let in light to

the house.

/ \ ' \ N « / \ / (c) U . nyere ha oce ka ha kporuo

He gave them seats that they sit down: He gave them

seats to sit down.

Purpose Clauses in Subjunctive complementation is the subject of chapter 8 where the structure underlying sentences such as 29(a-c) is examined in detail. |

Thus, we have come across all the Ps-rules relevant to the formation of Igbo NP-sentential complements, the specific rules being Ps-rules 6, 7, and 10.

11 IKlanner r Prep. N ~) S

j otho f

Igbo manner constructions involve either, simple manner adverbs such as

S \ f — / — nwayoo, osnso, ngwangwa et cetera or

otho *) plus relative clause ^ \ n ' uzo

The following are illustrative examples

30(a) 0 nwuru p otho turu n'anya

n'uzo \

He died in manner which strikes in eye: He died in a mysterious/surprising manner,

(b) Otho i mere toro m obi uto

UJay you did sweetened me heart sweet: How you behaved/

UJhat you did delighted me.

12 Place ______^ [ Prep NP n

ya j

Locative constructions in Igbo involve the preposition _na and a locative nominal: Ogu is at home today

(b) 0 bi na Legoosi: He lives at Lagos

/ \ '' ^ / (c) Ogu bikuie ya : Ogu lives there, too

\ . (d) Ogu bichere ma (na) Legoosi, Aba" ma (na) Joosi • b 11 • »

Ogu lived complete both at Lagos, Aba and Dos:

Ogu once lived both at Lagos, Aba and Dos.

\ / \ / N. , \ S ' * . * s " / (e) Ma Legoosi, Aba, ma (na) Doosi, Ogu bichere ha * * t • + +

At Lagos, Aba and Dos, Ogu once lived them:

At Lagos, Aba, and Dos, Ogu once lived in each of them.

From 31(a), (c) and (e), it is obvious that ya 'in it1 and ha 'in them1 can be substituted for the locative structure, Prep. NP.

13 T ime

14 Pt. Nom

15 C Dur J Nom | F req

Ps~rule.s 13-15 are as given by Carrell (1970, p.IB), and her obser vation about the optional deletion of the preposition na. is correct.

16 Det Det. Det, 1 2

17 Det, demonstrative

IB Det, definitizer n 19 Demonstrative ( ’ike )

nde

20 Definitizer - ma 211

Ps-rules 16-20 reveal that the category determiner, can be

subclassified into two sets; demonstratives and definitizers according

to their syntactic characteristics. In addition to their normal demon

strative function, the demonstratives may also be used as substantives:

32(a) Okpa eghu nde-ehi khugburu onwe ha nef nkhu

Type of goat thosB destroy kill self their in destruction.

Goats of that type can be very destructive.

(b) Hotara m ndi ocha ahi

Select for me the ones white those: Select those white ones for me

\ . / r- \ In 32(a) above the determiners nde ehi are functioning as demonstratives,

in 32(b), they are used as substantives. But definitizers, on the other

hand, can only function as definitizers, never as substantives:

Behold fowl the place it is coming in:

See the fowl (about which we have been talking) as it is coming in.

(d) Ya ma nwa ga ngafu

He the (naughty) child will get lost travelling: That child

will get lost travelling about.

(e) Gi ma nwa wu onye ohi

You this child are person of theft: You child, you are

a rogue.

The definitizer wa can be used only to refer to an object or person previously mentioned, and can be used to definitize either a noun or a pronoun. lYla^, on the other hand, can only be used after pronouns. The existence of these determiners should convince the reader that contrary to

Carrell’s observation (Carrell 1970 p.26) there is enough justification

for the distinction into definite and indefinite determiners. The zero determiner is the indefinite one while a/afn, 'this/that' and _wef constitute the definite determiners. A native speaker of Igbo will use

one of these or any other dialect equivalent to convey the sense of the 212

definite, but none at all whenever an indefinite meaning is being conveyed,

* 21. Suffix ——-— Inflect(ional) Non-inflect, 'N C nPresent Progressive

Past "

Simple Present

Past 22. Inflect Neg. Perfect

Imperative

Habitual

F uture

13 23. Non-inflectional Assertive, benefactive, directional,

inchoative et cetera.

24. Prefix

24.1 Present Progressive

na + verb

24.2 Past Progressive na + rv + verb

24.3 Simple Present

24.4 Past

/ / 24.5 Perfect A— (o) + 1A nA

/ 24.6 Imperative -0

24.7 Habitual + verb

24.8 Future ga + verb

24.9 Neg.(simple present A - hll/ghl ^ " past

24.10 Neg. Present Progressive A - hll/ghl

24.11 Neg. Past " A + na + hll/ghl + r V

24.12 " Perfect A bele

24.13 Neg. Imperative A - la~ nA

13 For a very detailed study of non-inflectional suffixes in Igbo, see G. E. Igwe (1974) chapter 15, 213

In the negative conjugation of the verb, there are gaps because

certain tense forms do not have corresponding negatives. But this gap

is filled by the existence in Igbo of periphrastic negative expressions

in which all tense/aspect forms can be expressed. These along with verb

inflection in Igbo have been amply illustrated in chapter 2(2.3.1-4).

25.1 Assertive ------» -rV2

25.2 Benefactive ----- ^ -rv3

25.3 Directional ------> -tA

25.4 Inchoative ------> -WA s \ S ' / _ 26 Aux. ina, iji, iga ------5-

.f \ ^ \ N 27 Co mp . ------* si, na ka, ma^, ma^

28 Pr ep . ----- > Na', maka, bhanyere, gba'sara, shi(te) / \ S /t* \ y \ ^ 29 Numeral ----- ^ otu, abuo, ato, anno et cetera / y \ / 30 Quantifier ---- > niile, dum, uzugbu, otutu

31 A d v . -----> faa, o s n s o , ngwangwa

32 C o n j . ----- mana, thuma, khama9si, na, ka, ma.

33 Interrogative -----> giri/o,nye, what/who

olia/anaa how

ole how many

(na) olee - u/here

One hopes that the detailed analysis of various tense and aspect forms

presented here and in chapter 2 will help to dispel the erroneous view that

"the only tense indicators in Igbo are two auxiliary verbs (ina and iga) and a present perfect" (Carrell 1970 p.30). The past time suffix -TV has been very little understood by scholars of the Igbo language, except Green and

Igwe (1963) who rightly distinguish between ~ry time on the one hand, and

-rV time non-time, on the other. Uihereas there is only one -rV time, there

is definitely more than one type of -ry non-time for example,

-rV benefactive and

-rV assertive 214

Although the benefactive morpheme can co-occur with most verbs, the -rV assertive is restricted to a semantic class of verbs which we describe

tentatively as stative/existential verbs. These include

y , inwe to have, own y \ ^ \ ibha uru ti be useful y - ijo njo ti M bad

/ — ima mma it " good ✓ — ighe it " cooked

iru it H deformed

Ulith these verbs and others belonging to the same semantic class, the assertive morpheme is generally associated with present tense meaning thus: ^ \ 33(a) Ogu nwere e g 1 o

Ogu has money: Ogu is rich.

S — \ / \ (b) Inwe moto bhara uru

Owning a car is useful

•v# / \ (c) Hwe o mere

Thln^ he did is bad: What he did is bad.

t / \ (d) Nwatakiri a mara mma nwaanyi

Young girl this is beautiful as woman

This young girl is as pretty as a woman ought, to be.

/ _ (e) Ukwu rur g ya .

Leg is deformed to him/her: His/her leg is deformed.

y N / (f) Anu o ghere eghe

meat this is cooked: This meat is well cooked.

Whenever a past time meaning is meant, there is a corresponding change

in the form of the underlined verbs, as 34(a-f) show:

, . y \ / 34(a) Ogu nweere eg’o: Ogu used to have money

to be rich

f \ / ^ / \ f r* ^ . (b) Inwe moto bhaara uru (n'og'e ehi)

Owning a car used to be useful (at that time) 215

34(c) Ajha ulo o loorg n.jq ile anya tupu a mezhie ya

Walls of house this used to be bad to look at before one repaired it:

The walls of this house used to be ugly to look at until they were

repaired.

(d) Nuiatakiri a maara mma nwaanyi tupu ya aryawa/ .

This young girl used to be a pretty woman before she became sick.

(e) Ukwu ruuru ya, ma o dila ya mma gbuo-

His/her leg used to be deformed but it has become to him/her good now:

He us8d to be deformed, but now he is alright.

(f) Anu ohi qhe'ere eqhe mgbu m fodhatara ya.

That meat was cooked when I brought down it:

The meat was cooked when I brought it down from the fire.

The vowel lengthening which is characteristic of these underlined verbs has been analysed by Green and Igwe (1963 p.76) as due to the presence of -rV time and ~ r V non-time in one and the same verb: when both these suffixes are present one of them is usually represented by an alternant, a vowel, which lengthens the vowel that precedes it. This reduplicating vowel suffix must not be confused with the open vowel suffix, which expands a close stem vowel and lengthens an open one and which we have never found with this verb form11.

But Carrel (1970 p.29) did not recognise the above facts when she lumps such action verbs as: iga to go and

igwu (ji) to dig up (yams) together with members of the stative class and reaches the same conclusion as some of her predecessors'^ that Mthis ’past tense' frequently refers to present time and that often an adverb of past time must be present if the sentence containing Assert is to have a past time meaning". In support of

14(i) Spencer, Julius (1901) An Elementary Grammar of the Igbo Language, London S.P.C.K

(ii) Adams, R.F.G. (1932) A Modern Igbo Grammar, Londons0xford University Press. 216

the above assertion Carrell quotes the fallowing extracts from Adams

(1932, p.51-3) "Thus plain cfawuru ji means 'he digs yams, it is a statement without qualification or doubt; and therefore does duty for the absolute form of the present tense, tygwuru ji means 'he dug yams' with any word denoting past or in answer to a question referring to the past."

Not surprisingly, Carrell sticks to the above analysis on the grounds that

^ \ / "the data collected from my informants agree with what Adam says. Q^wuru ji may mean either 'He digs yams', or 'He dug yams'."

It is difficult to imagine an Igbo dialect where the above Igbo sentence could have any other than the past tense meaning, the verb involved being an action predicate. Such an ambiguous time meaning is definitely ruled out in the Ezinihitte dialect which we are describing here. But the recognition of the existence of more than one morpheme in Igbo: a -rV time (a one-member class) and a -rV non-time (a multiple-member class), and a study of their distributional characteristics will help to throw a let more light on past and present meanings in Igbo inflection. UJhat must be emphasized hare is that with action verbs, a - t V suffix can only have a past time meaning. Thus,

(a) 0 *gwuru ji can only mean

He dug some yams, while

(b) 0 gwuuru ji means

He dug some yams for himself * where the duplication of the verb stem vowel indicates the presence of two morphemes

the - r V time and

the —fV non-time/benefactive, as in (c)

, . * \ / V ** (c) 0 na egwuru otu ji

He is digging one yam for himself. 21?

4.3 Defence of the Base Rules

A look at our base rules shows that they mark a departure from the base rules given in Aspects and all other transformational treatment of complementation based on that theory. In the base rules given here, complementizers are generated in deep structure. This departure constitutes a negation of the transformational hypothesis of complementizer-insertion

and complementizer change as exemplified in the works of Rosenbaum (1967) and Robin Lakoff (1968). The specification of comp, as a deep structure node

's also implies that it is far from the semantically empty morpheme which

15 existing accounts of complementation make it.

The claim that complementizers contribute to meaning has been strongly

put foru/ard by Bresnan (1970). Among other things, she asserts that

"complementizer selection is the kind of phenomenon characteristic of subcategorisation, and in fact, some aspects of complementizer choice cannot even be described within the transformational hypothesis without extending it in undesirable ways," (Bresnan 1970 pp.306-310). She argues that unless comp, is introduced by base rules, certain conjoined sentences in English would not be derivable, whereas the specification of a deep structure comp, makes the derivation of such sentences from familiar rules easy. Lastly,

she demonstrates that UJH- is one of the English complementizer morphemes.

Ule must observe here that in Igbo, there is no complementizer corresponding

to the English IUH-. The Igbo equivalents of English UJH- questions, both in

their embedded and non-embedded forms, are complex nominals with nominal

heads and qualifying clauses. The justification for this claim is presented

in chapter 6 .

15(i) Sinha, A.S. (1970). University of York Ph.D. thesis on "Predicate Complement Studies in Hindi and English"

(ii) Bagari, Dauda, Hfl. (1971) "NP complementation" in a University of London ffl.Phil. thesis. 218

Since this is not a comparative study., though comparison is at some

* stage inevitable, tue shall restrict our attention to Igbo in order to show

u/hat evidence there is - syntactic and semantic - in support of the claim

that complementizers must be generated in the base rules of this language,

Igbo is a tone language, sufficient evidence for this has been given

in the introductory part of this thesis (of 1,3 & 2,0.0),

To a large extent, then, the grammar of Igbo deals with sets of appropriate

tone patterns required by various construction types in the language.

The extent, if any at all, to which intonation plays a part in meaning

modification in a Tone Language such as Igbo is, to say the least, doubtful.

In view of the fact that Transformations as now formulated are meaning

16 preserving the onus on Deep structure is to specify all the necessary

information that contributes to meaning.

SYNTACTIC EVIDENCE

Igbo Complements fall into four mutually exclusive sets or categories

based on the following syntactic parameters!

(a) the complementizer morpheme present

(b) matrix verb

(d) the semantic interpretation of the NP complement, and

consequently of the whole sentence (matrix and embedded).

These four factors interact in so close a manner that it is difficult to

discuss one of them without necessarily discussing the others. For example,

the choice of the matrix predicate determines complementizer selection which

in turn, determines the mood of the whole sentence. For those verbs which

16 It has been observed (Chomsky 1972) that such meaning changes as are due to Focus and Pseuds-Cleft rules can be accounted for by late rule of semantic interpretation. Such a solution to the problem assumes, of course the existence of a syntactic Deep structure distinct from Semantic Representation, The generative semantics position is that the Deep structur is semantic. 219

may take more than one complementizer, the choice of the complementizer is determined by the complement type. In other u/ords, mood and comple mentizer choice are interdependent, and both of them affect meaning.

For example, (si) Na introduces what we have described as

Declarative/indicative complements - that is, those complements which are neither Interrogative, nor Imperative nor Subjunctive in their mood

(cf. 4,1,4). In this complement type, Pronoun subjects retain their inherent tones (cf. 4.1.0) and verbstems are high for Class I verbs and low for class 2 and 3 verbs. This tone pattern is constant under

NP-complement embedding provided that (si) Na is the complementizer. But a change of complementizer, for those verbs which are marked in the Lexicon

for more than one complement type, entails a corresponding change of tone pattern and a corresponding changB in semantic interpretation thusj

35(a) Ece m (si) nav I .ga abya

I think that you will come (certainty/conviction)

(b) Ece m (si) ma^ I ga abya (Doubt)

think I r if ") you will come

(j-uhe ther)

I wonder whether you will come

I am not sure that you will come.

/ \ * ~ \ \ 36(a) Asini m na unu alaala (conviction)

I thought (for certain) that you had gone.

(b) Asini m ma^ unu ala^ala (Doubt)

I was wondering if you had gone.

37(a) Eceghekwe m na o ga abya (certainty)

I am still of the opinion that he will come.

(b) Eceghekwe m ma^ o ga abya (Doubt)

I am still thinking whether he will come

I am still wondering whether he will come. 220

38(a) Eroghekwe m na o ga abya (certainty)

I am still thinking that he will come

(b) Eroghekwe m ma oN ga abya/ (Doubt) £ *

I am still doubting whether he will come.

In the foregoing minimal pairs, the difference is due to different complementizers in the (a) and (b) sentences which are responsible for the change in the tone pattern of the pronoun subjects from High and

High-Low in Nav clauses to Low and Low-Low in ma^ clauses. The cumu lative effect of these differences is a radical change in meaning from

17 an assertion and its presupposition of truth in the (a) sentences to doubt and uncertainty and the consequent absence of any presupposition of truth in the (b) sentences.

Uje can account for this radical semantic and syntactic difference in either of the following ways: First, we can assume that two distinct main clause verbs are involved in each of the pairs of sentences under discussion, and go on to prove that this is .really the case. The second alternative is the claim that there is only one and the same verb in the main clauses of each of these pairs, and that the meaning differences is due to the presence of the two distinct complementizers Na and ma^ which in turn depend on the complement types embedded as NP. Uie examine these alternatives in turn, starting with the first.

To argue for the existence of two distinct main clause verbs in the minimal pairs being investigated here, one needs to show that these purported verbs exist in the language independent of the Igbo complementa tion system. It is impossible to substantiate a claim such as the above;

17 Presupposition is used here in the sense of sincerity condition, that is, a Pragmatic motion. To presuppose something as a speaker is to take its truth value for granted and thus assume that your audience does the same. An Igbo speaker would use Na and its attendant tone pattern (Mood) if he is sure of his facts, ma^, if he is doubtful about them. For more information on this pragmatic notion of presupposition, see Karttunen (1973) L_1 Vol. iv, No.2. 221

on the other hand, it is very easy to show that there are many homonyms in the language, each with a distinct meaning and syntactic functions which establish it as a vsrb in its own right. Consider the following few examples as an illustration:-

,✓ \ 39(a) ina to backbite, to calumniate / N (b) ina (aux. verb) habitual/progressive

(f) igo (muo) to worship gods, shrines-

Each of these verbs will take the inflectional markers of the Igbo verb, and have their Imperative forms thus:

i \ ^ ^ / 40(a) Nara yani gawa .

Backbite him you people go on.

Go on backbiting him, you lot.

(b) Naa araYa' m hwe

Keep on sweep for me thing: Go on doing the sweeping for me.

Go in quickly

, x \ / (d) Bhara m ya mgba

Grab for me him wrestle: Wrestle with him for me.

(e) Goo mu elee

Deny, I see: Deny, let me see. ^ / — \ / o» (f) Gokwaa muo n'uhuru ci ■ * * »

Do worship the gods in decline of day:

Do carry out the rites of worship in the evening.

From these few illustrative examples, it is obvious that, despite their phonetic identity, there are six distinct verbs, not just three, involved in the examples 40(a)-(f). UJe must point out that the different suffixes used in these examples do not affect the argument; the choice is arbitrary, 222

and any verb can co-occur with any suffix according to the intended meaning. A detailed study of Igbo affixes (prefixes and suffixes) has been done by Revd. Igwe (1973).

Now let us assume the existence of the following as distinct verbs in the paired examples 35-38:

, ^ \ 41(a) ice, to think / N (b) ice. " wonder, doubt S \ (c) isi. " say

(d) " wonder, doubt ' \ (a) iro. " think

s % iro, " wonder, doubt

UJith these verbs, it is impossible to establish any case for more than one verb for each pair of th8 examples, as the following e:

_ w 42(a) Ceere ya ecice

Think for it thought: Think about it.

_ N. S N. (b) Ceere ya ecice: *Ujonder about it.

43(a) Si(i) ya bya

Say to him come: Tell him to come.

(b) *Si(i) maka ya*"

Ujonder about it \ / 44(a) Roo make m

Think about me

/ (b) Roo maka m

*Uionder about m g

Observe from 41-44 that, with the exception of 43(b) where form is deviant, it is the English glosses which are wrong. This rather unusual phenomenon can be accounted for from the fact that the wrong meanings are being assigned, in the (b) cases, to otherwise well-formed

Igbo sentences. In other words, the meaning of 'doubt' and 'wonder' can be attributed to these verbs only in the Igbo complementation system; outside this construction type, such a meaning has no raison d'etre. 223

This same argument holds for any suggestion that these verbs in question may tuell be polysemous, in which case, they have the feature C+ DubitativeJ as one of their lexical entries. Such a feature specification can only be motivated by none other than the consideration of Igbo complementation.

UJe therefore dismiss as adhoc the hypothesis that two distinct verbs are involved in each pair of the above examples. Such an approach would leave many questions unanswered.

The alternative argument, which we uphold in the rest of this section, is that there is one and only one main clause verb in each of the paired I examples 35(a, b) - 38(a, b), that these verbs may take either Na I

Indicative or IVlaV Interrogative complements /(isi * ~ will, in addition take a

Si Imperative complement) according to the intended meaning of the comple ments, Recall that we have established (cf 4.1.0-4) that each complementizer marks a specific complement type -

Si goes with Imperative complements

\ . Na " 11 Indicative/Declarative

ffla^ " M Interrogative

Ka/ma^ n " Subjunctive "

Since some superodinate (main clause) verbs can introduce any of two or three complement types according to the intended meaning, it follows, therefore, that what we have been discussing here is a case of one of these main clause verbs taking two different complement types: a Na Indicative in the (a) and a ma^ Interrogative in the (b) sentences of 35-38, respectively.

These two mutually exclusive sentence types account for the meaning differenc between the-above (a) and (b) sentences. From this fact it naturally follows that the subcategorisation of verbs according to the complement types they may take is a necessary, though not sufficient condition for predicting the meaning and, consequently, the complement type embedded as NP: reference to the complement type is also necessary. Unless the Base structure provides 224

this information about the type of louier sentence, it will be difficult,

4 if not impossible, in cases of verbs such as ice, isi, and iro, to

determine which of two or three possible surface structures one may derive.

To ensure the right combination of main clause predicates and complement

types, the following tu/o conditions need be satisfied:

(a) verbs must be subcategorised according to the complementizers

they take;

(b) the complement type must be specified in the Base. 18 Bonney (1974) argues that the above two conditions arB

necessary, but not sufficient to ensure the correct combinations of main

clause and complement, maintaining that "complement types are selected

relative, not only to main clause verbs, but also to other factors in the

main clause" (p.53-54). He supports his stand with the following English

example:

would

could that he

was

often meant

and insists that "it is hard to see how even an elaborated system of

syntactic features could be sufficient to handle data such as these" (ibid).

He concludes from this evidence that subcategorisation features are un~

19 necessary, and consequently, Bresnan's specification of Comp as a Deep

structure node is uncalled for.

In Igbo, the situation is different; it happens to be the. case in this

language that the above mentioned conditions suffice to ensure the right

combinations of main and complement clauses. Secondly, the Igbo equivalents

of the above English examples do not raise any such problems in Igbo that

Bonney points out in the English language, for the simple reason that all

18 BONNEY, UJ.L. (1974). OXFORD UNIVERSITY D.Phil. thesis.

19 BRESNAN, JOAN (1970) op.cit. 225

infinitival complements in Igbo (mhich are the Igbo equivalents of the above English examples) are transforms of sentential complements introduced by a specific semantic class of verbs - the Emotive predicates, which are discussed in chapter 5>(5*2.0). One of Bonney's English examples quoted above has a factive interpretation; for such factive complements

Igbo has a very unambiguous 8ase representation. For example, the Igbo equivalent of the following English example from Bonney's data cited above:

For him to eat cabbage often meant that he was hungry, is 45(a)

, , / - \ ^ / 45(a) Iri ede fo riri futara na ag'uu jiri ya .

ya' j

r To eat n cocoyam r which he ate ~) meant that hunger held him

) Eatingj j of him _J

f'For him to eat') cocoyam meant that he was hungry.

C His eating J

A sentence such as 45(a) can only derive from a factive Nav clause of the following type

45(b) Na o r i n ede futara na aguu Jiri ya.

The fact that he ate cocoyam meant that he was hungry. The relative clause in 45(a) can be optionally deleted to yield 45(c) which superficially looks like the type of infinitives associated with Emotive predicates.

45(c) Iri ede ya/ futara na aguu jiri ya^

It is for this reason that we have insisted on the important distinction between the underlined homonyms in the following 46(a) and (b), a distinction based on syntactic grounds and borne out by their respective meanings in these and similar examples:

. . \ ^ •* — * \ / a # 46(a) Dimkpa imevo onwe ya na erne ihwere.

For a man to disgrace himself is a shame.

(b) Ogu imevo onwe ya n'oha mere m ihwere.

For Dgu to disgrace himself in public shamed me.

The fact that Ogu disgraced himself in public shamed me. This distinction is discussed at length in 5*2.0 where we bring evidence

to show that whereas sentences such as 46(a) are derived from conditional

clauses functioning as NP subject to Emotive predicates, those like 46(b)

derive from Na Factive complements also functioning as Subject NP to some

factive Emotive predicates. In other words, Emotivity and Factivity are

not necessarily mutually exclusive because there are some Factive Emotive

verbs.

Granted, then, that Igbo does not run into the same or similar

problems as English in subcategorising verbs according to the complement

types which they may take, and that the complement type needs to be specified 20 in the Base , the question arises as to how best to mark this distinction

of complement types. Bonney contends that it is not a distinction that can

bo marked by the complementizer alone because, although "for - to is confined

to non-propositional complements, that, on the other hand, occurs with both

prepositional and non-propositional compleme-nts, and in consequence fails

to mark the distinction between the two types." Bonney's argument that

complementizers in English fail to mark the above distinction is a conse

quence of his too much reliance on semantics. Because his Base structure

is heavily biased in favour of semantic trees, he runs into the problem

of not being able to represent all his semantic information in terms of his

semantic trees: the case in point is the problem of how to represent the

propositions expressed by Indicative complements in his semantic Base

structure. Although he comes off nicely with his Causative analysis for

Factive predicates (p.77-79) and the systematic account of Like-Subject

predicates and their interaction with EQUI and SUBJECT and OBJECT RAISING,

20 Bonney 1974: (p.55) holds a different view; he does not agree that this necessary distinction must be marked in the Base, but that it must be represented at some stage in the derivation, since such a distinction depends crucially on what he terms the prepositional and non-propositional comple ments. Ulith a Deep structure which is semantic and an analysis that draws so much from McCawley's Predicate Raising, which creates complex surface predicates (lexical items) from more basic ones, this distinction comes out well, especially in the Causative analysis (for Factive complements p.63 ff). 227

he fails, not surprisingly, to give any such systematic analysis for the a Propositional - non-propositional distinction, apart from the vague

suggestion that verbs of saying (Expositives) and those of knowing

(Cognitives) may be analysed respectively as[[S(\Y] [_ TRUE^ and £*£hOLdJ

At the present state of our knowledge of semantics, it seems

to us sufficient to point out whatever systematic correlation there might

be between the syntax and semantics of natural language, leaving its

formalisation to such a time that we can have more information about

semantic structures. This is what we have tried to do for Igbo, a little

known language and relatively very little written about.

To answer the question raised at the beginning o-f the preceding

paragraph as to how to mark the distinction into Proposition and non-

proposition, we have to point out that this could be done in either of two

ways in Igbos

(a) by either specifying the complementizer, or

(b) by specifying the complement type.

By specifying the particular complementizer, given that verbs are subcate

gorised according to the complementizers they may take, we are in effect

pinpointing the only complement type that can guarantee the desired semantic

interpretation. This is so because no complementizer may introduce more

21 than one complement type, that is, one proposition/non-propositional type.

liJhat happens in Igbo is that some verbs may be marked for as many as three

complements, but each complementizer is confined to only one complement type,

a fact which contrasts with the situation in English where that can occur

with either the Indicative (Propositional) or with the Subjunctive (non-

propositional) complement. So for the Igbo language, specifying the comple

mentizer means specifying the type of lower sentence or complement.

21 The exception to this rule is si"which, it has been pointed out (cf 4.1.0-4.1,3 & 4.1.5), may be substituted for any of the others - Na', ma and ka/ma^ in colloquial usage of this dialect, or precede them optionall ana all this is in addition to its specialised function as the sole Imperative complementizer. Alternatively, one can specify the sentence type embedded as complement and, thus, predict the complementizer from it. This is the position that

Bonney advocates when he argues that complementizer choice 'depends directly on some internal property of the complement and only indirectly on the main clause verb." Each of these two methods will involve some re-write rules of the following type?

(a) S ^ comp.S

(b) (i) S ^ Pre S

(ii) Pre ___ ^ rirc)P(ERATIVE)

INDIC(ATIVE)

] INTERROGATIVE)

. SUBJUNCTIVE)

To specify the complementizer, given the main clause verb, entails something like Net S or

ftla^ S ©t cetera

Equally, specifying Q S or

5UB3UNCT. S can only entail ma^ 5 or ka/ma^ S respectively, and nothing else.

The question that remains,,then9to be answered is how we get ma^ S or ka S from Q S and Subjunct S respectively. Two methods suggest themselves: the first is a Context-sensitive re-write rule of the following form:

Q S ___ ^ ma^ S if both Q and S are directly dominated by S which can be traced uniquely to an NP. The second method consists of a substitution transformation which inserts the appropriate complementizer for the particular pre-sentence node. But we reject this complementizer insertion rule since we have shown that complementizers alone do mark the type of distinction necessary to ensure the correct combination of main clause verbs and complement sentences. This leaves us u/ith the first method which re-writes the pre-sentence nodes Q, Indie, et cetera as ma^ and Na^ respectively. This rule is in itself a Deep structure specification of complementizer and has nothing to recommend it over and above the direct introduction of the complementizer by re-writing

S as, say, Na*'1 S, Moreover, we would not liKe to lexicalise these nodes through a context-sensitive rule because elsewhere in Igbo transformational grammar(cf.6*X-6.2) they serve only as triggers to set off the appropriate

T-rule applications. From all the evidence so far given, we conclude that there is a strong case for a Base specification of the node, Comp in Igbo.

If Bresnan's argument for a Deep structure Comp node fails in English, there is a strong motivation for it in Igbo.

Moreover, it can be shown that complementizers in Igbo are far from the semantically empty morphemes which they are supposed to be in English.

On purely synchronic evidence, some of these complementizers are verb forms / ^ T of some existing verbs, the most obvious case being sri from the verb isi - to say - cf 4.1.3). Not only complementizers, but also other function words or morphemes of Igbo are known to be verb forms taking such suffixes as are associated only with verbs in the language. On the basis of this synchronic evidence, we make the claim that other complementizers and function words in Igbo must be erstwhile verbs. This case is argued at length with supporting syntactic evidence in the following chapter 5.

Igbo complementizers have definite semantic role to play in NP-complementation.

We have argued that Igbo verbs can be very conveniently subcategorised according to the type of complements they can occur with. This sub-cate gorisation of verbs is not an arbitrary one; subcategories of verbs generally belong to semantic groups, and these semantic groupings may have their syntactic reflexes. For example, verbs which take Na complements are the only verbs in Igbo which make some claim about the truth value of their complements, This claim may or may not be true, but it is a claim all the same - an explicit claim by either the superordinate subject or somebody mentioned in the main clause that what he says, hears, thinks et cetera is

either true or false. No other category of complements in Igbo makes such

a claim. If such a claim is factive, that is, if the matrix or main clause

verb happens to be one that entails the truth of what it claims, then the

complement of such a verb may be optionally relativized to give uihat we

have described in chapter 6 (cf B . l » Z ) as Factive Relative clauses. As we

make abundantly clear in the above chapter, such relative clauses (the

22 output of the T-rule Relativization-Relat^ which is exclusive to factive

Nav complements) constitute the syntactic exponent of factivity in Igbo.

Only factive Na1 complements may undergo this rule of relativization,

T-Relat^t to yield an acceptable Igbo surface structure. By this statement, we do not imply that only factive complements meet the structural index for

Relat^J no, all Na complements do meet the requirement for this rule

application, but only factive predicates guarantee the grammaticality of

the output sentence.

The verbs which co-occur with ma^ complements, on the other hand, are

those verbs which ask for information, rather than make a claim about the

truth value or otherwise of the propositional content of their complements.

Admittedly, there will be a lot of cross-classification between Na and ma^

complement verbs for the simple reason that subcategorisation is not

hierarchic - a phenomenon that is natural in human language. This cross

classification involves those verbs with such semantic characteristics

that they can either express a claim about the truth value of their comple ments, or doubt and, consequently, ask for some information about them.

22 The implication is that there is another rule of Relativization T-Relst ; this is the case. The rule of Pseudo-cleft sentence formation in Igbo entails an obligatory relativization of the output structure from the insertion of Trne - ’thing/what'and the copula wu before the complement sentence. Unless this is done, the resultant surface structure will not bear the normal tone pattern associated with relative clauses in Igbo. This rule Relat^ is there fore contingent on Pseudo-Cleft which is a general rule in any language, and consequently is not the marker of factivity, as Relat2 is. 231

But inspite of the semantic differences between Na and ma^ complement verbs, they share the following syntactic characteristics;

(a) they do not impose any tense restrictions on the verb of their

complements and

(b) these complements are never subject to Equi NP Deletion.

The first of these properties can be explained on the grounds that there is no dependency relation between these main clause verbs and the verbs of their complement such as one sees between ka/ma^ Subjunctive verbs and the verbs of their complements.

The verbs associated with the subjunctive (ka/ma^) complements on the other hand, are generally those that express wishes, requests, expectation and such non-propositional predicates as designate efforts and determina tion. fill these verbs have one thing in common - they always introduce complements whose propositions are mere expectations, and the expectation of an event does not necessarily guarantee■its realisation. Because of this semantic constraint, the verb of a ka/ma^ complement is always future in relation to the time expressed by the main clausB verb, hence the verbs which can introduce the subjunctive complements have bBen variously described as verbs of 'forward-looking aspect1 (Aijmer, K. 1972)

'forward-looking' verbs (Bonney (1974), and 'futurist verbs' (Josephs, 1974).

In Igbo, where the non-infinitival (kaV S) and the infinitival forms exist side by side and the latter can be shown to be a transform of the former, the future tense marker jgja never occurs in the ka form. It is this futurity of the ka* complene nt verbs and the identity of the superordinate and subordinate NP's that guarantee the application of EQUI, given that the

23 other condition has been met. In other words, only the Subjunctive

Complements in Igbo may undergo the Equi-NP Deletion rule to yield

23 The other condition is that the main clause verb must not be a two- place predicate'- that is one that appears in this type of structure UP U NP. NP„; this constraint is discussed in chapter $. - — > 1 2 232

infinitival complements which are always in object position in contrast is to those of Emotive predicates which are invariably in subject position.

It will thus be seen that the semantic attributes of these verbs are

reflected in the type of T-rule to which they are subject ■-i

On no account will Na' or ma'^ complement-taking verbs satisfy these two

requirement of identical NP's in both clauses as well as future tense

(be it marked or unmarked) in the complement clause. Since verbs can only

be subcategorised according to the type of complements they can take, and

since this subcategorisation can be effectively marked by complementizers,

there is no reason why complementizers should not be introduced in the Base

by re-write rules.

CONCLUDING SUffllYIARY:

The subcategorisation of verbs on the basis of the complementizers each

subgroup may take is necessary, but not sufficient to ensure the right combi

nations of main clause verbs and complement types in view of the fact that

some of these verbs are capable of taking more than one complementizer.

Therefore the specification of the particular complement from a list of two

or three possible complement types is needed to supplement the above sub

division of verbs according to possible complementizers. But in Igbo, it

happens to be the case that each complementizer corresponds to one and only

one complement type (witness the fact that infinitivals are transforms of

the basic complement types, and hence the Igbo equivalents of English for-to

complements are transforms of ka' subjunctive and other NP subject complements

to emotive predicates). This fact means that complementizers alone can

effectively mark complement types in the language, and this argues for their

specification in Base structures in preference to the alternative method

which re-writes such pre-sentence nodes as Q S as ma^ S in specific contexts.

UJe reject this method from the over-all consideration of Igbo grammar where

nodes such as Q, Cond(itional) Subj(unctive) et cetera are no more than

ordinary triggers for the application of specific T-rules. UJe also argue that Igbo complementizers as well as other function words such as prepositions and conjunctions can be shown, from synchronic evidence, to be verb forms, a phenomenon which leads one to hypothesize that those function words in the language for which there is no synchronic evidence of relationship with existing verbs must be associated with some erstwhile verbs. Thompson and Li (1973) come out with a similar conclusion about Chinese co-verbs and prepositions^whilg Josephs (1974) reaches the conclusion that the distributional characteristics of Japanese complementi zers and their close association with some Japanese verbs do support their specification in the Deep structure of complement constructions in the language. That there is as yet no cross-linguistic evidence from other members of the kwa-family of languages to which Igbo belongs in support of our hypothesis is a reflection of the present state of the study of this language group. If the so-called function words are verb forms of some sort, then they have a semantic role to play in the grammar of these languages, unlike their counterparts in English which may be devoid of such a role.

From the evidence presented here, we assume, henceforth, a Deep structure specification of the node Comp, which dominates the appropriate complementi zer selected from a group of possible complementizers according to the complement sentence embedded as NP. Chapter 5 Na' Indicative Complementation

5.0.0 Introduction

This is the first: of four chapters devoted to the mechanics of

Noun Phrase Sentential Complementation in Igbo - that is, the transformational processes involved in the construction of Noun Phrase

Sentential complements in the language, and the constraints on the applicability of these transformational rules (T-rules).

It will be recalled (cf 4*1,0 - 4,1*3) that from our investiga tion, we have been able to distinguish the following categories of

NP - complements in Igbo:

(a) Nav (Indicative) Complements

(b) Na'2 (Interrogative) n

(Imperative) tt (c) Si'• it (d) (Subjunctive)

Igbo Infinitival complements are not Deep Structure complements, but transforms of some, but not all, of the above complement types. For example, some Emotive Verbs, which may take j)ka or IYla2 complements as subject are a source of Subject NP infinitival complements, (see £.1*3 and 5*2.0), and Ka/ma^ subjunctive complements provide yet another* source of Igbo Infinitival bbject complements, given a special sub class of verbs in the main clause; subjunctive complementation is fully discussed in chapter'8'. Whenever we refer to Infinitival

Complements in Igbo, it should always be borne in mind that these are derived rather than underlying forms as is the case with the English for - to_ complement which is basic and not a transform,

U/e have also observed that the Igbo equivalents of English UIH-

Questions, functioning as NP to complement-taking verbs, are not instances of NP - complements, but of complex Nominals (a kind of

Referential NP) with a nominal head and definitizing or relative claus '235

In view of the relationship between Yes/no and KeNdy (UIH-)

Questions, ujb have decided to discuss their* analysis in one and the same chapter & in order to facilitate comparison and contrast.

Chapter CJ- is devoted to the discussion of Imperative complementation, while chapter 8 discusses the Subjunctive Ka/ftla^ complements. In the final section of this chapterwe critically examine and reject the distinction between Noun Phrase and Verb* Phrase complements as having no justification in the Phrase Structure of the

Igbo language. In the final chapter* > we try to piece together the observations and conclusions that can be drawn from this investigation u/ith regard to thB Igbo language in particular and general linguistic theory. After each chapter, a sample list of verbs which can function in the main clause of that complement type is given*

Chapter' 5 is solely concerned with j\[a complementation and related questions. Let us recall that this is the only category of

Igbo NP~complements which can be factive. The termsfactive/non-factive and emotive and non-emotive are discussed in detail, in 5.1.2 where they will be shown to have syntactic justification.

This chapter is divided into the following sub-sections:

Section 5,0.1 argues the case for the primacy of complementation as opposed to Nominalisation, thus disagreeing with the contrary views expressed in Stockwell et al, (1973: 526-527). UJe also justify in this section, the Phrase-Structure (P-S-) rule

(i) NP — » N S, that is, the ya comp S analysis. “ +pro — +def, +abs -loc

which specifies the complementizer as a Base node. Recall that the defence for' this Deep Structure specification of comp, has been defended in 4.3 (p;217f$. 236

In sections 5*1 -0-5*1.3, tue discuss in detail- the trans

formational rules which Ne£ complements undergo, critically

examining such parameters of distinguishing among complement-taking

verbs as factivity and non-factivity and Emotivity versus non-

Emotivity. We come to the conclusion that such distinctions are well-

motivated in the analysis, of Igbo complement constructions, although

emotivity and factivity are not necessarily mutually exclusive, since

some emotive verbs are, in fact, factive.

Section 5.2.0 establishes what we have argued elsewhere (fQ.3.1)

namely, that surface ma^ complements can originate from an underlying

Yes/No Question or from a Conditional Clause of either the (a) or (b)

type below:

If it is that S

A sj. na S If one says that 5

A"'thorough examination of these conditional clauses shows that, when

they function as Subject NP to Emotive verbs, they are one of the

sources of Igbo infinitival complements in the language.

The final section of this chapter, 5*3.0 gives a samplB list

of matrix verbs involved in Na complements.

5*0.1______Complementation Or Nominalisatjon

Recently, it has been argued (Stockwell et al. (1973: 516-29) )

that what Rosenbaum (1967) analyses as Noun Phrase complementation is

better treated as Nominalisation. They argue, very convincingly, that

the distinction between NP and VP complements has no solid syntactic,

justification for English, a view which we uphold for the Igbo

language (see chapters' * ( $ . 4 . 0 ) . ) Stockwell, Schachteir and Partee

(ibid) also question and reject; Rosenbaum's analysis of

NP — > (Det) It S in favour of their own analysis of

NP — » s 9 maintaining that Nominalisation, rather than

complementation's primary to the analysis of such English constructions

as described by Rosenbaum (1967). 237

In characterising the system of complementation in Igbo, we take complementation to be primary, since there is sufficient

syntactic evidence from the language in support of an analysis of the following type in which the abstract pronominal form - ya (‘it* in

English) precedes the sentential complement thus:

r~ +pro +def +abs -loc

ya'

Recall that our analysis differs from Rosenbaums in that we introduce

our complementizers in the Base, while he inserts his trnasforma-

tionally. Since equivalent Igbo sentences such as are being described

here are directly dominated in Deep Structure by the node, NP, the

argument is not whether-these sentential structures function as NP's

(Stockwell et al. Ibid 529), but whether our preferred analysis of

l^pjjifa' comp S 3 n P f ° r " 1 9 ^ ° language.

We have demonstrated (4.3 p.217 - 2 3 3 ) that the choice of the

one rather than the other of the Igbo complementizer morphemes has

such important syntactic and semantic consequences that a Base

generation of the complementizer is imperative. In the rest of this

section, we shall show why the presence of the abstract proform ya/

(it, thing) is necessary for an adequate characterisation of Noun

Phrase complementation in Igbo. In order to justify the above

analysis, we offer the following reasons: 238

/ \ / (i) Ya is the pronominal form to which tho

constituent S is a complement? it9 Deep

structure presence is justified by its' presence

in Surface Structure, especially after Verbs of

Saying, whenever emphasis is intendad. In the

absence of the complement sentence, Ya is tho

proform.

We illustrate these points with the following few examples:

1 (a) Ogu kwuru (ya) ekwu na okeokpa sbeele.

Ogu said .it saying that cock has crowed,

Ogu said (it) that tho cock has crowed.

(b) Anuna m (ya) na di ya alola ala^ bokee\

Heard have I it that husband her return have from land of white people.

I have heard (it) that her husband is back from overseas. ^ \ / _ (c) Unu anukwala ya ......

You (pi) heard have also it: You have also heard it.

\ (d) I kwale (ya) na madhu ji anwu anwu?

You believe have it that person does die death?

Do you believe that a man can die?

(e) Ekwele m (ya) nthuru ..... (na^ S)

Believe have I it at last

I have come to believe (it) at last .....

It will be observed from (o) above that tho proform ya^ can be

separated from its complement structure by the intervention of such

lexical items as nthuru (than). 239

Sujsfch an additional feature was included by Sinha (1970) in an unpublished York University Ph.D. thesis on Predicate Complement

Structures in Hindi and English.

/ \ / “ V ' 1 (f) Asi m ya mechie onu

Tell I him/her shut up mouth

X am telling him to shut up.

(g) I gwamaara ya ya.

You tell well to him it: You did well to tell him so.

If the ya^ proform is optional (as shown by the use of the circular brackets) in most of the foregoing examples of Na complements, it is definitely obligatory in the following examples of ffla^ Inter rogative complements; the obligatoriness of ya/ in (2a-c) is due to the fact that the matrix (main clause) verbs are those which have cognate/inherent complements in Igbo:

, . W \ / ' f — \ / N 2 (a; Huue anyi ceghe ecice ya wu mag 0 dikwa ndhu

UJhat we are thinking it is whether he is alife!

t lUhat we are puzzlBd about is whether he is still alife.

(b) H w e ^ anyi na atu anya ya wu ma ha gadukwara.

QJhat we expecting it is whether they did reach!

liihat we are expecting to hear is whether they did arrive.

Ulhat Ibe is afraid it is that thieves will come!

Uihat Ibe is afraid of is that thieves will come.

In the above examples, (which are Pseudo-Cleft sentences) each of the verbs has a cognate complement which is part of its meaning as well as syntactics characteristics thus: ice eciCe - to think

o' „ itu anya - to expect, anticipate » *

/ „ itu ujo - to fear, be afraid.

For verbs such as these, the ya proform is obligatorily present in

Cleft sentences of the above type. From these few illustrations, it

is obvious that the Deep Structure proform ya* is not merely the

analyst's construct, at least, in Na and Mag complements. The same

could be shown to be true of Si"* Imperative complements.

It is true that a similar case for ya" is not easy to establish

for such categories of NP complements as the Subjunctive ones introduced

by Ka/tfia^. However, the need for such a Deep Structure ya/ becomes

obvious when one considers the second reason for the ya^ comp. S

analysis:

(ii) The presence of a Deep Structure ya/ enables one

to capture some paraphrase relationship among some

Igbo sentences. ThB two rather general rules

involved are:

(a) The ya* to 0 conversion, and

/ \ /• (b) The ya to hwe conversion rules

Both of these are morphophonemic rules, li/e discuss them one after the

other:

(a) The ya to 0 conversion entails the following transformational

processes in the generation of (3a) from (3b).

(3a) 0 di mkpa: It is necessary.

(3b) Ya di mkpa

/ N / \ (3c) 0 di mkpa (by ya to 0 conversion oblig.) ✓ \ r v 0 di mkpa (by vowel harmony oblig.) lilhat the above rules do is as follows: the first rule converts an underlying proform ya into the phonological from 0 which now

becomes thB Input to the Phonological rule of l/owel Harmony (cf2*1*2- 241

i> (b) The ya to hwe conversion

This rule which substitutes hwe* for ya is needed after the

optional rule of Extraposition has moved the complement to the en..

of the entire sentence, as the following (4a-c) show:

4 (a) Ya na' Ogu ga ejhe di mkpa. (Base)

(b) Ya*" di mkpa na Ogu ga ejhe (By Extraposition)

(4b) meets the structure description for either Ya^ to 0

conversion or for[Pseudo-Cleft rule. Applying the first of these, we U-ti get (4c), but£by the application of Pseudo-Cleft to the same (4b):

It is necessary that Ogu should go.

(d) Hwe di mkpa; wu na Ogu ga ejhe. (by Pseudo-Cleft)

(b ) wJyuJe/ mkpa J wu na Ogu ga ejhe (by Rela tivization) Uihat is important is that Ogu should go.

It will be observed from the foregoing derivation that Extra

position creates an input structure for either Ya* to 0 conversion

or for Ya to Hwe conversion. This means that whenever the profarm

Ya*is sentence-initial, it must either be changed to the harmonising 0

or to the proform Hwe. The item hwe - 'thing' is a special member

of an open class of items, and it can stand for any inanimate object

/ and shares the same distributional relationship with Ya. It is used

in place of Ya whenever Ya* is followed by either a relative clause

or a definitizing (deictic) item, as in (4e) above where the complex

NP is made up of the head hwe followed by a qualifying clause

di mkpa (hwe di mkpa). Uia.shall discuss in detail the fact that the

output of Pseudo-Cleft in Igbo is a relative clause NP in section

£>•1.0: p. £6 * I 242

/ Let us go back to the main argument for a Deep Structure Ya

from uzhich the harmonising 0 is derivable and for- which huze is

substitutable in the appropriate contexts. Since it can be shown that

Ya' is morphophonemically related to £ and hw£, and since all

categories of Igbo NP complements are subject to at least one or the

other of the above rules (some are in fact subject to both of them),

it therefore makes for economy without detracting from descriptive

adequacy to generate Ya/ in the Base and relate these other forms to

it by means of morphophonemic rules.

Now consider the third reason, which is an important one.

(iii) The rule of Ya' to 0 conversion has its

motivation independent of NP complementation, being

a general rule of Igbo syntax? therefore its

application in Noun Phrase complementation is but

an exemplification of its general use.

This third reason needs some explanation. Both Ya and 0 are

in this same system of one term (a system of one term in the sense that

it is ya' and ya'* alone that can function as the head of Igbo

sentential complements). It thus shares this characteristic- with the

third person singular pronoun Ya' he/she, as the following Igbo

pronominal system shows. In Igbo pronominal system, there is such a

distinction as between Separable and Inseparable pronouns thus:‘

SEPARABLE INSEPARABLE

1st Sing. lYly ffl

2nd " Gi* I

3rd " Ya' 0

There is no such distinction in the plural. Except for the first

person singular, all other insparable forms harmonise with the vowel

of the following verb thus: 243

✓ 5 (a) 0 gburu eke : He killed a python

~ \ * (b) g hwuru eke : it saw u / 0 riri any : 11 ate some meat / It

The quality of the 0 therefore depends on the quality of the vowel of the verb stem, this is what we mean by vowel harmony* Such facts as these must be reflected in a transformational account of the language.

There is no other choice than to derive the inseparable forms from underlying separable ones by means of phonological rules. 6(a-) must be seen as deriving from either underlying or intermediate structures in which the NP is Ya thus: / / 6 (a) Ya gburu eke - > 0 gburu eke \ / ✓ \ / (b) ti hwuru eke - 0 hwuru eke

* / (c) n riri anu - 0 riri anu \ * / V ✓ (d) ir shiri ashi- 0 shiri ashi

These two forms of Ya are positionally determined:

The harmonising 0_ is always in subject relation to the verb, never in object relation, whereas the Ya form can be in either relation depending on the type of construction concerned. In other words, whereas the Ya* form may be either subject or object, the £ form can.only be subject as the following examples illustrate:

fr* - 2 (a) Ahwuna m, y a ... I have seen him/her/it / (b) Ya bya, anyi agawa. If he comes we shall set out.

/ v (c) 0 byara faa. He came early.

(d) *Ya byara faa : He came early.

The ungrammaticality of 7(d) above is due to the non-application of the obligatory rule of Ya to 0 conversion. The Ya form can function as subject only in the following construction types.

(i) Imperative Construction

(ii) Conditional M

(iii) Narrative u

Hie give only one example of each construction type:

8 (a; Imperative : Ya bya : Let him come.

(b) Conditional : Ya* hwu m, ya agbaa

If/whBnever he sees me, he runs away

UJe met him and he consented to come.

In B(c), we see Ya^j (him) as object of gakhwuru and Ya^ as the co-referential subject of the conjunct - Ya ekwe ibyani.

Sentences such as 7(a) show that Ya' is neutral as to gender, there being no grammatical gender in Igbo. This fact, however, leads one to the next important consideration about a Deep Structure Ya".

In Igbo, there is only ans homonym, Ya"; consider the following sentences;

/ \ * ' * 9 (a) 0 coro ya

He wants fhimT < her y l i t J

. \ * V /* V (b) 0 no J n’ulol He is at home.

Cc^ L Ya"' J » « in (It).

/ It will be observed from 9(c) that ya represents the pronominalised

/ * . form of the locative phrase n'ulo (in the house.).

All these uses of ya'’ have a lot of similarities in that ya" in all the examples so far given is definite and pronominal; these seem to be the core meaning shared by y a and other personal pronouns in Igbo. liihether ya* stands for a person or thing depends on its anaphoric relationship in any sentence. “UJe therefore regard other attributes such as personal, abstract

/ and locative as distinctive* For these reasons, we analyse Ya as -j a complex symbol (cs) of the following features

+ pro + def +_ hum + loc

From this feature analysis, it follows that Ya in (9a) will have

the following matching reading:

+ pro + def (a) + hum for him/her + 3rd pers - loc

+ pro + def (b) for the reading 'it1 standing - hum for animate but. non-human objects - abs - loc

+ pro for the ya head of a sentential + def complement, where + abs (c) abs means - hum , but not vice loc versa

The above feature analysis applies to Ya as much as to other personal pronouns. For example; all personal pronouns can be fully specified for features as follows': + pro + def + hum plural +_ loc .

where ^ x+ hum means - abs and vice versa Thus °nyi ,UJe' uji11 be » and Mu 'I' will be: + pro +pro + def + dBf + 1st pers and + hum where - plural + plural + 1st pers means + singular - loc - plural **■ N - lOC Anyi Mu • •

and so on and so forth. UJe have so far- concentrated on Y a because it is the various uses of Ya' which ought to be distinguished by their distinctive features. 246

+ pro + def (d) for locative ya as in * abs 9 ( c ) + loc

In Igbo, the distinction between Expletive and Anaphoric

*it* such as is made in English obtains, but under a different set of constraints, in view of the fact that every sentence of the language has a subject to which subsequent pronominal forms refer thus:.

. . ^ / \ * ~ - 10 (a) Hwe e wu hwe ojoo

Thing this is thing bad This is a bad thing.

(b) 0 wu hwe ojoo

It is thing bad : It is a bad thing.

Rain/water is falling It is raining.

✓ ^ chagha ") (d) Anwu {na achaj Sun is shining: It is sunny.

(tugha ^ (e) Oyi |^nav atu It is cold.

For 10(b) to make sense, it must be related to 10(a) in a discourse, or refer to some other item previously mentioned, and this applies to 3(a) on page 281 , but not to 4(c), while 10(c) and (d) show conclusively that the English Expletive ’it' is represented in Igbo by distinct lexical subjects.

Summary

In the foregoing section we have argued for a Deep Structure abstract proform ya in the analysis:

N N Comp + pro + def + abs - loc Ya* 247

on the following grounds:

(i) It remains present, in surface structures

(ii) It pronominalisss sentences and locatives (prepositional phrases), while ya/ personal

pronoun pronominalises NPs*

(iii) Its specification in the Base; enables one to

state some T « rules in Igbo very economically,

and thus capture necessary paraphrase relation

ships among sentences of Igbo.

/ (iv) The rule which converts ya to the harmonising

0 in the appropriate contexts is independently

motivated in Igbo, therefore its application to

the proform yax in NP - complementation is not

its raison d’etre but merely an illustration of

its general applicability in Igbo syntax.

In view of the foregoing reasons, we shall stick to the ya^ comp S

analysis as being suitable to an adequate characterisation of Igbo complementation.

li/e take no issue with the view that Nominalisation is primary

to the analysis of complement sentences; all we say is that com

plementation is a special case of Nominalisation which deserves a

detailed treatment in its own right. ff.0.2. Order And Cycle In Syntax

In order' to reduce-the excessive power of Transformational

theories of language and increase their empirical content, T - G

grammarians have proposed that, in addition to placing some constraints

on the form of the Base, general restrictions should also be placed

on the form and operation of possible transformations. Thus the

Boolean condition on analysability (Chomsky, 1965: 143-4), the

recoverability of deletions (Chomsky, 1964a: 71), the A - over A

principle (Chomsky, 1964 b: 930-1) 248

And Ross's movement constraints as originally proposed (Ross 1967) are all proposals of this kind. Such constraints as these are described as 'local' in the sense that they restrict the matching of Base and Surface structures by limiting the u/ays in u/hich successive stages of derivations may differ. In addition, various

GLOBAL constraints have also been put forward to block derivations which have been permitted by local constraints if the output of transformations is a derived structure which differs from the corresponding Base structure in certain ways. Thus the Cross-over constraint (Postal 1971) and the Lowering constraints (Lakoff 1971) are examples of this second type. These constraints are global because they make the applicability of a rule at a given stage in the derivation dependent, not only on the structure of the tree at that stage, but on what has happened at earlier stages in the derivation, that is, on the derivational history of the tree.

Another type of derivational constraint considered essential in

Trnasformational theories of language is Extrinsic rule ordering, although a lot of doubt has been recent3,y cast on its validity.

If Extrinsic Ordering is a derivational constraint, then one would naturally expect it to be applicable to languages other than English, for instance, the Igbo language.

As of now, too little is known about the Igbo language to warrant any rigid assumptions about the principle of Order and the

Cycle in transformational grammar of the language since, to be valid, such assumptions must await more facts from detailed studies of Igbo. This has to be so in view of the following factsi

Any assumption or hypothesis about a phenomenon is bound to interact with a hypothesis about other phenomena in the same language; even an exact formulation of each may depend, to some extent, on the form of other rules. 249

Add to this, the fact that in any system of ordered rules, the the form and order of such rules must reflect the general form and order in the language, ll/e arB as yet in no position to give such forms and order: they are still far from clear. But what me are clear about is what the rules do and, approximately, what structures they operate on.

However, the hypothesis of Extrinsic Ordering has been called into question even for English, a language so much described and studied by both native speakers and foreigners. Koutsoudas (1972,

1973) has taken the extreme view that transformational rules are unordered. Having demonstrated that some T - rules are not strictly ordered, he goes on to argue that along with Partial Ordering no order must be taken as two possible alternative hypotheses until there are facts to falsify the No-Order hypothesis.

Twila Lehman (1972) writing in the same vein claims that a marking convention is as effective as an Ordering one and, in fact, explains certain things which the Order hypothesis fails to explain. Such a marking convention had earlier been advocated by Kenstowicz^ and

Kisseberth (1970). l/ery recently, Bonney (1974) has argued that invoking the obligatory precedence principle (that is the precedence of obligatory over optional rules) and such well established constraints as Ross's Sentential Subject Constraint along with

Intrinsic ordering, one can do without the principle of Extrinsic order.

2 Koutsoudas, Andreas (1974) "On the Non-Sufficiency of Extrinsic Ordering, Indiana University Linguistic Club, F.imeo .. . " " (1972) "The Strict Order Fallecy" Language 48, 3 Lehman Twila (1972) "Some Arguments Against Ordered Rules" Language 48 4 Kenstowicz and Kisseberth "Rule Ordering and the Asymmetry (1970) Hypothesis" Papers from the 5th Regional meeting of Chicago Linguistic Society 5 Bonney, III L (1974) Oxford University D.Phil thesis 250

However, there is no denying the fact that some order is necessary in generative transformational grammar for the derivation of some sentences and the blocking of some deviant ones* What is generally debated is whether the order is Extrinsic or Intrinsic.

Order is extrinsic if it is explicitly stated as part of the formal properties of language. For example, EXTRAPOSITION is extrinsically ordered before PRONOMINALISATIGN, and this ordering is based on the assumption that there is a rule of pronominalisation which substitutes pronouns for full NPs, and that the rule which moves that clauses is Extraposition and that the movement is rightward.

Bonney (1974: 85ff) points out that if the movement were leftwards, if for example, EXTRAPOSITION were replaced by Tmonds rule of

INTRAPOSITION ( Emonds, 1969) the ordering argument would fail because one can still account for the data of the following 11(a) -

(d) without any recourse to extrinsic order, in other words,

11(a) - (c) can be shown to derive from a common Base form, while

11(d) does not,

11 (a) That he was elected surprised Fred.

(b) That Fred was elected surprised him.

(d) It surprised him that Fred was elected.

INTRINSIC’ _0rder, on the-other hand, is determined by the structure of the relevant trees and the structural description of the rules.

For example, in standard analyses, therB are many cases where the applicability of a certain rule is contingent on the prior application of some rule that creates an input structure for it. In

English, for instance, SUB3ECT RAISING creates the input structure for PASSIVE in thB derivation of 12(a) from 12(b). 12 (a) Fred is believed by Tom to be sick.

(b)

V NP1 n p 2

believe Tom So

Fred be sick

The same applies for- the ordering relationship between PASSIVE and

AGENT DELETION in the derivation of 13(b) from 13(a):

13 (a) He iuas caught by the police

(b>) He was caught.

So far as our investigation goes for the Igbo language, there

has been no case u/here extrinsic; ordering is required to ensure the

blocking of some ungrammatical sentences of the language. Rather,

it seems that no fixed order, except in the case of intrinsic

ordering, as defined above, is necessary in the derivation of Igbo

complement sentences. As we show, in section 5 «1 -0 p.^S^ff* what

happens is that some rules, if applied early in the derivation,

result in an early termination of such a derivation, whereas the

same rules, if left unapplied, make the derivation of whole paradigms

sequentially possible. This situation obtains in cases where the

(derived) structure meets the structural description for two possible

rules, and the application of one rule yields one type of grammatical

sentence, while the application of the other yields a stylistic

variant of the same sentence.

But cases of intrinsic order are fairly common in the language.

For example, EQUI-NP DELETION is an optional rule for verbs

which take the Subjunctive Complement (see chapter & „ & S, 252

But once this optional rule applies, it creates an output structure which becomes the input to the rules of Infinitivization and

Complementizer Deletion. These two rules are, therefore, contingent on a prior application of EQUI. Similarly, the application of

Pseudo Cleft creates an input structure for the rule of Relativiza- tion which has to apply, in some cases, vacuously, .or else grammatical deviance is the consequence. Nevertheless, any order which lue establish in this investigation can only be tentative, being specific to the construction type being investigated here*** Noun

Phrase Complementation.

THE PRINCIPLE OF THE CYCLE

The formulation of the principle of the Cycle depends crucially on an important fact about Transformational rules, namely, that they (the T - rules) are defined over sentence (s) nodes* Thus

REFLEXIVIZATIQN and PASSIVE can apply only to nodes which are immediately dominated by the same S node, but EQUI, SUBJECT

RAISING', and NEG-RAISING are applicable only to structures in which one sentence is embedded in another. In most versions of TG,

T - rules are also defined over’strings such as NP (cf Chomsky 1972)

Convincing arguments have been brought forward in support, of the principle of the Cycle in syntax - that is, the fact that some transformations, but not all, apply in a block, first, to the most deeply embedded sentence in a tree, then to the next sentence up the tree, and so on up to the main clause - more recently by Ross

(1967 & 1969)5, Robin Lakoff (1969)7 .

6 Ross, 3. R. (1967) Constraints on Variables in Syntax Ph.D. Thesis. PfiXT. " ” (1969) "On the cyclic nature of English Pronominalisation" (lTdmeo) It! IT. 7 Lakoff, Robin (1969) " A Syntactic, argument for Negative Transportation” 5th Chicago Ling. Soc. 253

Although Grinder (1972)® has challenged this principle on the grounds that there are no primary motivations for it in the syntax of English, he, nevertheless, comes to the following conclusion;

"I wish to point out that while there are no such cases

(cases of primary motivation for the cycle) it is not impossible that one could bring forth a number of second order arguments for the cyclic principle of rule application. George Lakoff, for • example, has argued (in classes at the California Summer Linguistics

Institutes, University of California, Sancta Cruz) that given thp cyclic principle, one can dispense entirely with extrinsic rule ordering. If a number of such arguments could be sustained, their cumulative weight could dictate a relatively unambiguous choice between the two alternatives.” (Kimball (ed) 1972 p 110). Summing up Grinder’s argument for an iterative (bottom to top) principle as a legitimate rival to the cyclic principle, Lakoff observes;

”In short, Grinder's paper provides us with some good reasons for maintaining the cyclic principle, though they are not 'primary motivations' in his sense,” (Ibid p. 115) There is, therefore, very little doubt that the principle of the cycle has a strong basis in a transformational theory of language.

But there seems to be no need for such a. principle in a transformational grammar of Igbo for the following reasons;

Dne of the classic cases in favour of the cycle comes from the interaction between the Passive and Raising rules in English. But there is no Passive construction in Igbo, and so there can be no

Passive rule in the language.

8 Grinder, 3ohn (1972) ”0n the cycle in Syntax” in Syntax and Semantics. Kimball (ed), Seminar Press, New York and London. 254

The nearest that one gets to a Passive construction is found in the following 14(a-c) with Indefinite pronoun subjects:

14 (a) E gburu madhu

One killed person: A' person was killed/ Lives were lost.

(b) A. mara iwu: A law. was made.

One said that it resulted fight:

It is reported to have resulted in a fight.

Although there is some evidence of Raising in Igbo with a small subset of Emotive verbs, one cannot talk of the interaction of

PASSIVE and RAISING in Igbo in the sense that one talks of the interaction of the same rules in the production of the following

English sentences (Raising in Igbo is discussed in S » 2 , i : ff)»

(d) Lucy believes that Harry kissed Maxine.

(e) That Harry kissed Maxine is believed by Lucy (by PASSIVE)

( O Maxine is believed by Lucy to have been kissed by Harry.

(by PASSIVE-RAISING-PASSIVE)

In view of the fact that the notion of derived subject (see 14(f) where Maxine is the Surface Subject through RAISING though an underlying Object of the that clause in 14(d) and the notion of the cycle establishing the order as PASSIVE-RAISING-PASSIVE - are crucial to the derivation of 14(f), then, these two notions - derived Subject and the Cycle - do not seem to have a place in

Igbo transformational grammar. Throughout this investigation, there has been no need to invoke these two notions in order to account for the derivational history of any Igbo sentence. 255

The other case, that argues for the cycle is the interaction of PRONOMINALISATION and EQUI (Ross 1969) in the generation of the following English sentences:

15 (a) Discovering that he,j was sick disturbed Harry-)

(b) Discovering' that Harry^ was sick disturbed him^

The chain of co-reference in 15(a) is that the terms he, Harry and the missing subject term of discover refer to the same in dividual, whereas in 15(b) the same co-referentiality cannot be established between the three terms. And the principle of the cycle is invoked to explain the two readings, though Postal (1972) has shown that PRONOMINALISATION is post cyclic. But unlike English,

Igbo has two morphologically distinct third person singular pronouns, one of which is always co-referential thus:

Ogu realising that he told a lie pains him.

(d) Ogu icofuta na 0 turu ashi na ewute ya.

Ogu discovering that he(someone else) told a lie pains him.

In 15(c) the ya^ pronoun is co-referential with the antecedent / v noun, Ogu, whereas the 0 form in (d) is not; furthermore the

/ \ / Noun Ogu and the pronouns Ya or £ cannot be switched. The problem does not therefore arise in Igbo.

lllhile recognising the placB of the cycle in the grammar of

English, (Lakoff observes that "given the principle of the cycle and independently motivated analysis, all known cases of extrinsic ordering disappear" (Kimball (ed) op. cit. p. 114), such a principle seems to have no basis in Igbo syntax. Since these two rules

PASSIVE and RAISING) do not interact in Igbo, one cannot talk of their interaction with such minor rules as Reflexivization and

There-Insertion. 256

\ NA NP-Complementation

Igbo NP sentential complements can be generally re presented by the following Deep structure configuration in Fig. 2

S n

+ pro + def + abs - loc Comp S

Fig. 2

The above figure shows that an NP-complement in Igbo is dominated by an NP node which is itself directly dominated by S

(if it is in subject relation to the verb) or by UP (if it is in object relation to the verb). Let us begin our* investigation into the process of Noun Phrase Sentential Complementation in Igbo by examining the steps involved in the formation of the following paradigm of Igbo sentences, beginning first with Subject, and then,

Object NP- complements* 257

. . \ / “ V / \ / \ 16(a) Na umuaka na aga akuiukmo bhara uru.

That the children are attending school is useful.

/ \ K ",v r \ r - \ / (b) 0 bhara uru na umuaka na aga akmykmo

It is useful that the children are attending school

Thing rnhich is useful is that children are attending school:

Ulhat is useful is the fact that the children.are attending

school.

(d) Hme bhara uru mu akmukmo umuaka na aga,

; li/hat is useful is the schooling that the children are doing.

What is useful is the fact that the children are schooling.

(e) Akmukmo umuaka na aga mu hrne* bhara uru.

Schooling children are doing is thing that is useful.

The fact that the children are schooling is mhat is useful.

, . / ^ \ IV / \ f 17(a) Anyi anuna na ha byara abya .

UJe have heard that they did come .

(b) Hiue/ anyi f na anuna -j mu na h a byara abya/,

1 nuruna J

UJhat me have heard is (the fact) that they came.

. . ' /

nuruna J

Coming they came is thing me have heard:

The fact that they came is mhat me have heard.

The sentences 16 (a-e), like those of 17 (a-c), are derived from one common underlying structure such as Tig. 3. They are stylistic variants of the same Deep Source, being derived sequentially from either derived structures or from mell-formed sentences through the application of some optional rules. 258

In other words, one does not need to qd back to the Base Form in order to derive, say, 16(c) or (d), but can do. so directly from structures (or at times well-formed sentences) which have been priviously derived from the Base Structure. Admittedly, there is some rather subtle difference of meaning between 10(c) and (d) on the one hand, and 10(a) and (b) on the other* This difference is due to focus of emphasis brought about by the application of Pseudo

Cleft* But this is a low order difference of meaning which does not disqualify the paradigms 16 and 17 being treated as such.

+ pro + def + abs - loc Comp

NP AUX VERB Suff c o m p t

Frefix

Ya Na umuaka na akwukwo bha uru

Fig 3 259

The application,of only one T~rule - the Ya Deletion, and the relevant phonological rules yields the acceptable sentence 16(a)

(i) Ya7 Deletion

SD: N - Comp S - VP - X

+ pro + def + abs - loc

Np _ _l NP

SCi 0 2 3 4 (opt.)

As the name, Ya Deletion, implies, this rule deletes the abstract proform ya', thus yielding 16(a) as the output:

16(a) Na' umuaka na aga^ akwukwo bhaVa. uru.

/ If ya Deletion applies, then no other rule is applicable; if it does not apply, other rules are applicable since their' application depends on the presence in the structural description of the proform ya. Assuming, therefore, that ya*' deletion has not applied, we can go on to shou/ how sentences such as 16(b-e) as well as 17(b-c) can be derived via the application of the rule of

Extraposition from subject, the structural description of which is given as follows:

(ii) Extraposition from Subject

SD: N - CpmP S - VP

+ pro + def + abs - loc

1 2 3

Process attach 2 as the right sister of 3

Condition optional

SC 132 The output of the above rule is 18(a), which is not well- formed:

/ \ / ' / \ / \ / — ^ . / 18 (a) Ya bhara uru na umuaka na aga akwukwo

At this juncture, we are faced with another choice between

(i) Ya to 0 conversion, or

/ nr / (ii) Ya to hwe in Pseudo Cleft sentence

formation.

The choice of the first alternative plus the application of the relevant phonological rules yield 16(b), while the second alternative, the Pseudo-Cleft rule - entails the substitution of hwe for ya and this makes the derivation of 16(c) - (e) sequentially possible. As was the case in the first set of choices, the selection of any particular rule depends on the particular member of the paradigm that one wants to derive, and not on any rigid order.

Again, as with ya^ deletion, the application of y a to 0 con-

/ version means that ya is not available in the structural index for such other rules as Pseudo-Cleft which entail its substitution with hwe - a process which is productive.

(iii) Ya to 0 Conversion

SD: N VP Comp

+ pro + def + abs - loc

Ya'

SC 1 234 0

The output of this rule is 18(b).

18 (b) 0 bharV uru na umuaka na aga akwukwo. 261

10(b) becomes the surface sentence 18(c) by the application, of the rule of vowel harmony and other PHONOLOGICAL RULES.

\ / ’v / V / - v / 18 (c) 0 bhara uru na umuaka na aga akwukwo.

L UJe nou/ take up the second alternative above which involves the application of Pseudo-Cleft on the derived structure 18 (b).

(iv) Pseudo-Cleft Rule

SD; N UP Comp S

Ya'

1 2 3

Process;

/ \ * (a) Insert wu before Comp S.

(b) Substitute hwe for ya'’.

SC: ✓ I / w u h w e

The output of this rule is 18(d) which is by no means well-formed.

18 (d) Hwe^ bhara uru wu na umuaka na aga akwukwo.

Recall that in $ . 0 . 1 : P« 2 & 7 , we justified the substitution of hwe for Ya in Pseudo-Cleft sentence formation on the grounds *w / that hwe is a special member of an open class, and shares the same distributional relationship with ya', both of them being nominal items. The second reason for this substitution is that Pseudo-Cleft sentences iri Igbo are precisely.-of the same syntactic characteristics as embedded Kedu questions, (the Igbo equivalent of English

UJH - Questions):

9 Kedu Questions are fully discussed in chapter 6 (6.2.0 p,3'l#*7" 351) where it is further shown that Tswe' is substitutable for the interrogative word, girl just in case it is being qualified by a defining or relative clause. They are all Relative clauses, a conclusion arrived at from the syntactic characteristics of Igbo relative clauses. Since the output of EXTRAPOSITION is a structural configuration which meets

the structural description far Pseudo-Cleft, and since Pseudo-

Cleft is intrinsically ordered after Extraposition and entails the

* ** f change of Ya to Hwe, we feel justified to relate the deep structure ya to hwe by means of a morphophonemic rule applying after the Pseudo-Cleft rule. Recall from section 5.0.1 p. 23^ that a transformationally inserted hwe in Pseudo-Cleft rule application is o | p t l o n a L with such matrix verbs as have inherent

' - \ object, igba agugo * to doubt1 for example, for the simple reason that the deep structure ya' is o p t i o n a l l y present in the surface.

Pseudo-Cleft transforms of their complements. It is generally the case that whenever ya is sentence - initial in the type of con struction being considered here, it must undergo one of the following morphophonemic rules.*

/ (i) Ya to 0 Conversion

o/Z \ . *

(li ) Ya to hwe Conversion, if it is followed by a

qualifying structure.

✓ Observe that as a result of the insertion of the copula wu in Pseudo-Cleft sentence formation, the relation of the subject

^ / _ 10 ' \ hwe to the*-following deep structure UP bharV uru now becomes that of head and modifier.

10 That the embedded sentence above is realised at the surface as a VP is proved by the fact that this UP can be modified thus: • Hwe7 bhara uru nke ukwu wu na umuaka n^ aga akwukwo « » • f « li/hat is very useful is the fact that the children do go to school, where nke ukwu is an adverbial modifier. 263

In other words, the application of the Pseudo-Cleft rule to an Igbo

complement structure has the effect of converting the underlying

matrix structure into a complex nominal of a head and modifier*

This fact is best brought out by the following tree diagram of Fig* 4

which represents the output of the Pseudo-Cleft rule. The

obligatory application of the appropriate Tone rules (cf 3.6 p. 1 5 5 - 1 6 3 ) .

ensures, among other things, that the tone pattern associated with

Igbo relative clauses is established. The output of Pseudo-Cleft

rule in Igbo is subject to the Tone rules which belong to the

phonological component of grammar. It is the application of such

rules that yields 18 (e).1

«V / ^ V / \ 18 (@) Hwe bhara uru wu na umuaka na aga akwukwo.

And 18 (£,) is the same as 16 (c).

Norn Verb

VP Copula

Verfcr

Assert Compl. Comp

uru na umuaka nsi aga” akwukwo

Fig. 4 264

Although the process of relativization is, strictly speaking,

outside the scope of this investigation, yet a word ought to be

said about it here, since, at least, some of the rules associated

with that process in Igbo are relevant to the output of Pseudo-

Cleft. Relativization demands the presence of two co-referential

NP's in its structural description; it is the deletion of one of

these two co-referential NP’s (that dominated by the embedded S )

that triggers the following rules:

(1) Relative Deletion, then

(2) Object NP Movement (the Igbo equivalent of Eng b'H -

movement)

(3) Either Na^ Aux Attachment (Morphophonemic rule)

Or -rV Infixing H

(4) Tone Rules (Phonological rules)

Rules 1-3 are given and discussed in the following pages 3

while Tone rules form the subject of chapter'3, (cf especially

3.5 & 3.6,(p. 1 4 0 - 1 6 3 ) •

However, not all relative structures are subject to all these rules

of relativization, since there are specific conditions for their

application, and these are specified after each rule.

But in the derived structure of Tig. 4, there are no co-

referential NPs as one would expect from relative structures. Rather,

what we hava is a tree diagram which corresponds to the output of

Relative deletion on a putative structure such as 18 CjP).

/ A \ ^ f \ / ^ / \ / \ / ^ / 1 8 ( ^ ) Hwe-j hwe^ bharV uru wu na umuaka na aga akwukwo s s NP NP

^ / UJhen Relative Deletion applies to delete hwe2 under identity with w / hwe-]» we get the structure represented in Pig. 4. 265

What seems to happen is that the application of EQUI on a Relative structure and of Pseudo-Cleft on a complement structure produces tujo derived structures which are similar, if not identical.

Perhaps, the hypothesis of TARGET STRUCTURES might throw some light on this apparently strange coincidence. The phenomenon of target structures has been noted in Generative Phonology (Ross 1969,

Kisseberth 1969 (a) & (b), Kim 1969), and in Generative Semantics

(Lakoff 1969 (a) & (b), and Green (1970). This hypothesis states that "Each language has a relatively small set of Target Structures - a set of constraints which apply at some relatively superficial level, as a sort of filter on derivations." Awoyale (1974i 1 - ff) tries to account for the multiple ambiguity of Yoruba Gerundive constructions by invoking the above hypothesis. What is interesting about his account- is that the two structures relevant to the derivation of Yoruba Reduplicated Gerundives are Relative and complement structures, the same types of structures involved here.

In view of the fact that Igbo and Yoruba belong to the Kwa group of

Languages, it is possible that the phenomenon being described about

Yoruba also obtains in Igbo where EQUI on Relative constructions and

Pseudo-Cleft on complements produce identical structures which are subject to the same rules of relativization.

Whatever may be the demerits of the Target Structures hypothesis,'it is clear that the output of Pseudo-Cleft on complement structures is subject to the same rules as thB output of EQUI on

Relative structures, and at the surface they are all relativized clauses inspite of their different deep structure origins. Let us take the well-formed sentence 18 (6), for example: 1 266

. . '*■-/ — \ / \ / \ - \ / 18 (&} Hwe bhara uru wu na umuaka na aga akwukwo

Any appropriate lexical item can be substituted for hwe

in the above sentence, and the result still remains a

well-farmed relative construction in Igbo, thus:

(9) Atumatu bhara uru wu na umuaka na aga akwukwo

The plan which is useful is that children are going to school

^ V/ ^ { o ' k l j bhara uru wu na umijaka ga aga^ akwukwo

Talk which is useful is that children will attend school:

The useful proposal is that children will attend school.

Although it is a fact that, in some cases such as 18(e), only Rule 4 - the rule which generates relative clause tone patterns - is applicable,

(and this may be seen as a phonological rule) in other cases which we shall show shortly, all the other rules consequent on EQUI, that is, Rules 2-4, are applicable. There is, therefore, sufficient syntactic evidence to justify the claim that the output of the

Pseudo-Cleft rule in Igbo is the input for obligatory relativization.

Having argued the case for relativization in Igbo NP com plementation, let us now complete the derivation of paradigm 16.

To the well-formed sentence 1 8 ( ^ ) , we may now apply the following two optional rules in the order given, the order being intrinsically determined:

(a) Nominalisation of the Na complement and

(b) Reverse Cleft.

To nominalise 1 8 ( & ) , we need to apply Rule 2 of the Rules of

Relativization which entails the movement of the object NP to a position where it functions as head of the resultant relative clause. 267

As a consequence of this movement rule (which is the Igbo counter part of English IUH— movement) the Gomplementizer has to be obligatorily deleted.

(v) Nominalisation of NA" Complement (T-Relat^, optional)

Via

Object NP Movement

SD s NP COPULA COMP NP VERB NP vp vp

1 2 3 4 . 5 6

Process i (a) Attach 6 as the right sister of 2

(b) Delete 3

This rule is optional, and lexically specified for factive

predicates.

SC : 1 2 6 0 4 5

The output of the above rule is 18(h), which is the same as

16 (d)

IB('t) Hwe bhara uru wu akwukwo umuakl na aga.

Thing which is useful is schooling children are doing:

ll/hat is useful is the fact that the children are schooling.

Thus, the effect of nominalisation on Igbo Na Complements is the same as the application of Pseudo-Cleft as discussed above - both rules result in thB formation of relative clauses, and this is why we describe this nominalisatiofT rule as Relativization (Relat^), which is le'xically specified for factive predicates as opposed to

Relat^, which is a consequence of the application of Pseudo-Cleft - a much more general rule. In other words, while all categories of

Igbo NP complements may undergo Relat^, only a small sub-category of Na complements . are subject to the optional rule of

Relat2 * 268

The nominalisation of some Na complements bears out our

earlier assertion that complementation is but one subset of a general syntactic process called - NOMINALISATION, relativization being another (cf 6.0.1: P. 2 * )• Such nominalised forms as

16(d) and 18(h) are the Igbo equivalent of the English expression

•the fact that*. The syntactic justification for the distinction

into Factive and Non-factive Nas clauses is given in 5-1*2. P.

The next optional rule u/hich 18(*t) can undergo is the Reverse

Cleft rule, and this accounts for 1 8 ( J ) . We give a tentative

formulation of this rule as follouis:

(vi) The Reverse Cleft Rule (optional)

SD : NP-j COPULA NP 2

1 2 3

SC : 3 2 1

Condition : Both NP^ and NP2 must be of the structure

NP N S , that is a complex nominal. The

output of the above rule is 18(j), which is the same

as 16 (e)

18(J.) Akwukwo umuaka na aga wu hwe bhara uru, t * * « *

The fact that the children are schooling is something useful.

In the foregoing examples, we have explored the form and order of application of the T-rules in the generation of sentences such as 16(a-e). The order which has been established from successive well-formed derivations of the language is fundamentally intrinsic, and need not be stated explicitly because a T-rule which depends

for its application on the output of a previous rule cannot have its structural description met until the relevant rule has applied. In

some cases, we have had to operate on a system of choice of one rule or the other, .... 269

And ilib have pointed out how the application of the one rule terminates a derivation, tuhile the selection of the other leads naturally to the derivation of other sentences of the paradigm.

The choices involved are the following:

(1) Either (a) Ya^ Deletion

Or (b) Extraposition

(2) Either (a) Ya^ to 0 Conversion (fflorphophonemic)

Or (b) Pseudo-Cleft.

The choice of 1(a) results in a derivational ’cul de sac' while the choice of 1(b) opens the way to the second choice « that between

2 ( a ) Sc (b). As with 1(a), the selection of 2(a) terminates the derivation, while the 2(b) option leads on to the generation of other stylistic variants of the paradigm.

Most of the stylistic variants of 16(a-e) depend crucially for their, derivation on the presence of Yar in their structural description; if this abstract proform is deleted early in the derivation, then it has to be re-introduced transformationally in order for the derivation of other variants to be possible. But to delete it and then re-introduce it through a transformation is not only circular, it constitutes a negation of the gain in economy which its generation in deep structure guarantees. For this reason, we have adopted an ordering system that ensures its presence in the derivation for, as long as. ,is necessary.

But the reader must not go away with the impression that the rules given below are strictly ordered. As a matter of fact, the

T-rules are unordered; but for intrinsic reasons, the only derivations possible will be those which conform to the following scheme: 270

Either 1. Ya*' Deletion (T - Ya'* Del.)

Or 2. Extraposition (T - Extrap,)

If 2.. Then

3. r Pseudo-Cleft (T - Pseudo-Cleft)

4. Relativization of matrix S (T - Relat<|) oblig,

5. Nominalisation of Na Comp. (T - R elat2 ) opt.

6. Reverse Cleft (T - Reverse Cleft) opt.

7. Ya to 0 Conversion (morphophonemic) 271

Before we go on to see horn many of the above T-rules are applicable in the generation of th.b Object l\!P complements given in paradigm (17), let us, first, give more examples of Nav Subject NP complement and their derivational history, the aim being to shou/ how the generation of various /pes of Subject NP complements results in the application of additional rules.

f \ / \

19(a) -< na ya ezuhii ohi were (Base) s s NP NP

(b) Ya" were anya na ya’ ezuhii ohi (By T-Extrap)

It is obvious that he did not steal. both Matrix & Compl,

structures)

(d) 0 were anya na o zuhii ohi. (By Phonological rules)

19(d) is a grammatical sentence of Igbo.

Now starting with 19(b) and applying Pseuds-cleft, uie can derive 19(h) through the following stages: \ ■(e) hwe^ were anya wu na ya ezuhii ohi (By opt. Pseuds

Cleft).

\ (0 hwe^ were anya wu nana' ya ezuhii oTii(By T-Relat^.oblg.) ft/ y \ (g) hwe were anya wu na o zuhii ohi. (by T-Ya' to 0) (oblig). \ (h) hwe were anya wu naa o zuhii ohi.(By Phonological rules).

What is obvious3 is that he did di

Igbo sentence.

From 19(h) we derive 19(j) through the following stages:

(i) by the apllication of the Object NP Movement rule given on page Z . C > 7 s we get 19(i) from 19(h).

19(i) hwe were anya wu ohi o zuhii

19.(i) is not well-formed and therefore unacceptable in .the dialect being described. To it we must apply Rule 3(a) of the Rules of Relativization

The Na aux attachment rule, in order to derive 19(j)

These rules are given as follows:- 272

(a) NA AUX. ATTACHMENT - (Morphophonemic

SD •* NP COPULA .NP NP VERB

NP s s NP

1 2 3 4 5

Process : attach the Na aux, element as the left sister of 5.

Condition: obligatory, and 5 must be a Negative Verb form.

SC : Either 1 2 3 4 Na' 5

Or 1 2 3 Nay 45 if 4 is the monosyllabic Pronoun

0 or A. The output to this rule is 19(j ), uihich is provided for by the

above structural change.

19(j) hwe/ were anya wu ohi P o na ezuhii

j na o :zuhii

thing which is obvious is theft which he did not steal:

ll/hat is obvious is the fact that he did not commit any theft.

Now, suppose that our underlying verb in the above rule were in the

Perfect form, rather than in the Negative. In that case, we would apply the -r\X - INFIXING rule as a second alternative to the Na aux. attachment.

Because this ~rV - infixing rule presupposes that the rule of Affix Hopping, that is, the rule which organises the constituents of the verb, has not yet applied, we provide for it in the following rule:

(b) The -rV - INFIXING RULE (Morphophonemic)

SD: NP COPULA NP NP Prefix + V + t/{

verb NP NP

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Process: Either attach Na as the left sister of 5 6 7 verb

Dr insert -r9 - as infix before 6 and 7 and delete 5

if the preceding NP is not/o./

Condition: The above rule is obligatory, and the verb must

be in the Perfect Form. 273

The application of this rule yields sentences such as 19(k) in which the verb is in the Perfect form:

. i m —* rtf s.. ^ \ ^ 19(k) hwe were anya wu ohi na o zuone

a na ezuone

o zurune *

Note that if the NP of the relativized clause were any nominal rather than the third person pronoun, 0, or the second person I only two variants would bB possible as 19(l) shows:

19(l) hwe were anya wu ohi f Ogu na/ ezuone'

OgiT zurune

UJhat is obvious is the fact that Ogu has stolen.

To the above 19(k) and (l) and sentences of their type, the optional rule of Reverse Cleft (see page 37) can apply to yield sentences such as

19(m) and (n):

19(m) Ohi p na o zuone -n ✓ \ v / / — _ o na ezuone / wu hwe were anya.

o zurune

The theft which he has committed is what is obvious.

19(n) Ohi ( Ogu na ezuone") wu hwe were anya. v ^ ~ y Ogu zurune /

The theft which Ogu has committed is what is obvious.

A brief discussion of these rules is necessary here since the derivation of sentences like 19(j-n) introduces some new elements in the structural index of the Na complement Nominalisation rules. First, we must not confuse the Na^ auxiliary element with the Na complementizer; although they are featurally related, they are, nevertheless, distinct in their syntactic behaviour. A detailed discussion of the Na's in Igbo and their relationship with one another has been given in I0.4.0-JCX4.5. It was also pointed out

(cf 2.4.5) that in all Relative Clauses, whose verbs are in the negative, the Na^ Aux, element is obligatory. It is facts such as these which the foregoing rules are designed to capture. 274

Secondly, with these two rules - Na Aux attachment and -r\/ -

INFIXING - now given, uie have completed th-e list of rules necessary for characterising Igbo relative clause formation. As we have previously pointed out, (cf p , these rules are consequent on a prior application of Relative Deletion to an underlying relative structure, thus:

(1) Relative Deletion (T-rule) (obligatory)

(2) Object NP Movement 11 "

(3)(a) Either N q Aux attachment )ilflorphopho- " ) (b) Or -rV - INFIXING )nemic rules

(4) Tone Rules - Phonoligical rules ■’

These rulss are intrinsically ordered, since the application of one creates an input structure for the application ofthe other* Whenever we talk of

Relativization with regard to Igbo complementation, we shall specify which of the above set of rules is or are applicable. Bearing in mind that

Relative Deletion never applies in the relativization of Igbo NP complements, for reasons which we have given on pages,2t&^-& , we should point out that only rules 2-4 above are relevant here in NP complementation, and from the derivational history of sentences such as 19(j-l), all the rules 2-4 are needed for the following reasons

(a) the NP to be qualified is in object position and therefore needs

the object NP Movement rule which is the Igbo equivalent of the

UJH-iTflovement rule in English

(b) the verbs^involved in the Na complements are either in the Negative

or in the Perfect form, hence the need for either Rule 3(a) or (b);

the right tonal relationship among the constituents of the relative

clause. This subject is fully discussed in 3.6(p J.55ff ). 5.1.1 Object NP-Complementation

In S.l. P* we gave the following paradigm of object NP complements

20(a) Ogu anuna na ha byara abya

Ogu has heard that they did come.

, . ? S S\ V' V / ^ / S / (b) hwe ( Ogu nuruna wu na ha byara abya

gu na anuna

UJhat Ogu has heard is that they di come.

/ \ v « y / \ / -v \ (c) hwe [ Ogu nuruna wu obyibya ha byara

| Ogu na anuna u UJhat Ogu has heard is coming they came *

UJhat Ogu has heard is the fact that they came.

. . > / « \ / w VX- (d) Obyibya ha byara wu hwe f Ogu nuruna

Ogu* na"" anuna r

The fact that they came is what Ogu has heard.

The paradigm 2D(a)-(d) derive from the following underlying structure ' \ ✓ / 21. Ogu anuna ya £^na ha7 byara abya7

NP NP

20(a) derives from 21 by the application of the ya Deletion trans formation. But as has been pointed out in 5*1*0, the early application of this rule can only yield sentences of the 20(a), and not any of the other types in 20(b)-(d). For this reason, we move on to show how these other variants can be derived from the same 21.

The underlying form 21 is not subject to ETRAPGSITION, since the NP complement is already in object position. Yet the transformations which produce 20(b-d) from 21 depend crucially on a sentence-initial Ya proform, a fact which necessitates the following movement transformation called

Ya7 Movement rule. THE YA MOVEMENT RULE

SD : NP VERB Q a • Comp • 1 NP NP

1 2 3 4 5

Process : Move 3 to sentence-initial position.

5C : 3 12 4 5.

The output of this rule is 21(a), tuhich is not well-formed.

21(a) Ya Ogu anuna na ha byara abya.

From 21(a) we derive 21(b) by an obligatory application of

Pseudo-Cleft, which, with Subject NP complements is an optional rule.

(see 5*1.0 i Z ( o 1 •) •

21(b) hwe Ogu anuna wu na ha byara abya.

Now 2l(b) will obligatorily undergo the rule of Relativization - Relat^

before it can become well-formed. The specific rule of Relativization

■relevant here are Rules 3 and 4 - that is, the Na'”aux or the -rW - INFIXING x and Relative clause Tone pattern rules respectively (see 5.1.0i Z H 2 , .

The sequential application of these two rules yields the sentence 21(c)

or 21(d). , » ~ \ / N « / V. / 21(c) hwe Ogu na anuna wu na ha byara abya.

i \ * * * V v \ s f 21(d) hwe Ogu nuruna wu na ha byara abya.

Both 21(c) and (d), are the same as 20(b).

It is necessary to point out that the same intrinsic order is VBry

much in evidence here. For example, the Ya movement rule creates an output

structure to which Pseuds-Cleft is obligatory, and as we have seen in the

previous section, relativization is both obligatory and contingent on a

prior application of the Pseuds-Cleft rule.

Optionally, Nominalisation may apply to 21(c) or (d) to yield 21(e).

But nominalisation in this case will proceed in two stages, viz: first a

movement rule like that already given in 5.1.0. p,/£Gy, and the second,

a lexical substitution transformation: 277

The Verb-Complement Movement Rule __ ^ / n v \ ^ s -v / \ / SD • hue Ogu nuruna wu na ha byara abya

N NP Verb copula comp NP verb compl.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 B

Process: (a) attach B as the right sister of 4

(b) delete 5

SC : 12348067 ____a. 21(e) / v ^ / V \ / \ / /v \ 21(e; huiB Ogu nuruna uju abya ha b y a ra

But 21(e) is not a well-formed Igbo sentence because the item abya is a 10 verb complement which has no existence independent of the intransitive verb to which it is bound in structure. This output would have been perfectly well-formed if 7 in the above structural description were a transitive verb, in which case its noun object would be moved into a position where it becomes the head of the resultant output which is a relative clause. The following lexical substitution rule is therefore necessary to ensure the well-formedness of 21(e).

The Lexical Substitution Rule

SD : hwe Ogu nuruna wu abya ha byara

N NP Verb copula compl. NP Verb

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Process : Substitute an appropriate derived nominal for the verb-

complement, 5. 5 ^ SC : 12 3 4 'obyibya 6 7 21

10 cf with the verb-complement string given by the Ps-rule 4 in 4.2. Two typesof verb-complement need be recognised in Igbo:

(a) free verb complements such as those given in 4,2, these are lexical items of Igbo which merely specify the meaning.of neutral verbs (cf footnote 11, 4.2 4.2 p . 2 0 3 )•

(b) bound verb-complement after intransitive verbs such as the underlined in the following examples:

i) p nwuru anwu * He died.

. / \ / ii) 0 jhere ejhe . He did go

iii) o !loro alo . He did return. 278

z \ y v \ /■ \ /

thing which Ogu has heard is coming which they came:

UJhat Ogu has heard is the fact that they came.

By applying the optional rule of Reverse Cleft, we derive 21(g) from 21(f).

. . ' / |V v / V (g) Obyibya ha byara wu hwe Ogu nuruna .

The fact that they came is what Ogu has heard.

UJb must point out that the details of Nominalisation in Igbo are by no means clear yet, since this syntactic process has not been studied in the language. The rules given in this chapter with regard to Nominalisation must be SBen as tentative. It seems that there are some semantic constraints on Nominalisation which are not yet clear to us; for example, some matrix verbs do not permit the nominalisation of their sentential complements, while factive verbs generally do so, and the output of such a process is a relative clause. UJe shall take up the Factive - Non-factive distinction in 5.1.2,

From the foregoing examination of the process of object NP comple mentation, we establish the following set of intrinsically order rules:

Either (l) Ya Deletion (T-Ya - Del. oblig.)

Or (2) Ya^ (Klovement (T-Ya movement) (opt.)

If 2, then (3) Pseudo Cleft (obligatory here, but optional with

Subject NP complements)

(4) Relativization of Matrix S (T-Relat^) obligatory

(5) " " Complement S (T-Relat^ optional)

(6) Reverse Cleft (optional)

A comparison of-this set of rules with that given in 370shows some interesting similarities as well as differences. It will be observed from either set that we begin with a choice, an Either - Or - situation.

In either case, the first option leads to a derivational blind alley, whereas the second choice opens the way to the generation of other seman-

s tically related sentences. It is interesting to note what the Ya movement 279 rule does for object complements: It moves Ya to such a structural position as to make the derivation of other members of the paradigm

17(a~c) and 20(a-d) possible; in other words, such a movement transfor mation results in a derived structure similar to the Deep structure oi subject NP complements. Coming as it does, as the second of the set of rules, it means that subject NP complements are marked for Extra-position, while Object NP complements meet the structural description for Ya^ movement,

While Pseude Cleft is an optional rule for Subject complements, it is obligatory for Object complements. After these few differences and simi larities, the two sets of rules fall together in their order and conditions of application. Ule, therefore, set up the following intrinsically ordered rules for both subject and object Na complements in Igbo:

Either (l) Ya Deletion (T-Ya Del) (oblig for Subj NP Compl)

OR (2) Extraposition (T-Extrap) opt. for subject NP compl.

(3) Ya Movement (T-Ya move opt.(for object compl.)

(4 ) Pseudo Cleft (T-Pseude Cleft (opt. for subj. NP compl.)

(oblig ” obj. NP compl.)

(5) Relativization of Matrix S (T-Relat^ oblig)

(6) Nominalisation of NaCompl. (T-Relat^ opt)

(7) Reverse cleft (T-Reverse Cleft opt)

(8) Ya to 0 conversion (T-Ya to 0 oblig)

5»1»2 The Parameters of NP complements; The factice and Non-factive

distinction .

The Kiparsky's (1971) provide a set of syntactic evidence in support of the above distinction for English viz:

(i) Complement-taking predicates divide on semantic grounds into

factives and non-factives, and on the strength of this, they

assign two distinct base structures to explain the syntactic

differences between these two classes.

(ii) The S-ing complementizer occurs only with factive predicates, 280

and is the result of a transformation which applies only to factives,

and not, as Rosenbaun (1967) had assumed, of a Complementizer

Placement transformation.

(iii) Although some to + infinitive constructions originate from underlying

for-to complements by the deletion of for, this is not the only source

of such constructions in English. A lot of to + infinitive constru

ctions are the output of Equi-NP deletion or Subject-Raising

(iv) The distinction between for-to and that complements reflects the

semantic differences between Emotive and Non-Emotive predicates.

Th8 factive and non-factive distinction is a semantic one, though it has its syntactic reflexes: Factive predicates entail the truth of their complements, while non-factives do not. Among the predicates which take object complements,regret and resent are factive, while believe and say are non-factive. Thus, whereas the complements in 22 are presupposed to be true, those in 23 are not,

22(a) I regret that it is raining at this time .

(b) I resent the fact that he is so rude to me.

23(a) I believB that he is guilty of murder.

(b) He says that he has been to his doctor today.

Since this semantic difference is associated with syntactic differences, the Kiparsky's propose to account for these facts by means of two distinct base structures, 24(a) for factive and 24(b) for non-factive complements.

the act

As the Kiparsky's further point out, thB factive/non-factive distinction is not the only valid one that can be made. There are also what they describe as emotive and non-emotive verbs, a distinction which cuts across the factive/non-factive one since some emotive verbs are also factive. 281

Emotive verbs "include in general all pridicates which express the subjective value of a proposition, rather than knowledge abou.t it or its truth value"

(Paul and Carol Kiparsky 1971 p.363), In view of the fact that such emotive verbs as embarrass and annoy are factive and therefore entail the truth of their complement, the Kiparsky's description of emotives tis not strictly true. Emotive predicates are discussed in section 5,1,3.

How do all these distinctions apply to the Igbo language? In order to answer this question, we need to point out that of all the categories of NP-complements which our investigation has revealed, it is only the

Na'-complements which can be factive if their matrix predicates are factiveo

The other three categories - the Interrogative, the Subjunctive and

Imperative complements - are all associated with non-factive predicates.

This semantic compatibility is to be expected from the fact that, apart from

Na'-complements, the other categories lack a prepositional contents, in other words, none of them makes any explicit claim, be it true or false, about the truth value of their respective complements. For example,

Interrogative complements ask for information, the subjunctives express desires et cetera, and Imperatives issue orders.

If the Na complement is the only category which may be factive, how does one distinguish a factive Na complement from a non-factive one? For one thing there is no such Igbo expression as the fact that, which in

English serves to distinguish factive from non-factive complements in base structure (cf 24(a) & (b)).

Nevertheless, this necessary distinction is possible in Igbo since lexical items form part of the deep structure of any language. Because factive predicates will have as part of their lexical entries the feature specification £+ f a c t j , this provides the information as to factivity or absence of it, though not in a configurational way as in English. 282

In order to discover the syntactic evidence in support of the factive/non-factive distinction in Igbo, let us start by examining the following predicates in 25 and the complements which come after them. / iWUtB to bother, worry

ime ihwere " shame, embarrass

^ \ ikpa uhwa " be pleasant, delight

' / ito obi uto " give joy, pleasure, delight

lgbagwoju anya " confuse / _ ime n'anya n happen in the presence of

lwe anya " be obvious

f — iwe iwe " annoy.

/ — ima " know / - imata " recognise

r - \ icofuta " discover, find out

^ (V - izhi " show, demonstrate

/ — igoshi 11 11 II

* \ icete remember, recollect.

(25) and (26) above represent two sample lists of factive predicates!

Those in (25) take sentential subjects, while those in (26) take sentential object complements. For each of the predicates in (25) the following types of sentence 27-28 are possible:

27(a) Na ara gbara ya wutere m •

That madness ran him/her - pained me.* That he/she went mad pained me.

t \ ' - — . ^ /• (b) Ara gbara ya wutere m •

Madness which ran him/her pained me: The fact that she/he went mad

pained me,

28(a) Na dimkpa a turu ashi ga erne ihwere

That responsible man this told lie will be shameful

That this responsible man lied will be shameful. 28(b) Ashi dirakpa" . a turu pq emB/ ihwere .

Lie which responsible person this told will cause shame:

The fact that this responsible man told a lie will be shameful*

The transformational processes involved in deriving 27*-28(a & b) ' have been discussed in ,5.1.0 and 5*1*1* The T-rule responsible for

27(b) and 28(b) is what we have characterised as Nominalisation of

Na' complements (T-Relat^j page

With the verbs of 26, which take object complements, the situation is not as clear cut as it is with those of 25. The reason is that some of these verbs require the item maka in thBir relativised Na complements, while some do not. For example, the Epistemic verbs - s - ima to know

/ - imata u recognise, realise behave in this way, as 29(a) and (b) show:

. . y — \ / - ~ — 29(a) Onye owula ma na o wu onye ohi -

Everybody knows that he/sh is a thief.

, / — \ S *1 — — (b) Onye owula ma maka onye ohi o wu.

Everybody knows about the fact C of his being a thief.

|_that hs is a thief -

The verb icofuta behaves like the epistemic verbs, too, in requiring an obligatory maka in the relativized form of its na complement. But other verbs in the group do not do this, their complements relativize like the complements of-tlre predicates in 25 thus:

30(a) Ogu ecetele na Nwug’o kwara ikho •

Ogu has remembered that Nwug'o committed adultry,

^ \ y yl / N S / mr' (b) Ogu ecetele ikho Nwug'o kwara .

Ogu has recalled the fact that Nwug'o committed adultry.

Now contrast the well-formedness of the foregoing 27(b), 28(b), 29(b) and 30(b) with the deviance of the following 3l(b), 32(b), 33(b), & 34(b) in which the Na' complements have been relativized: Z.G<4

^ V ✓ 31(a) Anyi gutara na Ogu wu □ nye ama .

tUe read that Ogu is a traitor.

/ ✓ v ' (b) *Anyi gutara maka o'nye ama Ogu w u .

32(a) Anyi kwere na Ihe meruru ala .

lUe believe that Ibe defiled the land.

✓ \ / V N. (b) *Anyi kwere ala Ibe meruru -

s ✓ 33(a) D kwuru na iwu^ nde bekee shiri ikhe .

He said that law of white people' is strict I

He said that the Whiteman's laws are strict.

(b) *0 kwuru iwu nd& bekee' shiri ikhe .

\ ^ - s / s / 34(a) Anyi were ya na nna ya bara uba .

Let us take it that his father is rich.

(b) *Anyi were nnaN ya*" bara uba •

The deviance of the starred sentences is due to the fact that their matrix predicates: iguta to read from

ikwe " believe

x - ikwu " say

iwe " take are not factive verbs. Not being factive, these verbs block the relativi zation of their Na complements. From this fact emerges the first syntactic characteristics of factive predicate complements:

(i) '*''*‘0nly factive predicates allow the relativization of their Na comp

lements to form factive relative clauses; non-factive predicates

block the application of this rule. Such factive relative clauses

are the Igbo equivalent of the English expression 'the fact that'.

✓ — 11 There are some verbs, such as inu - to hear, which take object comple ments and allow the relativization of these complement^although they could not be described as factive in the sense defined here on page * Karttunen (1970) argues that "the simple factive/non-factive dichotomy is inadequate to cover all the facts, and that it is necessary to recognise a class of semi-factiveSf UJhat seems to happen is that there is a class of patently factive verbs, and another class of obviously non-factive verbs, and in between these two classes, there are some VBrbs which tend to share the qualities of both classes. 285

In Igbo, or at least in the dialect being described here, the popular method of indicating that the proposition of a Na complement is an accomplished fact is by the use of factive relative clauses transforms,especially with predicates such as those of 25 which take sentential subjects. Thus,one will hear sentences of the following type rather than their Na complement counterparts:

. ^ \ \ X 35(a) Ezhi umu m zara toro m obi uto .

Compound my children swept gladdened me heart glad.

The fact that my children swept the compound pleased me.

V (b) Ariryo o ryogha na abya m iwe.

Begging he is begging Annoys me annoyance.

The fact that he is begging annoys me.

S — S / v /- (c) Ezhi okwu o kwuru turu madhu nile n'anya.

Truth he spoke struck everybody in eye:

The fact that he told the truth surprised -everybody.

The second characteristic of factives will emerge from an examination

of the following predicates and their complements in 37:

36. imewe anya to convince

✓ — ikuzhi to teach

igoshi to show, demonstrate

S ^ ~ izhi to reveal, show

ifuta to mean

+* M — 37(a) Na Ogu goro ago emeweele anyi anya na o wuhii

That Ogu denied has convinced us that he is not

/ onye na a tukwasa obi .

person that onB places heart on.

That Ogu denied has convinced us that he is not a person to be

trusted, 286

t — s ^ s % 37(b) NaV ya ruru ala a ga akuzhiri unu na

that he defiled land this will teach you that \ 0 dighi hwe na o mechefuu . not it does/exist thing which he cannot do:

The fact that he committed this abomination will teach you that

there is nothing he cannot do.

/ \ ' / \ ^ V ✓ \ / (c) Na nuiaanyi a gaghakwa ahya du gbuo egoshila

That woman this is still going market reach now has shown

na o gbashiri ikhe.

that she is strong:

.That this woman still trades till now has shown that she is strong.

, , \ * / S / — <1 (d) Na ha kwuru okwu di otho o futara na

That they said word which is like this means that

ha coro mmezhi.

they want reconciliation.’

That they said such words means that they want reconciliation.

Each of the examples of (37) has a sentential subject and a sentential

12 object, and for each of the subject complements there is a corresponding factive relative clause of the type shown in 35. It has been observed

(The Kiparsky's 1971) that all two-place predicates in English taking subject complements are factive, the same seems to be true of Igbo, as

36 and 37 show. From these examples, we arrive at the second differen tiating quality of factives:

(ii) Only factive predicates may take a sentential subject followed

by a sentential object.

12 U)e observed on page that whereas all subject NP complements which are factive are nominalisable to yield factive relative clauses, factive object complements are not always so nominalisable, and that some of them, if nominalised require a transformationally inserted preposition maka. The same constraint is at work here with those factive predicates which can take a sentential subject followed by another sentential object. 287

life have pointed out that EXTRAPOSITION is an optional rule for all factive complements in subject position, -but this is not the case with all non-factive complements in the same structural position, hence the third test for the factive/non-factive dichotomy:

(iii) whereas EXTRAPOSITION is an optional rule for all subject

factive complements, it is obligatory for some non-factive ones.

The two verbs that easily come to mind are

. t • / , \ \ ^ J. J Ldi

✓ — Lnu (na) seem, be likely, resemble, f ' in the following examples:

38(a) Ya^ ka' Ngozi ga' alo n ’o g ’e di (m) . (Base)

39(a) Ya na' Ogu jhere ejhe^ nu (m) . (Base)

If EXTRAPOSITION were optional with these two verbs, one would expect the alternative rule of ya*" Deletion to produce grammatical sentences. But this is not the case, as the deviance of 38(b) and 39(b) shows:

38(b) *Ka Ngozi ga' alo^ n’og’e' di m .

39(b) *Na' Ogu' jhere ejhe* nu m.

But the application of EXTRAPOSITION to the Base structure 38(a) and 39(a) will produce the well-formed sentences 38(d) and 39(d) through 38(c) and

39(c):

38(c) Ya di m ka' Ngozi ga alo''" n ’o g ’e. (By oblig. EXTRAP)

, , ^ \ N \ / N 38(d) 0 di m ka Ngozi ga alo n’og’e.

It seems to me that Ngozi will return in time.

39(c) Ya"’ nu m na' Ogu jhere ejhe^ (By oblig. EXTRAP)

(d) 0 nu m na Ogu jhere ejhe. (By Ya to 0 Conversion)

It seems to me that Ogu did go.

13 The problem with these two verbs is that it is not clear whether they should be respectively cited along with ka_ and na as some sort of verb particle, or without them. The disquieting aspect of such a citation form is that it has no other parallel elsewhere in the Language, moreover the concept of verb particle seems foreign to Igbo. For the mean time, we leave the question open. 288

These same vsrbs which are marked For obligatory EXTRAPOSITION block the rule of Pseude Cleft, and they are among the few predicates in Igbo whose complements are subject to the optional rule of Subject-Raising in the language, (cf .5*3.0 for a fuller discussion of RAISING).

Fourthly, only Factive Na complements (which seem to be generally in

Subject position) allow the derivation of what we choose to describe as

(Factive) Gerunds as opposed to Infinitival nominals which are non Factive.

UJe take up the above distinction in the immediately following section

5*1.3. As evidence in support of this assertion, consider the following:

, , \ / V s • “ tI i \ r * / V 40(a) Na o woghakwa nwa ya iri du gbuo zhiri na

that whe is still denying child her food reach now show that

obi tara ya akhu .

heart eat her kernel

That she has continued to deny her child meals shows that she is

very unfeeling.^

(b) Iri • o woghakwa nwa ya du gbuo zhin na

/ V / , . obi tara ya akhu (by Relat^)

The food which she has continued to deny her child shows that

she is very unfeeling.

Refusing his child food up till now shows that she is

ya'" akhu .

very unfeeling,

41(a) Na' .LJcJ^e ceduru.. nwle ya^ afo iri mewere nf

That Uche waited for wife his years tBn convinced me

" ' ' - v .. .. anya na o nwere ndidi.

that he has patience.

That Uche waited ten years for his wife convinced me that he

is patient. 41(b) Nwie ya" Uc^a" ceduru afo iri mewere m anya

His wife that Uche waited for ten years convinced me

na o nwere ndidi .

that he is patient.

UJaiting for his wife for ten years convinced me

na Uc.' e nwe're ndidi.

that Uce ■ is patient.

Each of the above sentences is grammatical; 40(c) and 4l(c) derive from 40(b) and 41(b) respectively via a transformation rule (details of which are not clear) which derives Factive Gerunds from Factive Na complements; the types of Na complements involved being Subject NP complements. Observe that the relative clauses have been optionally deleted in either case. These forms (called I + verb stem forms) can only have factive interpretation if they derive from a factive Na complements.

Contrast, for example, the fef&gotdg 40(c) and 41(c) with the following 42(a).

42(a) Inye ndi okhe madhu nsopuru di mkpa .

| To give respect tojthe elders is important.

| Respecting f

42(a) lacks a factive interpretation; it merely expresses an obligation, and is transformationally related to 42(b). \ / \ ^ - \ / S ^ V 42(b) Na anyi ga enye nde okhe madhu nsopuru di mkpa .

That u jb should give elders respect is important.

Although 42(b) is an example of Nas complement, it differs from the previous examples in the following way

(i) the predicate involved is not a factive one and this is further

borne out by

(ii) the use of the modal ga for expressing obligation. 290

Concluding summary:

In this short section, ujb have brought syntactic evidence to show that the Factive-Non Factive distinction is valid for the Igbo Language on the fallowing syntactic grounds;

(a) Factive predicates generally permit the optional relativization

of their Na'complements to form Factive relative clauses, and

it is these Factive relatives which correspond to the English

expression - the fact that - j Non-factive complements block this

optional rule.

(b) Only factive predicates may have a sentential subject and a

sentential object; when this happens, the Ya^deletion rule, if

applied early in the derivation, does not necessary result in

a derivational cul de sac since it is possible, with Factive

Na complements, to derive Factive Relative Clauses even after

the deletion of Ya^ UJith non-factive complements on the other

hand, an early deletion of ya/* makes the derivation of other

semantically related sentences difficult, if not impossible.

Factive Complements, it is obligatory for at least a handful

of Non-Factive predicates.

(d) Only Factive complements can be reduced to (Factive) Gerunds

by a rule (as yet unclear) of Gerund formation in Igbo.

The distinction between Gerunds and Infinitives are made first

on syntactic grounds, and then supported with the semantic

interpretation of the homonyms involved.

(e) OJhereas a handful of non-factive predicates are subject to the

rule of Subject-Raising (cf 5*3.0), no factive predicate is

subject to the same rule. 291

Let us now consider the next category of complement-taking predicates, as the syntactic characteristics of members of this category provids additional support for our analysis.

5*1*3. Emotive Predicates

In 5*1*2, we argued that 42(a) is semantically and transformationally related to 42(b) and that such Na complements are not introduced by factive predicates. However, the key factor in sentences such as 42 is not factivity since some emotive predicates are also factive (see pagebut emotivity.

Having argued for the Factive/Non-factive distinction in section 5*1.2., let us now examine the Emotive/Non-emotive dichotomy. In view of the fact that some emotive verbs are factive, the difinition of emotive predicates given by the Kiparskies as ’'all predicates which express the subjective value of a proposition rather than knowledge about it or its truth value” aught to be modified for Igbo and English as follows "all predicates which express the subjective value of a proposition, which may or may not include knowledge about it or its truth value.”

The case we shall present in this and the following sections is as follows:

(i) Igbo is full of constructions such as 45-49.

(ii) These sentences and others like them are associated with emotive

predicates.

(iii) The emotive predicates involved are all one-place predicates

taking sentential subjects as argument. These sentential NP

subjects are either the antecedent of a conditional construction

(hence conditional clause) or otho-headed complex NP’s, these two

clause types lack any truth value.

(iv) Factors (i)-(iii) are not random or due to chance, we therefore

make the claim that emotivity and the lack of any claim about the

truth value of such subject complementsconstitute both necessary

and sufficient conditions for the derivation of Igbo infinitive

complements which are the equivalent of English for-to complements. 292

In support of this hypothesis, we shall show that other non-factive verbs uihich are not also emotive do not take infinitive complements as subject.

Let us now consider the following list of verbs and the constructions in which they occur in 45-49.

43. idi mma - be good

ii n jo be good

it mkpa n important, necessary

✓ _ inye aka .be helpful

iwu ehihi ii ominous

/ _ ito^shi (etoshi) ii appropriate, worthy ikweshi (ekweshi)

✓ - 44. idi mf8 be easy

/ . ira ahu it difficult

✓ - iwu mmekpa-ahu it trouble, problem

✓ - inye nsogbu it the worry, trouble

s — _ iwu ishiokwu " " crux of the matter, the problem,

- 14 45(a) Dimkpa imevo onwe ya n'oha jogburu onwe ya.

For a responsible man to disgrace himself in public is very bad.

' - (b) Ituru ha ashi di m mma .

To lie to them is acceptable to me.

For a man to see the giant rat in broad day light is a bad omen.

14 There are two possible ways of analysing the underlined infinitival constructions: the first method, which is the easier of the two, is to see them as nominals which derive from the verb through the prefixation of the harmonising I. This analysis equates each of the Infinitives to such English nominals as dancing in 'Dancing is a form of entertainment1. UJe are not interested in this type of analysis; though it is possible, it can only explain half the truth. The second alternative is the one relevant here - this is the analysis which links these surface infinitives with some underlying conditional construction, an analysis which is examined and justified in the following 5.2.0. 293

45(d) Nwatakiri ikwu coro coro joro njo

For a child to talk very much is h a d .

(e) I tu takishi kweshiri ekweshi.

To pay tax is appropriate

(f) Iri iri n ’o g ’e na enye^ aka.

To eat food in time gives hand :

Eating regularly is good for the body.

From our analysis of the Igbo language, there can only be on1 type of sentential source from which 45(a-f) are derived: this is the antecedent I of a conditional construction, especially the generalised conditional! construction of the 46 type:

X * \ / _ i(a) 0 jogburu onwe ya ma dimkpa mevoo onujB ya • •

It is very bad if a responsible person should

n ’oha .

disgrace himself in public .

\ / (b) 0 di m mma ma a tuoro hi ashi .

It would please me if one told them a lie.

/ _ / V JV X *■“ ^ V ^ I V ^ (c) 0 wu ehihi mav madhu hwu ewi n’ehihe .

It is a bad omen for a person to see a giant rat in

broad day-light.

^ \ " (d) 0 joro njo ma nwatakiri na ekwu^ coro coro

It is bad for a child to talk very much .

(e) 0 kiueshiri ekuieshi ma a na atu takishi

It is appropriate for one to pay tax.

(f) na enye^ aka0 ma a na eri hwe n ’o g ’e

It does help one’s health for one to eat regularly.

The claim we are making here and which we shall substantiate in the following section 5.2,0 is that 45 and 46 are transformationally related and derive from a base structure of the following type in which the predicate of the consequent is emotivs,thus: 294

46(g) COND. Va wuru ma S Ya Predicate

J^+ emotive

The second type of subject infinitival complements with emotive predicates is illustrated by 47(a)-(e)

47(a) Irucha oru o ga ara^ anyi ahu ,

To finish this piece of work will be difficult for us.

(b) Imechilahu uzo oN wukwani ishi okwu

To close afterwards this door is really head of matter.

Re-closing this door is the real problem, ^

y' \ ^ _ __ _ S, | (c) Ig'idhe ya wu mmekpa ahu unu

Catching it is your headache.

(d) Icota uzo ebe ke* hi adihii ,mfe .

Tracing the way to their home is not easy.

(e) Iphochi ala ke es nyere nsogbu ,

Refilling hole this gives trouble.

Refilling this hole is a problem.

UJhat are the most likely paraphrases to 47(a~e)? It would be far fetched to relate any of the above to conditional constructions of any type, since there is a wide gulf-syntactic and semantic-between these on the one hand and conditional constructions on the other. The proposition expressed in them is not conditional, but one that is associated with clauses beginning- with 'how* or otho (manner) in Igbo. UJe therefore propose the following paraphrases far 47(a-e)i

. . / N S ~ I. K / 48(a) Otho anyi ga eji ruchaa oru o ga ara anyi ahu.

Manner we shall employ finish work this will be for us difficult:

How we shall complete this piece of work is the difficulty.

(b) Otho anyi gav eji mechilahu uzo o wukwani ishi okwu:

How we shall reclose this door is really the problem. 295

^ \ / ' _ _ v. 48(c) Otho unu ga p eshi -\ g ’idhe ya wu mmekpa ahu unu:

eji

Houi to capture it is your headache

/ (d) Otho acota uzo ebe ke hi adihii mfe;

Houi to trace the may to their home is not easy.

(e) Otho e shi ephochi ala ke e nyere nsogbu:

Horn to refill this hole is a problem.

These paraphrases 48(a-e) match perfectly well the meanings expressed in 47(a-e). UJe therefore maintain that manner NP structures are the appropriate source of this subset of what has been described as Igbo

Infinitives. In support of this claim, we cite the following additional examples:

/ — 49(a) Otho e ji ejhe ahya rr--:^ ijhe ahya .

Manner one uses going market THow to go*") to market .

L GGoing o i

s _ (b) Otho e ji akpu uzu ikpu uzu

fHow to blacksmith

pBlacksmithing j

/V / — / p . (c) Otho e ji akhwa ozu ikhwa ozu

THow to mourn the deadr

(^Burial ceremony.

< N ^ \ / , - . (d) Otho e ji agba igwe lgba igwe

Haw to ride a bicycle.-v

(Riding . r Thera is no doubt whatsoever about the transformational relationship exist ing between 47 and 48 as well as between members of 49 above. Infinitives, in so far as they can be shown to originate from a sentential source, are always associated with emotive predicates in general and, in particular, with 296

ncm-factive and non-indicative complements. By non-indicative complements we mean such conditional clauses (the antecedent clauses) and otho-headed

(Manner) NPs as we have seen in the foregoing examples; other non-indi-- cative complements also include such complement types as we have described in chapter 4 (4.1.1-4.1.5): The Interrogative ma^ Complements, the

Imperative si complements and the Subjunctive ka/ma complements. As we have pointed out earlier on, none of these complement types makes any explicit claim about the truth or otherwise of its proposition. Only Na complements make such a claim, and this explains why infinitives are never associated with Na' complements in Igbo, except in the very few cases like

50(a)-(b) where the emotive predicate idi mkpa 'be necessary' is involved and where the indicative mood has been cancelled by the use of the model auxiliary _ga^ - 'should, must, ought.'

y ^ * _ \ / v /■ Na' anyi ga enye ndi okhe madhu nsopuru

That we should give the . elder people respect \ di m k p a .

is necessary: That we should respect the elders is necessary.

^ S. Inye ndi okhe madhu nsopuru" v ' di . > mkpa.

Respecting the elderly is necessary.

In view of the fact that chapter (g> ) of this thesis is devoted to the Igbo equivalents of embedded English UJH-Questions of which otho-headed Manner NP's are a subset, we defer further discussion of it till that chapter, while we take up conditional (the antecedent) clauses in emotive predicate complementation in the following section 5*2.0.

Briefly, what we have argued here is that infinitival complements are associated with emotive verbs and that their underlying sources are either of the following:

(a) the antecedent of generalised conditional constructions, or

f (b) Otho-headed Manner NP's. Infinitive complements, including those 297 mith ka/ma Subjunctive complements (cf chapter £?), must be distinguished from factive nominals or gerunds such as are associated mith factive relative clauses (cf p.20$“ 9'). Although both infinitives and nominals have the same phonetic shape, their different origins and semantic inter pretations justify the distinction we are making here.

5*2,D Emotive Predicates with Conditional Clause Subject NP complements

At the moment, there is no detailed account of conditional construction in Igbo, except a more or less passing reference to them in fTfeen and

Igwe (1963 p.78ff).This being the case, it is necessary here to give a brief analysis of this construction type in view of the fact that subse quent reference will be made to it in the rest of this section.

The Green and Igwe account of Conditional expressions in Igbo cites sentences of the following type:

51(a) Yar byala, m

If/when he has come,(you) call me: Call me when he has come,

(b; Og'e mechee ngwangwa, anyi agawa faa ,

If Og’e finishes quickly, we set out early.

nwuo ev liei * / ya .

If person dies one buries him: Anyone who dies will be buried.

Sentences of the above type represent but one subset of conditional constructions in Igbo - what we describe as the Open Condition with a dependency relation between the conditional clause (the antecedent) and the main clause (the consequent). However, any analysis of conditional constructions in Igbo which is limited to the above data tells but half the story, since there are two distinct types of conditional expressions in the language, viz:

(a) the Open Condition, and

(b) the Unfulfilled Condition.

In order to appreciate the form of 51 sentences and their relationship 298

with 52 it is necessary to give the full forms thus:

52(a) Tfl sii na '■t ya bya, aga m ahwu ya .

(b) ) Ya wuru ma J

If one says'A / that he comes, I shall see him: If it be J

If he comes, I shall see him.

52(a) and (b) are exactly synonymous inspite of the formal difference

/ — between them: 52(a) is introduced by the matrix sentence A si(i), while

(b) is introduced by Ya wuru. But this formal difference has no corres- I ponding semantic difference, the two matrix sentences being frozen j expressions which simply amount to the English conjunction ’if'. In both examples, the two verbs involved are complement-taking verbs - /* - isi in the one case, and the copula

iwu in the other.

It is, however, customary for the above 52(a) and (b) to be given in the form of 52(c) in which both the matrix sentence and the complementizer to the antecedent have been optionally deleted thus:

f V / \ «+ s — 52(c) Ya bya, aga m ahwu ya.

If he comes,I shall see him.

lUith the Open Conditional Construction, the deletion of the matrix sentence is always optional whatever tense of the verbs of the antecedent and consequent clauses. But the deletion of the complementizer _ma, though optional, is determined by the tense of the verbs of the entire construction the optional deletion of comp, in type 1 (open) conditional construction is subject to the constraint that the tense of both the antecedent and consequent clause verbs be simple present/future. 52(c) above with both the matrix sentence and the complementizer deleted is grammatical because the verbs of the construction satisfy the above tense constraint.

From the examples of conditional constructions given by Green and

Igwe (1963, p. 78-83) and by Swift et.al (1962 p. 274-280), it has been 299 wrongly inferred that the conjunction jna is an optional element whenever the consequent is in sentence initial position in Igbo conditional constructions, but obligatory only if the consequent is preposed. What really happens is that the conjunction jnav is generally deleted (more often than not) whenever the above tense constraints are met. The same con junction cannot be deleted if the tense of the verbs in both the conse quent and antecedent clauses is not the simple present or future.

Consider the following 53(a-k) as examples:

53(a) (Ya wuru) ma'' unu jhere ejhe^, o magburu onwe ya . 1 If it be that you went it be good kill self itd

- If you went, it was very commendable.

(b) (Ya wuru) ma o kwuole okwu ojoo, uka emebiele .

If it be that he has spoken words bad matter has spoilt

If he has spoken in harsh term, the talk is ruined.

If it be that you went not you did selves your*.

If you did not go, you have yourselves to blame.

(d) (Ya wuru) ma Ogu arubele ulo du thaa,

If it be that Ogu has not built house reach today,

, \ ^ -V •» „ o gahii iru odo.

he will not build another: If Ogu has not put up a

building till now, he will not build any.

^ *v V IV / \ / (e) (Ya wuru) ma erighe hi hwe, loghakwaa .

If it be that eating they thing, do come back.

If they are having their meal, do come back.

(f) (Ya^wuru ma) gi mechee ngwangwa, byakhwute,, m n'oru.

If it be that you finish quickly come join me in farm:

If you finish quickly, come and join me in the farm. 3QD

(g)/\ *(Yar ^ wuru ma) N\ erighe' hi hwe, loghakwaa .

(h) *(Unu jhere ejha^, o rnagburu onwe ya. f \ \ / _ \ / V / (i) * D kwuole okwu ojoo, uka amebiele.

, . V. * « S M / V / (j) ffla erighe hi hwe, loghakwaa .

If they are having their meal, do come back.

(k) HflaV unu jhere ejhe^ o rnagburu onwe ya.

If you went it mas commendable.

Observe from 53(a-e) that the matrix sentence Ya" wuru is optional; secondly note that in (f) both the above matrix sentence and the following conjunction jma are optional because the tense of the relevant verbs Is the simple present. By contrast, (g-i) which are respectively (f), (a) & (b) with the conjunction deleted are ill-formed. Hou/ever the deviance is rectified in (j) & (k) (which are respectively (g) & (h) by the presence of the conjunction ma. From these data, it is obvious that the optional deletion of the deep-structure comp (what turns up in surface structure as a conjunction) is strictly governed by the tense of the relevant verbs.

There is, therefore, some syntactic motivation for establishing a transformational relationship between any pair of the examples 53(a-e) on the one hand and 53(j) & (k) on the other. UJhile (j) & (k) can be accounted for in terms' of the optional deletion of the antecedent-matrix sentence, forms such as (f), are related to the paradigm through the optional comp.

Deletion rule which must be sensitive to the tense of the verbs in the conditional construction. Moreover, the paraphrase relationship between these examples is thus captured elegantly.

Observe also that only the Ya'' wuru matrix S .has been consistently used throughout 53 for the simple reason that the other form, A si(i) does not co-occur with the open conditional constructions once any other than the simple present or future tense is involved. 301

But with Type 2 - the Improbable.and Unfulfilled Conditional construction, the picture is different. To begin with, the only permis-

* - sible matrix sentence is A si(i), and it is never deletable. Secondly, the verb of the consequent in this type 2 conditional construction is restricted to an unvarying form which corresponds to the English modal construction " ... would (not) have been , There is also another formal difference - the presence of the function word (mma)) which is a kind of clause

* \ ama marker to the consequent. Consequently, there is very little, if any, formal link between the two types of conditional constructions, and no effort is being made here to derive both types from one underlying source.

UJe give some examples of Type 2 below only to complete the picture because it is type 1 conditional construction that is relevant to emotive predicate complementation.

t\ \ ^ / v/'S 54(a) A si na Ogu nwuru anwu, nwie ya gaara ama

If one were to say that Ogu died, wife his would know:

If Ogu/'''died ^h i s wife ^w’ould know /had died r. ^i" » have known (b) A si na ofe agbaala uka, I gaara anu ishi ya

If soup has gone sour, you would, hear smell of it:

If the soup had gone sour, you would have smelt it.

^ \ mma y s. (d) , ala gaara r nruru

(^eruru J

rama i 15 The meaning ofjmmaj is not clear; it seems tied up with the entire consequent clause meaning in this category of conditional construction. The function of the morpheme in the above examples is related to its use in the following expression in which an antecedent clause meaning is generally understood, thus: y ...... mma gi aghukpoo ya anya. you would have blinded him: You nearly blinded him. The full form of the above example could be something like A' si na i kpachahii anya, mma' gi* aghukpoo ya anya . If you had not been careful, you would have blinded him. The antecedent clause is generally omitted, being understood from the context Note that English Pluperfect is achieved by a juxtaposition of Igbo Perfect and a clause introduced by mma/ama. 302

If rain has fallen , soil would have softened:

If it had rained, the soil would have become soft.

54(e) A si na anwu achaala, / o gaara /"'mgbako

agbako

'mma ya*" agbakoola

S ama

If sun has shone it would have dried:

If it had shone, it would have dried.

(f) A si naV mmehye adii, mmezhi agahiiri idini •

If offence were not reconciliation would not be:

If there were no misunderstanding, there would be no need for

reconciliation.

(g) *Anwu achaala, no gaara mgbakg . h

J mma ya agbakoola •J

/ _ s / A. \ ^ (h) *0fe agbaala uka, I gaara anu ishi ya .

From the deviance of 54(g) & (h) in which the matrix sentence of (e) and (b) respectively has been deleted, it is obvious that in type 2 condi

tional construction, the matrix sentence to the antecedent is obligatory.

The verb of the consequent clause is restricted to the form given in 54.

Having given a complete picture of Igbo conditional constructions, we

leave conditional Type 2 alone and concentrate on the Open Conditional

Type 1 which is immediately relevant to emotive predicate complementation.

But before we-do^this, we shall-give what we consider the deep structures

underlying both types.

Observe, too, that throughout these examples, we have assumed as

primitive the order of the clauses given as the antecedent (conditional

clause) followed by the consequent (main clause). The assumption is

arbitrary, and no crucial argument is based on it; it just happens to tally

with the order of constituents in Predicate calculus. 303

UJe suggest the following deep structure (Fig. 5) for the antecedent of the Open Conditional Construction (Type 1) which is

introduced by Ya'' wuru, the deep structure underlying the entire conditional construction, with an emotive verb as the matrix

predicate, is shown in Fig* 7.

COND

NP NP

Comp

+ , pro + pro + def + def + abs + abs - loc - loc

Cond Ya Ya Verb jF+ emot 3

Fig. 5 304

The above represents the deep structure of conditional

constructions beginning with Ya ujgru . To structures such as

these, an obligatory rule - the Copula Movement rule - applies to

produce 55 (a).

The Copula Movement Pule (obligatory)

SD i Cond — Ya - Comp S - Copula Ya - Verb

C w ' J [uiuj £+ e m o t j

2 3 4 5 612

Process : Attach 4 as the right sister of 2.

SC ! 12+43^5 6 !

The output of this obligatory rule is 55 (a)

55 (a) Ya wuru ma S, S

If it be that S, then S.

The second type of conditional construction introduced by the * v antecedent matrix sentence, A si na is an instance of Object-NP

complement, and has the deep structure shown in the following Fig 6.

Cond

Verb

+ pro Comp + Indef + pro + def + abs - loc

Cond Ya

1 2 3 4 5 6 1 Fig 305

>> The above structure must undergo the Ya Deletion rule thus:

SC' s 1 2 3 0 5 6

The output is 55 (b)

55 (b) A si na s,' S.

If one says that S, then S.

The presence of the node Cond(ition) serves as a trigger for these

■ obligatory transformations.

The two transformations may seem ad hoc, and such a charge is

inevitable in the absence of any previous transformational account

of Igbo complementation in relation to Conditional constructions.

Houjever, it seems that if Conditional constructions are to be

captured tuithin the framework of NP complementation in the language,

and this seems valid from the syntactic evidence at our disposal,

then certain transformations must be made sensitive to the presence of

the node Cond. in deep structure. Such T-rules are the obligatory

Copula Movement and Ya Deletion rules.

From now onwards, we assume that a case has been made for the

analysis of contitional clauses as an instance of NP complements.

In 5.1.3 (p.&^Sf f) > we pointed out that the Subject NP

complements of emotive verbs may be conditional clauses. ILfhat we

are going to argue in the following section is that the antecedent

of Conditional Construction Type I functions as subject NP to

emotive verbs. In other words, we mean to show that 56 (a) and

(b) are transformationally related.

56 (a) Ya wuru ma dimkpa mevoo onwe ya

If it be that a responsible person disgrace self his

, A " / — — n aha, 0 ' jg gburu onwe ya.

in pbulic it is bad kill self it; If a responsible

person disgraces himself in public, it is ver.y bad. 56(b) Dimkpa ^ imevo onwe n’ oha

For a responsible person to disgrace himself in public

jogburu ontue ya .

is very bad.

It could be argued that the relation between 56 (a) & (b) is better left to semantic equivalence rules rather than captured transformationally. Before we counter this objection, let us first examine the transformational process involved since.part of .the justification for our analysis will emerge from such a process.

The deep structure of 56 is shown in Fig. 7 below - which represents the full underlying structure of Fig. 5 to which reference was made on page 3-02>.. -

NP Verb NP

+ pro + def + abs - loc pro Comp def abs loc

prep NP Copula +■ pro + Reflex + PRO + 3rd pers + Reflex •+Sing + 3rd pers + Sing

Cond'Ya mas dimkpa mevoo onwe/ya' na oha wuru Ya jogburu onwe ya‘ 30?

To the underlying structure represented by Fig. 7, the

obligatory Copula Movement rule given on page 3 0 /f applies to produce

56 (c) thus:

SD COND - N Comp S - Copula - . N Verb

+ pro C Wuru J + pro £+ ernot]] + def + def + abs + abs - loc - loc

-< Ya' t

1 2 3 4 ' 5 6

Process: Attach 4 as the right sister of 2

SC : 12 + 4 3-056 56 (c)

56 (c) Cond. Ya wuru ma* dimkpa mevoo onus ya n1 oha ^

Ya jogburu onwe ya.

✓ * If the morphophonemic rule which converts Ya to JO and appropriate

phonological rules were to apply to 56 (c), the output would be the

well-formed sentence 56 (a) on page 3o5. Note that the node, Cond. is

deleted only after the application of the above rules, since its

presence ensures that the first Ya is not affected by the rule of Ya / ^ to 0 conversion. In other words, COND Ya never becomes COND 0

by this rule as far as this dialect is concerned.

. However, 56 (c) meets the structural description for the optional

rule Antecedent Matrix S Deletion, thus:

The Antecedent Matrix S Deletion

SD: COND N Copula comp NP Verb^ (NP) Verb, _ £YaJ {+ emotj ]

Process : Delete 2

Condition : The tense of Verb^ & Verb^ must be future/

present. 308

SC : (1) 0 3 4

The output of the above rulB is 56 (d)

/ \ /■ ^ N ^ v /v 56 (d) (JYla j dimkpa mevoo onwe ya n'oha,

/ ya jogburu onwe ya.

Observe that the node COND. may be deleted along with the antecedent matrix sentence or later after all relevant T-rules have applied.

Now 56 (d) in its present form is subject to either of two optional rules, namely:

(a) Infinitivization or

(b) The Consequent-Preposing rule.

If none of these two rules applies, then the application of phonological rules to 56 (d) yields the sentence 56 (e):

56 (e) ^ lfla'k) dimkpa mevoo onwe ya n'oha,

/ ^ 0 jogburu onwe ya.

Since the complementizer ma in 56 (e) is optional because it is sentence-initial, let us apply the Consequent Preposing rule, which makes ma obligatory:

The Consequent Preposinq Rule

SD: COND Comp S2

1 . 2 3 4

SC: 1 + 4 2 3 0

The output is 56 (f ) which becomes 56 (g ) by the Ya to 0 conversion and relevant phonological rules:

56 (f) Ya jogburu onwe ya ma dimkpa mevoo onwe ya n ’oha

56 (g ) 0 jogburu onwe ya ma dimkpa mevoo onwe ya n ’oha.

56 (g ) is well-formed. 309

Alternatively, iue can apply the other optional rule of

Infinitivization to the same 56 (e); there is no order relationship between these two rules.

Infinitivization (optional)

SD : Comp NP Verb (NP) (PP) Ya Verb (NP)

£+ emot J

1 2 3 (4) (5) 6 7 (8 )

1 6 Process : (a) Prefix the Infinitive marker I to 3 and

delete any time suffix on the verb.

(b) Delete 1 and 6 j

pronoun A, optionally otherwise.

Contition: The tense of the verbs 3 & 7 must be simple present/

future.

SC : 0 2 I+3(4)(5) 0 7 (8 )

The output of the above rule is 56 (h) in which the necessary phonological rules have also applied.

56 (h) Dimkpa imevo onuie ya n 1 oha

For a responsible person to disgrace himself in public

/ ^ jogburu onwe ya- - i

is very bad.

Observe that Infinitivization here does not depend on a prior application of Equi-NP deletion, as is the case with subjunctive complements (cf 8,2.0). This explains the syntactic difference between the two types of Infinitives in this as in the English language, namely:

(a) Subjectless Inifinitives deriving from Subjunctive

Complements via Equi-NP deletion, and

16 The Infinitive prefix is given in its phonological form I, and has two possible phonetic realisations based on vowel harmon y,. (cf 2.1*1. p .35 ). For a detailed account of Vowel Harmony in Igbo, see Carnochan 1960 p. 155-163. 310

(b) Infinitives with Subject deriving from ma^ emotive

predicate complements ..

The subject of the (b) type of Infinitive is obligatorily deleted

17 only if it is the indefinite pronoun A . As examples of those sentences uihere the Indefinite pronoun A' must be deleted, consider the following 57 (a-d).

, . / v /■ - / ' / \ f 57 (a) Ya luuru ma e meruo ya ahu, 0 ga enye nsogbu

If it be that one wounds him it will g i v e trouble *

If he is io.jured, it will complicate matters.

, X \ / — \ f \ ✓ . > (b) iYla e meruo ya ahu, o ga enye nsogbu (By opt. Antecedent

Matrix S del.)

/ \ ' S \ S \ f — , (c) 0 ga enye nsogbu ma e meruo ya ahu. (By Consequent

It will complicate matters if he is injured. Preposing)

(d) Imeru ya ahu ga enye/ nsogbu. (By Infinitivization)

To injure him will complicate matters-

The deletion of this third person indefinite pronoun a/e is obligatory in the process of infinitivization, whereas that of other indefinite or unspecified nominals is optional thus:

(e) (Madhu) ihwu ewi n’ehihe wu ehihi. * * • *

(For a person) to see the giant rat in broad daylight is a

bad omen.

It is necessary tD point out that the rule of Antecedent Matrix

Sentence - deletion is ordered before both the Consequent Preposing and Infinitivization rules, if deviant sentences such as 57 (f) are to be blocked.

17 Like the Infinitive prefix, the phonological A for the Indefinite pronoun singular is harmonising, and has two phonetic realisa tions as in: E kwuru okwu : One talked/someone talked A luru ogu : One fought/some people fought. See 2.1.1 for more details. 57 (f) *Ya wuru ma- dimkpa imevo onwe ya n’ oha jogburu 6 * • * *

onwe ya.

Observe that Inifinitivization with emotive predicate complements does not depend on a prior application of Cqui-NP deletion, but crucially on

(a) The emotivity of the predicate and

(b) The tense of both antecedent and consequent I clauses. 1

We shall take up the issue of tense constraints in chapter g (#.2.0

P* 31*7" 3^ 3 ) where we discuss the applicability of £qui-NP deletion in subjunctive (KaVma^) complementation.

Although the rule of Infinitivization applies, in these examples, after Consequent Preposing, ordering is not necessary, as we have

observed earlier (cf 5.1*0 p. )• As a further illustration of this fact, let us examine the following sequence of derivations in which the subject NP of the antecendent clause is an unspecified agent nominal. The application of relevant phonological rules is taken for granted.

CDND Ya ma madhu hwu ewi n'ehihe wuru ya wu. ehihi Base * * » * s B1 2

/ v . V ^ ^ /v / * ^ M *v / (a) Ya wuru ma madhu hwu ewi n'ehihe, ya wu ehihi.

(By oblig. T-Copula ffivt.)

(b) Ya wuru ma madhu hwu ewi n'ehihe, 0 wu ehihi

(By bolig Ya to 0 conversion) 312

If a person should see the giant rat in broad daylight, it is a bad omen.

•58 (b) is well-formed,

(By opt. Antecedent Matrix S deletion) X ~ \ / v ~ / - N ( d ) 0 uju ehihi ma madhu hwu ewi n'ehih

(By opt. Consequent Preposing)

It is a bad omen if a person should see the giant rat in broad

daylight.

Both 58 (c) & (d) are well-formed.

(e) Hwe wu ehihi wu ma madhu hwu ewi n'ehihe.

(By opt. Pseudo-Cleft followed by obligRelat^) liJhat is a bad omen is for a person to sBe the giant rat in broad

daylight.

^ - / V * N. (f) Hwe wu ehihi wu (madhu) ihwu ewi n'ehihe.

(By opt. Infinitivization)

(g) (Madhu) ihwu ewi n'ehihe wu hwe wu ehihi.

(By opt Reverse Cleft)

(h) (Madhu) ihwu ewi n'ehihe wu hwe wu ehihi.

(By opt. De-cleft)

To see the giant rat in broad daylight is a bad omen.

Each of 58 (c)-(h) is well-formed, and their generation follows

a different ^se-quence of rule application thus confirming that rules are

simply intrinsically ordered. Observe also that the unspecified

■'* N nominal, madhu is optionally deletable, as 58 (f—h ) show.

If the unspecified agent nominal madhu is optional in sentences

such as 58 (f-h), the indefinite Pronoun, A, is obligatorily deleted

in 59 (f-h): 313

59 (a) / \ * \ / “ \ N Ya • ma A coo ya acoo n'onu usekhwu ke e wuru.,

So- S1

/ V * N f Ya ga enye nsogbu (Base)

. , ^ S2^ \ / B u0 — - - V (b) Ya wuru ma a coo ya acoo n'onu usekhwu ke e 9

s \ s \ s . / * 0 ga enye nsogbu. (By oblig. T-Copula Move & Ya to 0 Conv-j

nsogbu. (By opt. Ante. Matrix S del.)

. , ' V ✓ S z' \ / _ _ _ — v (d) D ga enye nsogbu ma a coo ya acoo n'onu usekhwu', ke e. * * * * * * • |

! - (By T- Conseq. Prepose-opt.)

It would create a lot of problems if he should be missing from

this family.

(e) Hwe ga enye nsogbu wu ma a coo ya acoo n'onu

usekhwu ke e. (By opt. Pseudo-Cleft & oblig, Relat^)

UJhat will create a lot of problem is for him to be found missing

from this family,

t \ ~ A ~ \ / — „ _ - \ (f) Hwe ga enye nsogbu wu ico ya aco n'onu usekhwu ke e.

(By opt. Infinitivization & oblig. Indef. Pronoun del.)

/ __ / \ ‘ _ — — \ s •• \ ✓ (g) Ico ya aco n'onu usekhwu ke e wu hwe ga enye nsogbu.

(By T-Reverse Cleft)

(h) Ico ya aco n'onu usekhwu ke a ga enye/ nsogbu .

To find him missing from this family will create a lot of

problems. (By opt. De-Clefting)

Each of 59 (b-h) is well-formed, and the deletion of the in definite pronoun, A, is obligatory, as otherwise we would derive the ill-formed 59(i) which is 59 (f) with the indefinite pronoun undeleted.

Having shown how open conditional constructions with emotive verbs in the consequent (main) clause can be transformationally related to their infinitival counterparts, let us now try to answer the question raised on page y Q f o & s to why we should relate infini tives and contitionals transformationally, especially as only a small sub-category of conditional constructions is involved in the examples under examination: If the T-rule which relates sentences such as

58 (b) & (f) or 61 (a) & (b) does not apply to all open conditional constructions, then the gain of such a transformational relationship is minimal, and the paraphrase relationship existing between such pairs as 61 (a) & (b) is better left to semantic equivalence rules.

In order to counter the above argument, it is necessary to point out that the verbs involved in the consequent clause of the conditional constructions and their infinitival transforms are complement-taking predicates belonging to the sub-category of emotive verbs, a semantic class which has been justified on syntactic grounds (cf 1 * 3-^)

Secondly, it will be observed from Figs. 5 & 7 and other relevant

/ examples that the co-referentiality of the abstract proform Ya_ in

/ the antecedent and its morphophoneme £ in the consequent is a unique characteristic of this type of conditional construction, and is possible only with emotive verbs ehich take sentential subject. As in other subject-NP complements, Ya^ is deletable along with the

/ antecedent - matrix sentence, but only obligatorily converted to 0, if it is the subject of the consequent (cf examples 57 (b), S8 (c) &

59 (c)). Thirdly, there is the very important consideration of the tense constraint on the applicability of the rule of Infinitivization:

Very similar, if not the same tense constraint on the applicability of Equi-NP deletion and Infinitivization on the complements of forward- looking predicates (cf g,2.0) are at work here in the infinitivization of the verb of the antecedent clause which, ..... 315

....we have argued, is a subject NP to the emotive verb in the consequent. Dust as the verb of a kaVma subjunctive complement is alu/ays future in relation to the tense of the matrix sentence, so is the verb of the antecedent always future in relation to that of the consequent, which is generally future or simply present. The only difference in the two situations is this: The matrix verbs to Ka^ma subjunctive complements are generally inherently forward-looking predicates such as

ico to wish, desire ,

ikwadho " prepare, plan

ikwe nkhwa '* promise while those involved in emotive predicate complementation here are not inherently forward-looking, but must be future in order for In finitivization to apply. Ceonsequently, the paraphrase and trans formational relationship between the fallowing 60(a) & (b) parallels the relation between 61(a) & (b), except in so far as 50(a) has a subjectless infinitive complement, while 61 (b) has an infinitive

1$ complement with subject

^ ' / - 60 (a) Ogu coro p ka ya luwa *\ adha gi ‘I (b) j^iluwa

61 (a) Dimkpa C kwuwe coro coro, Oh wu hwe ihwere .

(b) 11 (^.ikwuwe " "

If a responsible person starts talking too much,it is a shame.

For a ” *' to start talking too much is a shame.

18 See the rule of infinitivization (p.B/O ) where it is argued that only indefinite nominals (nouns or the pronoun A 'one') can be deleted. Infinitivization in emotive predicate complementation is not triggered by Equi-NP deletion as is the case with Ka/ma subjunctive complements. 315

It seems, therefore, that by capturing transformationally the para phrase relationship between pairs of-sentences such as 61 (a) & (b), we are merely invoking an independently motivated constraint, and this, coupled with the first two reasons given above, constitutes sufficient justification for not leaving this paraphrase relationship to semantic equivalence rules* The tense constraint on infinitivization explains why infinitives generally have a future meaning in most languages,

Igbo and English, for example.

5.2.1 Emotive Predicates And Raising

Gust as emotive predicates are the only sub-group of verbs which take infinitival complements, some of them are similarly the only verbs in Igbo which allow their complements to undergo the Raising

Rules (Subject and Object Raising). Only non-factive emotives are involved. Subject - Raising accounts for the transformational relationship between 62 (a) & (b), while Object - Raising is res ponsible for the paraphrase relationship between 63 (a) & (b),

62 (a) It appears that Gohn is a shy character.

(b) Gohn appears to be a shy character.

63 (a) I wanted for Oohn to be present at the conference.

(b) I wanted Gohn to be present at the conference.

In 62(b), the subject of the that - complement has been raised into the subject position of the matrix sentence (hence Subject - Raising or Raising Subject NP into Subject position), while in 63 (b) the subject of the for - to complement has been raised into the Object position of the matrix clause (hence Raising from subject into object position). Raising is a fairly wide-spread phenomenon in English, and is one of the Sources for deriving the prolific infinitival complements in the language. 317

But it seems a very restricted syntactic process in Igbo, and so far, only a handful of emotive predicates are known to be subject to the rule of Subject - Raising; Object - Raising does not seem to be a rule of Igbo syntax, and even in English, its status is questionable.

By subject - Raising in Igbo, we mean that the subject - or object - NP of a complement clause can be raised into the subject position of the main clause. Igbo, unlike English, does not raise subject into an object position. As 65 & 66 show, Raising from Object into Subject position in Igbo is very similar to Tough-IYlovement in

English, as illustrated by the following English examples:

(a) It is tough for any champion to beat Arthur Ash.

(b) Arthur Ash is tough for any one to beat.

The verbs involved in the Subject - Raising rule in Igbo include: r _ appear, seem, be likely

itoshi (etoshi) to be appropriate

ikweshi (ekweshi) worthy, good / — idi mma to be good, moral

M njo M •’ bad, immoral

\. " mkpa n ” necessary

Of these, the first four are those which are subject to obligatory

Extraposition, as illustrated on page The following 64-66 illustrate Subject - Raising in Igbo ;

64 (a) 0 di ka nwa a dhara adha •

It seems that this child had a fall

(b) Nwa a di . ka 0 dhara adha*

Child this seems that he fell fall:

This child seems to have had a fall. 318

65 (a) D ^ luwa nwa - agbogho o

It is appropriate that I should marry this young girl

\ (b) Nui/ - agbogho o ka m luwa ya . . ' • • J ^kweshinj This young girl is fit that I should marry her:

This young girl is fit for me to marry.

66 (a) 0 di mkpa na anyi hwuru DikhG, .

It is necessary that we should see Dikhe.

^ - v ✓ \ ' V / (b) Dikhe « di mkpa na anyi » hiuuru * 1 ya.

Dikhe is necessary for that we should see him:

Dikhe is necessary for us to see.

These examples are enough to illustrate what happens in Subject

Raising in emotive predicate complementation in Igbo: when the object of the complement is raised into the subject position of the main clause, its pronominal copy is left behind. This explains the presence of the object pronoun ya' (her) in 65 (b) and ya (him) in 66 (b) where these two homonyms stand for 1 Nwa/ - agbogho o*

(this young girl) and Dikhe respectively. Unlike what happens in

English, RAISING in Igbo does not give rise to infinitives, rather

Infinitivization is independent of RAISING, as the above examples conclusively show. The rule of Subject Raising will apply whether

□r not the emotive predicate complement has undergone the rule of

Infinitivization: 319 . .^19 67 (a) Nwa - agbogho o kweshiri m

This young girl is fit for me to marry

ihwu(ni) ^ _ N (b) Dikhe di anyi

V -v ~ / ohwuhwu V_. Dikhe is necessary for us to see.

These examples are the output of RAISING and INFINITIVIZATION. Note

that in this form, there is no pronoun copy of the raised object left / i in thB complement, rather me optionally have the -ni Suffix. No members of any other semantic class of verbs than emotive predicates

are subject to either Subject Raising or Object Raising in the Igbo

language.

CONCLUSION

In this final section of the chapter, me have examined the motivation for the distinction into emotive and non-emotive predicates

( a distinction mhich cuts across the factive/non-factive one since

there are factive and non-factive emotives) and me have justified

such a distinction on the basis of the following syntactic evidence:

(a) Only emotive predicates take either conditional

(antecedent) clauses or otho - headed complex NP's as

subject, and permit its infinitivization.

19 The status of the -ni suffix, like that of many non-in fleetional and non derivational suffixes in Igbo, is not clear.- It seems, however, to be associated with objectless verbs as in the above and following examples: Onye byarani, kpuo ya obia\ Whoever✓ jw" comes , — entertain \ / him. v Contrast this with Onye zuru ohi, mevoo ya Whoever steals, disgrace him. Although the verb come is intransitive in English, and steal may be used intransitively, the Igbo verb izu ohi is transitive. The presence of the inherent complement, ohi explains the absence of the -ni suffix as the two are mutually exclusive in the language. 320

(fa) Only such emotive predicate complements are subject to the

optional rules of Infinitivization and Subject Raising,

these tiuo rules are not mutually dependent, as is the case

in English where RAISING gives rise to infinitives.

the emotivity of the predicates involved and the fact that

the verbs in both the antecedent and consequent clause 3

express no more than the simple present/future time, a fact

uie relate to EQUI and forward-looking verbs in chapter 8*

(d) RAISING in Igbo means the raising of either the subject or

object of the complement clause into the subject position of

the matrix or main clause. In the case of raising from

object position, a pronominal copy of the complement object

is always left behind, unless the complement in question has

previously undergone the rule of Infinitivization.

We also distinguish the above infinitival complements from the gerunds which we associate with factive Na complements; this distinction is justified on syntactic and semantic grounds.

5*3.0 NaS - Complement Verbs

The great majority of NP - complement - taking verbs in Igbo take Na complements either as subject or object, IViany of these may also take Ka/ma subjunctive, or ma* Interrogative complements; they

/ will also take si Imperative complements if they are verbs of saying.

In view of this fact, cross - classification of verbs is inevitable.

Only a representative sample is given, and the list is by no means exhaustive, tUe give, first, Na^ Subject - NP verbs, and then Object -

NP ones. 321

List of Verbs

ibha uru - to be useful

f - idi - to be

/ - V / ido anya - to be clear (of facts, argument etc.) iga anya - to pass through the eye

^ - N. ✓ igbagwoju anya - to be confusing, to confuse

✓ -v V ikpa uhwa - to please, delight

/ - \ ikudha obi - to cool the mind, calm doum

^ — N ikuju obi - to pacify, calm down the mind I ✓ \ ikweshi - to be worthy, appropriate I

^ _ imashi - to please, delight ime ihwere - to shame, to cause to become ashamed

✓ „ imewe anya - to convince, cause someone to be convinced

/ _ ira ahu - to be difficult

N itughd obi - to cause to change one's mind

s - itu n ’anya - to surprise, astonish, to cause to change iwe anya - to be evident, to be convincing

/ \ i c e - to think, conjecture

t — x ic'ofu't - a - to discover, find out

/ - ide - to write

' _ V igba agugo - to argue, debate

/ - igba akaebe - to testify, give testimony

/ - x igba ama - to disclose

/ - N. igba izu - to whisper igbasha - to spread, circulate

/ - igha ugha - to lie, tell a lie

✓ — ighota - to understand, comprehend

/ _ igo - to deny

/ _ igoshi - to demonstrate, show 322

igu to read

/ - igwa to tell -V - ihiuu• 4 to see ✓ _ iju to refuse ' v ika to say, relate, etc. ✓ M iko to guess / — iko * * to narrate / - ikota to recognise

✓ ~ ikowa « * to explain, elucidate ✓ ^ ikuzhi to teach, instruct / “ \ ikujafe to deceive, to banter X _ ikuie to agree, consent ^ - V ikiue nkuja to promise, make a promise / ^ ikuiu to say, relate etc.

ikwufuta to confess

X - ila anya to expect, await x - ima to know, realise X _ ima ebe to wagBr X _ ima iwu to legislate X - imata to know, realise

X \ imuta * • to learn, understand x \ ✓ iro aro to dream X \ X irutu aka to., point-, out

X \ isha to reply X — isi to say, relate, allege etc X - iti mkpu to shout x- \ itu to plan X — itu anya to expect, await X _ itugha to discuss itu ujo to be afraid, fear X V. iu/e to take as, to take that, 323

/ _ iza r to answer izhi • - to show izhi ozhi - to send a message, word 324

Chapter &

Np “ (Embedded Yes/No Question) Complements

And

Embedded Kedu - Questions

6.0 Introduction

This chapter is divided into two major sections, the first part (

(hereafter referred to as Yes/No Questions) as NP, while the second part (€.3.0 - €>.3.1) is devoted to the Igbo equivalents of embedded

English lLfH- Questions. UJe have decided to describe the latter as

\ / Kedu - Questions to avoid any wrong impression which might be created by talking of IUH- Questions in the description of a language where the form WH- has no morphological basis. The decision to treat the two types of questions together is made on the need to facilitate comparison and contrast. Section £*4 considers in detail the syntactic uniqueness of otho - headed NP in so far as they relate to other

NP - complements in the language, while in 6*5. we give a sample list of verbs which take Interrogative complements.

In 6.1 - £*2 we show that ma^ clauses are instances of NP - complements while their Kedu counterparts, though NP*s, lack the structure characteristic of sentential complements such as we have given in this thesis. Rather, Kedu - Questions, Df which otho - headed NPs form a sub-part, have the structure of a complex nominal

(Norn S ) (cf 4.2, PS-rules 6 & 8, p. 20& ) while an NP - complement is characterised by the following internal structure ; I 325

+ pro + def + abs - loc

Ya Comp

where the nominal head must have the above feature specifications

which the N of a complex Nominal structure does not have. In

addition, sentential complements are characterised by complementizers

in their structure, whereas complex No'minals (relative clauses, for

example,) are not.

In view of the fact that there is no detailed analysis of

Question constructions in Igbo to which reference can be made, we

have considered it helpful to supply the necessary background in the

following section 6,1.

£.1. Types of Igbo Questions ; 1. Yes/No Questions.

/ \ ^ N '1 1 (a) Ogu* Q byara ahya?

Qgu, he came (to) market? Did Ogu come to market?

/ \ * ' / ~v ' (b; Ndom ya s ha nochakwa ya?

lUives his they stay all at home 7 in it

Are all his wives at home?

1 Throughout these examples, we have deliberately departed from our convention of not marking the tones of successive syllables unless there is a contrast or change of pitch. Tor example, all the pronoun subjects have beEn marked as low or low - low regardless of whether the preceding syllable is also on the same pitch. 'Jie have done this in order to highlight the low tone pattern of pronouns in Question constructions in the language. 326

S \ \ ^ , 1 (c) Oimkpa, I na agbalikwa?

Wan, you are trying also?

Wan, are you doing fine?

\ v t „ (d) Unu anujuole mai afo?

You have drunk fill wine stomach?

Have you taken wine to your satisfaction?

/ \ ^ \ / V''w (e) Ogwe m, m hwuru ya anya?

Self mine, I saw him eye? (Rhetorical)

I did not even see him myself.

\ v ^ N (f) Anyi gburu ochu? (Idiomatic)

llle killed ochu? Did we commit murder? \ /■ * 2. Kedu Type: \ \ 2 (a) Ogu, 0 mere refn ] 9 \ g i n i J

Ogu, he did what? What did Ogu do?

" \ \ / (b) Ibe, 0 gidhere onye?

Ibe, he wrestled down who? Who did Ibe throw/beat?

-* \ * \ ✓ - (c) Umu ndom, ha jhe n 1 olee?

The women, they are going where?

Where are the women going?

(d) Enyi, I mens |

Friend, you have done how?

Friend, how do you do? (A greeting)

(e) Nenna, I loro { “'g b i l l e ]

Nenna you returned what time?

When did you return, Nenna? 327

\ f \ / 2 (f) Unu jiri ole mgbu bya?

You used what time come? ‘ When did you come?

It will be observed from examples 1 & 2 that question format'on in Igbo demands that -

(a) There be a pronominal copy of the subject of the sentence,

unless such a subject happens to be a pronoun; this is in

contrast to statements., which do not demand any such pronoun

copy;

(b) . This pronominal copy must have a low (if monsyllabic) or

low - low tone pattern, (if disyllabic).

Secondly, examples 1 (a-f) differ from 2 (a-f) in that the former lack what the latter have, the following question morphemes which are always present in this type of question;

(i) fsfrin _ L

(ii) onye - who?

(iii) (na) olee - where?

(iu) {Ifia'lj - h™7

(v) j ^ g b u ^ l e J ** ^ a t time/when?

These question morphemes constitute the major difference between Yes/

No and Kedu- Questions in Igbo. Examples 1 (a-f) represent the Yes/No'

Questions, while those of"'2 (a-f) are instances of the Kedu types, which are the Igbo equivalents of UJH- Questions in English. If the examples of 2 represent what we have described as Kedu - Questions, how does the morpheme Kedu come into our discussion?

In order to answer the above question, let us admit the following additional data: 328-

\ 3 (a) Giri mere ? What happened? \ /- (b) Ksdu hu/e mereni?

\ , '(c) Onye byara ? Who came? (d) Kedu onye byarani?

f Kedu 4 (a) -j Ndil hwe Ibe'’' meVe? Lbll'e

UJhat thing Ibe did What did Ibe do?

v (b) Ke\du onye Ogu g ’idhere?

Which person Ogu defeated in wrestling:

Whom did Ogu defeat in u/restling?

/ \ \ \ S v x \ (c; Olee ebe umu ndhom jhe?

Which place u/omen are going:

Where are the women going?

(d) Nenna, ndii -T 2 I loro? L ° 9 e J

Nenna, what time did you return?

(e)/ \ Enyi, ^ kedu ^ otho I mere? \ : Friend, how do you do?

(f) Kedu og'e f unu unu ,•) jiri bya?f l Un UJ What time you used come : What time did you come?

/ \ s x Observe- from the foregoing examples that 3 (b) is the kedu or periphrastic version of 3 (a), just as 3(d) is that of 3 (c). In

4 (a) Kedu is given as one of a closed set of items which may introduce the appropriate variant of Type 2 or Kedu - Question. In other words, kedu is a cover term for these lexical items which always function in initial position in this form of Type 2 questions. We have chosen it as a descriptive label because of our liking for it as a shortened form of greeting which is fast gaining popularity. ' 329

Strictly speaking, kedu is an Onitsha dialect word which is now used

\ / - \ / - non-dialectally, while ndii and olee are Owerri in origin. UJhen we talk of kedu - Questions, we mean that category of questions

(Question Type 2) which do not demand a Yes/No answer. They have two variants - the form without the item kedu, such as are shown in

2 (a-f),/ \ and the form with kedu ' r (the periphrastic form of kedu 'l|* * -

Questions) as revealed by 3 (b) & (d), and 4 (a-f). As we shall show in £.3.0, it is the periphrastic formswhich are analysable as relative clauses whether or not they are embedded as complex NP1s to com- I plement - taking predicates. Any further details about this sub! category of Igbo questions are deferred to the above section.

/ S. ^ Despite the superficial similarities of Yes/No and* Kedu -

Questions, we do not propose to derive the two types of questions from structurally one common underlying form, the main reasons being that/the Yes/l\!o type . requires the trigger Q, which Kedu - Questions do not require since they have an interrogative morpheme in deep structure. Secondly, it is theoretically more sound to derive the non-periphrastic form of

Kedu - Questions from the periphrastic form via a reduction rule, rather than involve oneself in a structure - building process by attempting to generate the periphrastic version from the more basic, non-periphrastic form. Fig. / below represents the deep structure of Type 1 (Yes/No) Question in Igbo

(AUX) Verb (NP)

(NP) Q (Aux) Verb

Fig. 1 330

To the above figure we apply the following obligatory T-rule for Yes/Mo Question formation in Igbo:

The Q - Substitute And Pronoun Copy Rule (Obliq.)

SD Q - NP - (AUX) - Verb - (NP)

1 2 3 4 5

Process Substitute 2 for Q and leave a pronoun copy of 2

behind.

2 SC pro + (3') 4 (5)

It is the application of this rule which produces sentences such W

5 (b) from 5 ( a ) ,

5 (a) Q Ndi ulo ya dicha mma

(b) Ndi ulo ya^, ha' dicha mma?;

Members of house his, they are all well-:

Are his family all u/ell?

5 (b) is represented by the following tree-diagram, fig. 2

Pro Verb

Ndi ylg ya ha dicha mma

Fig. 2

Kedy - Questions

Kedu Questions (Type 2 Questions) have the following underlying structure: 331

Kedu

NP ‘VP.

(Auxy Verb Interrogative

giri onye' glia Kedu ana'a n < i. Ndil ole mgbu Olee na olee NP (Aux) Verb

It is observable from the above fig. 3 that Kedu and its substitutes constitute a pre-sentence in the deep structure of Type

2 (Kedu - ) Questions, and that the VP is expanded into verb and interrogative, instead of verb and NP (aux being an optional element)

The derivation of both the non-periphrastic and the periphrastic versions of kedu - Questions follows the following rule application:

The Pronoun Copy and Kedu Deletion Rule (Oblig.)

SD Kedij NP (AUX) Verb Interrogative

1 2 3 4 5

Process Attach the pronominal copy of 2 as the left sister of

3, or of 4 if there is no 3

Delete 1 2 + (3) 4 5 SC 0 pro

Only this T-rule along with the relevant phonological rules is needed

to derive sentences such as 6 (b) from 6 (a) thus: 6 (a) Kedu Ogu mere giri (Base) s \ \ ' s - (b) Ogu, 0 mere giri : li/hat did Ogu do?

But in order to generate the periphrastic version of 6 (b), we need to apply the following rules some of which are transforma tional, others morphophonemic, to the base form 6 (a) : / _ Kedu Ogu mere giri (Base)

(c) Kedu giri Ogu mere (By Interrogative IViVT. oblig.) - ✓ ' - (d) Kedu hwe Ogu mere (By hwe for giri Substitute - morphophonemic & oblig.) iI (e) Kedu hwe OgiT mere? (By Tone Rules oblig.) '

The above 6 (e) is a well- formed Igbo sentence.

Observe that the Interrogative movement rule above is similar to, if not identical with Object (NP) Movement given in 5*1*0 p* in connection with the relativization of factive Nav - complements, or thB Verb complement movement rule in the case of intransitive verbs

(cf 5*1*1 P. 2/77 ) All these rules are subject to one and the same constraint, namely, that the item moved must be directly dominated by VP and be a right sister to the verb; they can, therefore, be subsumed under one movement rule in Igbo, which is relevant to relativization in the language*

Secondly, the substitution of hwe for girl is an obligatory morphophonemic rule consequent on the movement of an interrogative to a position where it is immediately preceded by kedu.

All interrogatives are subject to similar morphophonemic rules thus:

x _ (i) hwe for giri

s « (ii) onye onye

(iii) otho L anaa J

(iv) ebe o na olee

Examples 3 (b) & (d) and 4 (a-f p.329 ) illustrate the use of these \ / forms occurring in the periphrastic versions of Kedu - Questions.

6 (e) has the following derived constituent structure, Fig. /fc

Kedu

NP 2

Verb

Kedu hwe Ogu mere

What thing Ogu did?

Fig. 4

UJhat did Ogu do?

The details of the rules which produce sentences such as that shown in the above Fig. 4 belong appropriately to Section 6*3.0, and are deferred to that section.

Summary: In the foregoing section, we have demonstrated that there arB two categories of Questions in Igbo - Yes/No and Kedu - Questions and that each of them has a different underlying structure, as shown in Figs. 1 and 3 respectively.

In Kedu - Questions, the periphrastic and non-periphrastic forms are related by a transformation which deletes kedy in the non-periphrastic versions, but not in the periphrastic ones. 334

The non-deletion of kedu triggers a movement rule which moves the

interrogative to a position where it is immediately preceded by kedu,

thus giving rise to a set of morphophonemic rules whose output becomes

the input to the Tone rules which are needed in relative clause

formation.

So far, our discussion of Interrogative Sentence formation has

been confined to Direct Questions. In what follows, we shall see how

the process of embedding these questions affects the rules so far

discussed. What we have described throughout this thesis as ffla^ l (Interrogative ) complements are instances of Indirect Yes/No

Questions embedded as NF after a subset of matrix verbs.

2, ffia^ NP Complements : Embedded Yes/No Questions

The following sentences contain instances of ma'2 Interrogative

complements:

7 (a) Ogu juru ma2 anyi ga ejhekwe ahya.

Ogu asked [’whether') we shall go still market. {, if }

Ogu asked whether we should still go to market.

/ \ v N ' (b) Ifla^ 0 turu ashi ma^ 0 kwuru ezhiokwu

Whether he told lie whether he told truth

na agbagwoju m anya.

is confusing me eye.*

U/hether he lied or told the truth is still confusing to me.

f \ ^ y / \ n

We are arguing whether you really love him :

We are debating the issue as to whether you really love him.

/ \ ' v v * (d) Agala cheghekwe m ma^ 0 ga ekwe ibyani

Still thinking am I whether he will consent to come.

I am still wondering whether he will consent to come. 335

7 (e) Anyi anubele ma^ Egyo (0) luola di.

LUe have not heard if Ego she has married husbandi

Ule have not heard whether Eg*o has married.

The structure underlying the above sentences is given below in Fig. 5.

W? ^ V P

Verb NP

+ pro + def + abs - loc

Comp Comp

Verb Ya maNP

Fig. 5

The deep structure of maj NP complements is not different from that of any other NF - complement except in terms of the node present and the necessity of having double questions embedded in such a structure. Observe that it is the pre-sentence Q which triggers the

Q - substitute and Pronoun - Copy rule discussed in 1. page 350,

This T-rule is still very relevant to ma^ complementation in view of sentences such as 7 (e) repeated here with its variant.* N ^ ^ * A \ A — 7 (e) Anyi anubele ma Eg'o 0 lupla | di . \ aIudIs r 336

Uihat happens is that for some dialect speakers, the T-rule is obligatory for both embedded and non-embedded Yes/No Questions; for others^it is obligatory for .all non-embedded Yes/No Questions, but optional for embedded ones. This is the situation in the dialect being described here, Uihether this Q substitute and Pronoun Copy rule applies in complementation or not is immaterial to the transformational processes involved in this subset of Igbo complementa tion, although its application serves to maintain the essential unity between Yes/No questions on the one hand and NP complements on the other. The need to maintain this unity of treatment is the over riding reason for the application of this T- rule throughout this chapter.

In order to see the derivational processes involved in the generation of the sentences of 7, let us examine the following paradigms B and 9:

8 (a) Ibe juru m ma^ Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhi okwu.

Ibe asked me whether Ogu he died in true word.*

Ibe asked me whether Ogu really died,

. . ~ / V - - \ ^ s s / (b) Hwe Ibe juru m wu ma^ Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhi okwu .

QJhat Ibe asked me is whether Ogu really died.

Whether Ogu really died is what Ibe asked me

9 va) Anyi gbagha agugo ma^ umuaka a ha hwuru

tiie are arguing whether children these they saw

f T ndi o h i • thieves : Hie are debating whether these children saw any

thieves. 9 (b) ffla u mu aka o' ha hwuru ndi ohi, anyi

Whether these children saw any thieves, we

gbagha agugo ya.

are doubtful.

/ (c) Hue anyi gbagha agugo ya wu ma umuaka a'

UJhat we are arguing about is whether these children

IV \ AT \ / ■'V — ha hwuru ndi ohi.

saw any thieves. I / . \ / v ^ “ S " \ " / W " V (dj IYla umuaka a ha hwuru ndi ohi wu hwe !

Uihether these children saw any thieves is what

anyi gbagha agugo ya,

we are arguing about.

The derivation of paradigm 8 is as follows:

10 (a) *'■ \ f Ibe juru m ya Q ma Ogu nwuru anwu n'ezhi - okwu

S, S* (Base Form)

(b) Ibe juru ya ma Ogu 0 nwuru anwu nezhi-okwu

(By T-Q substitute & Pro Copy, opt.)

l \ ' V ^ » V / _ (c) Ibe juru m ma Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhiokwu.

(By abstract Ya^ Deletion- opt)

10(c)above is the same as 8 (a). As was made abundantly clear in chapter 6 on Na complementation, an early deletion of the abstract

pronoun ya^ blocks the derivation of other semantically related

sentences of the paradigm. It is for this same reason that the

reader is asked to ignore 10 (c) for the meantime.

Hie therefore continue the derivation with 10 (b) as input^giving

10 (d) Ya* Ibe juru m ma. Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhi-okwu

(By abstract ya^ fflvt opt.) 10 (e) Hwe Ibe' juru m wu ma2 Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhi-okwu.

(By T-Pseudo-Cleft - Oblig.)

. . ~ ^ N ^ V N , _ (f) Hwe Ibe juru m wu ma^ Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhi-okwu.

(By-T - Relat^ - oblig,)

The application of the necessary Phonological rules to 10 (f) yields the acceptable sentence, 10 (g), which is equivalent to 8 (b).

(g) Hwe Ibe juru m wu ma Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhi-okwu.

10 (h) is the output of an optional application of the Reverse Cl'eft

! rule on 10 (f):

(h) Ma Ogu 0 nwuru anwu n'ezhi-okwu wu hwe Ibe juru m

Whether Ogu died in truth is what • Ibe asked me

Whether Ogu really died is what Ibe asked me.

From the derivational history of the sentences of paradigm 8 given here, the following facts emerge:

(a) Apart from the first of these T - rules - the Q substitute

and Pronoun Copy rule - which is unique to meu? complementa

tion, the rest of the T - rules involved here are those

that we have established in chapter 6 in connection with

Na complementation.

(b) The ordering of the rules remains exactly the same, with

the abstract Ya* Movement rule preceding the Pseudo-Cleft

rule, and Relat^ and Reverse Cleft rules following in that

order,

number because of the semantic fact that NP com

plements never undergo such transformations as the Nomina-

lisation of the Complement sentences (T -Relat2 ) which

Factive Na - Complements generally undergo. '339

not being factive, cannot undergo such definitization

transformations as T-Relat2 (cf S*1.2. p. ZB 3 ff). « However, the number 9 paradigm present a slightly different

picture from what was observed with regard to paradigm 8, as the

following exposition shows:

/ \ ^ f N t \ ✓ \ ~ V r~i f _ — 7 — ) 11 (a) Anyi gbagha agugo ya umuaka a hwuru ndi ohi / / S o ®i Base

(b) Anyi gbagha agugo ya'" ma umuaka a ha hwuru ndi ohi

(By T - Q-Substitute & Pro Copy -opt)

As is the case with derivation of paradigm 8, the deletion of the

abstract pronoun ya has been ignored for reasons which are now

obviousj 11 (b) is, however, a well-formed sentence, the necessary

phonological rules having applied.

from 11 (b) we derive 11 (c) by a T-rule which we describe

here as complement Object S Preposing.

Schematically, the rule of Complement Object SPreposing is given

as f ollouis:

Complement Object S Preposinq (Opt.)

SD : NP Verb N - Ma'2 S

C y s ]

1 - 2 - 3 - 4

Process : Attach 4 as the left sister of 1 SC : 1 + 4 3 0 Note : It seems that all ma^ complement verbs permit the

application of this rule to their Object Complement. The

temptation to make it a lexically specified rule has been

resisted for want of evidence in support of such an analysis.

It is the application of the above rule to 11 (b) which produces

sentences such as 11 (c) as output. 340

1 1 ( d ) Tfia umuaka a ha hwuru ndi ohi, anyi gbagha agugo ya*:

UJhether these children sauj any thieves, we are still debating

about it.

The following examples illustrate the same fact:

. \ s \ / \ ~ \ / (d; Anyi tughakwa anya ma2 ha gaduru agadu

Uie are expecting still whether they arrived.

Hie are still expecting to hear whether they arrived.

(e) ffia ha gaduru agadu, anyi tughakwa a'nya ya. I Uihether they did arrive, we are still expectingjto hear,

(f) Anyi ceghekwe ma2 udho ga adi

U/e are still pondering whether peace will be.*

Uie are still pondering as to whether there will be peace.

(g) Hfla udho ga adi, anyi ceghekwe ya,

Uihether there will be peace, we are still pondering about it.

Although all the foregoing examples have their matrix verbs in the present progressive tense/aspect, it does not mean that this rule of Object Complement § Preposing is blocked if the tenses of verbs were other than the progressive present. The fallowing examples are

s well-formed, regardless of the tense of the ma - complement verbs:

tuchara a'nya ya ^ (atugla anya ya (. ga atu anya ya

pcere (1 ; Ifla udho ga adi, anyi J eceele ^ g a ece

Similarly, all verbs which in the Negative Form take the ma^ In terrogative Complement are also subject to this rule. In this respect,

\ \ most Na - Complement taking verbs will take IYla2 ‘ Interrogative

Complements when they are in the Negative form* 341

As an illustration of this fact, consider the following examples, in each of which the matrix Verb is in the Negative:

12 (a) Madhu amahii ma^ E kwuhyere ya ekwuhye.

Person knows not whether One offended him by talking I

No one knows whether people offended him by their utterances

' ' V S, / N (b) E kwuhyere ekwuhye, madhu H ya

UJhether people offended him by their utterances, no one

amahii.' "Z- •

S knows. | N (a) .Dikhe aghotabele ma2 0 UIU ya jheex

Dikhe understand not have whether is it he goes

ma^ 0 WLJ ya nodi n'ulo.

or is i t he stay at home*

Dikhe has not understood whether he is to go or remain at home

14 (a) 0 dii onye gwara umu ndhom ma^

There is not person (who) told the women whether

7*\ ' „ - \ / ^ ha ga eshi iri ma^ 0 wu rayisi.

they will cook food or it is rice.*

■ Nobody told the women whether they should cook native food

or rice.

f \ \ t \ * \ ■ / \ / N (b) (Yla umu ndhom ga eshi iri ma 0 wu rayisi,

UJhether the women should cook food or rice,

D dii onye gwara ha.

nobody told them.

. . \ / _ v ^ __ 15 (a) Agwa gi egoshibele ma2 mai gbughe gi.

manner your reveal not have whether wine is killing you;

Your behaviour has not revealed whether you are drunk. 342

\ / ** \ f n ^ / 15 (b) Ma mai gbughe gi, aguia gi ^goshibele ya

Whether you are drunk, your behaviour has not revealed it, V ^ x

Writer of book said not whether us have come complete

The secretary did not say whether we have all come.

(b) Tfla^ anyi abyazuole, Ode akwukwo akahii.

Whether • wo have all come, the secretary did not say.

These examples 12 - 16 demonstrate conclusively that any verb in the Negative which takes Ma^ Interrogative Complement will permit the optional application of the Complement Object S Proposing.

From 11 (c) 11(e) 11 (g) and 15 (b), it will be further observed that the ya^abstract pronoun is retained along with the Matrix Sentence after tho preposing of the complement object S. Ws have not yet discovered any syntactic explanation for this. The abstract pronoun head may still be present in Surface Structure even if one goes through the alternative set of T - rulss such as the Ya Abstract Movement rule,

Pseudo Cleft and Relativization (cf 10 (a)-(b), and (d)-(h).

Let us taka sentence 9 (c) for example, repeated here for ease of reference:

IV / „ \ / v y / \ / * y > V / . 9 (c) Hwe anyi gbagha agugo ya wu ma umuaka a ha hwuru ndi ohi

For a sentence suchu-as this, Pseudo Cleft must have consisted in a transformational insertion of hwe in view of the presence in surface form of the ya which should have been moved to initial position and -fw / replaced by hum through a morphophonemic rule. But this insertion of hiu©/ is optional in Pseudo-Cleft sentences like 9(c) since 9 c(i)

/ without Ya in surface form and, consequently, without a trans-

/ formationally inserted hwe is equally grammatical. 343

\ / v / - 9c(i) Hwe anyi gbagha agugo wu ma umuaka a ha hwuru ndi ohi.

So far, the structures ws have examined involve either singlg or double questions embedded as an NP, Closely related to double questions in structure is the Cither - Or - Construction in Igbo.

Uie illustrate this point with a few examples:

✓ \ / s 17 (a) Acoro ma. uiu mma,

\ ✓ V ma_ 0 wu ’u. 2 * 99 *

whether it be a knifs t UJant I whether it be a h o e :

I want either a knife or a hos.

/ \ / (b) Acoro m mma ma^ 0 wu o g ‘u. • € ( «

Ulant I a knife or it be hoe.

I want (either) a knife or a hoe *

17 (b) is related to 17 (a) by soma form Df Conjunction reduction, the details of which are not relevant here 3ut it is necessary to \ / point out that the reduction rule deletes ma o wu provided that what follows it is an NP, and not a santence. This explains the

reason why 18 (a ) cannot be so reduced. ✓ 18 (a) Anyi coro ima ma 0 eri anu • * * z ji

W b want to know whether he does eat meat w \ ma 0 ji eri azu*

whether he doss eat fish: We want

know whether he eats meat or fish. 344

^ \ / / 18 (b) Anyi corn ima ma 0 ji eri any

We want to know ■ whether he eats meat

' „ ' -j v ma 0 wu azu .

whether it is fish,'

UJb want to know whether he eats meat or fish.

18 (b) cannot be described as a reduced form of 18 (a) because one expression ma' o wu" has merely been substituted for another -

\ S ma 0 ji eri.

Whatever the nature of the deletion rule relating 17 (b) to 17 (jj) ,

it must be very restricted in its application.

Observe, however, that in both 17 & 18, the tone pattern of the

ma'2 “ complements is that of an interrogative sentence. The Igbo

equivalent of English either - or - construction is in the form of

simple Yes/No question in the second disjunct thus:

19 (a) I ga ahu bia" (si) 0 wu wishiki?

You will drink beer or is it whisky:

Will you drink beer or whisky?

(b) Gotere m mai nkwu max 0 wu mai ngwo,

■Buy for me oil palm wine or rafia palm wine

Whether it is I whether it is hej one will be in!

Either he or I will be in.

(d) Ogu ma 0 wu nwie ya ga ejishi ikhi bya *

Ogu or it is wife his must endeavour come I

Ogu or his wife must endeavour to come.

It is obvious from the foregoing examples that the Igbo equivalents

of English either - or - constructions are Yes/l\lo questions. -345-

Summary

In this section on ma interrogiative complementation, we have demonstrated the close relationship betu/een tnis sub-category of

NP - complements and their Na Indicative counterpart: the same set of T-rules apply to both types in the same order (cf p. 239 et seq.)

UJ© have brought out the uniqueness of ffla^ NP - complements by showing that the following T-rules

(a) The Q-Substitute•and Pronoun Copy and (b) The Complement Object S Preposing are peculiar to them. It has also been pointed out (p.342) that for such verbs as igba agugo tdoubt, argue1, which have inherent complements the application of Pseudo-Cleft to their

v / complements involves an optional insertion of hwe for the simple reason that for some speakers the ya/ proform remains unconverted to r"’ / \ hwe in the Pseudo-Cleft transform. Thus, the following 20 (a) and

20 (b) are both grammatical and acceptable in the dialect being described here, •V / — V ✓ -v ✓ 20 (a) Hwe anyi gbara agugg wu ma 0 zuru ohi.

IV ^ — \ v ^ (b) Hwe anyi gbara agugo ya wy ma 0 zuru ohi .

Thing we argued it is whether he stole :

liihat we argued about-is whether he stole.

V / 6.3,0 Embedded Kedu Questions

In 7.1, we demonstrated that the two types of Questions in

Igbo - Yes/No and Kedu" - Questions derive from two different underlying structures figs. 1&3. Each of them is subject to a different T- rule: the Q-Sbustitute and Pronoun Copy rule for Yes/No Questions, and \ ✓ Pronoun Copy and Kedu Deletion for the non-periphrastic version of

Kedu - Questions, The deep structure specification of Kedu in Kedy -

Questions makes the derivation of the periphrastic transform easy

and elegant. 346

In this section, we shall demonstrate that it is the periphras tic transforms of Kedu - Questions which are embedded as NP to complement-taking predicates. It mill also be demonstrated that \ / although Kedu - Questions do function as NP’s, they have a completely different internal structure from NP - complement such as Na Indica tive or IHa* Interrogative Complements. For example, with Na and other NP -complements, the NP has been shown to be of the following internal structure (a)

(a) N P ------> Ya Comp S V / whereas with Kedu NP, the structure is that of a complex nominal such as (b)

(b) Norn------* N S in which N must be co-referential with another N which is directly dominated by the embedded S, as is shown in Fig. 6 where is co-referential with either N^ or N^.

NP„

Norn

Verb p 3

Verb

Fig, 6 347'

In other words, while the N in (a) is the only term in its system, the N^ in the above figure is one of an open set.

As we pointed out in 6*1. p.33© » the first T-rule to which the structure underlying Kedu-Questions is subject is either of the Pro noun Copy and Kedu Deletion rules(which yields non-periphrastic

Kedu-Questions) or a Movement rule which is the first step in the generation of the periphrastic transforms. Only the second alter native is relevant here, and we give the rule as follows.

The Interrogative Movement Rule

SD Kedu NP Verb Interrogative

1 2 3 4

Process Attach 4 as the left sister of 2

SC 1 4 + 2 3 ^

Note This rule is blocked where 2 is either of the

V ' - interrogatives onye and giri

The Interrogative Movement is the last T-rule to apply to structures such as the above in the derivation of the question type under discussion. As we pointed out earlier on (cf 6.1. p,2SZ) it moves

the interrogatives to a position where they are immediately preceded \ z' by Kedu, thus triggering the following obligatory morphophonemic rules which effect morpheme changes, thus

SD Kedu Interrogative NP Verb

' * A onye j { f f nV4 ( ? H ; 1 4 anaa f

ole mgbuD na' olee J

SC 2 (i) Tiwe' 3 4

Condition : 2 = girl 1 348

2 (ii) 3 4 onye

V z Condition onye

2 (iii) 3 4 o tho

Condition olia/aYiaa

2 O) 3 4 ebe

\ /- Condition na olee

M 2 mgbu

Condition ole mgbu

What happens in this particular subset is a reduction of the inter rogative generated by the Base. The output of these morphophonemic rules is the input to the Tone rules discussed in 3.5,

Before we discuss these rules any further, let us see their application in the derivation of some sample sentences of the language z v 1unuunu *) y ' 7 . - 0 21 Kedu hwe * z C 9 Qa a in n'anyasu? unu J

What (is) thing you will eat in evening? \

UJhat will you eat in the evening?

The only observable difference is in terms of the tone pattern which changes from low-high to high-high. Because of this fact, it is possible to analyse items such as onye as toneless morphemes whose tone pattern is structurally determined. For example, the low-high tone pattern occurs in Questions and Imperatives, thus: (Dnye byara? Who came? I hwuru onye? Whom did you see? Dnye anwuna : Let nobody die. Onyeanwuna ^ is an Igbo proper name. Onye futa, onye futa: Let everybody come out! The high-high tone pattern, on the other hand, occurs whenever the lexical item is modified as in Onye oma - A good fellow/person Onye e - This person Onye ahya m -My customer Onye na akpu uzu - a blacksmith •349

22 Kedu onye Ogu gbakhwujhere ke mgbu eci?

Who (is) person Ogu ran meet since time yesterday;

To whose protection has Ogu run since yesterday?

23 Kedu otho any.i di thaa?

What (is) manner we are today? : How are you today?

24 Ke'clu ebe uzugbu umuaka a khwojhe?

Which is place all children these are trooping i

Where are all these children trooping down to?

25 Ke'du ■j^og^t^ byara?

What is time inlaw came?

When did our in-law come?

The Deep Structure of these sentences is as shown in fig. 3 p.372

To this we apply the optional rule of Interrogative Movement thus:

21 (a) Kedu unu ga eri^ giri n’anyasu (Base)

(b) Kedu giri unu ga eri n’anyasu (By opt. Interrog. Mvt)

rule ) unuV - / \ / > vv.^ t

unu f Bri n’anyasu?(By oblig. Tone rules.)

21 (d) is the same as 21 and is well-formed.

Now let us apply the same set of rules to the following 22 (a)

22 (a) Kedu Ogu gbakhwujhere onye ke mgbu sci 2 (Base)

(b) Kedu onye Ogu gbakhwujhere ke mgbu eci ? (By opt.Interrog

Mvt)

phonemic rule)

(d) Kedu oViye^ OgiT gbakhwujhere ke* mgbu eci? (By oblig. Tone

rules)

22 (d) is well-formed and the same as 22. .'3'5-a

\ /• V 23 (a) Kedu anyi di anaa thaa" ? (Base)

\, /_ (b) Kedu anaa anyi di thaa' f (By opt. Interrog mvt.)

23 is the same as 23(d), both are well-formed.

24 (a) Kedu uzugbu umuaka a khwojhe n'olee ?(Base)

(b) Kedu n ' o'lee uzugbu umuaka a khwojhe ? (By opt. Inte rog.

filvt.)

/ N f - * _ r (c) Kedu ebe uzugbu umuaka a khwojhe /(By oblig [Ylorgho-

phonemic jdule)

N ^ \ ^ y x, , (b) Kedu ebe uzugbu umuaka a khwojhe? (By ablig. Tone ruli

24 (d) is the same as 24, an acceptable Igbo sentence.

Going through the same process, we mill derive 25.

From the foregoing examples, it is obvious that all lexical items with final lorn tones in deep structure behave tonally in either of the following ways:

(a) They either develop as a rising glide, or

• (b) Have their final low tone raised to a high one whenever

they are in subject relation to the verb.

This tonal behaviour is characteristic of relativized clauses, as we have shown in 2.4.2., 3,5 and 3.6.

Observe the stages through which we have derived sentences such as 21-25. UJe have likened the Interrogative Movement rule to the object NP lYlovement rule given in in connection with the nominalisation of factive Na - complements, and we have argued on page ff that the three movements rules given here:

(i) Object NP movement ( Pt2&7, )

(ii) Verb Complement movement (p- 277 ) and

(iii) Interrogative movement (p. 3 3 2 ) 351 can all be subsumed under one Movement rule since they are subject

to the same or similar constraints, namely: they all operate in

relativization; each of them moves a constituent from an object to a

subject position, and the constituent moved is an object Np, if the

verb involved is a transitive one; a verb complement, if the relevant

verb is one which takes an inherent complement as part of its citation,

form, or an intransitive verb, as in the following sentence:

/ 0 nwuru anwu - t^e died -

where anwu is a verb-complement or what has been traditionally

described as a participle,* the same rule moves an interrogative

directly dominated by UP, if the structure in question is a Kedu -

Question. In other words, we can say with regard to the periphrastic

transforms of Kedu - Questions that when we relativize the underlying

structure in which the item kedu is specified, the result is a well-

formed periphrastic kedu question - a relative clause.

The pertinent syntactic facts about KediT are as follows:

Its immediate constituent is always an IMP, and this may be expanded

by an S which is always a relative clause. And the tone patterns

which we have generated in examples 21-25 justify the above assertion,

being such as one normally associates with Igbo relative clauses.

The demand that any sentential structure immediately after Kedy

must be relativized entails, therefore, the movement rule described

here and the obligatory morphophonemic rules triggered by this move

ment rule, as well as the Tone rules which generate the tone patterns

of all Nominal constructions in the language (cf 3.5 & 3.6 where it

is shown that all Igbo NP1s - N f N or N Det or NP S (relative

clauses)- are all subject to the same tone rules). 3-52

Furthermore, Kedu \

are unique in Igbo in being the only lexical items, to our

knowledge, which can question an NP without the need for any Copula

26 (a) Kedu gi ?

Where you? : UJhere are you? N ✓ (b) Ndii nnav unu?

U/here father your (pi)*: Where is your father?

Where is the broken egg?

It is for this reason that we suggest that sentences such as 21-25

be represented by the following surface structures Fig. 7 with a

zero copula - that is a copula node for which no lexical insertion

ever takes place irrespective of the tense of the would-be copula.

It is this uniqueness of Kedu and ndii which has made them popular Igbo greetings: (a) Ndii otho i mere? Central Igbo (b) Kedu ka i melu? Onitsha How do you do? The shortened form of (a) and (b) above for most urban dwellers is .simply Kedu; this is the Igbo equivalent of the French 1Qa v a ? 1 or the English 'How'? But for the more conservative speakers who do not want to ’powder their tongue with Ijekoebee'( I jeko ebee the derogatory name for Dnitsha dialect ^ the following forms of greetings persist: 0 mene aiiaa? (fflbaise - Central Igbo) How' is it?

How it? me agaa ? (Nsukka)- Northern Igbo) .... 1S What is wrong? . v > \ Ndaa (Ohafia etc -Southern Igbo) How is it? how? ftdee (Enugu/Udi - Northern Igbo) How is it? It is the popularity of Kedu both as greeting and marker of Type 2 Questions that determined its choice as the descriptive label for Igbo Equivalents of English WH- Questions.

I 353

Kedu Copula

\ huie Verb NP / □ nye X . * V otho/uzo

ebe/nga

mgbu/og'e

Kedu Verb N3

Fig. 7

this suggestion is accepted, then the problem of what to do u/ith some Kedu questions for which there are no corresponding non- periphrastic versions is resolved. For example, 27-31 have both (a) and (b) versions, but 32 & 33 have only the (b) form:

27 (a) Onye mere gi^7 tiiho made you cry? (b) Kedu onye mere gini5?

This is the normal question that one puts to a crying child; the full form is something like this: Onye" mere gi'* ebee akhwa? Who made, you cried cry : UJho made you cry? The deletion which has been made in 27 is always recoverable from the context of situation, that is, it is not a technically recoverable deletion.

-ni is a popular suffix in this dialect; its use with the verbs of relativized clauses is determined by the following syntactic facts: If the verb of the Relative clause is an Intransitive one, then a -01* suffix^ is obligatory as in 34 (b)^and 35(b) - where the verbs are ime Intr - to happen, and ibya Intr - to come. liJith such, obviously transitive verbs as ime Tr. - to do - (36) and jTiiJU to see (37), the -ni suffix is uncalled for. 354

iri mere ya ? ^

Kedu hwe mere ya? iiihat happened to him?

' / s » / - I mene anaa? j

$dii otho I mere? f How do you do?

0 byara 010' mgbu?

Ndii mgbu 0 byara? When did he come?

>no hi n'olee?

Kedu ebe ano hi? Where are they?

9 9

f Kedu 3 ■I Ndii L uzo furu ahya? LoIbSJ

Which road leads to the market?

33 (a)

S f T *> / m (b) Ndii otho E ji akpu uzu?

HJhat manner one uses blacksmith:

How does one learn to blacksmith?

In order to show that sentences such as 27 (a) and (b) are comple

mentary to each other, it is necessary to point out that only the (b)

(Ke'du) versions can be negated, never the (a) forms:

34 (a) ? Giri na emehii }

(b) Kedu hwe na emehiini? UJhat didn't happen?

35 (a) ? Onye na abyahiini

(b) Kedu onye na abyahiini?

W'ho did not come?

36 (a) * Ggu 0 mehii giri?

(b) Kedu hwe Ogu na emehii?

Iiihat didn't Qgu do? 355

r 6 37 (a) * . Ogu 0 hwijhii onye

\ / * v S (b) Kedu onye Ogu na" ahwuhii

UJho did Ogu not see?

CO — ^ \ / s. (a) * 0 byahii ole mgbu?

✓ (b) Kedu mgbu na 0 byahii?

UJhat time did he not come?

S \ / \ w 39 (a) * Ibe 0 bihii n ' olee?

/ (b) Kedu ebe I be na ebihii?

lilhere did Ibe not live?

/ v 40 (a) * Anyi agahii ime nwa ahi anaa?

(b) Ke'du otho anyi na agahii ime nwa

How should we not treat the child?

34 (a) and 35 (a) are merely questionable as opposed to being totally deviant like 36 (a), 37 (a), 38 (a), 39 and 40 (a) because of the fact

that the question words are sentence initial. lUhat this shows is

that only the periphrastic versions Df Type 2 Questions in Igbo can be negated without any resultant deviance.

The negation of the above Kedu questions is another strong syntactic piece of evidence in support of our analysis of this

question type as relative clauses. Recall that in 2,4.5 tue made it

clear that all relative clauses, Negative in this dialect have an obligatory Na^ auxiliary element. The sentences 34 (b), 35(b),

36 (b), 37 (b), 38 (b), 39 (b) and 40 (b) would be deviant without

this obligatory rua element.

Now consider the following 41 (a) and (b) sentences in which the verb is in the Perfect Form:

6 This high-high tone pattern is due to low-tone assimilation; see 2,2.3 on low-tone assimilation. :3'5 6

41 (a) Unu ebiele n'olee n'olee?

You have lived in what place in what place?

Where and where have you lived?

/ \ ^ ^ \ t birile?- (b) Kedu ebe na ebe unu {na ebiele?

Ulhat are the places in which you have lived?

If we recall that one of the morphophonemic rules of Relativization

i given in 6.1.0 p.313 ff allows for the optional insertion of tHie auxiliary na^ just in case the verb of the clause being relativized happens to be in the Perfect, then we can understand the choice of verb forms in 41 (b) which, being a kedu question, has been shown to contain a relative clause as NP.

Summary

In this section, we have shown the transformational processes necessary for the formation of the periphrastic version (kedu forms) of Question Type 2 - that is the Igbo equivalent of English IUH-

Questions, UJe have made a case for analysing kedu constructions as

Kedu 0 - Copula N S a complex Nominal structure in which the N and S are in the relation of head and qualifier. Both the T-rules involved in generating kedif questions and the tone pattern of the resultant output support the relative clause analysis which we shall henceforth assume to be proved. 357

In the following (SeS.JL, we shall demonstrate that the same type of NP which follows kedu in Kedu - Question are also found with certain complement-taking predicates. In the course of this section, it will be^come obvious that, apart from the structural differences between kedu NP's and NP - Complements, there are other formal distinctions between them - namely, each of them is subject to a different set of T-rules.

s / - ; &.3.1 Kedu - Questions And NP - Complementation

Bresman (1971) has convincingly demonstrated that UJH- is one i of the complementizer morphemes of English. This suggests the ■ possibility that equivalent constructions in other languages might be instances of NP - complements. But it happens not to be so in Igbo, a fact which will become more obvious as we examine the following sentences:

J f \ ^ »v ^ / - \ t

42 (a) Onye m hiuuru n'ama nucha na di g H-1

Person (whom) I saw on road resembles completely husband Hou

The person I saw on the road very much resembles your husband.

I V \ S -■ — (b) Hwe____ Ibe kwuru gba anya miri akhwa

Thing Ibe said can run eye water

UJhat Ibe said can make one weep.

/ ^ (c) Dtho____ Q kpara aqwa mashiri m •

Wanner he behaved pleased me:

The way he behaved pleased me.

/ .V ' ' ✓ (d) Ebe Q bi di ya ahu mma *

Place he lives is to his body good I

UJhere he lives- suits him. ■358

, \ V / \ / _ — rt 42 (e) Og'e 0 byara iuu og'e anyasu *

Time he came is time of evening:

The time he came u/as in the evening.

/ \ / - N / 43 (a) Ahya m shi di uthi .

Hlarket I am returning is far.

The market from which I am returning is far.*

{ l ""rv —- \ \ / (b) Iri unu riqhe ga emebi unu afg •

Food you are eating will spoil you stomach:

The food which you are eating will upset your stomach.

(c)/ \ I v hwuona' okpa mai — anyi nugha . — mbu?

You have ever seen type of wine we are drinking before?

Have you ever seen the type of wine we are drinking?

(d) Ahwubele m anu wa \ zgtaara m .

Have not seen I meat the you bought for me ;

I have not seen the meat you bought for me.

/ \ ^ v ^ y *- (e; Dkwu Ogu kwuru na ewe m iwe .

Talk Ogu talked is causing me anger,"

UJhat Ogu said is annoying me. y ^ \ p Aboki 44 (a) Anyi ga aju ya hwe J Ogu y mere. NkataJ

We shall ask him thing Aboki/Ogu/Nkata did *.

We shall ask him what Aboki/ Ogu/ Nkata did.

(b;f \ Oufuta ' onye byarani — n’ishi ututu S .

Find out person (who) came in the head of morning

Find out who came early in the morning.

/ \ — ■* p OQ 1 B 1 t “ v (c) Anyi amahii J s , y ndi ohi byara ■ "^mgbu J

We know not time thieves came .*

We do not know when the thieves came. ■ 359

* x s - v ✓ _ 44 (d) Unu akabele ebe 0 nwuru

You say have not place he died.'

You have not said where he died.

/ \ v" v / _ ~ v/- \q j I ga akowaniri anyi otho_____ eg*_o_____ ohi

You (Sg.) will explain to us manner money that

jiri gwu n'abali ato .

got finished in days three'.

You will explain to us how that money got finished within

three days.

A look at the underlined constructions shows how closely related

in form to the periphrastic version of Kedu" - Question they are :

Apart from the absence of the item KBdu itself, the structures are

identical with the complex NP's which we associate with kedu-

questions, 42 (a)-(e) are simple sentences, although their NP'S are

complex in structure. Their nominal heads are those with which we

are already familiar. In 43 (a)-(e), on the other hand, we have

equally complex NP's of a similar structure to those in 42, but in

this case, the nominal heads are Igbo nouns taken at random - ahya,

fs s s iri, mai, any, and okwu. The verbs involved in both 42 & 43 are not, strictly speaking, complementizable verbs of the Language, But

in 44 (a)-(e), the verbs have been carefully chosen because they are

complement-taking (complementizable) verbs. Although the formal properties of the underlined complex NP's are similar, if not identical, in 42 and 44, those in 44 (a)-(e) must be associated with

kedu questions in the sense that those of 42 (a)-(e) must not, a

fact which is reflected by the following 45 (a)-(e) :

f Abokj. 9 , , \ S I ’ I s 45 (a) Kedu hwe < J^gu r mere? |^_Nkata J

UJhat did Aboki etc. do? 360

y v \ ✓ — — V 45 (b) Kedu onye byara n'ishi ututu?

liiho came very early in the morning?

lUhen did the thieves come?

/ \ \ S — (d) Kedu ebe 0 ntuuru?

UJhere did he die?

(e) Kedu otho eg'a ohi jiri gwu n'abali ato?

Houi did that money get finished within three days? I ' | The matrix verbs involved in 44 (a)-(e) are such that they demahd an answer to each of the above questions.

Despite the fact that these matrix verbs are, strictly speaking complementizable verbs, and the complex NP's express the questions what, who, where, when and how? - they are not instances of Noun

Phrase complements: they lack the structure of NP complements, having been shown to have a Relative Clause Structure; they do not have . any transformations in common with NP - Complements .except of course, the Pseudo-Cleft rule which applies to Relative Clauses as well as to NP - Complements. For example, for each of the senten ces of 42-44, there can be only this type of transform, which is the output of the Pseudo-Cleft rule:

46 (a; Hwe anyi ga aju ya wu hwe Aboki mere.

What we shall ask him is what Aboki did.

From sentences such as the above, we can derive other stylistic variants such as 46 (b) and 46(c):

(b) Hwe Aboki mere wu hwe anyi ga aju ya.

, \ S r v \ y ■(c) Hwe wu hwe anyi ga aju ya wu hwe Aboki mere.

The derivation of 46 (b) and (c) is tied up with the Subject of

Topicalisation or focus, the details of which are not relevant here. 361'

Observe that' although these sentences in 42-44 are subject to the optional Pseudo-Cleft rule, the rule in these cases consists of a transformational insertion of hwe* rather than its derivation from a deep structure pronominal head Ya^ as in the case of NP Com plementation. This, again, is a consequence of the structural dif ferences between the tu/o construction types, NP - Complements and

Relative Clauses.

In view of these differences in underlying structuie, and the fact that the two Clause types do not 'have the essential T-rules in common, except the optional Pseudo-Cleft rule, the complex Nominal

Structures we have been examining here can never qualify as NP -

Complements. UJhat seems to be the true picture is this; Most,, if not all, Igbo verbs can take a complex Nominal as Subject or Dbject, and these include the sub-category of verbs involved in Noun Phrase

Complementation, It is reasonably accurate to make this assertion with regard to Complex Noun Phrases in Igbo: Any complex Noun Phrase in Igbo which is not an NP - Sentential complement is a Relative

Clause.

Since most-,if not all verbs will take Relative Clauses as subject or object while comparatively fewer will take NP - Complements, it follows that the ability to take NP - Complements rather than

Relative Clauses is the appropriate criterion for sub-categorising some verbs in the language. Although the matrix verbs involved in

44 (a)-(e) are marked for IYla'2 Interrogative Complements, they may also take any other type of Complex NP, that is^relative clauses, for example. In these examples 44 (a)-(e) the verbs, though complemen tizable, are to be seen as taking relative clauses as Subject or Object.

Thus, 44 (a)-(e) and other sentences likB them are the Igbo equivalent of English U/H — Questions, yet in structure they are unequivocally relative clauses, as has been demonstrated throughout this and the foregoing sections,. 362

For example, the following sentences 47 (a) and (b) are ambiguous as between the Ingerrogative and the non-Interrogative meanings, but their internal structure is the same - that of a

Nominal and a qualifying clause, in other words, a relative clause:

. . ' — -V — 47 (a) Amahii m hwe 0 riri.

Know not I thing he ate ■

1 do not know what he ate.

/ \ ^ /v " 'v N (b) 0 giqahii anyi tiwe eze kwuru.

He did not tell us what the king said. I I

These two sentences are ambiguous between the following readings:

/ .. ✓ - _ - (i) okpa hwe 0 riri

the type of thing he ate

(ii) 0 riri 9 fri

he ate what : Ulhat did he eat?

\ (V The first reading (i) entails the meaning : 0 riri hwe - ’he ate something’, whereas the second (ii) does not. The same explanation can be given for the ambiguity of 47 (b).

But the above type of explanation is possible only for those questions which have both the non-periphrastic as well as the peri phrastic forms such as 48 (a) and (b) :

/ • * \ 48 (a) Giri mere?

Ulhat happened?

\ z' - v — (b) Kedu hwe mereni? UJhat happened?

But for those Type 2 questions which do not have the 47 (a) version, the above type of analysis does not hold. This type of ambiguity in

Igbo cannot be disambiguated by a resort to two underlying structures, such as is the case in English. In Igbo it seems that this type of ambiguity is traceable to the different matrix verbs involved, and not necessarily to different underlying structures because the ambiguity ceases to exist if a different matrix verb is introduced: ■363

. i ^ ^ ' / tm rv 48 (c) Acoro m iri hwe 0 riri

Want I to eat the thing which he ate :

I want to eat the same thing that he ate

/ \ * ' S N (d) Ama m hwe 0 kwuru

Know I thing he said: I know what he said

(e) Njoku zhiri m hwe 0 zutara • ala anu

uh'atj Njoku showed me the plot of land >• he bought {the meat J

With sentences such as 48 (c)-(e), there can be no ambiguity because the verbs involved express specific meanings. At times, the same verb which in the affirmative expresses an unambiguous meaning will in the

Negative express an ambiguous meaning; this observation is true of verbs like ima 1 to know.1 and many other Na - Complement - taking verbs which are also ffla2 Interrogative verbs in the Negative. There- fore the ambiguity with Complex Noun Phrases in Igbo such as we have been discussing here is due to the lexical verbs involved, and not necessarily to different underlying structures,except in so far as choice Df a particular lexical item is part of underlying intention.

Conclusion

Kedu Questions are not instances of NF - Complements: their internal structure as relativized clauses argues very much against such an analysis, and they do not share any essential transformations with NP - Complements, rather the T-rules they undergo are limited to

Pseudo-Cleft - rules which are rules shared by both Np - Complements and Relative Clauses, It is because they are relative clauses that kedu questions do not discriminate as to their matrix predicates. In other words, Kedu Questions do not sub-categorise verbs as NP -

Complements do. 3'fi-4

However, when these Kedu Questions function as Subject of Object of

Complementizable predicates, an ambiguity arises which is traceable not to different underlying structures, but to the lexical verb involved. fa* 4 Otho - Head NT's And Emotive Predicates

Of the complex Noun Phrases in Kedu-Questions, we would like to

/ consider in more detail those with Otho as their head. These otho- headed NP's are generally found as Subject to Emotive predica* 3s, or

Object of Epistemic verbs, that is,>'verbs of Learning, Teaching and

Knowing and their compounds. UJe have made an earlier reference to this

Subject in 6.1.3 under NP Complementation and Emotive Predicates.

UJe repeat here some of the examples already cited there :

f \ / \ / Q \ / 49 (a) Otho E ji akiuo moto ragburu omue ya n'ahu .

Manner one uses drive cars is very difficult.*

Driving a car is very difficult. s' , x r eshi;) ^ v (b) Otho A ga A ejij ruchaa oru o uju mkpa m .

Way one will use work finish work this is problem my:

How to finish this piece of work is my problem.

/ \ / \ /■ \ \ ^ / V (c) Nwie m na amu otho E ji akwo moto .

UJife my is learning way one uses drive car :

My wife is learning to drive (a car).

(d) 0 ga' macha otho E ji erne" nca.

He/she now knows manner one employs make soap:

He / she now knows how to make soap,

B Igbo expresses the meaning, 'very high degree of intensity* by the use of a compound verb whose second root is always the stem of the verb igbu 'to kill* which is immediately followed by the, reflexive pronoun onwe 'self*. For example ima + igbu -----> imagbu in the expression® ’ imagbu onwe ya to be very good, worthy, appropriate ijogbu " 11 to be very bad, unworthy etc. to be ver y talka tiv eixwugbu " 11 to be very talkativeixwugbu I kwugburu onwe gl n* okwu: You talk kill self your in talk: You are very talkative . 0 gbagburu onwe ya" na mgba : He is a very able wrestler. I 365

49 (a)-(d) have the transforms 50 (a)-(d):

50 (a) Ikwo moto ragburu onwe ya n’ahu . il j Driving a car is a very difficult thing.

I / * j * . N / (b) Irycha oru 0 wu mkpa m *

F inishing this piece of work is my problem.

flly wife is learning to drive (a car).

^ ^ / n . fnca erne ^ y (d) 0 ga macha J . _ ^ i Lime nca J

1 He/she now knows how to make soap.

Hie do not claim to know the exact details about the underlying

structure of otho-headed NP’s, but the following Fig. 8 is a

suggestion which suffices for the meantime for our purposes here.

(NP)

+ pro (AUX) Aux Verb? + Indef

Future

otho (ga) C Eshi ■") Verb (NP)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Fig 8

9 The verb ima and its compound have this unique characteristic of allowing a choice in the order of their Infinitive Object Complement as 50 (d) shows. Thus we have 0 « - V n S -v Ogu ma \ igwu min 7 n . j. J r 'V Ogu knows how to swim ^ min egwu J 3 But with other epistemic verbs, there is no such choice. / % ^ \ * — 0 mugha igwu miri : He is learning to swim. * " " miri oqwu : ,, ,■» »> ____ 366

In the above Fig. 8, the otho-headed NP is in subject relation to the main verb which must be an Emotive verb, hence the feature specification £+ emotj, If the NP is in object relation to the verb, such a verb must be an Epistemic verb in order for one to derive sentences such as 50 (a~d) from 49 (a-d). In addition to the above conditions, there is also the tense constraint on the applicability of the relevant transformations which yield 50 (a-d). As can be seen from the internal structure of U? 2 , there must be either of the two

V. \ verbs shi and JjL which we have described as auxiliaries. The, future marker £a is optional as the parentheses show. Only these conditions - the appropriate category of verb, the Habitual or Future

Aspect of Verb2' - can guarantee the grammaticality of the output of the relevant T-rule here.

The relevant T-rules here are:

(i) Either (a) Indefinite Agent Deletion (opt.)

Or (b) Definite Agent Deletion under identity (opt.)

and

(ii) Infinitivization (oblig.)

The rules are schematically represented as follows:

Agent Deletion Rule 1

SD :

N NP (Future) Aux Verb NP Verb NP

V ~1 otho UP Fshih C+ emotj 1 j i j

1 2 (3) 4 5 6 7 8

Process : Delete 2 and 1

Condition : 2 must be indefinite, or definite and co-referential with 8

SC : 0 0 (3) 4 5 6 7 8 367

Agent Deletion Rule 2 (opt.)

SD; NP Verb N NP (future) Aux Verb NP

& t h o J

12 34 5 678

Process : Delete 4 and 3

Condition: (a) 4 must be indefinite, or definite and co-

referential with 1

(b) 2 must be an Epistemic predicate.

SC : 1 2 0 0 (5) 6 7 B '

These two essentially similar rules are needed in order to accouht for what happens when the two sub-categories of Emotive and Epistemic predicates are involved in otho-headed (flflanner) NP constructions.

Only one or the other of these two rules need apply to the deep structure shown in Fig, 8.

Agent Deletion, like Equi-NP Deletion, is optional, but once it has applied, it is obligatorily followed by Infinitivization. In this way, Infinitivization here as in Subjunctive Complementation (cf g.2.0) is contingent on a previous application of a rule Df co-referential

NP deletion, or of Agent Deletion under the condition of indefiniteness.

This situation must be distinguished from what happens in 5*2,0. (where conditional clauses function as subject of Emotive verbs) where In finitivization is both optional and not dependent on a co-referential

NP deletion. Observe, also, that here as in ff.2.0 and 5.2.0, the same tense constraint on the verbs of the matrix and embedded sentences is operational, namely that their tense be future or present, and never past,

UJe have argued in justification of the transformational relation which we have established between such constructions and their infinitival counterparts in ‘.2.0. Sentences such as 50 (a) & (b) are ambiguous; for example, 50 (a) has the following possible interpreta tions : 368

(a) How to drive is difficult. (to learn).

(b) Driving (the process of driving) is difficult.

This ambiguity explains why Infinitivization takes place whether the relevant verb is simple present or future. Although the rule of In finitivization in Igbo has been given in 6,2.0 p. 350 , it needs repeating here because of the peculiar structure of the Verb Phrase in this type of construction:

SD : (Future) Aux Verb l\!P Verb NP

NP Verb ji' Verb NP [ + Z mot

(1) 2 3 4 5 6 I

Process : (a) Attach the Infinitive marker I- as the left sister

of 3, and delete its inflectional suffix, if any,

(b) Delete 1 and 2

Condition : Obligatory

SC : f?f # I + 3 4 5 6

Let us now see the application of these rules in the derivation of 50 (a)-(d):

51 Nwie m na amu otho E ji akwo moto (Base form)

(a) Nwie m na amu ji akwp moto (By Indef. Agent Del, opt.)

(b) Nwie m na amu Ikwo moto (By Infinit. oblig.)

By applying the rules of phonology (Vowel Harmony rules) to 51 (b), we derive the surface form 51 (c) , V ^ \ / \ ^ \ ^ \ 51 (c) Nwie m na amu ikwo moto.

This is exactly the same sentence as 50 (a),

^ \ x \ / \ ^ j 52 Otho E ji akwo moto ragburu onwe ya na ahu.(Base Form)

/ . (a) Oi akwo motox ragburu onwe ya na1 ahu. (By Indef. Agent

Del. opt.)

(b) Ikwo moto ragburu onwe ya n a ahu, (By Infinitiv. oblig.)

52' (c) an acceptable sentence is the same as 50 (b). 369

Thus, these two examples are sufficient to illustrate the fact that only two stages are needed for the derivation of any of 50 (a) -

(d) from 49 (a) - (d).

From these illustrations, it is necessary to emphasize the following fact about Infinitivization in Igbo:

Only the main verb carries the infinitive marker, the

harmonising I- prefix. This means that all dangling

auxiliary verbs become deleted as a consequence of

infinitivization. I Next, let us turn our attention to those conditions which (must bB met in order for Agent deletion to take place in Igbo. We shall test these conditions in turn. First, the categories of verbs in the matrix sentence must be either Emotive or Verbs of Learning and Knowing and Teaching, and the verb which undergoes Infinitivization must be

Future or Habitual in Aspect.

Consider the following sentences:

53 (a) Anyi ahwuna otho oke ji atu gnu

We have seen how rat makes hole :

We have seen how a rat makes its hole

54 (a; ' Anyi ahwuna otho E ji egwu ji

We have seen how one digs up yams.

We have seen how yams are dug up.

53 (b) * Anyi ahwuna oke ^ty 9ny

54 (b; * Anyi ahwuna igwu ji

53 (b) is deviant because Df the violation of the following two

\ s * / \ conditions: the noun oke - ’rat1 in the otho-NP in 53 (a) is definite, but without a corresponding co-referential NP in the matrix sentence.

Secondly the matrix verb ihwu - to see - is neither an emotive nor an epistemic verb. 370

54 (b), on the other hand, is deviant because of the violation of only

the second of the above two conditions. Observe that the Tense/Aspect condition is met in both 53 and 54.

Now examine 55 - 56:

S 55 (a) Q na akowa otho E ji agba mgba

He is explaining how to wrestle.

^ ' / (b) * 0 na akywa igba mgba *

\ 56 (a) ■ Q gugha otho E ji erne7 -nshi

He is reading how one makes gun

He is reading about how to make gun powder.

/ _ (b) * 0 g'ugha ime nshi egbe.

55 (b) and 56 (b) are deviant for the same reason that the two matrix

* — ^ verbs involved ikgwa and ig'y are neither Emotive verbs nor verbs

of learning, teaching or knowing.

Now consider the following 57 - 59 in which every other condition

has been met except that of Tense/Aspect constraint:

57 (a) Otho E jiri gbuo ya turu n'anya.

How one killed him was a marvel.

■How they killed him was a marvel.

/ \ ' - s (bj * Igbu ya tyry n'anya ■

Ogbugbu E gburu ya tyry n'anya

How/the fact that they killed him was a marvel.

\ ✓ ^ N / _ Otho E jiri gbushia hi ni ile di m m a .

How they killed them all is g o o d .

How/the fact that they killed all of them is good

x -* .7 N / - (b) Igbu hi nn^le di mma.

r \ S / m , ~ - \ / _ (c) Ogbugbu E gbushiri niile di mma

How/the fact that they were all killed is good. 371

f \ ^ / - N./\ 59 (a) Otho E jiri gbalaba anyi di egwu -

How one ran away/escaped from us is terrible.

Houj they escaped From us is terrible.

/ \ ^ ^ / N V b 1 * Igbalaba anyi di egwu

The fact that/how they escaped from us is terrible.

In 57-59, the Tense/Aspect of the verb in the otho-headed 'P's

is past rather than Habitual or Future. The violation of this Tense I Constraint means that the rules of Agent Deletion and Subsequentj

Infinitivization are blocked, hence the deviance of 57 (b), 58 (b) and

59 (b). Observe that 57 (c) 58 (c) and 59 (c), on the other hand, are

all well-farmed; each of these has a lexically derived nominal head

qualified by a Relative Clause whose subject NP remains the Deep

Structure Subject - the Indefinite Noun Agent. The presence of this

Indefinite pronoun Subject in the transforms 57 (c) 58 (c) and 59 (c)

is a convincing evidence that no rule of Agent Deletion ever applied.

The Infinitive form in Igbo is always compatible with future meaning,

very rarely, if ever, associated with past meaning except in the case

of factive nominals of the same Phonemic shape but which can always

be shown to derive from an underlying Factive Na complement,

( cf. 5.1.2 p.£7? ff).

It is thus clear that the violation of any of the conditions being

discussed here:- the requirement that the deleted nominal be indefinite,

that the matrix verbs be either Emotive Predicates or Verbs of Learning,

Teaching and Knowing, and, thirdly, that tense expressed in the complex

otho-headed NP be Habitual or Future, never Past - the violation of

any of these results in a deviant output,

So far we have talked of Indefinite Agent deletion as if the

deleted agent nominal can only be indefinite. ■372

It can also be definite and must be deleted only under identity wibh another nominal in the matrix sentence.

As evidence of this, consider the following examples:

60 (a) Otho Nwokho gaN eji* ruchaa oru o wu" mkpa m •

How Nwokho is going complete this job is my problem

/ \ 'Sf ?? V ^ \ / \ / (b) L*J Nwokho iru cha oru o wu mkpa m •

61 (a) Otho Ogif ga eshi -I r orya ke e ra’ra ahu , 3 L gbakhee J J

How Ogu is going to recover from thisi illness is

difficult.

(b) { I j o g u ' -{j'gbikhe} 9ry? k5 * ra'ra ahW-

» . / ' V \ * N / \ / V 62 (a) Otho Ugo ga eshi lgdu n'udho tygha m ecice *

How Ugo is going to return safely is causing me some

thought.

, v r ? i v \ x ■ v x s (U) < * r Ugo iloUu n'udho tugha m ecice.

The use of the above signs of question mark and asterisk both in braces shows that the relevant sentence is either deviant or at least questionable. Observe that in 60 (b), 61 (b) and 62(b), the agent deletion rule has not applied. If these sentences of 60 (b), 61 (b) and 62 (b) are at least of questionable acceptability, 63 (b), 64 (b) and 65 (b) are perfectly well-formed for reasons which are soon to become obvious: ✓ 63 (a ) f ° - ^ c anyi ga* eshi gbudha ya wu uka anyi

Way/Manner we shall fell it is our problem.

How we are going to fell it is our problem.

(b) Igbu^dha ya7 wy yka anyi

felling n , {To fell f 1S 0Ur Pr°Ulem. 3-V3

64 (a) Otho Ikhe gas eshi/ kwuo ugiuo onye gdo ceghe

How Ikhe is going to pay debt of person another is -

* \ Ikhe ecice .

thinking Ikhe thought : How Ikhe is going to settle

another personfs debt is causing him some concern.

(b) Ikwu ygmg onye gdo ceghe Ikhe ecice.

Paying another person's debt is causing Ikhe some anxiety.

f \ ^ ^ ^ \ ^ 65 (a) Otho m shi erneri hwe gnwunwa . a

How I am to overcome thing of temptation this

/* ^ cughe m urg .

is losing me sleep: How I shall overcome this temptation

is causing me loss of sleep.

(b) Imeri hwe gnwunwa'^ a cughe m ura •

(How) to overcome this temptation is causing me loss of sleep.

Observe that in each of 63-65, there are two co-referential nominals, and that the first of these two - that in the embedded sentence in the otho-headed NP - has been deleted under identity with the matrix one before Infinitivization could take place. This fact explains the grammaticality of 63 (b), 64 (b) and 65 (b) as well as the ungrammaticality of 60 (b), 61 (b) and 62 (b). Note that the sub stitution of a co-referential NP in 60 (a), for instance , results in a grammatical 60 (c) thus:

t \ PlruCcha oru q wu mkpa Nwokho * *) 6 0 ( c ) A j y — ■ u ~ s * i f r 1 Nwokho j.rycha grp p wy mkpa ya . J

For Nwokho to complete this job is his problem.

From the two- examples in 60 (c), observe that it is Agent Deletion under identity which yields the first one, but a pronominalisation of the matrix, co-referential Np that produces the second sentence. 374

The deletion of the embedded nominal under identity with a definite nominal in the matrix sentence has been allowed for in our rule of'Agent deletion on page.4 0 7 -8 * The same set of conditions that guarantee the well-formedness of the output of Indefinite Agent deletion are also necessary for the grammaticality of the output of Agent Deletion under identity. Each of these deletions must be fallowed by Infinitivization,

Summary

In this final section of this chapter, we have examined in some

detail the syntactic behaviour of o'tho-headed NP's when the matrix

verbs involved in the construction are either Emotive verbs or the

Epistemic verbs of Learning, Teaching and Knowing. It has been demon

strated that given the right conditions, onB can derive the Infinitival

transforms of otho-headed NP's via one of the following optional rules

which must be followed by Infinitivization:

(a) Indefinite Agent Deletion or

(b) Co-referential Agent Deletion

It has also been demonstrated conclusively that infinitivization here

means the infinitivization of the main verb of this rather multiple

verb and an obligatory deletion of any other verb which does not bear

thB infinitive marker - the harmonising I.

Ulhat is being stressed here is not that only Emotive Predicates

and the Verbs of Learning, Teaching and Knowing may take otho-headed

NP's as subject or object, but that only they guarantee that the output

of the above T-rulBs are well-formed, given that other necessary

conditions have been met. Verbs from all subcategories of NP - comple

ment-taking predicates can take otho-headed NP's as either subject or

object, but they are not subject to the optional application of

Infinitivization as Emotive and Epistemic predicates are.

i FT”"- 375

/ UJith the subcategory of Factive predicates, otho-headed NP constructions have a factive interpretation, as the following examples show.

66 (a) Otho 0 jiri nwuo turu madhu niile n' anya •

Manner he used die struck people all in eye

Thefmanner^ of his death surprised everybody, fact J

65 (a) may be transformed into 66 (b)

(b) Onwy □ nwury tijry ma^dhu niile n'anya .

Death which he died surprised everybody:

The fact thath he died surprised everybody. {How J" ✓ 67 (a) Otho □ jiri mevgg onwe ya wutere

The fact that 3 he disgrace himself pained me (How > / \ * V / — N / (bj IVlmevo 0 mevgrg .onwe ya wutere m

The fact that) he disgraced himself pained me How The above( pairs of sentences are semantically equivalent, if not

syntactically related, and more often than not, it is the factive

interpretation rather than the manner one- that is entailed, though

there seems to be very little to choose between the two passible

interpretations. In 5*1.2, p.we referred to the preference of

speakers of this dialect to express a factive meaning by means of

relative clauses rather than by a Nav-*complement, That preference also

extends to otho-headed NP's, which have been shown to be relative

clauses. As can be seen from the few examples above, what one derives

from otho-headed NP's with other than Emotive or Epistemic predicates

is not an infinitive transform, but another relative clause. For these

other verbs Agent Deletion and subsequent Infinitivization rules are

blocked. 376

The above facts, suggest that of all the complex nominal construc tions which have been shown to be identical in structure with Kedu -

Questions, Qtho-headed NP's are unique: they have the structure of relative clauses, and, expectedly, are subject to such T-rules as are A/ ✓ / associated with other members of their group, for example, hwe-, ebe-,

/ \ onye-, and mgbu- headed nominal constructions. But unlike these, ✓ otho-headed NP's are subject to the rules of Agent Deletion followed by obligatory Infinitivization, an aspect of their syntactic behaviour which strongly suggests that they may also be analysed as NP-complements- as well as Relative clauses. But when one realises that this possibility of two-fold analysis is restricted to certain categories of verbs, namely,

Emotive and Epistemic verbs, then the conclusion becomes inescapable that this uniqueness is due, not to otho-headed NP's, but to the matrix verbs involved. It is thus understandable why only Emotive and Epistemic

Verbs permit the infinitivization of otho-headed NP, eventhough most, if not all, verbs do take them as subject or object NP.

^,5 (K1a2 - Complement Verbs

The following is a sample list of verbs which take (Yla2 Inter rogative Complements, they all share the following core of features:

+ Verb

+ S~ Interrog

Factive

+ Object S Prepose

" \ to think

* \ ika to say ✓ _ \ igba agugo to argue, debate, doubt

i ju to ask 377

i tule to examine, / _ ile anya to expect i tu anya z' _ \ ina nthi to make out

In addition to the above, most

Interrogative Complements whenever such verbs are in the Negative or

Imperative form. 378

Chapter 7

Si Imperative Complementation.

7»0cD Introduction

This chapter is very short, being concerned with thm smallest of the categories of NP-Comp.lements in Igbo » the Imperative / Complement which is introduced by the complementizer morpheme si.

The status of this complementizer has been fully discussed in chapter 4 (4,1.5) where it has been made clear that this specialised

/ * - function of si is due to the fact that it is a form of the verb isi

'to say' which can introduce the actual words of the speaker as if in quotes.

In this chapter, we high-light the similarities and differences between the Imperative complements on the one hand, and Na Declarative

Complements on the other. UJe do this because both complement types draw from the same sub-category of verbs' for their matrix predicates; specifically only verbs of saying, which are also Na-complement - taking

/ verbs, can function in the matrix sentences of si Imperative complements. * / One of these differences lies in the fact that it is only in si

Imperative complements that we have a rule of Complementizer Deletion which is not triggered either by tqui-NP Deletion, as in Subjunctive

Complementation (cf S.2.0), or by Agent Deletion under Conditions of indefiniteness, as in Interrogative complementation, (cf 6 . 4-i ),

The conditions governing this optional deletion of si complementizer are given in 7,2.0* Secondly, from the account presented here, it will be observed that the particular sequence of rules that one decides to apply determines whether the rule of co-referential NP Deletion is optional or obligatory. For example, the following sequence of rule applications,

(i) Ya’’ Deletion

(ii) Comp. Deletion 379

(iii) Consecutive co-referential NP Deletion (oblig.). creates an output to which the rule of co-referential !\1P Deletion is obligatory (cf 7*2.0. p.372 ), while the alternative sequence,

. / i) Ya Movement

ii) Pseude-cleft

iii) Relativization (oblig.) produces a derived structure which does not meet the structural descri

ption for obligatory co-referential NP Deletion because the tuio co-

referential NP's are no longer consecutive, but separated by the copula ^ / vuu, (cf 7 *2 .0. p. 37 2 ) * This situation is unique to si Imperative complementation.

Finally, in terms of the range of phenomena examined in this chapter the analysis of Imperatives in Igbo is of a wider scope than an analysis of equivalent constructions in English and, expectedly different. UJe

recognise the following constructions which are used in giving commands:

(a) Imperatives, and

(b) Peremptory Declaratives

But we are only concerned with Imperatives, and for that matter with only a sub-category of Imperatives because only this sub-category has imperative verb-forms in both the Affirmative and Negative. The other sub-category with the modal, £a, (Ga - Imperative) although an imperative construction of a kind, behaves like Peremptory Declaratives in the

Negative and under NP-complementation. These categories of construction

Imperatives and Peremptory Declaratives are discussed in the following section 7*1°0.

7.1*0 Igbo Imperatives and the Range of Phenomena Examined

Since we are going to be concerned in the rest of this chapter with

Imperatives, but not with Peremptory Declaratives, we shall start with the

latter so as to dispose of them and concentrate on the relevant subject. 3B0

Consider the following as examples of what ujs describe as Peremptory

Declarativesj (the term is due to Stockwell et al (1973: 649 et seq)). l(a) I nufuta ogwu o gbuo. (vb inti cl.l)

You drink must medicine this now: You must drink this

medicine now.

^ \ ^ \ ^ ^ ^ / (b) A'nyi jhefuta ahya thaa. (vb ijhe cl.3 )

UJe go must market today: Hie must go to

market today,

Ogu/he must sweep this floor now.

Observe from l(a-c) that the verb-form involved in this type of construction is fixed: it is always the verb-stem plus the foll'owing X compound suffix -futa. Because this suffix is on low-tones, the preceding verb-stem is uniformly high regardless of the class of verb involved. The compound suffix -futa corresponds to the English modal

'must1 which occurs only with Peremptory Declaratives, but never with

Imperatives. Hie employ the term, Peremptory Declaratives, to denote a construction type in Igbo with the type of verb-form described here.

This construction type is used to perform the speech act of giving commands and issuing orders. In other words, the illocutionary^ farce of Peremptory Declaratives is an order or command. As we shall demonstrate very shortly, the verb-forms involved in l(a-c) are not imperative verb-forms as we know them in Igbo.

Having pointed out the distinctive characteristic of the above construction type, let us now examine the next category - Imperatives.

1 This term is used here in the sensB that 3 L Austin (1962) and 3 R Searle (1969) use it. 381

H'l.l Imperatives

UJe also use the above term to denote a construction type with the following sub-mernbars - Imperatives 1 and 2.

Imperative 1 - or Ga ■ Imperatives

This sub-category of Imperative Constructions is exemplified in the following:

2(a) Nwatakiri ga eruwere nne na nna ishi.

Child will obey mother and father:

A child should obey his father and mother.

(b) Onye o wula' ga erne hwe a gwara ya^.

Person who it be will do thing one told him:

Everybody should/will do what they are told.

f ^ ' V f (c) 0 ga ehiriri ezhi tupu ya agawa akwukwo •

. He must sweep compound before h8 goes school:

He must (unfailingly) sweep the compound before going to school,

Examples 2(a-c) have the modal, ga, which has been glossed as

•will' or 'should'. In addition, 2(c) has the emphatic verb suffix

/ -riri which with ga has been translated as 'must unfailingly'.

Imperative 1 can be likened to Peremptory Declaratives in Igbo since both of them have the illocutionary force of command, and each of them has a fixed verb-form. But it should be remembered that the modal ga is associated only with Imperative constructions and never with Peremptory

Declaratives in the English language, and that this situation is similar to what obtains in Igbo.

However, the similarity between the two construction types -

Peremptory Declaratives and Ga-Imperative is further brought out by the following examples where verbs are in the Negative: / V / \ ^ V / X / \ / . 3(a) Nwatakiri agahn eruwere nne na nna ishi •

A child should not obey his mother and father 382

✓ - V / 3(b) Onye o wula" agahii erne hwe a gwara ya .

Everybody should not . do what they are told. \ (c) D gahii ehiriri ezhi tupu ya agawa akwukwo

He must not sweep the compound before going to school.

\ <* - \ 4(a) I gahii inufuta ogwu o gbuoV •

You must not drink this medicine now.

\ f _ -v v. / / \ (b) Anyi agahii ijhefuta ahya thaa •

We must not go to market today.

^ \ (c) Ogu agahii izafuta ala ulo g' gbuo.L. *' N

Dgu must not sweep this floor n o w .

3(a- c) represent the Negative version of 2(a-c), while 4(a-c represent those of 3(a-c). Observe .that the negation of both

Peremptory Declaratives and Ga-Imperative entails the use of the same modal gji and the negative suffix -hll/ghl. This suffix which is associated only with the Indicative mood has been given and discussed in

2.3.4. It is distinct from the negative imperative suffix -1A ~ nA also illustrated in the same section. The fact that these two con struction types are essentially the same in the Negative means that they need to be distinguished only in the Affirmative.

Now contrast the verb-forms of both Peremptory Declaratives and

Ga-Imperative, on the one hand, with those of the following examples of Imperative 2.

Imperative 2

5(a) *Riy

(b) Rie : eat 1 (vb. cl.l)

r- 2 (c) Fu/Fu ; go out (vb cl.2)

2 With verbs of Tone classes 2 & 3, there is the choice of either the high or low tone unsuffixed imperative according to speaker's attitude; The high-tone form is generally abrupt and used only in moments of anger or disgust, when it may be followed, after a pause, by a word of abuse thus

* / ~ - Fu - onye ohi: Get out - rogue I This high-tone form of verb* classes 2 & 3 imperative never take a suffix in our dialect. 383

5(d) Ga/Ga : go (vb cl.3)

So far, ujg have not discovered any class 1 verb whose imperative form is without a suffix in constructions such as 5(b-d). However, the unsuffixed imperative form of this group of verbs is possible, provided there is a following lexical item or phrase, as in 5(e), / 5(b ) Ri ngwangwa: fat quickly/Be quick with your eating. / 6(a) Raa ubhe: Eat some pears (African pears) (vb . cl.l)

V / (b) Zaa ama : Sweep the road. " 2) .

N / (d) Hygchamachaa oce niile.

Dust complete well clean seats all: Dust all the seats throroughly

clean.

(The verb in 6(d) above is a compound one with the following

constituents: ✓ ihyo - to dust (cl. 3)

icha - to be clean (" l)

ima - to be neat, clean (" l)

Compound verbs are as yet unclassified).

Negative Imperative

The above examples have their corresponding negative versions with a distinctive suffix -1A, which has also been illustrated in 2.3.4.

7(a) Arala ubhe : Don't eat pears / \ (b) Azala _ ama j_, ,..Don't sweep the street/road. / __ (c) Agala ozhi : Don’t run any errand

(d) Ahygmachala oce niile : Do not dust all the seats thoroughly

7(a-d) are the negative counterparts of 6(a-d); to these may be added the following 8(a) & (b) in which the phonemic shape of the Neg.

Imperative suffix -1A is phonologically determined:

8(a) Ariuna mai: Don't drink (wine).

(b) Amuna izu ohi: Don't learn to steal.

from 7 & 8, it will be observed that the negative imperative 384 form of the verb is morphologically distinct from other negative suffixes such as -hll/ghl. In other .words, the Indicative negative suffix -hll/ghl co-occurs with the verbs of Peremptory Declaratives and Imperative 1, while Imperative 2 verbs take only the -1A suffix whoSB tone is deter>’fnined ty that of its verb stem.

Admittedly, the affirmative imperative form of Igbo verbs, such as we have given in examples 5 & 6, is not distinct from, say, the

Subjunctive or conditional form of the same verb, as the following

9 & ID show: / \ ' v ' v / ~ 9(a) Acoro m ka Ogu rie hwe .

Want I that Ogu eat thing: I want Ogu

to eat something.

(b) Acoro m ka Ogu zaa m g b e .

I want Ogu to sweep the parlour.

Ogu is trying that you go in time: Ogu

is struggling to see that you go in time. ✓ _ _ _ 10(a) Di ya rie hwe, ya abyawa.

If husband her eats thing, she starts coming: If her

husband eats, she will start coming.

f \ y \ c \ * _ (b) Gi zaa °^i adi m rnrna -

If you sweep the house, heart will be to me good:

If you_sweep the house* I shall be happy.

If he/she goes, I stay at home:

Examples 9(a-c) are subjunctive constructions, while those of

10(a-c) are Conditional ones. The relevant verbs have been underlined.

A look at them reveals that, apart from gaa in 9(c) and 10(c), the other verbs are neither morphologically nor tonally distinct from their 385

imperative form in 5 & 6. This might tempt one into an analysis which

recognises a general Subjunctive Wood- for Igbo verbs, which may be used

either to give orders or make requests. This is the situation in

English and other Indo-European languages whore the Imperative and

the Subjunctive ar8 not as clear-cut as they are, say, in Latin, where

the following distinct forms BXist side by side;

Usni (Imperative) come (sg.)

Venite " come (pi.) plural

and

Venias (Subjunctive) you (sg.) may come.

Veniatis 11 you (pi.) " "

But the existence of the distinct Neg. Imperative suffix ~1A argues

against such an analysis,

moreover, there are syntactic distinctions, too, which support

the recognition of a separate Imperative mood of the verb. UJe have seen,

✓ ^ for example, that Tone class 3 verbs, iga for example, have two distinct

tone patterns -

gaa for the Imperative and

ga^ " u Subjunctive & Conditional.

Although verbs of this Tone class could be seen as exceptions to the

rule, their tonal distinction in the two types of constructions being

considered here - Imperatives on the one hand, and the Subjunctive and

Conditionals on the otherx_is to „be recognised. Secondly,Peremptory

Declaratives and Ga-Imperative constructions behave differently from

Imperative 2 under NP embedding: UJhereas Imperative 2 can be introduced

* only by si complementizer - the sole marker of Imperative complements, *

Peremptory Declaratives as well as Imperative 1 may be introduced by either Nei or si complementizer. In the case of Peremptory Declaratives,

Imperative NP-embedding results in a change of pronoun subjects from the

non-emphati.c to the emphatic forms, thus; 386

X1(a) / v , x (b) 0 kara si k jhefuta ahya (c)

He said that ^ you C must go to market he J

But with j\[a as the complementizer, the above change in pronoun forms

does not obtain, as 11(d) shotus:

. , / V / \ / (d) 0 kara na m jhefuta ahya: He said that I must go

to market.

The fact that Peremptory Declaratives and Ga-Imperatives can be

introduced by either si or Na means that they belong to the other / categories of complements, rather than to si Imperative complement.

Thirdly, although in the Affirmative, Subjunctive and Conditional verb-

forms are not distinct from the Imperative one, in the Negative there

is a sharp distinction, as the following examples reveal:

12(a) 0 kiuuru si anyi anwuna

He said that we die not: He wished us well/

He wished us a long life.

(b) 0 gwa'ra ha/ e jhele:

He told them go not: He asked them not to go.

/ \ ' — V ✓ S. S'* (c) 0 si madhu anona n ’efu •

He said person stay not idle: He said that no

one should stay idle.

In the above 12(a-c), the Imperative verb-forms have been

underlined; the only permissible complementizer is si and the matrix

verbs are those of saying. But in the following 13(a-b), the underlined / \ verb is a periphrastic verb construction involving the verb igha and

a following nominal complements; furthermore, the verbs involved in

the superordinate sentences are not verbs of saying:

! 387

13(a) Acoro m ka anyi ghara (na) iga ahya.

Want I that me ' avoid (from) going market:

I do not mant us to go to market.

(b) Emeghe m osiiso ma' anyi ghara ime leethi

am doing I quickly that me avoid going late:

I am hurrying so'that me may not be late.

If the verb-forms in Subjunctive and Conditional constructions mere identical to those in Imperative constructions, then one mould expect thBir negative equivalents to be also non-distinct. In other mords, one mould expect the negative imperative verb-forms in 12(a-c) to have the privilege of occurrence in Constructions such as 13(a-b). That this is not the case accounts for the deviance of the folloming 13(c-d): imperative verb-forms do not function in subjunctive clauses in Igbo.

13(c) * Anyi coro ka anyi anuiuna.

UJe mant that me die not

> \ *' s f f si T ' ~ (d) * Anyi kiuadoghe anYf ahmuna hi.

UJe are preparing that me see not them, dust as verbs in a Subjunctive or Conditional construction have their appropriate negatives, so do imperative verb-forms, a fact mhich argues for their analysis as distinct verb-forms, despite their apparent identity in the Affirmative. Henceforth, me shall assume that the recognition of an Imperative division of the verb in Igbo is mell- motivated. -..-

So far, the examples me have given consist mainly of second person imperatives. But there is much more to Igbo Imperative Constructions than those examples shorn. For example, unlike English, Igbo has imperatives for all the three persons both singular and plural thus:

14(a) lYi gam/ gbuo? (verb iga cl.3)

I go start nom? : Should I start going nom? 388

14(b) Gawa gbuoN : Start going now.

V ✓ (c) Ya' gawa gbuo: Let him start going now / (b ) Anyi gawa gbuo?: Are we to start going now?

* \ Unu H gbuo'. : Start going now -V j Ha It it . Let them start going now.

/ \ / , * N 15(a) m noo duu? Am to be quiet? (vb. ino cl

(b) Noo d u u . Be quiet. \ / (c) Ya' noo d u u . Let him be quiet.

(d) Anyi n n 7 Are we to be quiet

(e) Unu ti d u u . You, people, be quiet

n II (f) Ha" Let them be quiet

16(a) rie hwe 7 (vb iri cl.!

I eat thing ? Am I to eat something?

(b) Rie hwe Eat something

(d) Anyi n ii? Are we to eat something?

(e) Unu it it You, people, eat something •V / n ii (f) Ha Let them eat something.

Paradiqm with the verb in the Negative

17(a) fflu ekwule okwu? Am I not to talk. ✓ (b) Ekwule o k w u . Do not talk.

* \ ti (b ) Unu okwu. You, people, do not talk

it (D Ha " Let them not talk.

These examples 14-17 are enough to shorn that the Imperative form of the verb is not limited to the second person, but extends to all the three persons both singular and plural. The only difference is that with the second person as the subject of the Imperative construction, 389 an optional doietion of the subject is permissible, whereas with any other than the second person, the deletion of the subject is blocked. 3 Therefore, the observation by Chomsky (1955), Klima (1964),

Kiparsky (1963) Katz and Postal (1964), .Lees (1964) and Hasegawa(1965) that Imperatives have you as underlying subject, true, though it is for

English, does not hold for the Igbo language.

Observe also from 14-17 that the first person Imperative construe tion is in the form of Yes/No question. The full form of the first person Imperative is as follows:

ib^a ) ' f m 1 V ' 0 wu ■< ✓ . i fuo? lanyij

Is it i/we go out: Am i/Are we to go out?

(b) \ 0 wu J m , V afula?: Am i/are uie not to go out 3 anyi J * ‘ y

The question marker here, o wu, is optionally deletable, and if it is deleted, the bound morpheme, ni (hitherto called the inseparable pronoun) must become the free (or separable) form, mu, whenever a negative imperative verb is involved, hence the formwb have in 17(a).

UJith the first person as subject, therefore, an Imperative construction in Igbo has the illocutionary force of request. Stockwell et al.(l973) distinguish between Imperatives and Requests in English, the latter, they associate with Yes/No - Questions. In Igbo, the situation is slightly different: the language has a syntactic construction called the Imperative^ which can--be used- to perform the speech act of making a request or giving commands. If a request, rather than an order, is

/ _ intended, the language employs, in addition, such items as bikho or

* \ kaa 'please1, as in the following examples:

18(c) Bikho afula.

Please, go out not: Please, don1! go out.

3 Stockwell et. al. (1973: 639 et seq.) 390

18(d) Bikho, nwa m, mee hwe m gwara gi.

Please my child, do what I told you.

It seems that Igbo is unique in having the imperative in all the

persons, with the first person imperative being a sort of request^

Having argued the case for the existence of an imperative

division of the verb, and demonstrated the form that an Imperative

construction can take in Igbo, let us now add that an interest in

this chapter lies with Imperative 2 - that is those construction types / with imperative verb-forms, and which can be embedded only as si

NP-complements. The process of si Imperative complementation is

discussed in the following section 7.2.0.

7.2.0 Si" Imperative Complementation

Let us consider the paradigms 19-22 and how each of the members

is derived:

s / \ / \ ICO ~ / >- F a^da gwara unu si unu soro okwu

Priest told you saying you . follow word his ICO esone omume

follow not deed his:

The priest told you to follow his words, and not his deeds.

(b) Fada gwara unu' soro" okwu ya, esone omume/ ya.

(same as (a))

/ \ ^ / \ s \ / \ / \ (c) Hwe fada gwara unu wu si unu soro okwu ya esone

ommne-' ya: Uiha-t--the- priest told you is to follow his words

and not his deeds.

4 Ule also recognise a Category of Subjunctive constructions which ma^ be described as Let-Imperatives. These begin with the complementizer ka which we associate with kaa\ 'please* (cf 1 0 , 2.0, ) - The following are illustrative examples: Ka anyi laa: [flay we go: Let's go. Ka 0 rie hwe: {flay he eat: Let him eat Ka ha kwuo hwe ha byara: Let them say what they came for. Our analysis of this type of construction has been sketched in. 4,1.4:157, 3.91

V ✓ " ' ' / 19(d) Hwe fada gwara unu wu unu soro okwu ya,

\ / esone omume ya. (same as (c)).

N / \ \ / (e) Hwe'" fada gwara unu wu* soro okwu ' a ,

esone omume ya. (same as (c)).

/ _ V 20(a) 0 si. Ogu byawa ' ngwangwa.

He told Ogu (to ) start coming quickly.

^ / Hwe o si Ogu wu ya byawa ngwangwa. (b) •

lilhat he told Dgu is that he should start coming quickly

Hwe o si Ogu wu byawa ngwangwa.

What he told Ogu is to start coming quickly.

✓ \ V s \ 21(a) 0 tiri mkpu si Oti na nwie ya mezhie.

He shouted that Oti should be reconciled with his wife.

\ f * \ (b) Hue o tiri mkpu ya wu si Oti na nwie

UJhat he shouted about is that Oti should be

ya' mezhie. ' u/

reconciled with his wife.

t V M Hwe o tiri mkpu ya wu Oti na

nwie ya' mezhie. V u /

(same as (b)). '* _ s ^ 22(a) Onye nkuzhi ekwuole si onye owula mechie onu.

The teacher has said that everybody should be quiet.

\ (b) ~ / kwurule ~) Huie onye nkuzhi wu si onye owula mechie onu; na ekwuolej

Uihat the teacher has said is that everybody should be

quie t. vS* \ kwurult (c) Hwe onye nkuzhi < / \. . ( tsiu onye owula mechie onu. 1 (_na ekwuolej • • • '

We take each of these sets of paradigms in turn beginning with paradigm 19, the Deep structure of which is represented by Fig. 1 with non-essential details omitted. I 392-

NP V£

Verb

Past

+ Pro + def Comp.

loc

NP VP

Pro Verb NP Verb

Pro Pro fWtfV Ne Pro

Fada gwa ry unu so rs okwu ya unu omume ya.

Fig. 1

Let us assume that co-ordinate Reduction and Affix Hopping have applied

to Fig. 1 to p_roduce the following 23.

✓ \ soro okwu ya 23 Fada gwara unu ya si unu

S ^ \ % / esone omume ya

/ 23 meets the structural description for either Abstract ya

Deletion or Abstract ya' movement: we apply the former first, and the

output is 23(a) I

23(a) Fada Gwara unu'' si unu sort/ okwu ya,

esono omume ' ya. (By T. Abstract Ya Del). Mith the

necessary phonological rules applied, 23(a) becomes the grammatical

sentence 23(b), which is the same as 19(a).

23(b) Fada gwara unu si unu soro okwu ya,

esone omume ya.

Now 23(b) can undergo the rule of optional complementizer deletion;

since this is a new rule, we give it schematically as follows:

SD: L NP Verb NP Comp NP Verb N P ] ] s. e 1 1 NP NP So i 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

■ Process: Delete 4

Condition: (a) 3 = 5, and 3 is the indirect object.

(b) obligatory iff 2 is the verb isi,

otherwise optional.

X is a variable.

SC: 1 2 3 0 5 6 7 8.

The output of this Deletion rule applying optionally hore is 23(c),

which now becomes the input to the rule of consecutive NP Deletion,

the rule is obligatory:

The Rule of Consecutive Co-referential NP Deletion - (oblig.)

/ V S \ V / 23(c) Fada gwara unu unu . soro ya esone omume ya

SD* NP [j/erb n p H NP VERB NPp] VP VP S

1 2 3 4 5 6

Process: Delete 4

Condition: 3 =4

• SC: 12 3 0 5 6 7

The output of this rule is 23(d) in which the necessary phonological

rules have been applied. 394

23(d) Fada gujara unu soro okwu ya esoVie omume ya.

This 23(d) is the same as 19(b-),

Observe that this rule which deletes tho subject of the embedded si Imperative Complement is obligatory here because the two co-referential nouns follow each other consecutively. Note also that the sequence of the rules so far applied in the derivation of 19(a) and

(b) is as follows!

(1) Ya' Deletion (oblig.)

(2) Comp. " (opt./oblig according to the

matrix verb - cf p.437ff).

(3) Consecutive Co-ref. NP Deletion (oblig.)

For as long as this sequence is followed, so long with the deletion of the complementizer produce a derived structure in which the two

NPs - the matrix object and the Embedded subject - are consecutive.

Now let us see how the adoption of an alternative sequence determines the obligatoriness oroptionality of this NP deletion.

This time, we start with the alternative rule - the Ya movement rule on the same structure 23 - repeated here for ease of reference: / \ / \ / v ^ _ \ / 23. Fada gwara unu ya si unu soro okwu ya esone omume y a .

23(e) Ya fada gwara unu si unu soro' okwu ya esone omume ya .

(By o p t . Ya flflvt.)

f \ * * / \ \ / N f \ (f) Hwe fada gwara unu wu si unu soro okwu ya esone

omume' ya. (By oblig. Pseudo Cleft)

(g) Hwe' fada gwara unu wu si unu* soro okwu ya esoYie

omume' ya. (By Vacuous Relat^)

/ . \ / \ ✓ V * . N (h) Hwe fada gwara unu wu si unu soro okwu ya esone

omume' ya. (by Phonological rules)

23(h) is a grammatical sentence and is the same as 19(c).

23(h) may now undergo the optional rule of comp, deletion

f - since its matrix verb is not isi, and the output of the application • * of this rule is 23(i) 395

23(i) hwe** fada .gwara unu wu unu soro okiuu ya ,

\ / esone omume y a .

23(i) is the same as 19(d),

It is observable from 23(i) that the two co-referential NP's - the object of the matrix sentence, and the subject of the Embedded sentence, the two unu1s - are no longer consecutive because the rule of Pseudo Cleft has brought about the interposition of wu between them. This means that none of the conditions for the obligatory application of the deletion of the embedded subject is met. However, the deletion may still apply optionally to yield 23(j).

23 (j) hwe*" fada gwara unu wu soro^ okwu • ya esoVne

V / ^ omume y a ,

23(j) is the same sentence as 19(e).

It is thus obvious that an obligatory or optional application of co- referential NP deletion depends on the derivational history of the structure in question, that is on the sequence of rules that yields the input to this deletion rule.

Recall the conditions for an obligatory deletion of the complementizer si: one of them is that the matrix verb has got to be

' - / the verb isi itself, the stem of which is si the complementizer.

In the derivation of the paradigm 20(a)-(d), this point is illustrated t h us :

24 Ya si Ogu^ ya^ -si- Ogu byawa ngwangwa (Base Form) + Pro +Pro + def +def + pers. +abs

s s (a) Ya si Ogu si * Cb) Ya si Ogu Ogu b + Pro + def + pers

(d) 0 si Ogu byawa* ngwangwa (By oblig. Ya** - 0 Conv.) 396

/ ^ \ j ^ 24(e) 0 si Ogu byawa ngwangwa. (By oblig. Phon. rules)

24(e) is the same sentence as 20(a). ✓ It seems that we had assumed that the deletion of the comp, si

/ ^ is obligatory with isi as the matrix verb without proving it. Now let

us see the consequences of its non-deletion: 24(b) is the output of

/ * the abstract Ya Deletion. Suppose that the deletion of si does not

take place, then we will be left with 24(b) as the input to the

Phonological rule of Ya'" - 0 conversion, and this will in turn yield 24(f).

, \ y \ ' N / - - 24(f) *0 si Ogu si Ogu byawa ngwangwa.

24(f) is decidedly deviant.

One may argue that 24(f) meets the SD for Co-referential

I\1P deletion which is optional in a case such as 24(f), above. Even

•the application of this rule does not redeem 24(f) because the output

of such a rule would be 24(g) which still remains deviant:

24(g) *0 si Ogu si byawa ngwangwa.

✓ — It follows, therefore, that the verb isi must be marked in the Lexicon ♦ ♦

/ for obligatory Complementizer deletion in si Imperative complementation,.

/ _ If the complementizer is obligatorily deleted whenever isi is the

matrix predicate, one will expect this characteristic to be maintained even

in Pseudo-Cleft transforms. This is, in fact, what happens, as the

following derivations show following the alternative Rule order which

starts with Ya movement and subsequent Pseudo-Cleft formation rule.

The Base Form remains 24, which we repeat for the sake of convenience:

24 Ya si Ogu ya si Ogu byawa ngwangwa (Base)

24(h) Ya Ya si Ogu si Ogu byawa ngwangwa (By opt. Ya fflvt) j"+Pro +Pro I +abs + pers

, \ tv f ' / N / _ (i) hwe ya si Ogu wu si Ogu byawa ngwangwa-

(by Oblig. Pseudo-Cleft)

(j) hwe ya si Ogu wu si Ogu byawa ngwangwa

(by Uac^ueus Relat^) 397

Suppose we were to apply the Phonological rules which convert Yay

to 0 to 24(j), the output would be 24(k) which is deriant with / the comp, si as yet undeleted:

24(k) *hwe o si Ogu wu si Ogu byawa ngwangwa-

(by oblig. Ya - 0 conversion)

Even if the second occurrence of Ogu becomes pronominalised to give (l),

the sentence would still remain deviant.

( l) *hw8/ g si OguV wu si ya byawa^ ngwangwa.

(by Pronominalisation)

But the obligatory deletion of the comp si renders the resultant output

grammatical.

, , / - V / s / - ^m) hwe o si Ogu wu ya byawa ngwangwa.

(8y oblig. Comp. Del) f|f Observe that 24(m) is the same sentence as 20(b), and is well-

formed. This fact means that the deletion of the subject of the

embedded sentence under identity with the matrix object is no longer

obligatory but optional. If this optional deletion rule is applied to

(m), the output is (n), which is the same as 20(c).

, . t v / — V / \ / — 24(n) hwe g si Ogu wu byawa ngwangwa.

From the derivational history of paradigm 20 given here, it is

/ conclusive that the matrix verb isi is mutually exclusive with the ■ »

complementizer si. The reason is fairly obvious: since the verb and

the complementizer have a lot of characteristics in common (cf their

feature specifications in the Lexicon) to have the two of them in

one and the same sentence is definitely repetitious and is not done by

native speakers of this dialect. Ule have argued in chapter 5 that Igbo

function words, complementizers inclusive, are verb-forms, si'is a

typical example of such a verb functioning as subordinating conjunction.

One of the conditions which determine Comp, deletion is that there

must be two co-referential NP’s, the first of which must be the indirect 398

object. In the paradigms 21 & 22, this condition is not met. Let us see houj this fact interacts with the-comp, deletion rule. The Base

Form of the sentences of 21 is given in 25:

25 Ya tiri mkpu ya si Oti na nwie ya mezhie.

(Base Form)

(a) Ya tiri mkpu si Oti na muie ya mezhie (By oblig. Ya Del.)

(b) 0 tiri mkpu si Oti na nwie ya mezhie (By oblig. Ya -

0 conversion).

25(b) is the same as 21(a), uie needed only two stages to derive it from the Base structure 25*

Observe that the matrix' object - ’mkpu1 shout -.is not co-refe- / \ rential with the Embedded subject - Oti, and the verb in the matrix

- / - sentence is ’iti mkpu' 'to raise a shout’, but not isi, 'to say'.

Therefore none of the conditions for comp. Deletion is met. The application of this rule can only produce an ungrammatical sentence such as 25(c). / \ ^ / \ / v \ / 25(c) *0 tiri mkpu Oti na nwie ya mezhie.

But the Pseudo-Cleft transforms of 25(b) are not: subject to the same constraint, as the following derivational history shows; the Base form is still 25.

25(d) hwe ya tiri mkpu ya wu si Oti na nwie ya mezhie.

(By opt. Pseudo-Cleft)

(e) hwe ya tiri mkpu y a _ wu si Oti na nwie ya mezhie.

(By Vacdoas Relat^),

5 This underlying form shows a Base coordination of NP’s. UJe have not given any attention to Coordination in Igbo, which is irrelevant to Complementation. But a systematic investigation of the process of co ordination in Igbo is very likely to recognise more than one method. Undoubtedly, some conjoined NP's can be shown to derive from higher order coordinates of sentences in Base structure, as has been convincingly demonstrated by KoutsoudaS (1971a) But such an analysis will raise the question as to what to do with Igbo sentences such as: fYiuT nav ya/ kwuru: I and he went together: I went with/accompanied him. For sentences like this, there can be no Base-coordinated sentential source 3gg

25(f) hwe o tiri mkpu ye wu si Oti na nwie' ya^ mezhie.

(By oblig. Ya-0 conversion - Phon rules)

(g) hwe o tiri mkpu ya wu Oti na nwie ya mezhie.

(By optional comp. Del)

25(f) and (g) are the same as 2l(b) and (c) respectively, and they are all well-formed.

Observe that the Pseudo-Cleft rule in the above example entails

-v / a transformationally inserted hwe contrary to our usual practice of deriving it from the underlying abstract proform ya which is still present in these surface structures 25(f) and (g). In this regard, recall also that in (p*>34t-2ff )» the same phenomenon was observed with the verb 'igba agugo' - to doubt. Each of these two verbs have what we describe as inherent complement, that is the verbs must be cited ' ~ ✓ _ s as 'iti mkpu' to shout, 'igba agugo' - to argue, debate in order for them to make any sense. The Language is full of verbs like these.

For this category of verbs, Pseudo-Clefting entails a transformationally inserted hwe - thing, and the retention in surface structure of the Deep structure abstract ya as the second^ object of the verb. A few more examples will help to drive home this point:

. , ^ ^ / s / _ 26(a) Ezhiri m ya ozhi si ya zutara m anu.

Sent I to him message saying he buy for me meat:

I sent word to him to buy some meat for me.

6 Hie prefer to talk in terms of 1st, 2nd,3rd ...... objects in Igbo rather than in terms of Direct and Indirect Objects for the simple reason that there is no other formal way of distinguishing between these except in terms of their structural position. Consider the following Igbo sentences, for example:

(i) Ogu nyere m anu. Ogu gave me meat: Ogu gave some meat to me. (ii) tfgu zutara ni ya* anu - Ogu bought for me (from)him meat. Ogu bought some meat for me from him. From these examples, we see that the order is: Indirect obj., the Ablative - from NP, and Direct object; In Case Grammar: the Dative, the Ablative and the object cases - in that order. 400

A * f V / _» *• 26(b) hwe m zhiri ya ozhi ya wu (si) ya

thing I sent hirn word about it is that he

\ r zutara m anu.

buy for me meat: liihat I sent word to him about was to

buy me some meat.

One made lauj saying people all come out

* N S n'ama n'uhuru ci,

to the square in the decline of day:

A proclamation has been made that everybody must assemble at

the (village) square in the evening.

(d) hwe A mara iuju ya wu (si) madhu niile fushia

n’ama n'uhuru ci.* U/hat has been proclaimed is that

everybody must assemble at the square in the evening. / Secondly, observe that the comp, si is optionally deletable in the Pseudo-Cleft transforms, even though its deletion in the non-Cleft ones - 21(a) 25(b), 26(a) and (c) is blocked. It seems a fairly general rule that, except for those sentences whose matrix verb is isi, all Pseudo-Cleft transforms of si Imperative Complements do permit the optional application of the rule of Comp. Deletion.

This generalisation may even apply to Si Complements whose matrix verb / - is isi. For us, however, the deletion of ths comp, is obligatory / - provided the verb of the matrix sentence is isi itself. ■ •

The last of the paradigms, paradigm 22, are, in many respects, like those of 21, and their derivational history is similar to that of 21:

/ \ / N f 27 Onye nkuzhi ekwuole ya si onye owula mechie gnu

(Base Form)

(a) Onye nkuzhi ekwuole si onye owula mechie gnu

(By oblig. abstr. Ya^del.) 401 ^ \ X - 27(b) Onye nkuzhi ekwuole si onye owula mechie onu

(ByPhon. rules)

27(b) is the same as 22(a), and is well-formed.

(By opt. Abst. Ya/ Mvt.).

(d) hwe onye nkuzhi ekwuole wu si onye owula mechie gng.

(By oblig. Pseudo Cleft)

(0 ) r ' f na ekwuoleg . v ' ' hwe onye nkuzhi J . v / wu si onye owula n kwurule f • * •

me'chie onu. (By oblig. Relat^)

(f) x ' 1 i» ■ f na ekwuole ■) ' - . v hwe onye nkuzhi 4 ^ L wu si onye owula kwurule J " '

me'chie gnu. (By oblig. Phon rules).

27(f) is an acceptable Igbo sentence, and is the same as 22(b).

/ \ 7 ' 1 1 ■ C na ekwuoleg ' , t (g) hwe onye nkuzhi J kwurule ( onVe gwula mechie

gnu. (By opt. Comp. Del.).

27(g) is the output of the optional application of comp, deletion to a Pseudo-Cleft transform, it is the same as the grammatical sentence 22(c).

From the foregoing exposition, the need for the following rules in Imperative Complementation has been established; the order is not extrinsic.

Cither (l) Ya Deletion

OR — ~ (2 ) Ya^ movement

If 1, then (3) co-referential NP Deletion - (oblig. if

consecutive, otherwise

opt.)

If 2, then (4 ) Pseudo-Cleft (oblig.)

(5) Relativization (Relat^) (oblig.) I

402

(6) Comp. Deletion (oblig. if si is matrix verb, otherwise

opt.).

(7) Pronominalisation of embedded subject NP (opt).

7.3.0 Comparison & Contrast

Of these rules, the only unfamiliar ones are 3, 6 & 7.

Rule 7 is a general rule of language independent of NP-complementation,

while Rule 3 which deletes the embedded Subject NP when immediately pre

ceded by a co-referential matrix object NP is unique to this category

of NP complement.

But Rule 6 - the comp. Deletion rule - needs a bit more comment,

for this is the first time that we have come across such a rule in Igbo

NP-complementation. It is reasonably accurate to say that comp.

Deletion is relevant only to si Imperative complementation in the

Language. Outside this category of NP complements, there is very little,

if any, evidence for it. This situation is due to the fact that in the

dialect being described here, it is very rare to hear a reported

statement without an introductory word linking the main to the subordi

nate clause - the complementizer morpheme. In the generality of cases,

/ the complementizer most often heard is the all-purpose si which, as has

been made clear throughout chapter 4, can and is very often used in

addition to or in place of the Na Declarative, the m ^ Interrogative,

and ma\^ and ka' Purpose (Subjunctive), with it always preceding any of

these. But "When it functions’Th ”its special capacity as the sole marker

of Imperative complements, it is deletable under the conditions stated

in this chapter. 403

Concluding Summary

After considering all the possible constructions in Igbo u/hich may, plalisibly, contend for analysis as Imperatives, this chapter

focuses on those imperative constructions whosB verbs are in the

imperative form. These are the imperative constructions which can only be embedded as si - complements. The other categories of constructions - Peremptory Declarative and Ga - Imperatives have been shown to differ syntactically from Imperatives and have not been ana'lysed any further.

The process of si Imperative complementation has brought to light the following facts:

(a) the choice of one sequence of rules creates a derived

output structure in which the deletion of the embedded

subject NP is obligatory, when it immediately follows

and is co-referential with the matrix object NP, while the

alternative sequence yields another derived structure in which

the same rule is optional because the co-referential NP’s

are not consecutive. ✓ (b) the deletion of the comp, si is obligatory, if the matrix * / - verb is isi;

(d) -optional in all structures with a matrix indirect object

NP (the addressee)'which is co-referential with the

embedded subject NP;

(e) blocked, if condition (d) is not met. 404

Chapter g

The Subjunctive (Ka/ma) Complements.

S. 0.0 Introduction

UJe use the label, Subjunctive, to describe a construction type in

Igbo that is neither Indicative, nor Interrogative, nor Imperative,

(cf 4.1.4). Its markers are j

NP-Complement^, (always in object position after a category of verbs to be fully discussed in this chapter) its propositional content is invariably a wish, some effort or determination the realisation of which is open.

This construction type has been variously described: Green and Igwe(l963) refer to it as the Subject-Verb Form, Conditional; Swift, Ahaghotu and

Ugorji (1962) described it as the Hortative, Ida Ward (1936) does not mention it at all. What matters for our purpose is that all these labels reflect an attempt to characterise a clause type in which:

(a) all pronoun subjects are on high tones;

(b) all verb stems are high for classes 1 & 3 verbs, and

low for class 2 verbs;

which is invariably on a high tone.

(d) the future marker £ a does not occur, except with a handful

of verbs which take _na instead of ^ka1 or jma (cf 2.2.0:4<2Z).

examples 16-22), though the time expressed by the verb of

this complement-is - always future in relation to that

expressed by the main clause verb.

1 Ka' is also the marker of the following Igbo greetings: Ka c^ foo (Onitsha) Goodnight (Ka) ci/ bcm (Owerri) " Ka anyi bbcf ci (Central Igbo) Goodnight. * • * Although these greetings appear like independent sentences, they can be shown to be complements to some unexpressed verbs of wishing, thus making the Subjunctive Wood in Igbo a dependent rather than an independent mood, (cf 4.1.4). However, the mia complementizer is restricted to Purpose/Causal Clauses, and never functions in this type of greeting. 405

Thess are the distinctive characteristics of the complement type described throughout this thesis as the Subjunctive complement.

In this chapter, we shall show that the applicability of

Equ.i~.NP Deletion (Equi) to this category of predicates is a consequence of the semantic characteristics of the class of predicates involved in this complement type. The verbs are examined in detail and the con straints on the applicability of Equi discussed in 8.2.0.

As this is the last chapter on the mechanics of complementation in Tgbo, we shall bring together in 8*3*0 all the known sources ofjthe

! so-called Igbo infinitives and provide some syntactic tests for differentiating between infinitives and nominals, though they have the same phonological shape, j prefix + CV-stem.

In g,4,0, we give the two types of complements in Igbo based on I their structural position or relation with the main clause verb, and then go on to examine Rosenbaum’s distinction between NP and VP complements which seems to depend crucially on the structural position of the complements. The NP-VP distinction is rejected as being untenable in the analysis of Igbo complement constructions, v . \ 8.1.D Ka/ma^ Complement Constructions

The following are examples of ka/ma\ subjunctive complements in Igbo:

1(a) Ogu coro ka umuagbogho gbaara anyi nkwav .

Dgu wants that young girls dance for us dance

n'Qrie

on Orie market day: Ogu wants the young girls to stage a dance

for us on Orie market day.

(b) Anyi coro ka onye owula kpunye eghu ya obhu

Hie want that everybody hold goats his in rope.

Ule want everybody to get his goats tethered. 406

/ s 2(a) Acoro "ka dawa ya anya

/ _ (b) idawa L

UJant that I merely watch him: I want to

do no more than watch him.

3(a) Ogbuehi byara 'khworo ma ya gara m i r i .

coo ka

Ogbuehi came wanting/intending that he go for me water

Ogbuehi came to fetch some water for me.

(b) Ogbuehi bya'ra ka ya gara miri

(same as 3a)

\ / — (c) Ogbuehi bya'ra igara miri

(same as 3a) x \ 4(a) Ibe gara ahya zuta eghu wa

(b) izuta ■

Ibe went to market in order to buy the goat.

5(a) Ndhu kporo (oku) ya cheere ekpe .

x v (b) Ndhu kporo oku ichere m ekpe .

Ndhu called me call so that he beg me beg:

Ndhu called me so as to plead with me.

Let us start by discussing sentences 1-2 first. As can be observed

/ _ the matrix verb in these two examples is the verb ico ’to want, wish’.

Each of these two sentences derives from an underlying structure such as is represented in Fig.l. I 407

The above structure j.s like that of any other object NP complement,

except for the fact that the main clause subject must be an animate one,

that is, some creature capable of purposeful action, and the marker of

the complement is kef and the matrix predicate is a verb of wish.

Example l(a) has the following stylistic variants - 6(a & b).

In view of the fact that we have given the derivational history of such

sentences in 5*1*1* we need not repeat the information here, but assume

the application of the relevant rules to the generation of 6(a) & (b)

from the underlying Fig.l,

6(a) Hwe Ogu coro wu ka umuagbogho gbaara anyi

IDhat Ogu wants is for the young girls to dance

nkwa na O n e :

for us on Orie market day.

(b) Ka umuagbogho gbaara anyi. nkwa na Orie / / v \ wu hwe Ogu coro: That the young girls should

dance for us on Orie market day is what Dgu wants. 408'

$ / \ The T-rules relevant to the derivation of 6(a & b) -

(i) Y a ' Movement (opt.),

(ii) Pseudo-Cleft (oblig.),

(iii) Relat^ " and

(iv) Reverse Cleft (opt.)

are among the rules which all categories of f\iP complements have in

common. The T-rule unique to subjunctive complementation - Equi- 3

Deletion - which yields sentences such as 2(b), 3(c) and 4(b) receives I full treatment in S.2.0. j

Now let us consider examples 3-5. These sentences are more

complex in structure than those of 1-2, as Fig.2 shows. They are

instances of Igbo Purpose Construction, the equivalent of English

'so that/in order that' Constructions. It will be observed that the

surface, main clause verbs of these complements are non-complement-taking

verbs, such as:

. . \ / - 7(a) byara from ibya - to come

(b) gaVa from iga - tD go

, \ ^ 4 - (c) kporo from ikpo - to call • • 1 and a host of other verbs which can be used to express a purposive action,

Although none of these is complement-taking, nevertheless they seem, at

least superficially, to introduce the subjunctive complement. In order

to discover what syntactic evidence there is in support of the analysis

of 3-5 as NP-complements, let us examine Fig. 2, the structure underlying

such constructions. is

NP VP

Verb Reason

Verb

+P.ro +def +abs tIoc Comp

(ii) If NP a NP. , then Cqui-NP Deletion is optionally applicable 1 4 410

In order to derive sentences such as 3-5 From the above figure 2,

the Following stages are necessary: First, NP^ is deleted under identity

with NP-^j thus yielding an output which has the tone pattern of Igbo 2 Narrative constructions whose second and subsequent verb-forms, like

those of Imperative, have their suffixes on a high tone. The output

of such a co-referential NP deletion is 3(a) whoso structure is shown

in Fig.3. 3(a) is repeated here for ease of reference.

3(a) Ogbuehi byara p khworo^ . mav ya gara m miri

coro ka

2 The fact that Khworo has the tone pattern of a second or subsequent verb in a Narrative construction provides a reason for an alternative analysis of Igbo Purpose Constructions. By this analysis, the structure underlying Purpose constructions in Igbo could be given as a co-ordinate, rather than the subordinate structure given in Fig 2. Uihat Green and Igwe (1963) refer to as the Narrative construction is a form of co-ordination by means of verb serialisation, and this construction does not involve any conjunction whatsoever. Thussfrom a deep structure such as

jCogbuehi byaraj} £^0gbuehi khworo /~ma Ogbuehi gara m

miri J ] ? one can show that co-ordinate deletions yield 3(a), and that the resultant asymmetry between the first conjunct and the subsequent ones is a consequence of such deletions as well as the Optative verb deletion. Ule have not adopted this method because it involves other principles such as Tree-pruning conventions (cf Ross 1966). But it is not unknown in language for subordination to result from underlying co-ordinate structures. For example,1 transformational grammarians have argued that the appropriate deep structure of relative clauses is co-ordinate rather than subordinate. I

+Pro + Pro +3rd Pers +lst Pers +bound

ma Ogbuehi byara ya gara miri

Fig 3.

Noui 3a meets the structural description For the optional rule of

Optative (Verb) Deletion. NP UP Verb _Camp NP VP J Reason khworo ^ rma s2 coo ka

Process : Delete 3.

Condition : 3 must b8 preceded and followed by S's.

The output of the above rule is 3(b) which is represented by Fig.4,

3(b) Ogbuehi byara '{^ka'J' ^ ^ara m m i ri .

Ogbuehi came in order to fetEh some water for me.

Observe that it is only after Optative Deletion that the two complementizers J

* - N ' V \ that isjico can only take ka, whereas ikhwo co-occurs with ma in the dialect being described here. In other words, these two items can be used interchangeably only in a perfect structure which is the output of

Optative Deletion. UJe shall dwell more on the syntactic similarities and differences between these two optative verbs in $.1.1. UJhat must be emphasized here is that Optative deletion accounts for the surface form of sentences such as 3-5 and a host of similar Purpose constructions in which non-complement-taking predicates appear to introduce subjunctive complements.

3 Rev. Igwe observes (personal communication) that in Ohuhu, the above two complementizers _ka & ma are in free variation regardless of which of the two optatives is present in structure. Thus, the co occurrence restrictions between the two optatives on the one hand, and w the complementizers on the other, do not obtain in Ohuhu. 413'

F * . ^ \ ka Ogbuehi byara gara miri ma

Fig 4.

Note that the applicability of Optative verb Deletion is strictly determined by the structural position of the predicates. Consider the following as further evidence in support of our claim. / \ \ / A \ / /V -* 8(a) Ogu byara khiuoro ma ya hwu m.

(b) 11 rna ya hwu m. (by Optative Deletion)

Ogu came in order to see m e .

\ v / 9(a) Ogu khworo ma ya hwu m bya

" had in mind that he see me come i

Ogu came to see me.

4 Although 8(a) &3(b) are, to all intents and purposes, synonymous, there are^sojne observable formal differences between them. For example, it is khworo in 8(a), but khworo in 3(b) - that is, two contrasting tone patterns - low-high and low-low respectively. The explanation for this comes from general and well-known facts of Igbo Narrative Constructions in which the verb of the second and subsequent sentences, have their suffixes, if any, always on a high tone, regardless of the preceding tone of its verb-stern. In Narratives, only the first verb bears the tense or aspect marker, while subsequent verbs copy their time from that of this first verb, This^ fact accounts for the absence of any suffix on bya" in 9(a). The verb ikhwo is, however, an exception, since it does not take the open vowel suffix. For this reason, it becomes a bit difficult to distinguish the -rV Time suffix from the -rV non-Time with ikhwo. But the tone pattern of the verb-form provides some clue: if the tone of -rQ is in contrast with that of its verb-stt then, such is the non- Time -rV if it is the same as that of the verb-stern, it is the inflectional ~rV Time. 414

9(b) * Ogu ma ■ ya hwu m bya . (by Optative Deletion)

8(b) from which khworo has been deleted is grammatical because this optative is the verb of the sentence immediately dominated by

Reason mode; it is not structure-initial. But 9(b), the output of the same deletion rule is ill-formed because it is the first verb of the construction, it is structure-initial. From 8(a) and 9 (b )f it is obvious that the Reason clause can be preposed to structure-initial position, and when this is dona, the application of optative Verb Deletion is thereby blocked. Thus, the condition for the optional deletion of the / _ s \ optative ico or ikhwo is supported.

The foregoing exposition also demonstrates that Igbo Purpose clauses are subjunctive complements to a two-member class of optatives, and not, as examples 3-5 and others like them suggest from their surface form, to such non-complementizable predicates as those given in 7.

ThuSjRobin Lakoff's analysis (1968: 202) is supported by facts from

Igbo. But there is this minor difference: while she argues that the structure underlying English Purpose clauses includes an abstract verb of wanting and the abstract verb cause, which takes a sentential subject and a sentential object, we have demonstrated that the situation is a bit different in Igbo only in this sense that the verbs in question are 5 not abstract in Robin Lakoff's sense. They are real and existing verbs of the Igbo language which are only optionally deleted from surface structures given a definite structural position which has been clearly defined above. While the Deep structure for Igbo Purpose expressions is given as in Fig 2, Lakoff gives the deep structure underlying the following English sentence:

5 Robin Lakoff's concept of abstract verbs is that they have no phonetic shape; they are "verbs with semantic and syntactic properties similar to those found in real verbs of the same semantic class, but with no phonological form" (Robin Lakoff 1968: 160ff). 415

The child fears the dark in order to get attention from his mothe;

The child wants he gets attention from his parents 82 S2 S3

cause he fears the dark

Thus, where in surface structure English and other Indo-European

languages employ such function words ass

so that English in order that/to

ut and the Subjunctive Latin ne

pour que French

ne que

Igbo employs definite predicates that take subjunctive complements.

Let us now examine the syntactic and semantic similarities and differences

between these two verbs.

B. 1.1. The Optatives - ieo and ikhwo

ThB structural differences between Figs 1 & 2 suggest some basic

differences between the above two verbs. In Fig 1, we have a structure

consisting of a main clause followed by a sentential complement as

object. In Fig 2, on the other hand, the structure is much more complex,

being a Purpose construction which generally consists of three sentential

units - a superordinate sentence whose UP is expanded as Verb and Reason,

the Reason node being in turn expanded as an S whose verb takes a

sentential complement as object. Thus, the ka/ma complement is the object,

not of the highest sentence, but of the next high sentence immediately 416 dominated by Reason. From this structure and examples 8 & 9 derived from it, one fact emerges, namely that-the optative ikhwo functions only in a Purpose or Causal construction where it always requires a sentential / object, whereas ico can function either in a Purpose Construction, or in a simple complement structure such as is shown by Fig. 1. The reason for this unique syntactic behaviour of ikhwo stems from the fact that this verb gives the explanation, cause or reason for the action expressed by the verb of the superordinate sentence, hence such a reason or cause cannot occur in the absence of this superordinate sentence.

Examples 3-5, and 8 & 9 clearly demonstrate this fact. The following additional data lend further support to the point being madB here: lOta; I khwuru ya muo? (vb ikhwu muo - abuse, swear at)

Did you swear at him? *

(b) Ee : Yes,

(o)r \ ‘ I S khworo gini? “ * ll/hat had you in mind, why?

(d) ^mlka0^ " uihy? For what reason?

/ / \ ^ ' r* s i * / (e) Ekhworo m 1 i i o kuru m hwe i n a J • • • •

Had regard I that he beat me thing:

I did so because he beat me.

10(a) and (b) establish the discourse situation in which the following 10(c)-(e) can be used; the verb ico cannot be used to ask such questions as 10(c) antT’ (d) "eVen given the same conversational setting. From 10(e) it is also obvious that ikhwo is one of those verbs which can take either a ma\^ subjunctive or Na declarative complement according to ths intended meaning; ico, on the other hand, can take only the Ka Subjunctive complement, never the Na declarative one. The

* \ explanation for this syntactic difference is easy: ikhwo being a verb which expresses purpose or reason for an action is capable of expressing the reason for past, present or future action in its complement whereas / _ ico being strictly a verb of 'wish' can only express an unrealised 417 proposition in its complement, and as a consequence is syntactically restricted to Ka' Subjunctive complement. Apart from these differences, the two verbs are very similar in their syntactic characteristics: both of them take the subjunctive complement and are subject to EQbi.

Ufa shall now examine the conditions that determine the application of

EQUI to these and other verbs which share the same or similar characteristics.

£.2.0 SUBJUNCTIVE C0IY1PLETilENTS AND EQUI-MP DELETION (EQUI)

lUe have pointed out at the beginning of this chapter that apart

from other distinctions, the subjunctive complements are the only

complement type which are subject to the rule of co-referential Noun

phrase deletion which triggers infinitivization in Igbo. It has further

been observed (cf6,4 • ') that Igbo infinitival complements are not

deep structure forms but transforms of basic ma^ sentential complement

to Emotive verbs; in this section we shall show that it is also the case

that object infinitival complements derive from the basic ka/ma subjunc

tive complements and a few Na1 complements that meet the essential

requirement for EQUI, and subsequently, for infinitivization. Uihat

then., are the requirements which subjunctive complements meet but other

categories of NP complements fail to satisfy? UJe begin the answer to

the above question by examining the following 11-22 sentences.

wuru oce

...... 1WU « • Ibe wants to be the chairman

^ V / \ /* / 12(a) Unu abyala (khworo) ma unu hwu dokitav

(b) II ihwu dokita

You have come to see the doctor 418

13(a) Onu na' akwa^do ka^ ya" gaa ahya

/ _ (b) iga ahya

Onu is getting ready/preparing to go market.

14(a) Anyi gbalichara ka anyi kpemaa ha

/ ikpema ha.

Ule struggled to reconcile them ■

s \ * \ / _ 15(a) Ogu ahafula iga ahya

Ogu has stopped going to market: Ogu has given up trading

(b) Di* ya akwushila ya (ifu) oru

Her husband has stopped, her from working. / ■(c) 0 gbaghaara ishi hwe anyasu

He/she omitted to cook food of evening: Ha/she

failed to prepare the evening meal. / V / —“ ^ / (d) Bikho, aghakwala (na) ime huie m gwara gi .

Please, do not omit from doing thing I told y o u :

Please, don't fail to do what I asked you. / s " .u / 16(a) 0 jula na ya ga ejhere m ahya t (b) g ■ jula ijhere m ahya.

He has refused to go for mei market: She has

refused to go to the market for me.

— \ / \ / — 17(a) 0 kuiele na ya ga alu Eg'o.

______ilu Eg'o

He has consented to marry Eg'o

18(a) 0 kujs’le nkwa1, na ya^ gaN ejh/

/. _ (b) ______ijhe

He has promised to go,-

19(a) A^)duru m ishi nav aga m ekwu ezhi-okwu

(b) ______ikiuu ezhi-okwu

1 swore to speak the truth. 419

20(a) Di ya bhara mbha na ya'" gax egbu ya.

(b) ______igbu ya .

Her husband threatened to kill her / s 21(a) Ece Furu na agaara m agwa ya .

I Forgot that I should have told him.

/ .. \ f - (b) Ecofuru iguia ya .

I forgot to tell him. \ 22(a) Gets j"' kuis n^ I ga e jhe nkhu

(b) i jhe nkhu •

(that you should fetch) Remember some firewood. to fetch j

Apart from 15 which has only the infinitival complements, each of the examples 11-22 have either the ka/ma or the Na complements in the (a) as well as their infinitival counterparts in the (b) sentence

UJe represent the rule which deletes the subordinate subject NP under identity with the main clause subject NP as follows:

EQUI-NP DELETION - (EQUI) RULE: ( opt ional 3

SD: J > VERB VERB COMP NP Lfkhwoi CO J

2 3 4 5 6

Process: Delete 5

Condition: (i) 5 = 1

(ii) Eithor there is 3, or 2 must be a Forward-looking

predicate.

SC: 1 2 3 4 $ 6

The output is 23(a) which is not well-formed until the new subjectles verb has been infinitivized and the complementizer deleted:

0 \ ' > , fkhworo ma

The application of tho .rule of Infinitivizatian and complementizer deletion to 23(a) yields the well-formed 23(b):

, . z' s Ckhwaro 23(b) Anyi byara ihwu unu C coo

Ule came for the purpose of seeing you.

In its present form 23(b) meets the structural description for the optional rule of Optative Predicate deletion (discussed on pages453ff), which, when applied, yields the well-formed 23(c).

(e) Anyi byara ihwu unu .

We came to see you.

Observe that this optional rule is independent of EQUI. j Infinitivization and Complementizer deletion rules which we shall henceforth refer to as Equi-NP Triple since all the three need to apply if the output is to be well-formed.

Let us now try to answer the question raised at the beginning of this section, namely, the requirements that need be met before EQUI can apply, from 11-22 it will be observed that all the verbs involved in the main clauses are such as express an unrealised proposition in their complement, the only exception being 15(a)-(d). This is the semantic characteristic of all the subcategories of predicates which are subject to the EQUI-NP triple. For example, the main clause verbs in 11-14 are verbs which express desire, hope, expectation, efforts or determination, while 16-22 reveal a heterogenous class of verbs which have one thing in common: the fact that the verbs of their complements express a future time in relation to the time expressed by the main clause verbs. It follows from this that the occurrence or non-occurence of the proposition expressed in these complements must be left open, .and this

6 ■ There are some exceptions to the above assertion in view of the existence of such verbs as ice - to hope idu ishi - to swear • * V \ / \ These are verhs which can take either Na Indicative or ka/ma subjunctive complement. Whenever they take a subjunctive complement, the proposition of such a complement is always open. In this sense, they are among the forward-looking predicates in Igbo. 421

accounts for the fact that i t cannot bo past in re la tio n to the meaning

of the main clause verb. For example, we cannot wish for (ico) something

i f i t has already happened, nor can we swear or threatern (idu is h i/

ibha mbha) to do something nor refuse (iju ) i t i f the occasion for doing

i t is already come and gone.

UJhat these verbs have in common can be informally expressed by

referring to all of them as "forward-looking" predicates, a term used

by Karin Aijmer (1972) and Bonney (1974). By this descriptive label wo

mean that the predicates which permit the Equi-NP triple to apply to

their complements impose a sequence of tense constraint on the structures

in which they occur, an observation which Boadi (1972) had made with

regard to sentential complementation in Akan, one of the languages of

Ghana. In sentences such as 11-22, there is a dependency relationship between the main and subordinate clauses which does not obtain between

the main and subordinate clauses of other categories of NP-complement

in Igbo. It is this dependency which explains the tense constraint on

the complement verbs - the fact that the time expressed in the complement

is always future with respect to that expressed in the main clause.

EQUI is sensitive to these semantic characteristics, and this explains

the fact that only verbs which meet these conditions can have infinitives

as complements. It becomes, therefore, understandable that the

subjunctive complements constitute a prolific source of Igbo infinitives

via the operation of the Equi-NP~ -triplet. Recall now that in .2.0 iStfc —

we pointed out that infinitivization in Emotive predicate comple

mentation is also sensitive to this same requirement - that the time

expressed by the complement verb be future/present, never past with

respect to the that of the main clause verb, and secondly, that the main

clause verb be emotive. UJe can now reconcile these conditions and those

that determine the applicability of EQUI here thus! 422

The verbs which are subject to EQUI are inherently forward-looking,

in other words, the conditions being described are part and parcel

of their semantic and syntactic features. But the predicates

examined in 5,2.0 in co nnectionwith Emotive predicate complementa

tion are NOT inherently forward-looking: they do not impose any

sequence-of-tense constraints on the verbs of their complements.

But in order to infinitivize the verbs of these complements must

satisfy the above tense constraint. They do this by taking the

antecedent of the Open type of Conditional construction as NP

subject.

The tense constraint on the complements of examples 11-14 and 16-22 or the forward-looking character of the main clause verbs involved in these and other such examples constitutes a verb strong common factor to the different semantic classes of verbs involved in subjunctive complementation. It also accounts for the fact that all of them are subject to the optional rule of EQUI.

The different semantic classes of verbs in these examples being examined here express the future meaning of their complement verbs in various forms. For example, Optatives such as ico and ikhwo and

Exercitives such as igbali and ikwado express the future in their complements without the future marker ga\ But predicates such as

to refuse

ikwe to consent, agree / idu ishi to swear an oath

ibha mbha to threaten

ikwe nkhwa to mak8 a promise

to forget

icete to remember, recall

ikii to plan 423 do take the future marker g_a in their complements, probably because such complements are introduced by the complementizer Na rather than by ka/ma^5as 17-22 shoui. Thus,, when their main clause subject NP and the complement subject NP are co-referential, EQUI may apply to yield ■ infinitival complements as 16-22 show. This fact further underscores the primacy of the forward-looking character of these predicates rathel than the absence of any claim about the truth or otherwise of the propasitional content of their complements. To formulate EQUI so as to be sensitive to this character of the verbs concerned here is to explain its applicability not only to ka/ma^ complements but also to examples such as 16-22 where the complementizer is Na, These examples

16-22, like their ka'/ma^ counterparts in 11-14, express the agent's wish or resolve or determination to do something rather than his view about its truth or falsity.

From all these pieces of evidence, it becomes clear that Equi-NP deletion is by no means idiosyncratic, but regular and easily predictable from the semantic characteristic of complement-taking predicates. If such predicates are forward-looking, and if their main clause and complement clause subject NPs are co-referential, then EQUI and, subsequently Infinitivization and complementizer deletion may apply to their structures to yield infinitives. Bonney (1974) reaches the same conclusion about the English language, and thus challenges the view that

EQUI is a lexioally governed rule., in English, which can be handled by the theory of exceptions as suggested by George Lakoff (1970).

8 .2.1 EQUI AND IGBO ASPECTUflLS

Before we go on to examine the main clause verbs in examples 15 which we had deliberately left out of the foregoing discussion, let us,

first of all, point out that Equi-NP deletion is an optional rule in

Igbo - NP complementation, unlike in English where it is obligatory 424

once the necessary identity condition has been met. For example,

liko-subject verbs in English are subject to the semantic constraint

that their complement must describe something which is within the control

of the main clausa subject, (Qanet Dean Fordor, 1974). For this reason,

English verbs such as

try

condescend and

refuse

can occur only in base structures in which main clause and complement ! clause subjects are co-referential, thus meeting the structural j

description for EQUI. In cases such as these, EQUI is obligatory, as

the deviance of 24(a) and the grammatically of 24(b) show:

?4( ) C tried '"'j * I < refused L that I resign I condescended j

p tried 24(b) I < refused L to resign. | condescended j

The same is true of the Optatives such as

want

desire

in the following 25.

r would like 'h 25 I J want L to resign my appointment. j desire

It is therefore correct to say, with respect to English, that Equi-l\!P

deletion is obligatory whenever its structural description is met,

except in very few cases where Equi or Reflexivization may apply as in

'I expect to go/i expect myslef to go.

But this is not the case in Igbo, for there exist in the language

alternative or variant forms of the Igbo equivalent of the above sentences,

t h us: '42£

f \ ^ V / ' ^ 26(a) Ana m agbali f ka m j h e k hwuo ya ~) n'ulo .

(b) (__ijhef

I am trying/hurrying to catch him before he leaves home. ^ \ 27(a) Dgu coro f' ka ya nys ha ") eg'o .

m y e ha J

Ogu wants to give them same money.

28(a) 0 duola ishi f* na* ya ga erne ya* *") nshi •

J ime ya J

He has sworn to poison him.

It needs to be pointed out, however, that the infinitival versions in (b) are more popular, being shorter.

Although EQUI is an optional rule in Igbo, there is a small semantic class of verbs for which EQUI and Infinitivization seem obligatory. This class consists of the verbs shown in example 15, they are the following verbs which we had deliverately left out of discussion in examining 11-14 and 16-22.* / _ s ihafu - to leave out, omit, forgive

s \ igha - " abandon, omit, forgive

igbagha - " " " M / _ ikwushi - u stop, desist, discontinue.

Ufe have previously described the above verbs as ASPECTUALS - or

Operative verbs. These verbs always take the I prefix + V-stem form as their complement, and it is not clear whether this form is an infinitive or a derived nominal of the same phonetic shape as infinitives.

Consider the following examples in the light of the above statement!

29(a) Ogu ahafula (ikuzhi) nkuzhi

Ogu has left teaching: Ogu has resigned

from teaching. 426 \ 29(b) Ug'o akwushichaala

Ugo has completelycomplete stopped to trade on cloths;

Ugo has entirely stopped dealing in cloths,

Do not omit to see me early tomorrow: Don't fail

to seo me early tomorrow. / (d) I gbaghaara (iga) ozhi m zhiri gi .

You omitted to to go on errand I sent you:

You failed to run the errand I sent you.

29(a)-(d) are representative of the type of constructions associated with thisclass of verbs. One unique characteristic of these verbs is that they havB no corresponding finite complements.

This being the case, it is not easy to prove that their complements are infinitives deriving, like those associated with forward-looking predicates, from finite sentential sources. Furthermore, the I prefix +

V~stem forms are optional in these and similar examples, and the verbs themselves are not forward-looking, but rather describe "a direct, immediate reaction to a simultaneously occurring or imminent event," as Josephs (1974) points out. It seems, therefore, appropriate to analyse these I-forms as derived nominals or gerunds, or the equivalent of the English -ING nominals as in

Stop singing •

raining

And examples such as the following 30 lend further support to the above analysis:

** \ . 30(a) Bidho mewe hwe m gwara gi

(b)

Start (and continue to do) what 1 asked you: (the doing/to do )

Start doing what I asked you to do 427;

Sentenses such as 30(a) and (b) in which a verb in the Imperative and the I-form are interchangeable can never be analysed as instances of NP complements in the same way that an analysis of 31 as NP complement in English may find little favour.

continue stopped { talking

ceased went on

It seems that the verbs involved here as well as their Igbo counterparts are Aspectuals or Operative verbs which require nominals as complement.

It is no more than an accident that English formally distinguishes between the Gerund and the Infinitive thus:

Eating (Gerund)

To eat (infinitive) whereas for Igbo, there is only one homonym for the above two form classes, that is, the I prefix + V stem form, in this case

iri hw e .

An alternative approach is to analyse the type of sentences being considered here as having infinitival complements deriving from a deep sentential source which never shows up at the surface. Such an analysis would constitute this class of verbs into an idiosyncratic group for which EQUI is obligatory, as well as the only class of verbs without any empirically verifiable sentential source. Since the odds are so much against this alternative analysis, it is, therefore, rejected in fayour of the first approach which, while describing the data accurately, makes possible the general statement that EQUI is an optional rule in

Igbo complementation. g.2.2 EQUI AND NEGATIVE PURPOSE CONSTRUCTION

As a general rule, the Negative verb suffix -ghl never functions in the verb of the complement clausa in Subjunctive and Purpose 428'

constructions. This constraint accounts for the grammaticality of

32 and 33 and the deviance of 34:

32(a) Anyi acghii p kas anyi kiuukooro ^ unu okwu .

(b) ) ikwukoro j

Uie want not that uie talk in common to you:

\!Je do not want to be on speaking terms with you.

33(a) Ogu abyahii P ka ya kpasuo gi iwe •

(b) / ikpasu gi

Ogu came not wanting that he provoke your anger:

Ogu did not come to provoke your anger.

. . _ / \ / « 34(a) *0gu byara C ka ya akpasuhii gi iwe .

(b) * / ikpasuhii t

7 In 34 above, the negative verb suffix is in the embedded verb and they

are ill-formed. Observe also that for as long as the Negative morpheme

is suffixed to the higher or main clause verb, EQUI will apply along

with Infinitivization and complementizer deletion to produce the well-

formed (b) sentences of 32-33. In order to express negation in the

complement clause, the language employs the following alternative

constructions:

^ \ 8 (a) by the use of the operative/aspectual verb, igha and its

nominal complement,

7 The existence of this restriction on the occurrence of the Negative particle makes one wonder whether Negative transportation in Igbo is from a main clause verb to the subordinate one(NEG-Lowering) or from the verb of the embedded clause to the main clause one (thus NEG-Raising). It seems that the occurrence of the Neg-particle in the higher sentence is the norm in Igbo, hence it is more appropriate to talk of Neg-Lowering rather than Neg-Raising, which some verbs permit, but others do not. ** \ 8 The verb igha has been fully discussed along with other Aspectuals, which have been shown to take nominals rather than infinitives as complement. The optional presence of the preposition na in these examples lends further support to our analysis of the I prefix + v-stem form as nominal rather than verbal. 429

(b) by the use-of a unique construction in which the verb

form is always on low tones, and the complement pronoun

third person subject on a falling glide.

The first type is illustrated by examples 35, and the second by 36:

/ v ^ ^ f V. f f — 35(a) Anyi lawara ma unu ghara (na) lhwu anyi .

Uie departed so that you omit from seeing us:

UJe left so that you might not see us.

(b) Nwa ahi heturu (1^1/0^) ma ya' ghara (na) ikwere unu

Child that hid intending that he omit from greeting you

That child hid so as to avoid greeting you.

36(a) Were nwayoo (khworo^ ma) Ndidi ethete .

(b) ______0 thete.

Take gentleness regarding that Ndidi/she not wake:

Take time lest Ndidi/she should wake.

/ . ■ X — — n , — \ / — (c) Nne dhowe^re iri Ogu agbara onu gawa ahya .

Mother left food lest Ogu starve and go market:

Mother left some food lest Ogu should go to market without

eating.

(d) Ibe gushiri akwukwo ikhe- ya adha uie •

Ibe read book hard lest he fail exam.

Ibe studied hard O-est he should fail"} his exam

C so as not to fail

Sentences such as 35 and 36 in which the negative purpose is expressed

in the complement clause are not subject to Equi-NP triple which produce

Igbo infinitives as output. From these examples, we can state one of

the constraints on the applicability of EQUI as follows:

EQUI may apply to a Negative Purpose construction in Igbo if and

only if the verb in the negative is the main clause verb and not the I 430

complement clause verb. Secondly, EQUI is blocked in all Negative

* \ Purpose clauses which make use of the operative verb, igha^or employs

* \ the alternative to the igha construction.

In addition to the above, there are some other constraints which

block the application of EQUI even when its structural description is

met. What these constraints are will become obvious as we examine the

following examples:

37(a) Ogu nyere anyi oce ka“ anyi kporulata .

Ogu gave us seats so that we might sit

down and relax.

(b) * Ogu nyere anyi oce ikporulata . -

38(a) Ibe riuru nshi ma ya^ nuiuo kwam-kpim.

Ibe drank some poison so as to die unexpectedly. t \ " s • * - N (b) *Ibe nuru nshi inwu kwam-kpim.

39(a) 0 rere ala oru ya kav yax zutafuo igwes .

He sold his farm land so as to be able to buy a bicycle,

(b) *0 rere ala oru ya izutafu igwa.

40(a) Nwanyi a cughe nwa'" ya ara ma' g kwuo onu .

Woman this is giving child her . breast so he stop crying:

This woman is .breast-feeding her baby so that he might stop

crying.

(b) *Nwanyi a cughe nwa ya ara ikwu onu •

A look at 37-40 reveals that all the (b) sentences are ill-formed;

this is due to the fact that each of the underlined main clause verbs

is a transitive verb taking one or two NP objects. Now contrast the

foregoing examples with the following 41-43 where the corresponding

infinitival complements are well-formed because the main clause verbs are

intransitive. 431 \ 41(a) Ogu byara ka ya/ kele'’ unu

(b) ikele unu

Ogu came so as to greet or welcome you.

s / 42(a) Unu jhere ka unu dozhie okwu wa?

(b) idozhi okwu wa?

Did you go to resolve the matter?

43(a) Ndi oru lobhatara ka ha/ rie hwe .

(b)------iri hwe.

The workers returnod to eat.

While the presence of a direct object NP before the ka^/ma^ complement affects the grammaticality of the output of the Equi-l\!P triple, an intervening PP node does not have the same effect.

This fact is illustrated by the following 44-46j

44(a) Anyi gara ahya ka anyi zuta eghu

(b) izuta eghu.

We went to the market in order to buy a goat.

45(a) Ecebiri byara n'ishi ytutu ma ya' nyere m aka .

(b)------inyere m aka-

Ecebiri came very early in the morning in order to help me.

46(a) Ug'o alawala n'ulov ma ya/ hitu ufeT.

(b) ------ihitu ura •

Ugo has gone home in order to have a nap.

EQUI must therefore be blocked in all cases where the main clause verb is transitive as otherwise the output of Equi-NP triple will be deviant.

It seems, therefore, that applicability of EQUI to Igbo Purpose construction yields the supplementary benefit of helping to distinguish between transitivity and intransitivity in Igbo, especially with respect to those verbs of Movement whose Deep structure prepositional phrase(PP) complement appears in Surface structure as though they were direct 432 object NPs because they lack the preposition_na at the surface.

Apart from the verbs of movement, the other group of verbs whose status seems clarified by the EQUI test are those verbs with inherent objects, such as

✓ __ idu ishi - to swear an oath ✓ w ibha mbha - to threaten

It is the case that all such verbs which are forward-looking and + hus satisfy the essential condition for EQUI do, in fact, undergo this ’rule once there are two co-referential subject NPs in their main and complement clauses. This class of verbs, cited on page ^.22 are covered by examples 18-20 which show that their infinitival complements are perfectly grammatical. It follows that such verbs, and Igbo is full of them, may be considered intransitive inspite of their cognate objects.

From all this evidence, it is not, therefore, rash to suggest that

EQUI as a transformational rule of grammar yields the additional benefit 9 of helping tD distinguish transitive from intransitive verbs in Igbo.

Oust as EQUI is blocked in the foregoing cases where the main clause verbs are transitive, so it is also blocked in all cases where

one of the co-referential NPs is in object relation to the verb as in

thB following 47-48.

47(a) Ndhu kporo m kas m cheers onye nkuzi ekpe •

Ndhu called me so that I might ask teacher pardons

Ndhu called me to ask for the teacher’s forgiveness.

9 The transitive/intransitive distinction among Igbo verbs is not as immediately obvious in Igbo as it is in English and other Indo-European languages for the simple reason that most Igbo verbs take one type of object or another. For example, we have the following verbs whose citation form must include an object: Itu gnu to burrow " anya M expect ” ashi " tell a lie ” n’anya " surprise, be surprising Some of these can be used transitively and other intransitively. It seems that a three-way classification is called in Igbo; Transitives, Pseudo- Transitives and Intransitives. U/e have only begun to investigate the matter, (cf Bangboshe 1966: 79-80)for a similar three-way classification. 433 / V 47(b) *Ndhu kporo. rrf ichere onye nkuzi ekpe .

48(a) Ogu na aco m ka m lutere ya mai •

Ogu is searching for me so that I might buy him some

wine.

(b) *0gu na aco m ilutere ya mai •

In Igbo, Equi-NP triple-EQUI, Infinitivization and C omPlementizer deletion - produce ujell-Pormed sentences,*, if and only if the two co-referential NPs in the main and complement clauses are both in subject relation to their verbs. It is worth pointing out that the deviance of the above examples can be remedied by the use of the prepo sition, maka as 49(a) and (b) show:

49(a) Ndhu kporo m maka ichere onye nkuzi ekpe .

Ndhu called me far the purpose of asking for pardon from

the teacher.

. . ^ V \ (b) Ogu na aco m maka ilutere ya mai *

Ogu is looking for me for the purpose of buying some

wine for him.

Although 49(a) and (b) are semantically related to 47 and 48 respectively, we are hesitant to establish such a relation.ship transformationally.

Uie see the situation as no more than the use of alternative syntactic forms to express one and the same meaning as in the following English sentences:

Uie have come P i n order to ascertain the facts of the case.*

(^with the purpose of ascertaining ** s>it or in the following Latin equivalents:

UenimusW • f ^4. ut vsra cognosceremus -10

ad vera. cognascenda

UJe have come to find out the truth.

10 The two construction types involved in the above Latin examples are: (i) ut + the Subjunctive and (ii) Accusative of the Gerund. 434

The constraints which block tho application of Equi-NP triple in

Igbo can be fully appreciated if we examine the various syntactic

processes involved in infinitive formation in the language. For ex; pie,

the infinitive in English can be derived from the following syntactic

processes:

(1) EQUI-NP DELETION (EQUl)

(2) For ... to complementizer reduction

(3) RAISING.

Each of these processes can be briefly illustrated as follows:

EQUI:

John expects John win the race s 2 S 1 ’S1 s2

Oohn expects to win the race.

FOR ... to Reduction

U/e want for Oohn to leave the room y

U/e want Oohn to leave the room,

RAISING

U/e believe 1 Oohn be honest ' y

UJe believe Oohn to be honest.

The English language is prolific in infinitive constructions.

By contrast, the use of the infinitive in Igbo is much more restricted.

This situation is very relevant in Purpose Clause constructions in both

languages. In English, it is perfectly natural and grammatical to hear

the following:

50(a) Uie sold our car (in order) to buy a house.

(b) li/e gave them money to buy some drinks.

(d) He worked hard (in order) to attain his position.

The Igbo equivalents of 50(a)-(d) can never have infinitives in their 435 complement or purpose clauses. The reason is simply this: 50(a)~(d) are the output of a transformational process uihich is lacking in

11 Igbo ~ complementizer (for - to) Reduction which is obligatory in cases such as 51 to produce 50(a):

51 UJe sold our car for to buy a house. ^

UJe sold our car to buy a house.

Since sentences such as 50 are the output of obligatory complementizer deletion, and not of EQUI, we cannot expect to have their J ,bo ec iva- lents in the infinitive, hence the ungrammoticality of 52(b) which is I the output of EQUI on 52(a) \ . . ^ ' / _ N / \ 52(a) Anyi rere moto anyi ka anyi zuru ulo .

lUe sold our car so that we might buy a house.

(b) *Anyi re're moto anyi izu uloN

Wo should recall that EQUI is blocked in Igbo if one of the co-referential NPs is in object relation to its verb. However, 52(c) which is semantically equivalent to 52(a) is well-formed.

Uie sold our car for the purpose of buying a house.

in Igbo, although 54(b) which derives from 54(a) via the Raising rule

is a well-formed English sentence: \ ** v v * 53(a) Acoro m ka Ogu bya *

I want Ogu to come.

(b) *A3:gro m Ogu ibya •

11 In a recent article, Eckman (1974: 63-82) has argued that Equi-NP deletion "should be viewed as a rule which deletes the second of two identical NPs which are included within the same simple sentence, rather than as a rule of subordinate deletion. Thus Equi-NP Deletion is assumed to apply to the output of Subject Raising" (page 63). 436

— —

54(a) I want Ogu come si sj s2 si

(b) 1 want Ogu to come

As we have pointed out in 5.2.1., Raising is a minor rul^ in Igbo limited only to a handful of emotive verbs.

In concluding this section, it is necessary to emphasize the following points about Subjunctive complementation and the applicability of EQUI, and subsequently Infinitivization and complementizer Deletions

(a) only forward-looking predicates are subject to the optional

rule of Equi~NP triple, that is, EQUI, Infinitivization and

Complementizer deletion. Of these forward-looking predicates,

some take ka^/ma, and others Na complements, but they all

undergo the rules of Equi-NP triple once the identity

conditions have been met.

(b) The identity condition is very much restricted in Igbo:

it must exist between the main clause subject NP and the

complement clause subject NP in order for the output of

Equi-NP triple to be well-formed.

triple, the negative verb must be the main clause verb.

However, EQUI is blocked for those Negative Purpose

constructions which make use of the verb, igha or the

* \ alternative to the igha Negative Purpose construction.

(d) EQUI is an optional rule in Igbo, despite the existence of

a small semantic class of verbs called ASPECTUALS whose

I prefix + V-stem complement has been shown to be nominals

rather than infinitives. '437

8.3.0 SOURCES OF IGBO INFINITIVES

Ths Igbo Language is full of forms generally and collectively referred to as the Infinitive. These forms begin in a characteristic way - always with a harmonising, high front^vowel prefix I, and the stem of a recognisable verb. It is this similarity of form that gave rise to the name infinitive, regardless of whether the so-called infinitive behaves like a verb or not. The following are illustr? ,,ive examples of the homonyms which are collectively called the Infinitives in Igbo, the relevant forms are underlined: j

4, ' / _ 55 A^coro m izu anu

want to buy some meat ✓ \ 56 Ogu ikpa nkhugara

Ogu went to fetch firewood •

f _ ■ \ / •• 57 Ikwu ezhi-okwu na onye aka .

To tell truth does help/ is helpful

Telling the truth is helpful, / _ 58 Ihu okhe mai na emedha dimkpa •

Drinking too much (wine) degrades a responsible person.

S s * -* ' ' - 59 Ino nefu adii mma

Idleness is not

/ _ 60 Enwore m . ikhe

I have the energy to come: I can come. ✓ 61(a) Ikhe iru oru thaas adihii

Strength to work work today is not to me:

I do not have the energy for work to-day.

(b) Enwehii ikhe (ifg) of g thaa .

I do not have the strength for work today. 438

62 1^9^ sukuulu na eu/uru umu gbuo .

To g o school is tha fashion of the present generation •

Going to school is the fashion for the present generation.

All these underlined forms aro phonetically similar. Does this identity of form imply an identity of function?

The answer is an unequivocal no; although these surface forms are identical, there are two syntactic functions involved, each deriving from a distinct syntactic process. The two syntactic functions are:-

(a) INFINITIVE or (VERBAL) Function and

(b) NOIMNAL/GERUNDIVE "

INFINITIVES

Infinitives are, strictly speaking, verbs. In some Indo-European languages, for example, English and classical Latin, infinitives may have the perfective aspect or be tensed as follows:

63(a) I want to talk to him personally. (Present)

(b) To have ignored such hints from the unions was an open

invitation to strike. (Perfective)

Latin

64(a) Te exire iubet. (Present)

You to go away he orders: He orders you to go away.

64(b) Ferunt Caesarem ad castra oppugnanda pervenisse (Past)

They report Caesar to the camp to be stormed to have arrived

They report that.mCaesar -has arrived at the camp that needs

to be stormed.

But in a language such as Igbo, the infinitive is tenseless or

rather expresses no more than future meaning as in 65:

65(a) Acoro m igawa n'og'e •

I want to set out in time. / \ (b) Anyi byara ico oru

We came to look for employment.

In other words, infinitives in Igbo are always potential in I 439

meaning, rather than factual, and this is a reflection of the underlying

source of such infinitives. For example, the Igbo equivalent of the

English sentence 63(b) is the following 65(c) in which only the literal

English translation has been given because it makes the point.

65(c) Ikpochi nthi n'okhwa nke ndi oru mara

Closing ear to the warning which workers gave

futara igwa ha kwushi oru •

amount to telling them stop work.

In 65(c), the form ikpochi nthi can only have a (factive) nominal

interpretation such as is entailed by its English equivalent 63(b).

This point has been argued in 6 .1.2:

In Igbo, one can distinguish between the following two types of

infinitives

(a) Subjectless Infinitives

(b) Infinitives with or without Subject.

Igbo Subjectless Infinitives derive from EQUI-NP Deletion applying

optionally to the complements of a class of predicates which have been

described throughout this chapter as forward-looking predicates. Their

structural position is unmistakable: they are always found in object NP

position like the object NP sentential complements whose transforms they

have been shown to be. In Purpose clauses, however, these infinitives

are immediately dominated by Reason node.

UJe distinguish the above subjectless infinitives from the second

category of infinitives which may have their NP subject, such infinitives

are associated with ma2 complements of non-factive emotive predicates,

and these have been fully discussed in chapter 5 (5 ,1 ,3 .)

Like the subjectless infinitives resulting from Equi-NP triple, they are

also potential, never factual in interpretation. Their structural

position is always subject, and they derive from generalised conditional I ■440

clauses functioning as subject NP complements to emotive verbs. These

two types of infinitives are therefore in complementary distribution,

Subjectless infinitives in object and the other in Subject relation

to the verb. The following are a few more illustrative examples of

both types; the infinitives are underlined.

SUB3ECTLE5S INFINITIVES

66(a) Onye ishi ya na' ' icu ya n ’gru.

His boss

is preparing

Eku/ele nkhwa ikwuchiri

I have promised to pay for him the debt:

I have promised to pay the bill for him.

INFINITIVES UJITH/UJITHOUT SUBJECT

, . * V t \ ^ 67(a) Okhe madhu izu ohi gtuuru ikhe •

Old man to steal theft finishes strength:

For an old man to steal is disarming

t \ ' - / " (b) flflai igbu nwanyi adii mma ma otu ma otu

UJine to kill woman is not good at all.'

• For a woman to get drunk is not good at all

ome n*ala anyi

It is custom our is to give the old \ madhu nsopuru .

people respect: It is our custom to give respect to our

elders.

. ^ - \ / \ (d) Ihwu ya anya di okhe mkpa *

To see him eye is very important.’

It is very important to see him. 441

NQfYlINALS/GCRUNDS VERSUS INFTNTTTl/FR

Our claim is that any I prefix + V-stem Form which cannot bo

infinitive in Igbo must bo a nominal, Nominals of the above form may be due to either lexical derivation or to sentential nominalisation.

These nominals behave like some ordinary nouns in Igbo* while infinitives do not. Consider the following examples:

\ ^ — \ f V / \ 68(a) Na umuaka na aga akwukwo na enye obi anuri . — NP UP

That the children are attending school gives pleasure.

The fact that children are attending school is a pleasure.

68(b) is transformationally related to 68(a) via nominalisation of the subject Na complement, (cf 5*1*2 for details about the nominalisa tion of factive complements).

X. ^ / (b) 3 9 3 akwukwo umuaka na enye<' obi an ur i•

— — — NP NP VP

The schooling of children gives pleasure.

Observe that iga akwukwo is an NP and that the nominal, umuaka is a genitival relation to it. This noun umuaka can be replaced by any other noun so as to show the tone pattern indicating the syntactic

relation thus:

68(c) 13*3 akwukwo ya na enye obi a n u n .

Schooling of his gives pleasure ;

His schooling gives pleasure.

\ f (d) 1 , 3 ® akwukwo Okoro (Oko^ro)

Okoro's schooling _ v / V / v / (e) I ga akwukwo Okoro gaghakwa na enye obi anuri

Schooling which Okoro still schools gives pleasure

The fact that Okoro still goes to school gives pleasure. 442

68(d) must be related to 68(e) through an optional Relative Clause reduction. The use of the relative clause in 68(e) is to further

/ _ definitize the nominal head, iga akwukwo. But infinitives cannot be qualified by the same relative clause, their co-occurrence with infinitives such as those of 66 and 67 produces non^sense combinations of lexical items which can never be described as Igbo sentences.

For example, subjectless infinitives cannot be definitized by either a noun in genitival relation with It or by a relative- clause, and for infinitives with subjects to be so definitized, one must first of ^11 change the word order. If for example, 67(a) were to be changed to

69(a), then we would be dealing with two different sentences thus:

67(b ) Okhe madhu izu ohi giuuru ikhe.

For an old man to steal would be disarming.

69(a) Izu ohi okhe madhu gwuru ikhe •

The theft of an old man is disarming.

The change of order, therefore, signals a change of grammatical relation and consequently a change of meaning. In its present form, 69(a) can now take relative clauses as 69(b) shows, whereas 67(a) cannot be qualified by a relative clause:

69(b) Izu ohi okhe madhif f~* zuru gwuru ikhe

na ezu

X iv ^ ga ezu

Stealing which old man stole is disarming I

steals

will steal

The fact that the old man /° stole is disarming.

steals

will steal 443

Tha order of elements of structure is a key factor in the above interpretations of 67(a) and 69(a). Whenever this order changes, the meaning also changes. But, transformational rules as nouz formulated are not allowed to effect such radical meaning changes. Therefore, there can be no relationship, transformational or semantic, between

67(a) and 69(a). The above test shows that

(a) only nominals can be definitized by either an NP in genitival

relation with it

or a relative clause

or both,

but never an infinitive since it is part of the complex verb.

The second differentiating test between the two homonyms - infinitives and nominals in Igbo consists in the use of preposition maka; consider the following examples: ^ \ 70(a) Anyi ma na o na ievu" akwas .

Uie know that he deals in cloth •

' \ / v / (b) Anyi ma maka akwa o na evu *

UJe know about the fact that he deals in cloth

V (c) Anyi ma maka ( akwa" ya7 ■

; ovuvu .‘ ” T ) it ii . 1

m know about his cloth t rade.

Observe that in the nominalised forms in (b) and (c) above, the use of some x maka is obligatory, and this is normal with/nominalised Na complements.

Observe also the use of the variant form of the derived nominal, ovuvu - carrying. If the same preposition were to be used with infinitives, the result would be ungrammatical, as 71(c) shows:

. . s \ / _ .11 71(a) Anyi coro ka anyi meshie ya ikhe .

life want to deal with him in a tough way. I 444

^ \ / 71(b) Anyi coro imeshi ya ikhe .

UJe want to deal harshly with him.

/■ \ / - (c) * Anyi coro maka imeshi ya ikhe ,

UJe may state the above differentiating test in the form of the following

rule:

(b) I prefix + v-stem forms which are nominals but not

infinitives may take the preposition, maka.

It must, however, be pointed out that some forward-looking

predicates (that is, those that are subject to the optional rule of

EQUI) do take makQ. before what would otherwise be their infinitive

complements, as the following examples demonstrate:

f \ ^ * S / 72(a) Anyi kwadoghe T ka anyi rie ) hwe

(b) ------{ iri j

UIb are preparing to eat (something).

^ \ , N / , 73 Anyi kwadoghe maka iri hwe ■

Uie are preparing for eating(. i tBt for a meal).

But 72 and 73 are neither semantically, nor transformationally related

in the sense that 72(a) and (b) are, since the I prefix + v-stem form

in 73 must be analysed as a nominal. One can liken 72 and 73 on the

one hand to the following English constructions:

74(a) I made a promise P to visit him in the hospital.

(b) about visiting

The above 74(a)_and (b) sentences are not semantically equivalent in

the same way that 72(b) and 73 are not. 12 Classical Latin abounds in such examples where different constructions

are employed in thB expression of one and the same meaning, as in Purpose

or Final Clauses thus:

12 Latin expresses Purpose in either of the following construction types

(a) ut and the Subjunctive (b) the accusative of the Gerund (c) the Supine ending in -um. 445

75 Venerunt militss ut castra opputfgnarent .

ad 11 oppu/rtgnanda .

castra oppugnatum .

Came the soldiers P 1 in order to , attack

so as' to =» V the camp

„for the purpose of attacking

The soldiers came to attack the camp.

It is therefore necessary to distingui-sh between two different form

classes in sentences such as 72(b) and 73; in the former we have a iclear

! case of the infinitive and in the latter, an example of the nominal,

these two are not morphologically distinguishable in the language, though

syntactically they are. Dther forward-looking predicates which may take

an optional maka\ are those given on page 22, except iju / N ‘ /(to refuse) \ and

including the optative, ikhwo as in 76.

^ V f * v *— ~ 76(a) Ekhiuoro m P ma m huju gi j bya •

(b) ihwu gi

I had in mind to see you and came:

I cams P in order to see j you,

for the purpose of seeing

The above 76(a)~(c) have a paraphrase relation, but only 76(a) and (b)

are also transformationally related.

UJe therefore emphasize the two diagnostic tests for distinguishing

the nominal and infinitive homonyms in Igbo: Infinitives do not take

maka, whereas nominals do. Nominals can be modified by other nominals

or a qualifying clause, but infinitives may not be so modified.

Infinitives in Igbo are laways potential or future in interpretation,

while the same homonym functioning as a nominal may be factive, and the

sentence in which it is functioning may express past, present or future

meaning. 446

In addition to the Foregoing examples, there is also the following type of construction:

* \ * 79(a) Enwere m ikhs bya: I could/might coma.

(b) ;______ibya: pcan come •

[am able to come._J

77(a) and (b) can be shouin to be different: 79(a) is the product of Coordinate Deletion of the following structions:

78(a) Enwere m ikhe mu abya y ' \ / (b) Enwere m ikhe bya.

I could/may come (but I am not sure)

But 77(b), on the other hand, means that I have the strength/energy or means to come and no more than that, hence the nominal, ibya (coming)

Compare 77(b) with 71, for example:

^ \ 79(a) D nwere ikhe iru oru •

(b) ______9 ^ 9 ’

He has the strength/energy for work: He works hard.

He can work hard.

In the above examples, iru oru and oru must be analysed as nominals in genitival relationship with ikhe. ffi.3.2______The ENIGMATIC CASE

Apart from what has been shown to be either infinitives or nominals in the foregoing section, there remain few and isolated cases of the homonym which functions after the auxiliary verbs

/ iga ' \ ina

Consider the following examples:

80(a) Aga m iga ahya •

/ _ wga a h y a ■

aga ahya •

I shall go to market. 447

There is a choice of prefixes in the above examples ranging from harmonising vowels to homorganic nasals. If the NP ahya is deleted in the above 80, we get the following variants in 81.

, \ y ' * - 81(a) Aga m iga aga .

(b) nga " *

Observe that what we have in the above examples in place of the deleted

NP is a kind of cognate complement. This cognate complement may also be deleted to yield 82.

✓ v / 82(a) Aga m iga

/. \ / 13 (b) nga

82(a) is very questionable. It seems that with the above I prefix- form some complement - be it cognate or nominal - is obligatory. If this is true, and there is as yet no evidence to the contrary, then one is in a strong position to determine when an extra dimension of meaning - such as determination definiteness or commitment is involved: the commitment or determination to carry out the action of the verb, iga soerns to be dependent on the presence of a complement thus:

83(a) Aga m ibya ahya. I will come (definite)

(b) abya a b y a . 11

13 Rev Igwe observes (personal communication*!) that there is a meaning difference between sentences such as 82(b) and (c) on the one hand, and 81(a) on the other. Whereas 81(a) is definite and equivalent to first person 'will* in English which, in addition to expressing the future also implies a determination to carry out the action of the verb, (cf 'I will come' with 'I shall come) 82(b) and (c) express no more than the simple future. While accepting this observation, we would like to base the meaning difference on some syntactic facts: the fact in this case being the presence of the cognate complement in which the verb is repeated for emphasis. On the basis of this, 81 and 83 have the same meaning, while 82 has a slightly different meaning. Thus,the semantic interpretation of sentences such as these is predictable from the presence or absence of the cognate complement, which serves to emphasize the verb. 440

84(a)/ \ Aga* x m - ibya / - •

(b) A^ga m abya". I shall come ■ (not definite)

It seems that the choice of the prefix is a dialect issue.

But this explanation does not constitute an answer to the question:

/ — / s UJhat part of speech is it that comes after the auxiliaries iga and ina?

Infinitive it cannot be since it cannot be related to any of the tujo well known sources of infinitives in Igbo - Equi-NP triple and infinitivization in Emotive predicate complementation. It is not a nominal since it does not behave like one. It seems that auxiliary verbs such as ✓ ^ iga and

ina must be seen as verbs whose presence entails the presence of other verb

forms which are complement to them, UJe therefore suggest that yerbs

such as

ga aga'

it Bjhe^ / eri

et cetera

are not analisable. These verbs are called auxiliaries because they

help other verbs to express the right meaning/time. In constructions

such as

0 ga akwu iw.u .

He will pay the fin8.

the underlined sequence is the verb which can only be seen as auxiliary

plus complement or simply as complex verb form, Ufe do not go along

with the previous analysis of the above underlined verb form as

auxiliary plus participle. The term, participle, seems ill-motivated

in the analysis of Igbo. It will be observed that ina and iga behave

similarly, except that the former does not admit of any other vowel

prefix to its complement than the harmonising A thus: 449 / \ / — 85(a) Ana m eri ji: I am eating some yam / (b) ara ops: " " 11 11 oranges / „ ii u ( c ) * iri ji / _ (d)* ti tt ira ope

Conclusion

From the examination of the foregoing examples, one may conclude that (i) there are two form classes of the I-prefix + V-stom shape, or (ii) that there is only one form class which performs two

syntactic functions.

The criterial test for each function is this; If the form can take a preposition - na or maka - for example, then it is functioning as a nominal, if not, it is a verbal. If it is verbal in function, it is also potential in meaning or interpretation.

8,4.0 THE NP and VP CGfflPLEfflENT DISTINCTION

Rosenbaum (1967) distinguishes between Subject complements as in

86 and object complements as in 87;

86(a) That he cams at all is a tribute to his courage.

(b) It is obvious that he was mistaken.

situation would help matters.

87(a) Uie all know that he could not carry out the assignment.

(b) ffiany people wanted to meet him.

Although Rosenbaum distinguishes complement types by their specific

complementizers, just as we do, he does not specify these complementizers

in Base structure as we do, but introduces them transformationally.

Robin Lakoff (1968) does the sams. For Rosenbaum, all subject complements

are NPs, but some object complements are NPs being dominated by a node,

NP in the Base, while others are VP complements and are under tho direct 450 dominance of VP in the Base. UJhat are his reasons for this distinction of Object complements into NPs and VPs?

Rosenbaum's distinction is based on the following reason:

all NP complements behave like ordinary NPs under

Passive Formation and Pseudo-Cleft, while VP complements

do not.

Thus 88(a) the passive form of 87(a), is well-formed, while 88(b) & (c)

the passive counterparti of 87(b) and (c) are ungrammatical.

88(a) That he could not carry out his assignment is known by us all.

(b) * To meet him was wanted by many people.

Similarly, the Pseudo-Cleft transforms of 87(a) is grammatical while

those of (b) and (c) are ungrammatical.

89(a) UJhat we all know is that he could not carry out his assignment.

(b) * What many people wanted/was meet him.

/ \ ' t o (c) * What he condescended/was be present at such a gathering.

However, Rosenbaum has retracted from this distinction between

NP and VP complements in the following words: the number of clear

cases of verb phrase complementation has diminished to the point where

their general existence becomes questionable" (Rosenbaum, 1967: IX), and

since the distinction itself has been effectively challenged,

(cf Loflin (1968), and Wagner (1968), and Bonney (1974), we need not go

over the ground again. -.. - - ■

Our main concern here is to see whether such a distinction would

be well-motivated in the analysis of Igbo; after all it does not follow

that a distinction which fails to hold for English will necessarily fail

to obtain for the Igbo language, or any other language for that matter.

For example, in a study of sentential complementation in Japanese, 451

Nakua (1973) establishes that such an NP/VP distinction is necessary ■f for an accurate description of this construction type thus:

Pred Phr

Pred

/ > yuuj

yoo ni

Fig. 5(a) Fig. 5(b)

As in the case of Rosenbaum, the distinction is based on the folloiuing

reasons.'

(a) in Fig 5(a), the directly dominating node is NP, as

opposed to Pred. Phr. in Fig 5(b)

(b) differences of complementizers; it is

'to yuu' in NP complements, but

•to or yoo ni' in UP complements.

As partial evidence in support of the above distinction, Nakua

demonstrates that the T-rules which move or affect simple NPs can also

apply to structures such as Fig 5(a), but not 5(b). The fact that

such T-rules as Topicalisation, Cleft sentence formation and NP

deletion apply to the unit

S comp

NP NP

indicates thatitis an NP and that thej^S compJ is a Noun complement

embedded before a head noun. By contrast, the fact that no part of

Fig 5(b) can be moved or deleted by the very same syntactic processes

•shows that no NP is involved in this structure and that the S comp

is a predicate complement embedded before a predicate.

But the situation in Igbo is different. First of all, there is no

such thing as the Passive Rule in Igbo, since there are no passive 452 sentences in the language. Therefore, even if the Passive rule constituted a criterial test for the NP/VP distinction in English, it cannot he a diagnostic test for such a distinction in Igbo. Secondly, all sentential complements in the language are subject to the same movement rules as

Pseudo-Cleft and Topicalisation regardless of whether they function as subject or object, and although only one category of complements are subject to the optional rule of Equi-NP deletion, this fact is a conse quence of the semantic characteristics of the main clause predicates /the involved. There is, therefore, no basis for/ distinction into Verb Phrase and Noun Phrase complementation in Igbo, hence all sentential complements in this language are under the direct dominance of an NP node in Base structures.

UJhat seems to happen is that a particular category of NP complements

- the subjunctive ka/ma^ complement may turn out at the surface as a

VP-complement, if it is the output of Equi-NP triple. UJith the complement NP subject deleted under identity vuith the matrix (main clause) subject, the now subjectless verb becomes infinitivized, and thus is in the relation of a complementary verb to the main clause predicate, a fact which is shown by the tree diagram in Fig 6. Since only transforms of underlying NP sentential complements may have this surface structure, the NP/VP distinction in Igbo is a derived rather than a Base one.

Verb

PR Verb' ‘Infinitive

(Prep) NP

coro ijhe (na) oru

Ogu wants to go to w o r k .

Fig. 6. 453

Chapter ^ Epilogue

One justification for undertaking' a transformational analysis of a language is the expectation that it might give greater insight into

language by showing how things fit together and by making some contribu tion to linguistic theory. This consideration has guided our approach to the analysis presented in this thesis: strict observation of the language

data has been our guiding principle, we have not tried to force the Igbo

language data into a descriptive mould designed with Indo-European

languages in mind, and which may not necessarily fit Igbo as well as it

fits, say, the English language.

YBt, if linguistic theories have any value, it lies partly in their

general applicability to any human language, regardless of where it is

spoken. For example, it is the case that all human languages have NP's

and VP's, and that most, if not all of them, have such syntactic processes as Relativisation, Pronominalisation, Reflexivization, and probably

Equi-NP Deletion. How each of these syntactic operations is formally characterised will surely vary from one language to another.

Furthermore, one of the claims of transformational generative theory

is that grammar does not enumerate sentence types, but also shows relation

ships among them, where these exist, and characterises the tacit compentence

of the native speaker in using his language. The native speaker referred to

here is the native speaker of any human language.

The present research...has.been carried out with a dual purpose:

to provide an accurate account of Noun Phrase Sentential Complementation in

Igbo, and from such an account make some useful, and possibly, general

deductions about language and theories about it. In this concluding the chapter of/thesis,we would like to discuss some issues raised here and

elsewhere about the status ofcertain|rules and concepts in transformational

grammar. The issues concern the following transformational rules and

related concepts: 454

(a) Equi-NP Deletion,

(b) Raising,

(d) The Concept of the Cycle.

EQUI-NP DELETION

The conditions which determine the applicability of the above

T-rule have been discussed in Only forward-looKi.ng predicates are subject to this rule which in Igbo triggers Infinitivization and Complementizer Deletion. From the accounts of NP-Complementation ! available to us - from English, dapanese, Akan and now Igbo - it is the case that only verbs which impose a sequence-of-tense constraint on the verbs of their sentential complements are subject to this rule of

Equi-NP Deletion, and the propositional content of such complements is always open. Whether Equi-NP Deletion is optional or obligatory is language specific, (in Igbo it is optional, but usually obligatory for

English) and does not affect the case we are going to make about the universal status of certain rules of grammar.

What the above facts about the applicability of Equi-NP Deletion suggest is this:

Every language has got various categories of verbs based on syntactic

and/or semantic characteristics, such as transitivity versus

intransitivity, stative as opposed to Action verbs, et cetera.

If any category of verbs is characterised by a set of semantic

features which have a corresponding syntactic reflex, then such a

reflex is likely to be universal.

In other words, in every language, it is the category of forward-looking predicates which are going to be subject to the rule of Equi-NP Deletion and subsequent Infinitivization. We do not mean that the formal 455 characterisation of the above rules is going to be the same in every language, nor that every fariuard-lookirig predicate in any one language is going to be subject to them. On the contrary, it is to be expected that certain members of a category of verbs may be idiosyncratic in their syntactic behaviour, and this is a common phenomenon in language. Rather what we mean is that there is a rule of language called Equi-i\!P Deletion, whatever form it may take in any particular language, only forward-looking predicates are going to be subject to it.

Put strongly, then,the above hypothesis amounts to saying that

Equi-NP Deletion is a semantic rule, since it depends crucially on the predicates concerned being forward-looking. In other words, only semantically determined rules of grammar may have a universal status in its very wide sense, and Equi-NP Deletion is one such rule. Bach(1965:18) touches on this point when he speculates about the probability of

Relativization as a universal syntactic process thus: ’’The device discussed above (the T-rules relevant to Relativization in English,

Oapanese and Swahili) presumably have their counterparts in every language since their function is essentially to provide a new ad hoc expression for any person, place or thing, experience, process, function or feeling that a human being may want to name."

Closely related to the infinitive complements which are the output of the Equi-NP triplet (that is, Equi-NP Deletion, Infinitivization and complementizer Deletion) are those- infinitives associated with the antecedent of Open Conditional Constructions when they function as NP-

Complements to certain Emotive verbs. But there are some basic differences inspite of obvious similarities.

UJith forward-looking predicates, Equi-NP Deletion triggers such other rules as Infinitivization and Complementizer Deletion. But with

Emotive verbs, infinitivization does not depend on a previous application of Equi-NP Deletion, but on an Agent Deletion rule which is, nevertheless, 456 optional, unless the indefinite Agent, A - "one" - is involved.

However, there is this similarity that the proposition expressed by this type of sub ject^IMP complement is an open one, as is the case w'th the complements of forward-looking predicates.

From the cross-linguistic evidence from all these unrelated languages - English, Japanese, Akan and Igbo - one could conclude that any rule of grammar which is semantically determined in the sense of

Equj.-NP Deletion is likely to be universal.

RAISING •- Raising Subject to Subject;

Subject-Raising is a rule of the Igbo language, though a minor one, being restricted to a handful of non-factive Emotives which take

Subject-NP sentential complement (ef 6.2.1.). There is no evidence for

Dbject-Raising in the language, although Postal (1974) has argued for the existence of Object-Raising as a rule of English grammar,

EXTRINSIC ORDER

The argument generally given in defence of rule ordering is two-fold

(a) that without rule ordering, certain grammatical sentences

could not be generated;

(b) that without rule ordering, certain ungrammatical sentences

could not be blocked.

The first argument seems to lack validity (cf Koutsoudas (1971, 1972, &

1973), Lehmann(1972), Ringen (1972), and Bonney (1974). But in principle, there could b.e valid reasons for- rule ordering based on the need to block certain ungrammatical sentences. However, as Bonney (1974) argues convincingly, even in such cases, rule ordering is unnecessary because there are other principles to ensure the correct results. Such principles include intrinsic ordering, the precedence of obligatory over optional rules and the concept of the cycle which upholds the precedence of cyclic over non-cyclic rules. Given these principles, the need for 457 extrinsic rule ordering is claimed to cease to exist, (cf Kimbal, ed, 1972)

As far as Igbo is concerned, our investigation reveals that there is no need for extrinsic rule ordering in order to block the derivation of cert airbill-formed sentences. The rules given in this thesis are unordered, and any ordering relationship among them is intrinsic.

The analysis of Igbo presented here thus lends support to the hypothesis that transformational rules are not extrinsically ordered.

But extrinsic order is supposed to be a kind of global derivational constraint since it makes the applicability of a rule at any given stage of derivation dependent not only on the structure of the tree at that point, but on what has happened at earlier stages in the derivation.

Thus, if rule A is ordered before rule B, then after a point in a deri vation luhare B has applied, A cannot apply even though a tree meeting its structural description is available,, UJhat prevents the application of A is something that happened at an earlier stage, namely the applica tion of B, .But given the cycle, it is claimed, extrinsic ordering can *be dispensed with.

THE CYCLE

Since we have argued that given the cycle, it is possible to do away with extrinsic ordering, it seems to follow that the cycle is a

necessary linguistic device in a transformational grammar of Igbo without extrinsic ordering. But we have argued that, although the cycle is a

well motivated linguistic device for English, there is no need for it

in a transformational description of Igbo. Reasons for this view have (S.0.2.) been given in the relevant section of this thesis/. UJe would like to

dwell more on this view and its consequences for linguistic theory.

It seems that the existence of certain rules of grammar can be

typologically predicted. For example, Igbo, like most Kwa languages,

appears to have very little, if any, NP-IYlovement rules, apart from the

f rules of Extraposition, Ya Movement and all such movement rules as are 458 relevant in Focus and Tapicalisatiora. But these movement rules are distinct from NP - Movement in this important respect that they never change grammatical relations, (in the sense that Passivization can change a deep structure object into a surface subject) and are not subject to the complex constraints such as Cross-over Constraint, the Complex NP constraint, and the Co-ordinate Structure Constraint.

The absence of Passive constructions from these languages can be predicted from the absence of the Complex NP - Movement rules.

Stahlke (1970) has observed that the absence of NP-Movement rules seems to correlate with the presence of verb serialisation for, according to him, "we find both Serialisation and the absence of NP -

Movement transformations in the same languages," (ibid, p. 95), a fact which leads one to expect that linguistic typology should enable

us to predict what type of phenomena to expect from particular languages. Let us consider the above observation of Stahlke in re lation to what has been described as formal linguistic universals, of which the concept of the cycle is supposed to be one.

It has been shown that the absence of certain rules of grammar from a particular language makes certain linguistic devices unnecessary for that language ( cf5.0.2: Z 5 2 ~ 2 $ S ), One such linguistic device is the cycle. The cycle is uncalled for because I-gbo- and typologically similar languages lack the Passive rule, and for them Raising is a very minor rule limited to a handful of intransitive verbs which take sentential subject ‘complement. This being the case, the above two rules^Passive'& Raising never interact. The question then.arises as to whether the existence of such rules as Pronominalisation and

Reflexivization is sufficient justification for the Cycle.

However, it is also the case that the same languages which lack

NP - Movement but have Serialisation are the ones which have two morphologically distinct second and/or third person pronouns, 459 one self-referring, and the other non-self-referring. Thus we have the following formss

(igbo) he/she/it self-refferring

non-self-referring

(Ewe) it « «t self-referring

non-self-referring

Plural

(Igbo) they inclusive

non-inclusive

Yeiuo (Ewe) inclusive

non-inclusive

R.G. Armstrong (1963) made a similar observation with regard to Idoma and Yoruba, while Kevin Ford has pointed out that Avatime makes such a contrast.. It is rather surprising that the Akan group of languages do not seem to make the same distinction which is characteristic of the

Kwa language group (cf Clements 1973), whereas languages outside the

Kwa group - Efik, (an Eastern Nigerian language), "Eskimo, Latin,

Korean and Japanese have at least partially parallel phenomena"

(Clements 1973: 2).

It happens to be the case that the group of languages which lack

NP - movement and have Verb Serialisation also have two separate pronouns for self- and non-self-reference, or for inclusive and non- inclusive use. Since these languages lack the Passive and Raising rules, and consequently have no need for the Cycle, they will not need the

Cycle to determine their chain of co-reference. It will not even be necessary for the description of such a language to resort to the use of referential indexes. A simple feature specification will ensure that lexical insertion matches a superordinate NP with the appropriate self-referring or inclusive pronominal form in the embedded clause. 460

For example, the Igbo third person pronouns mill have the following specifications.

+ Pro + Pro + 3rd Pers. + 3rd Pers. + Sing + Sing . + Self-ref. - Self-ref.

Ya 0

+ Pro + Pro + 3rd Pers. + 3rd Pers* + PI. + PI. + self-ref. * - self-ref.

Hi Umu

If lexical insertion is sensitive to these features, then the chain of co-reference will always be maintained, and the right meaning ensured.

As far as Igbo is concerned, only the thirdperson is involved, whereas in other Kwa languages such as Ewe, both the second and third persons are involved. Admittedly, these features are semantic, and so is the problem of reference. The specification of these features as part of the lexical entries is in keeping with the view now held (cf Kempson

1974, and SYlcCawley 1972) that if the so-called selectional restriction features are seen as inherent properties of lexical items, then the need td see them as a syntactic device will cease to exist. Since the chain of co-reference in Kwa languages can be effectively determined in this simple way, the need to invoke an otherwise unmotivated principle of the cycle will not arise.

The implications for linguistic theory of the foregoing discussion are as follows:

(1) Languages which have no relation-changing IMP-fllovement

rules have verb serialisation.

(2) Langu ages which have no NP - Movement rules have no

need for the Cycle.

(3) Languages which satisfy the above two conditions also

have two distinct pronoun forms in the second and/or 461 third person for self- and non-self-reference, inclusive or non-inclusivB use.

The Kwa Language group satisfy the above conditions.

The Cycle cannot therefore be a universal principle, or if it is a universal principle, universal in this sense must be typologically defined.

It seems to be the case that universals of language are those which are semantically, determined, such as

Equi - NP Deletion, Relativization and Pronominalisa- tion.

The above observations call for a distinction between 'Absolute' Universals - that is, those universals which are likely to be found in all human languages - such as Equi - NP Cfeletion, Relativization and Pronominalisation, being rules of language which are semantically determined; and

'Relative' Universals, such as the Cycle and

Extrinsic Order, which are likely to be either language specific, or language - group specific. 462

Appendix I

Chapter IQ

Towards a Coherent Theory of Igbo Function Words:

Conjunctions, Complementizers & Prepositions

10 * 0,0 Introduction

The proposals in this chapter are tentative; here we are only

suggesting a possible analysis of most function words in Igbo based on

the synchronic evidence available to us. In particular, we offer some

suggestions as to how to reconcile the apparently irreconcilable

instances of NaV in Igbo: there is strong evidence in support of the

view that the so-called'*' I\)a/ prefix and Naf relative are one and the

s N. same thing, being a form of the auxiliary verb ina which, along with

a fallowing verb-form expresses the Habitual or Progressive meaning.

Similarly, Nja' conjunction (i.e. nef in the structure NP - NP) and

Nav complementizer (i. e, _nja in the structure na' S) along with Nja / \ preposition are all associated with the same auxiliary ina. In other

words, where we have made any distinction, it is a featural one. We

have adopted the same method of approach for other conjunctions and

complementizers such as ina\ and m a ^ .

Dur approach is supported by the following facts of Igbo syntax.

First, Igbo is a much more 'verb' language than, say, Fnglish. Where

the Fnglish language employs such function words as 'to1, 'from1,

'with', et cetera, Igbo uses definite verb-forms. Secondly, some of

the conjunctions in Igbo, (the monosyllables in particular.) such as si/,

NaS) J<<^ and ma'^, and ma^ can be shown to be associated with certain

Igbo verbs, and for some of these conjunctions, it is possible to

establish a transformational relationship between the structures where

they function as conjunctions, and those where they function as pre

positions , (cf /O. 2,0: 4-72-770 Thirdly, certain verb-forms are

increasingly serving a ......

1 See Green and Igwe (1963), p. 165 for this analysis. 463 prepositional function, that is, they occur in structural positions where English employs prepositions. The forms in question are:

C gba'sara 'concerning' bany ere

\ ^ N -N dika or di ka I - 'like1 nuna' or nt/ os' j

shi^te) - 'from'

These, along with such other forms will be established as verb-forms in

section 5,4.5. Their existence in the Igbo language shows that Na is

not the only preposition in the language. There are at least five other

verb-forms which function in structures where English normally employs

prepositions.

Our argument in this chapter will centre on the following

monosyllables:- ' \ \ \ \ si, Na ka, ma^ & ma2

Although we have included maka on the basis of its substitutability

for ma^, we have not generally considered such disyllabic conjunctions

a s : S khama 7 . .. ,, . .. I thuma f "" rather than, instead'

which we consider to belong to a different subcategory. Their use is

illustrated in the following examples:-

1 (a) f Khama' 7 4 ' * ' • ' j Thyma f ^ rug, anyi kwushi okwu o.

Instead trouble come out, we stop talk this:

Rather than provoke a row, let us suspend this matter.

(b) { ThEmi ] ° na' ekwu ezhi-okwu, ya ebewe akhwa

Instead h he is telling truth, he start crying:

Instead oF telling the truth, he started crying.

U/e start going., you people, instead trouble come out.

Let us start going away, you people, instead oftrouble ensuing, 464

1 (d) Khama ya, madhu gwu „

Instead of that, people finish: Rather than tolerate

the situation, let us all perish.

(e) Khama ite shiri, nkhu gwu (idiomatic)

Instead of pot remain on fire, firewood finish:

I had better find a solution to my problem, even if it means

exhausting all my resources.

For these two conjunctions, there seems to be no traceable relation ship, no matter how remote, with any Igbo verb.

/ 0.1.0. Function Uiords as Predicates

The term, predicate, is used throughout this dissertation to

denote the class of items which, on the basis of morphological charac

teristics, can be called verbs cr verb-forms. These include auxiliaries

as well as non-auxiliary verbs* By verbs, we mean the obligatory

element in the Category, VP, (Verb or Predicate Phrase), which can be

inflected for tense or aspect (cf 2.3.0 et seq.) with such affixes

(prefixes & suffixes) as are associated exclusively with verbs. How

ever, auxiliaries in Igbo are tense or aspect markers, and in that

sense are not obligatory elements in a VP, except when the tense or

aspect they help to express is called for. In Igbo, the Category, Verb,

is identified by the citation form beginning with a harmonising, close,

front, vowel prefix, I-, as in the following examples:

' / - to eat

jra ea£ (Soup, oranges etc)

/ \ Igbo Auxiliary Verbs - (i) ina

This auxiliary is distinct from the other two auxiliary verbs in

the language in that it never occurs as the main and only verb of an

Igbo clause, rather its presence always presupposes the presence in

the structure of a following verb-form as in the following examples: / \ '* v ' s 2 (a) Ogu na agbali ■

Ogu 'j^does ^try^ • doing^ his best . 465

2(b) Dbi na atu ashi: Obi f is telling'] lies

tellsj

/■ - ^ / (c) Dikhe naara auja oshishi

Dikha used to sauj wood: Dikhe used to be a sawyer.

(d) I na anu mai?

You are drinking wine: Do you want to drink?

Contrast (d) with the following (e)

(e)t \ I ^ ji .. anu . t mai?

You do drink wine?: Do you drink (wine)?

(f) Naa a^a ezhi

Keep on sweeping the compound.

From 2(a-f), it is obvious that the auxiliary verb ina does take some of the inflectional suffixes which are only associated with Igbo verbs, such as -rV time and the imperative suffix - and the open vowel suffix symbolised as 0

(cf 2,3.2). It will also take the negative.suffix -ghl/hll as well as the perfect suffix -1A nA, thus:

N S ' * ~~ \ s — (g) 0 nahii aso anya

He does not f avoid • eye: He is no respecter of persons,

v^shy away fromj

, . ^ N /. i s . ✓ 2 - (h) Ogu ' ana(na) anuna mai

Ogu has kept on drinking (wine)

2 In this type of construction involving the perfect form of na, the following verbform is also in the perfect. However, as (h) above shows, the perfect marker, -na can be optional.

Unu ana^na -j emene? (Greeting) {ana r Have you continued doing: UJell done, Keep it up, Ibe o na^ ejhe'le ahya ya? Has Ibe continued to keep up with his trading? Igbo Auxiliary Verbs (ii) iji and iga

There may be many more members of this class. They are distinct from

f \ auxiliary (i) - ina in £fee that each of them can function in a non- auxiliary capacity, that is, as the only verb of an independent clause in the language:

3(a) Onuoha ji egbB

Onuoha has/is holding a gun

V f (b) Njokhu ji eg * o

l\! jokhu has money; Njokhu is rich. s 4(a) Ndi madhu aga^haala ahya

People go all have market: People have all gone

to market. / (b) Ibe gara akwukwo

Ibe went to school.

Examples 3-4 show the above auxiliaries functioning as main and only verb the sentence.

In addition to the above, they also function as auxiliaries as in the following:

rv / \ / — 5(a) Hwe oma o ji adi gi mma?

Thing good it is to you good? Do pleasant things

give you pleasure? Are you attracted to things that are morally

upright? / \ (b) Unu ji eri ede?

You do eat cocoyam: Do you eat cocoyam?

/ _ 6(a) Aga m ijhe ahya eci

UJill I go market tomorrow: I shall go to market

tomorrow. Ogu mill build house his in place this:

Ogu uiill build his house here/in this place.

It is to capture this dual Function that these two verbs and any others like them will have the lexical entries:

_+ aux whereas the other auxiliary ina has

+ aux

In other words, these syntactic Functions are described in terms oF

Feature speciFications which indicate whether these verbs can be used only as auxiliaries (as in the case oF ina) or as non-auxiliaries in one capacity (i.e., -aux) and as auxiliaries in another (i.e., +aux). ^ \ Having deFined ina as an auxiliary verb, we shall devote the rest oF this chapter to a justiFication oF our claim that all the instances of ina in Igbo are associated with this auxiliary verb ina, and that Igbo monosyllabic Function words are associated with certain

Igbo verbs, Ule start From the more obvious cases to the less obvious and more difFicult ones.

/ The Complementizer Si

/ In chapter 4 (4.1.5) we have argued that the complementizer si

/ _ is the unsuffixed stem of the verb isi - ’to say, declare, allege', and that its Function as the only permissible complementizer with embedded imperative structures is due to the fact that it is a verb of saying, and that it can introduce the actual words of a speaker as though in quotes (once the necessary pronoun changes have been made).

Let us now examine ka^ and the likely verb associated with it. Now consider the complementizer Ka) and its relationship with Kaa~, which means 'please, be willing.' In order to see them in their true perspective, let us citB the following three forms of the auxiliary verb / \ ina.

Citation form Imperative form Stem

ina Naa (+ verb form) Na

Kaa . Ka / V / \ Note that the imperative form of ina never occurs alone as does k a a, but only in the following type of example:

7(a) Naa aza ulo (vb iza class 2)

Go on sweeping the house,

/ \ V. ^ Ml f / "*“■ (b) Na(a) eri hwe (vb, iri class 1).

Go on eating (something).

The low-tone vowel suffix is obligatory with Tone class 2 verbs, but optional with Tone classes 1 & 3 verbs.

The identity of tone pattern of the imperative form and stem of the above two items does not strike us as mere coincidence, especially as their Imperative/Hortative tone pattern is.not one that we would normally associate with the generality of Igbo verbs. The reverse is, in fact, the norm, as the following examples show: / ~ f RiV ? iri (verb class l) "j Rie r : eat!

ifu ( " " 2) Fuo, : go out

ibya ( " " 3) Byaa" : Come

The above examples show that for some speakers, it is a uniform low tone for all verb-stems, be they class 1, 2 or 3 verbs; for other speakers like us, it is a low-tone stBm for classes 2 & 3 verbs, and a high-tone stem for class 1 verbs. But for all speakers, the vowel suffix (where there is one) / \ is always on a high-tone, never on a low one. Obviously Naa and Kaa behave 469

irregularly with regard to their tone pattern in the Imperative or

✓ v ' . Hortative. But whereas ina exists as an auxiliary verb (established as

such on the basis of its morphological and syntactic characteristics,

(cf p.231fp Kaa is defective, surviving only in this imperative form, with

* V the meaning 'please, be willing'. Thus, it lacks the citation form ?^ka

/ ^ f \ which would correspond to ina above* Kaa has the following equivalents*

In English - please

" French - veuillez

" German - Bitte

In diachronic, if not synchronic, descriptions, the above are verb-forms.

Let us now examine the following sentences in which Kaa and JKa

function.

8(a) (i) Kaa\ ya gbakhea

Please, he recovers Please God, let him recover/May he recover.

(b)(i) Cukwu mee, /'Kaa, ya gbakhee

" (ii) J Ka r ya^

I 1 9 God, bring about, please he recover: fflay God bring about/

his recovery.

t - / \ / V / \ .. / Asi m, kaa, ya lgkwa na udho

/ (ii) ii it ka' 0 lokwa w it

Say I, please, he return in peace

I wish him a safe/peaceful return.

(d)(i) Cere kaV m bya

s \ / (ii) " kaa, mu bya

Ulait, please, I come back: Wait until I return.

(e)(i) Kaa J'mu’) lawa

Ka m

Please, I start going: fflay I go?

Let me go. 470

From theso examples in 8(a)-(e), it is observable that kaa and ka function in similar, if not identical structures - each precedes what we have described as the Subjunctive Complements, the only difference being y \ v that kaa is used generally in clauses of direct entreaty, whereas ka is used elsewhere. Furthermore, kaa generally takes the separable pronoun subject - mu, ya^ et cetera, whereas kaN is normally associated with the

/ * inseparable ones such as rn, and the harmonising _0, at least in my dialect.

It is important to point out that if nouns rather than pronoun subjects are present, and if the pronoun subjects present are in the plural, there is no difference whatsoever between kaciand ka clauses, as 9(a)-(c) show:

9(a) f Kaa'j anyi gawakwani

Ka'

Please, we start going: Let's start going.

/ r* \ f (b) Kaa Ogu cetekwe hwe m gwara ya

Please Ogu remember what I told him.

Way Ogu remember what I told him.

I wish Ogu to remember what I told him.

y \ And lastly, the meaning of the structures is not affected whether kaa or ka is the conjunction.

From the above syntactic and semantic facts, we conclude that there is

s \ \ \ . a very close relationship between kaa and ka. UJe suggest that ka is a

z' V defective verb lacking the citation form ika, and existing in its Hortative

form in the sense of the English word, please.

\ , s\. Our hypothesis is that it is this same ka (associated with kaa) whose syntactic function has been extended to the following

(i) EXTRAPOSED CLAUSES:

10(a) 0 wu athuru ocha ka Dikhe cftogha

It is the white sheep that Dikhe is looking for. 10 (b) 0 wukwanj. okwu dj. mkpa ka a na' ekwu .

It is ' an important matter that is being discussed.

For speakers of our dialect, however, the popular equivalent of

10 (a) and (b) are 10 (c) and (d). / _ _ _ 10 (c) 0 wu athuru gca wg hwe Dikhe cggha

, . ^ \ / zv \ / (d) Q wukwani okwu di mkpa wu hwe a na ekwu

f _ Thus in place of ka our dialect uses the verb iwu followed by the w / \ proform - h w e . The gradual spreading of the ka versio' is, u ?wever

a noticeable phenomenon. I (ii) TEMPORAL CLAUSES I

The following use of ka in Clauses of Time should also be noted:

V z'' 11. Ahwuru m nde ehi ha Igta

while I saw those people J when ( they were returning .

As in the previous examples, this dialect employs the alternatives to

ka'1 enclosed along with it in braces in examples 11, and this explains

the fact that in this dialect k_a never occurs in sentences such as

10 & 11. UJe may also point out that the distributional characteristic

V ^ v of ka and kaa is likely to vary from one dialect to another.

Thus far, we have shown that the conjunction ka" is associated

with the defective verb kaa'', and that they function in similar

syntactic structures with a definite and consistent meaning. Since

\ there is no ka preposition in this dialect, the question of relating

the conjunction to the preposition does not arise,, 412

[Yla^ Complementizer & Preposition

Ule nouj come to consider the complementizer with which ka_ is in free variation in certain Igbo Purpose constructions. The following exemplify such constructions:

^ \ f 12(a) fibyara m ka anyi kuiuzhie

Came I so that we talk right: I came for us to

sort it out.

(b) [flaradie shiri hum ngwangwa ma di ya

Hflaradie cooked food quickly so that husband her

✓ _ — rifuo hwe bya igawa ahya

be able to eat thing come going market: Maradie prepare

the food quickly in order for her husband to be able to eat

before setting out for the market.

* \ (c) Azuru hi ndi eze apiriko" C ka ") ikpe laara hi

Bought they the chiefs bribe so that case go to them

They bribed the chiefs so as to win the case.

(d) m ozhi e f ka’ T m zutaraGadaara 91 igwe

Run do for me errand this so that I buy for you cycle:

Do go on this errand for me so that I might buy you a bicycle.

As can be observed from tbm foregoing examples, j<£i and mia are in free variation. Now compare 12(a-d) with 13(a-b).

13(a) Nwa-agbogho o na acokwani ka i luwa ya

Young girl this is desiring that you marry her:

This young girl wants you to marry her.

(b) 0 khwo ma anyi lemachaa ya

She intends that we look well complete her:

She wants us to have a thorough look at her. 473

In sentences such as 13(a) and (b), ka and ma are not interchangeable in this dialect. The explanation for this is the presence of the verbs ^ H§ ^ \ ico and ikhwo in 13(a) & (b) respectively. In this dialect, the former is marked for k£ and the latter for ma. ThB free variation of the two complementizers therefore has its constraint: they are in free variation in surface structure just in case neither of the predicates is present.

The optional deletion of these two optative verbs and the constraints governing such a deletion are discussed in chapter 8(g.l.o )

It is the violation of the co-occurrence restrictions between ico and ikhvuo on the one hand and _ka and nia on the other which accounts for the deviance of 13(c) & (d). / 13(c) *Acoro m ma anyi gaa n'og'e

Want I that we go in time: I want us to go

in time.

\ nS — (d) *Ekhwo m ka n e hwe

Intend I that he eat thing: I want him to eat

something.

Apart from the fact that each of these two verbs selects a different complementizer, their syntactic behaviour is similar: each of them introduces a subjunctive complement as object expressing the same type Df meaning thus: * \ z \ 14(a) Abyara coo ka dokita hwu \ / (b) 11 khworo

Came I ("wishing that doctor see me [_intendingj

I came so that the doctor might see me.

In view of the identical behaviour of k£ and ma in subjunctive complemen

tation, we assign the same status to both of them. Since _ka has been shown

to be associated with an erstwhile verb kaa, we also assume that ma^ must

be diachronically described as a verb. 474

Hfia* in Prepositional Function - (Itla NP).

Our Ps-rule 10 (cf 4.2 p . 208 ) shams that Reason can be re-written as

Prep. N NP

S / V. u/here N = ihi sake1

Examples of Igbo sentences illustrating the first of the above structures -

Prep. N NP were given in the section referred

[ ihi]

to above. The second alternative is the structure which involves an S;

it is this structure that is relevant here. The following are illustrative

examples i

15(a) Anyi byara khworo gi

UJe came having in mind you: UJe came because of you/

for your sake.

15 (a) has the following underlying structure:

NP VP

eason

Verb

■VP

Verb Prep. Phr.

Prep ■NP

+Pro +Pro +lst pers 1st pers + p l . + p l .

+Pro +2nd Pers +s g .

byara Anyi khworo ma

Figure 1 475

From the above string, uie derive 15(b)-(d) thus:

Anyi byara a'nyi khmoro gi --- y 15(b)

, . ^ 'S / \ / . 15(b) Anyi byara khmoro ma gi (by obligatory Equi-NT deletior

pmak a J

(d) Anyi byara khmoro gi (by optional Comp, deletion)

15(b-d) are each mell-formed, and (d) is the same as (a). Thus, mith \ / khmoro as the verb of the sentence directly dominated by thB Reason node, after the obligatory deletion of the subordinate subject NP under identity \ / mith the main clause subject NP, me can optionally delete either khmoro to derive 15(c) orrma 3 to derive 15(d),

/maka J

Similarly, the following 16 & 17 (b~c) are the output of the same transformational rules:

16(a) Erile unene khmoro ma afo gi

(b) ” " khmoro afo gi

Eat not bananas regarding stomach your: Do not eat

bananas for the sake of your stomach, / \ '' v \ / — \ / \ 7 17(a) I ga na ama ogwu o khmoro ma ukmu gi

(b)______khmoro^ ukmu gi

(c)______ma ukmu gi

You mill keep rubbing medicine this regarding foot your:

You mill keep rubbing this medicine for the sake of your foot.

It must be pointed out that, sentences such as 16 & 17 are derived \ / from a deep structure such as fig 2 in which the verb khmoro takes a sentential complement (cf 40*^ ), But the VP of this embedded subjunctive complement has been deleted, given the appropriate context; that is, VP3, the verb phrase of the lomest sentence S 3 . This type of deletion (the constraints governing it are not yet clear) does take place 476

in a number of Igbo structures: in causative constructions and in Purpose clauses. It is the VP that- is alu/ays deleted,

(Aux) CVerb) 'IMP eason

/\ VP2

lux)

+Pro +2nd Pers +sg. +Pro \ +def ' +abs -loc Comp

Verb NP

\ Gi na ama o

Fig 2 a curious situation in view of the fact that Gapping in Igbo rarely involves verb deletion. However, from these examples, it is obvious that surface

Prepositional phrases as in 16 & 17 do, in fact, derive from underlying ^ \ subjunctive complements after the optative verb ikhwo. In other words, the ma subjunctive complementizer-and the- ma preposition are one and the same thing in underlying structure.

The implication of the foregoing analysis of _ka and mia is that we are making a definite distinction between the Causal/Purpose ma and the other homonym ma associated with Yes/No questions when embedded as NP-cornplements.

This is precisely what we are claiming: judging from the different moods which I 477

their respective structures express in both formal and semantic terms, one

is justified in treating them as two separate items, hence the use of the

subscripts 1 & 2 to distinguish them, Moreover, the interrogative ma^ has

no corresponding prepositional function as ma^ has.

/p.3.0 Ma Interrogative Complementizer

It seems that,unlike _ka & ma^ for which we have argued a case for

verb status, ma\ interrogative complementizer is only a verb complement to

a known Igbo verb, Consider the following examples:

18(a) Asini m (mara) ma o laala

Bay I know whether has he gone: I am wondering whether

he has gone. / \ r v / /\ (b) Akponi m- (si) (mara) ma i mu anya

Thinking I say know if you are awake:

I am wondering/considering whether you are awake. ''' V ' \ \ \ (c) Eceni m (si) (mara) ma unu gara aga:

Think I say know if you went:

I was trying to figure out whether you did go.

The above examples 18(a-c) derive from an underlying structure such

as that of fig. 3.

-VP

Verb Np

Comp"

VertT NP,

Comp

Mu sini ya mu mara ya ma 478

To the above strings, ujb apply the following T-rules in order to derive

sentences such as 18(a-c); non-essential details have been omitted:

f v Asini m (i) * t ya mu mara ya ma S {3 (by obligatory Pronoun Post-position) *■ (ii) Asini m ka mu mara

(iii) Asini m mu mara mas / (iv) Asini m mara ma LS / . (v) Asini m mara ma SS, (by phonological rules)

From examples 18(a-c), it will be observed that mara is optional; in other

words, it can be deleted without any. loss of meaning to give (vi)

(vi) Asini m ma S. > llihat we have just illustrated is the derivational history of ma^ interro

gative complements in Igbo. In our dialect, the following sentences

transformationally related to those of 18 are commonly used to express doubt. / \ v ' / 19(a) ilfla o laala : Could he havB gone?

(b) (Mara) ma o nwuona : Perhaps, he is dead.

In embedded Yes/No questions, however, the shorter version with mara deleted is generally preferred, thus:

20(a) I ceni (si) ma m wu ebiri gi? • * , »

You think then saying whether I am age you: Are you

then wondering whether I am your age/Are you presuming that I am

your age?

(b) I sini ma anyi wu ndi ohi ?

Are you then wondering whether we are thieves?

" " " presuming that " • " " ?

Our hypothesis is that ma interrogative (ma^), like ka & ma^, is also / _ a predicate which complements the verb ima 'to know' and in combination with it express such meanings as doubt. 19(a & b) show this fact. The fact that such an expression as mara ma can be used independent of a matrix clause

is an indication of the closeness of the two items. It seems that ma_ / - was first and foremost a complement to ima before this syntactic function

spread to other verbs of the language which can take yes/no questions as

complement. Once this syntactic function got extended to other verbs, s _ of the language, it then ceased to be the unique complement of ima that is

originally was, and as a consequence, mara became optional, hence the

possibility of deleting this verb of 'knowing' in interrogative complementa

tion .

All this explanation may sound far-fetched, but at times irregularities

in synchronic data do make sense if seen in their historical perspective.

In the remaining part of this section on ma^ interrogative complemen

tizer, we want to see whether this complementizer has any relationship with

such other homonyms in the language, as

K. ma Conditional conjunction

ma Temporal

ma Disjunctive fa 3 . 1 fl1aN Conditional & Temporal

Consider the following sentences:

21(a) Gwa m ma yja bya

Tell me if "'j he comes

when \

(b) Ya^ b y a , _ gwa m ■

If he comes, tell me.

v > _ (c) dfl ga ime giri ma hwu ya

I shall do what C if see him

t-when j

Ulhat shall I do, if I see him? 480

^ M _ \ / _ . 21(d) M hwy ya, m ga ime giri?

If I see him, what shall I. do?

Note from the foregoing examples that ma is obligatorily deleted whenever

the conditional clause is preposed - that is, whenever it appears in

initial position as in (b) and (d). Now let us compare the above condi

tional constructions with the English counterpart: "I shall punish him,

if he comes late". This can be paraphrased as "I shall punish him,

depending on whether he comes late or not”. Here as in the Igbo examples, we have a dependency relation as between an antecedent and its consequent as in logic, thus

x --- > Y (if X, then Y).

Although thB tone pattern of the underlined Igbo conditional clauses

(in 21) suggest the contrary, (cf the fact that all pronoun subjects in ma interrogative complements are on low tones) there is a lot of syntactic

reasons to justify relating ma conditional with ma interrogative. In order to establish these syntactic reasons, it is necessary to give the full form of conditional constructions of the type given in 21 above.

22(a) A si(i) na' o ga* abya^ kedu hwe m ga* erne?

If one says that he will come, what thing I shall do:

If he comes, what shall I do? ^ ^ ^ / \ / \ / S y (b) A si na o byara abya, kedu hwe m gara erne?

If he came what should I have done?:

If he had come, what should I have done?

, . ** " \ \ / i* ^ / (c) A si na o byala, kedu hwe m gara eme?

If he has come, what am I going to do?

If he had come, what should I have done?

It will be observed that with what we describe as the full form, various verb forms (tenses/aspects) are possible in the ma conditional 3 clausesj in the absence of the full form, only the open condition

3 Conditional constructions are discussed further in chapter 6(602.D) where the relationship between questions(Yes/No type) and conditional constructions is examined in greater detail. 481

(simple present/future tense) is possible. Note also that from these full forms, what we underlined in 21 as the conditional clauses represent

\ / - Na sentential complements which are the NP objects of the verb isi 'to say', but with this difference that the propositional content of this Na-complement has been cancelled by the fact of the construction being conditional.

The fact that these conditional clauses are some sort of Na-complements explains the tone pattern difference observable in pronoun subjects in ma interrogative complements on the one hand, and conditional clauses on the other. However, despite this tone pattern difference, if the conditional clause is embedded as an NP, then it is realised as a m_£ S structure in which pronoun subjects, if any, have exactly the tone pattern that is associated with Yes/No questions, that is, low or low -low tone pattern.

Thus, 23(a) & (b) are both realised as ma^ S, that is an interrogative NP complement,

23. (a) NP (b) NP

s ,

Cond. Q/ NS

ma^ S ma^ S

As we observed in 4.3 (p.. 214) mood and complementizer selection are mutually dependent, we can predict one from the other.

In addition to the above evidence, there is yet another syntactic justification for_relating conditionals and Questions; this evidence is furnished by the way that owula 'any' co-occurs with interrogative, conditional and negative structures generally, but not with affirmative constructions. / \ ^ ** \ / — \ / 24(a) Gwa m ma onye owula bya *

Tell me f if "\anybody comes,

in case ( 482

24(b) onye owula kuru aka .

Tell 1 anybody knocked.

Lwhether )

Nwokho

If f anybody comes, call me. any man

■ v 25(a) 0 nwere onye owula byaralani? j

It has person who it be who has comBi Has anybody' come?

Is there anyone who has come?

f, \ / - v - (b) Ajugha m ya ma oonwere onye owula no n'ul

I am asking him if there is anyone at home.

If the above 24-25 are compared to the following 26, the deviance of the latter are thus understandable.

26(a) * 0 nwere onye owula byaralani .

* There is - anybody who has come / — \ ✓ \ / - v (b) * Ahwuna m na o nwere onye owula no n'ulo .

* I have seen that there anybody at home. N / (c) * Gwa m na onye owula bya •

* Tell me that anybody come

Unlike 24 & 25 which either question or seek for information, those of 26 make an affirmation, and their deviance can be corrected by deleting from \ * v 4 the sentences the item owula. On the basis of the foregoing syntactic

4 It is necessary to point out that there is much more to the syntax and semantics of owula than we have room for here. Tor example, the following, though affirmative in meaning, are perfectly well-formed (i) Gwa' m nav onyB owulas kuru aka n'uzo Tell me it everybody knocked at the door, (ii) Ahwuna m na onye owula no n'ula I have seen that everybody is at home, (iii) Gwa' m na onye owula byara- Tell me t everybody came. These examples show that in Affirmative constructions, the same item means 'every', but 'any' in negative, conditional and interrogative structures. The specific meaning is thus determined by context. 483 characteristics, iue therefore group ma conditional together with ma interrogative. It is not a mere coincidence that 'if' and 'whether* are complementizers in English, as Bresnan (1970) has convincingly argued, although one might counter by claiming that there are two 'if's1 in

English - a position which would make a general statement about English conjunctions difficult, if not impossible.

However, the Igbo conditional & temporal conjunction ma and the interrogative ma can all be subsumed under ma^ on the basis of syntactic similarities, and paraphrase relationship - the fact that none of these two clause types - Conditional and Interrogative clauses - affirms or asserts a fact.

10j.3.2 The Disjunctive ma'

ThB ma conjunction being considered hBre is found in the following type of sentences:

e* * \ TV ^ ^ — 27(a) A kporo hi akpo f £mana 'j ^ hi aju ibyani

ma J ■■

One called them call (but) they refused to come:

They were called, but they refused to come.

, , S \ _ V V s \ \ — — ~ (b) Nwaanyi a tofuru etofu ihu ya j°r9 njo

UJoman this is tall come out (but face her is ugly.

This woman is pretty tall, but her face is ugly.

As can be seen from 27 (a & b) ma' and mana can be used interchangeably © just in the same way that ma'^ and maka are in free variation with each other,

The meaning expressed by ma) in 27 is what Robin Lakoff (1971) describes as

'denial of expectation', a meaning which is not necessarily due to the conjunction as much as to the juxtaposition of the two clauses in 27(a) or

(b). The obvious question to ask is whether ma in 27 is related to ma^ interrogative conjunction. IUg would like to answer positively that they are related, despite the fact that examples 27(a) & (b) contain co-ordinate structures, while the domain of ma'^ is subordinate constructions. This being the case, the reader with an analytical knowledge of English might wonder at our attempt to equate a subordinating conjunction with a co-ordinate one, since such a distinction happens to be for English the right peg on which to hang the corresponding distinction into co-ordinate and subordinate clauses.

The traditional distinction between co-ordination (conjoining) and subordination (embedding) is syntactically motivated and, most probably, a universal one. In most languages of the world, especially the Indo-

European group, the above distinction happens totally with the subcategori sation of conjunctions into co-ordinating and subordinating sets. Thus, while the co-ordinate-subordinate clause distinction may be universal, the corresponding distinction into co-ordinating and subordinating conjunctions may only be language-specific, and therefore lacks a universal status.

Igbo distinguishes between co-ordination and subordination, but a corresponding distinction into subordinating and co-ordinating conjunctions is not necessarily the right peg on which to hang such a distinction in the language for thB following reasons:

(i) there are only two conjunctions in Igbo which may be .described

as co-ordinating; they are jna ’but1 and nia ’and1. These are

homonymous with the corresponding subordinating ones

(complementizers); moreover, they have an identical tone pattern

all being low-tone monosyllables. It is not mere coincidence

that this is the situation in the language.

(ii) There are other criteria for distinguishing between co-ordinate

clauses and their subordinate counterparts viz - the symmetry

between co-ordinate structures on the one hand, and on the other,

the asymmetry between a main clause and the subordinate one dependent upon it.

(iii) Igbo subordinate constructions are characterised by the

general presence of specific conjunctions, while co-ordinate

ones are not so-characterised. For example, sentence con- 5 joining in Igbo Is by means of serial constructions involving

no conjunction whatsoever either in deep or surface structure,

but subordination does obligatorily involve one conjunction

or another in both underlying and surface structures, although

some of these conjunctions may be optionally deleted in surface

structure given certain conditions ( c f ^ ^ . O p.3=)7ff & $.2.0

p ^ m )

(iv) A knowledge of the specific conjunction involved In an Igbo

construction is not a sufficient indicator of the construction

type in question, it is still necessary to know whether this

construction type is a co-ordinate or subordinate one. This

contrasts with the situation in English where 'and' & 'but*

will always introduce co-ordinate structures, and 'if',

although' et cetera will invariably mark subordinate clauses.

Hie conclude, therefore, that there is no need to distinguish in Igbo between

co-ordinating and subordinating conjunctions.

Our conclusion, though tentative, is as followsi There are two types

of ma' in Igbo

(i) Hfla' ^Purpose conjunction in free variation with ka\ This ma. ■A conjunction is transformationally related to the preposition ma.

5 There is, however, a category of co-ordinate sentences which involves the conjunction Na 'and1 as in the following: Ogu na nwie ya byara abya ■ Ggu and his wife came The derivation of the above Igbo sentence is fully discussed in /0.4.3 p . ^ t ff , where NP nav NP structure is shown to derive from deep structure conjoined sentences. 486'

(ii) ffla^ interrogative conjunction; under this conjunction are

subsumed ma' conditional conjunction,

mav temporal M , and

mav co-ordinate 11 which is in free variation

with maria♦ Both m£ and mana are optional elements in conjoined

structures.

/0.4.Q The IMa's in Igbo

Having first disposed of less complex cases, we now come to a thorough

examination of the various Na1s in Igbo - a much more difficult- task.

Our claim is that all the Na's in Igbo are associated with the auxiliary

/ \ . verb, ina (cf .1.0 p f ). Before we go on to the task of justifying

this claim, lBt us first of all try to reconcile all the apparently

irreconcilable instances of Nas in the language. After we have shown them

to have one underlying source in deep grammar, then we shall go on to justify s \ the view that the auxiliary verb ina is the most probable source of these

naN| s and suggest how the grammar should cater for them.

10.4.1 ThB Auxiliary Verb ina

In addition to examples 2(a-h) (cffO.1.0 p • the following

help to bring out the auxiliary function of the above auxiliary verb; * 28(a) 0 na abya^. (NaN present progressive, affirmative)

He is coming

. (t>) 0 nahii abya*(Na present prog., negative;

He is not coming ✓

He used to buy market. He used to be a trader.

\ i ' a ' — \ / _ , \ v (d) 0 nahiiri azu ahya* (Na past prog, negative)

He never used to be a trader. 28(b) Ya na aga ahya, o ga izufu umu ya(Na/ conditional)

If she keeps going market, she will be abls to train children h8r

If she keeps on trading, she will be able to bring up her chi'dren. / \ * ^ \ / % / " ^ (f) Gi na sme otho o, o dii mma . (Na conditional)

If you keep doing manner this, it is not good: If you keep

on behaving this way, it is not good.

(g) ffla o nahii aga1* ahya, o gahii izufu

If she does not go market, she will not be able to trai

umuv ya *• !(Na * conditional Neg.) \

children her: If she does not go on trading, she will not be

able to train her children.

In the foregoing examples, it will be observed that the tone of the auxiliary verb na^ has varied from one clause/sentence type to another:

It is low in progressive (past & present) affirmative, but high in the corresponding negative. It is uniformly high in conditional constructions

(affirmative and negative). Despite these tone variations dictated by / \ context, we are still dealing with the same underlying verb ina.

Now consider the same auxiliary in relative clauses:

29(a) Onye f na aga ") - \ / ' 1 / ahya n'og'e na alg n'og'e • na’ aga J

He who goes to market in time returns in time.

Note that there are two permissible tones on _na in 29(a) above; a low tone naS followed by a low tone prefix, or a high-tone _na followed by a high-tone prefix on a downstep.

29(b) Uwe Ogu na eti na adi ucha •

11 Ogu na eti " " 11

The clothes which Ogu wears are usually clean;

29(b) reveals yet another permissible pattern - a high-tone rja” followed by low tones on both prefix and the following verb-form, regard

less of the class of verb concerned. (cf examples 31-32 for explanation). Tho tone on na mill vary according to the type of relative clause being considered. For example, in Relative A type, we consistently get a high-tone na/ followed by a downstep vowel prefix on the following verb- form, as in 30(a-e)j

Rel. A

/ 30(a) Dikhe na agba mgba .. : Dikhe who wrestles/Dikhe the

u/restler.

. . / « «v (b) Nwokho na ezu ohi .... : A man who steals ...

the lands a dishonest old man ....

. % * (d) Onye ukwu na ezu ohi ... s A big man who steals.

In Relative B, on the other hand, the tone on rra is generally low, and the vowel prefix will be high for Tone class 2 verbs, but low for members of Tone classes 1 & 2 thus:

Rel. B \ 31(a) Uwe m na eti ... The clothes that I wear ... / V \ / (b) Ebe Ogu na aga .... (The place) where Ogu goes ... ✓ \ \ / s (c) Og'e Dikhe na afu .... (The time) when Dikhe goes out .. * \ (d) Ulo it ii aza .... The house which Dikhe is sweeping

But a certain degree of variation is also possible in Rel.B clauses, though it carries with it a semantic shift. For example, any of 3l(a-d) may have a habitual or progressive interpretation; thus, 31(a) can be translated as either (i) or „(ii) below:

(i) The clothes which I wear (habitually) or

(ii) " M " I am wearing (on-going action)

But with 30 or the following 32, in which the auxiliary is on a high tone, only a habitual meaning is possible:

32(a) Uwe m na eti (vb cl.3) the cloth which I wear ....

(b) Ebe Oguna'’ aga ( 11 " ") where Ogu goes ...

^ \ 32(d) Ulo na o za (vb cl.2): The house he sweeps * (e) Iri na oN ri (" " .1): -The food he eats

Observe that in this type of relative clauses in which Nq is on a high tone, all the three classes of verbs are on low tones as if they were all members of tone class 2. This tonal behaviour of verbs occurs only in Relative B Affirmative, never in the Negative counterpart.

In the following idiomatic expressions in Igbo, the same tone pattern is observables

33(a) (Na) ebe na o' byala, anyi lawani

In place where he has come we go away thens

Since he has come, let us go away, then,

(b) (Na) ebe Ada m na ahwuna m, ya gawa

Since daughter my has seen me, she start going:

Since my daughter has seen me, she can set out on her journey.

Since she learnt complete, she drive go on:

Since she has mastered the art of driving, let her drive on.

/ / Note that in the idiomatic expression, Na ebe 'since1, the- _Na is optional.

In Conditional as well as in Relative clauses Na^is generally on a high

S tonB, This fact does not make it different from the low-tone Na elsewhere any more than the high and low-tone ga's are different verbs in the following 34:

34(a) 0 gara ahya: He/she went to market .

(b) Ya^ ga ahya ...: If she goes to market ...

/ — (c) Onye gara ahya : He/she who went to market

(d) Koki na agahii oru: Koki who did not go to work.

The essence of Green and Igwe's (1963) study of Igbo verbs according to 490

subject verb forms is to .capture the tone patterns required by specific 6 . clause types in the Igbo language. One and the same verb manifests

different contextually determined tone patterns; therefore, what tue h^ve

been examining here is not two different Na1s, an auxiliary Nav and a

relative Na"*, but one underlying auxiliary verb whose tone patterns, like

those of other verbs in Igbo, are structure-specific. The high-tone Na"'

in relative clauses is one and the same verb as the auxiliary Na\ Ule

have shown in 6.1.0 page 313 that relativization in Igbo will include.,

among others,a morphophonemic rule .of JMa insertion in the appropriate

structure.

JO,4.2 The So-called Na* Prefix

From our paradigms of relative clauses, negative (cf 2.4.5.

it has been shown that what had hitherto been analysed as a J\la prefix is

/ \ indeed the same auxiliary verb ina, which is an obligatory element in

negative relative clauses thus:

35(a) Ndi mere . hwe a gwara hi nodi ebe e

Those who did thing one told them stay place this;

Those who did what they were told, let them stay this side.

35(b) Ndi na emehii hwe a gwara hi nodi ebe ehi

Those who did not thing one told them stay place that;

Those who did not do what they were told, stay that side.

36(a) Dnye na aru ala, ya nwukwaa.

Person - who desecrates - land, he die off;

Whoever desecrates our land, let him die.

t . \ ^ — /V- \ /■ X / \ (b) Dnye na anahii aru ala, ya anwuna

Person who does not desecrate land, he do not die

Whoever does not desecrate our land, let him not die.

6 For a detailed examination of Rel. ft & B clauses see Green & Igwe (1963 p. 102-104 & 130-133). 491

It will be observed from 35(b), which is the negative counterpart

of 35(a), that relative clauses negative require an obligatory na”

auxiliary, relative clauses whose verb is the auxiliary verb-form are

no exceptions to the above rule, as 36(b) shows. Ule therefore conclude

that (i) Na^ relative, and the so-called

(ii) Na^ prefix

\ are not distinguishable from Na the auxiliary verb. In the dialect

being described here, the auxiliary JNa is an obligatory element in the-

7 verbform of all negative relative clauses, although it may be optional in the Ohuhu dialect described by Green and Igwe (1963). |

/Q.4.3 Na Con.function and complementizer

In section /0,3.2 p s we have argued that there is no need

to subcategorise Igbo conjunctions into co-ordinating and subordinating,

sets because of the overlapping in their syntactic behaviour: while some

conjunctions such as jsi and jk?3 function only as subordinators, others

such as and ma may function as either co-ordinators or subordinators.

For the same reasons given in the section referred to above, the distin

ction between complementizers (subordinators) and conjunction(co-ordinators)

is not a revealing one.

U/e obseTved (cf foot note 5 p.£&5 ) that only one category of

conjoined structures in Igbo requires the conjunction na; this category

of conjoined sentences is illustrated by the following examples 37(a-b)

37(a) Nne na' nna

father and mother

7 In Onitsha, as in Ezinihitte, the use of this Naf auxiliary is obligatory. In addition to ina, there is also another auxiliary verb, idi with ahout the same meaning and syntactic function as the following examples show: (i) Adi m eli ife: I am eating (Onitsha) (ii) Onye na adi eme ifele One who is not ashamed; One who has no shame. 492

/ \ \ ^ \ 37(b) Fgwu na oci

3oy and. laughter.

Although 37(a) & (b) show that the con unction na occurs in the structure

NP - NP, the above examples represent nly surface forms which can be shouin to derive from deep structure co joined sentences via Conjunction

Reduction. For example, the following 37(c-d) in which there are conjoined NPs functioning as subject h ve the deep structure represented by Fig.4.

✓ \ / _ 37(c) Mgbaji na di ya tara uba.

Mgbaji and her husband Ere rich. * \ / (d) Ma Mgbaji ma di ya b#ara uba

Both mgbaji and he) 1 husband are rich.

■ Fmph. S

VR VP

Verb Compl.

Assert Compl.Verb

,/\Assert

Pro

uba di ya ba‘ uba

F ig,.,4

The application of the rule of Co junction reduction to the string

represented in the above figure yields 37(e).

8 For a detailed discussion of the ule of conjunction reduction and allied rules, see Kontsoudas (1971) "G ipping Conjunction reduction and Co-ordinate reduction1’ in Foundation □ f Language ,7. See also Hudson, R.A. (Feb. 1975) "Conjunction Reduction, Ga ping, Hacking, and the Preservation of Surface Structure" Indiana Universi y Linguistic Club, who points out the similarities and differences betwe n conjunction reduction and Gapping and argues that the two processes cann t be subsumed under one rule(P.6-12). 493

37(e) Emph. lYlgbaji na di ya bara uba

If the Emph node is not selected, (because not necessary to the derivation of 37(c)), then the application of the relevant phonological rules to the surface structure 37(e) yields 37(c) which is given above.

m 'UP

NP Con j ■NP

Verb

■Compl.Assert

Mgbaji di ya rana uba

Fig. 5

In order to derive 37(d) from Fig.5, the following processes are needed

37(e) CEmph.) Mgbaji na di ya bara uba y (f)

(f) Ma Mgbaji na di ya bara uba . \ (g) t \ \ y \ f — — (g) Ma Mgbaji ma di ya bara uba.

37(g) is the same sentence as 37(d),

Observe that the substitution of jna for the node Emph. necessarily means that _na is also changed to ma,in order to ensure the meaning of

'both .... and .... 1 If we were to terminate the derivation at 37(f) we would get the following meanings

v ✓ \ / _ — Ma Mgbaji na di ya bara uba

Even Mgbaji and her husband are rich.

Thus 37(f), is well-formed, though not the desired 37(d).

By adopting the foregoing method, it is easy to show that there is a transformational relationship between ma i\IP (ma) NP and NP na NP structures in Igbo; the semantic relatedness is also captured. ■ 494

Thus far, lue h.ave argued that a distinction between co-ordinat

ing and subordinating conjunction in Igbo is not revealing and therefore

unnecessary. Hie have also shown in/0.2. 0 p. ffthat ma^ com

plementizer and max preposition are one and the same thing in under

lying structure. UJith regard to the Na1 s in Igbo, we have

demonstrated {fO. 4.Q-/0.4.2 ) that the so-called Nj/ prefix

and JMa relative are all instances of the auxiliary verb ina. There

remains one instance of Na *■ the prepositional Na^ - which we examine

in the following section,

10.4.4 Nax Preposition

In 2.2*0, p.4U- - SS ) we have given enough examples to illustrate

the tonal behaviour of the preposition Nj^ - the fact that it assimilates

to the initial vowel and tone of the following item, if such an item

begins in a vowel, or to its tone only, if it begins in a syllabic

nasal. The preposition maintains its inherent low tone,if the following

item begins in a consonant other than the syllabic nasal. It is only in

prepositional structures that j\l£ displays the above characteristics,

a fact which marks a departure from its tonal behaviour elsewhere.

We suggest the following reasons to account for this difference

of tonal behaviour. First, Igbo Prepositional phrases, unlike co

ordinate and complement structures, lack any sentential source. Secondly,

a Prep. Phr. structure by its very nature is both semantically and

syntactically very cohesive - the presence of the preposition head

presupposes a nominal or nominal phrase, whereas thB relation between a

conjunction and its conjunct is much less cohesive, in fact, it is much

more loose. It is also passible that the tonal peculiarity of Njav as a

preposition is an indication of the change which the item has undergone

from one lexical category to another. To this effect, Li & Sandra

Thompson (1973) have argued that present day prepositions in mandarin

Chinese were transitive verbs at earlier stages of the language. UJe shall

take up this argument & its relevance to the Igbo language situation in section /O.4.5. Meanwhile we assume that Na_ conjunction and preposition must be related

in the same way that mja conjunction and ma preposition have been shown

to be related.

/0.4.5 The Auxiliary Werb Na and Na Conjunction and Preposition

The claim we made at the beginning of this chapter is that all \ s these Na1s in Igbo are associated with the auxiliary verb ina. Such a

claim as this is only a working hypothesis impossible of substantiation

in the absence of any historical data. Nluch of our proof will consequently

be inferential and never conclusive.

Why have we singled out the auxiliary verb ina as the most likely

sources of the Nas in Igbo? Phonetic similarity?

This is the least helpful and weakest of the criteria on which to base

such a hypothesis. With its limited number of vowels (8 of them in number)

and very limited pitch contrasts (two basic ones - a high and a low pitches,

the third - the downstep being a marker of syntactic relation) the Igbo

language abounds in homonyms. Any judgment about Igbo lexical items based

on sound identity is consequently worthless. If sound identity were an

important criterion, the following homonyoms, ✓ \ ina - to backbite /■ — ina - to take, receive

might have become obvious candidates. Despite their phonetic identity

with the auxiliary verb in question, the two verbs above are ruled out of

consideration far -other overriding reasons! They are regular Igbo verbs,

each with a specific meaning which is independent of context. The auxiliary ✓ \ verb ina, on the other hand, does not share any of these characteristics;

on the contrary, it is irregular, never occurs without another verb as

complement and takes a limited range of verb inflectional suffixes. Above all, it is polysemous, any specific meaning of this auxiliary verb is in 496

relation to a given linquistic context, and in some contexts, it cannot

even be pinned down to any particular meaning as in the follou/ing examples:

38(a) I ga na egbu" ya" egbu?

You are going killing him kills Are you then going to kill him?

(b) ITflu na onuje/ m ariubele,

I and self my have not heard: I myself have not heard.

place that it has rotten throw away it:

Since it is rotten, throw it away. 1 The meaning of in these and similar sentences depends on the totality of the meaning of each individual construction. Polysemy seems an important factor in the manifold meanings that this auxiliary verb-form

Nav displays from one context to another. ✓ Recall that we have demonstrated in 4.1.5 p.198 » 2-^3 that si the complementizer is always the second of two verbs in a serial verb construc tion. Hie have also argued in/£?.2.0 that the complementizer ka^ must be

y \ a verb-form of the erstwhile verb kaa which lacks a citation form in synchronic description. Hie have made a similar case for ma and mat,.

Now let us see what synchronic evidence ther^is in support of the foregoing analysis.

Our present approach of treating conjunctions and prepositions as verb-forms reflects a general trend in present day Igbo language* There is a lot of evidence that what passes as semantically empty morphemes in other language are verb forms in Igbo sharing a lot of syntactic and semantic characteristics with existing Igbo verbs. These verb-forms which serve as relators include:

r \ / \ I bhanyere T from the compound verb ibhanye j , f V. gbasara J " " " 11 igbasa 497

39(a) E kwuru okwu banyere utu• I a ga" atu

One talked .talk ^concerning *y levy one luill pay

about

maka ulo akwukwo.

for house Df school: A levy to be made about the school

building ujas discussed,

39(b) Gbasara \ . f - \ obyibya bishopu, a coro ka Bhanyere

About visit of bishop, one wants that

/ V , f. “ — V / - s / - umu nwaanyi m i l e tuo akhwa abuo abuo

women all contribute eggs two two:

Concerning the bishop's visit, it is intended that women should

contribute two eggs each, s _ v ■ / (c) Anuchaala m (hwe) f maka i agwa ojoo ya

Lbanyere - J

Heard complete have I thing about manner bad his:

I have heard all about his deplorable behaviour.

Observe that from being the verbs of relativized clauses in 39(a)

& (c),/ \ the two verbs gbasara* and bhanyere \ / have come to function as

sentence modifiers in sentence-initial position just like the English

prepositions 'about' and 'concerning'. So far, only a handful of verbs are

known to have won this ’syntactic freedom' and such verbs belong to a

semantic class. Mevbs of activity,, and generally those which can function

in the Narrative form are excluded from this class. Note also that these

verbs have what we have described as the Assertive-r suffix (cf 4.2: 2^5)*

The fallowing examples are equally interesting for what they reveal about Igbo, and the support such a revelation lends to the present argument 498

40(a) Shiite) thaa' gawa' n'ihu, anyi ga awu enyi

5tart today go in front we shall be friends:

From today henceforth, we shall be friends.

Note the apparent Hortative/imperative force of shite and gawa. But in

the following 40(b), the same verb-form lacks such an imperative force.

40(b) 0 na' egbJ 5nwe ya shite na inu okhe mai

He is killing self his going through from drinking rr ch wine:

He is ruining himself by drinking too much.

If shite in 40(b) were imperative, one would expect a reflexive proncjun

of the appropriate person, as in 40(c):

40(c) N a V ) egbu' 5nwe gi shite na inu okhe mai

Go on ruining yourself by drinking too much.

40(d) is deriant because the reflexive pronoun is not in the appropriate person.

(d) *Naax egbu onwe ya shite na inu okhe mai

Keep on ruining himself by drinking too much.

Co-referentiality is a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for

Equi-NP deletion and Reflexivization. What matters for our argument is that is a verb-form, and that it functions in initial position before a nominal as in a prepositional phrase.

41(a) Shi (na) Ngwuru du (na) Laa'gwa , o di uthi?

Start from Ngwuru reach to Laagwa it is far?

Is it far from Ngwuru to Laagwa?

(b) Anyi shiri Onica dju Enugu - na ukwu ala

We went from Onitsha reached Enugu on foot:

li/e went on foot from Onitsha to Enugu.

You know that start from Aba reach to Umuahya is twenty miles two?:

Do you know that from Aba to Umuahya is forty miles? 499

The underlined items in 4l(a~c) above are forms of the verbs

/ - ishi (cl.l) to go from, pass through

idu (cl.3) reach, arrive at. * *

These are verbs which take underlying prepositional phrase as complement, though the preposition jna can be deleted in surface form. In 41(a) the underlined verb-forms are being used as prepositions, in (b) the form ✓ shiri is the first verb of a serial verb construction and carries the appropriate tense suffix -rV. As is the norm in serial verb construction, any subsequent verb (in/ this case du) does not bear any tense suffix since it copies its tense from the first verb of the series. In (c) as in (a) the two verb forms are prepositional in function. In either function, the semantic relatedness as well as the syntactic properties of the source verbs are maintained.

Mow consider the following examples involving a different verb -

/ - ibya 'to come'

42(a) Emechere m hwe niile bya j fuwa T

\ ifuwaj

Finished complete I things all come go out

I finished everything before going out.

42(a) can be transformed into 42(b) in which the underlined verb comes first in the series and consequently bears the tense suffix.

(b) Abyaram mechee hwe niile fuwa

Came I _ finished. thing all went out

I came and finished everything P and went out 1

(^before going out,J / \ s 'v . / \ Observe that in (b) there is no choice as between fuwa r and /ifuwa as in(a).

^ f ' This choice is possible only before the form bya. Mote also that ^fuwa is a derived nominal, a fact which conclusively demonstrates the prepo sitional function of this serial verb bya in 42(a). The following (c) & (d) are more examples of the same phenomenons 500

n e J

Admit come eati lYlake and honest

admission before eating,

\ -*■ (d) Kwomaa aka bya f rrie i'e hum

( J j r i hwe

UJash well hand come eat: Ulash your hands

well before eating

and then eat

It has to be pointed out that the foregoing examples are the product'of the conjunction Reduction rule which deletes, obligatorily in this case, the subject HP's of all subsequent sentences in a serial construction.

If, on the other hand, the subsequent NPs are not co-referential with the first of the series, then therB is no co-referential NP deletion, and we get the alternative examples 43(a-»b)

0 richere hwe (tupu) anyi abya nuo mai

He finished eating (before) we come drink wine:

He finished eating p before ") we had some drink.

[_and then J

Any adequate analysis of Igbo must reflect the fact that bya in all

/ .. these examples is a form of the verb ibya and that like all the second and subsequent verbs in a series, it does not bear any tense marker.

In Indo-European languages, the comparison of nounsand adjectives is by means of morphemes 'more1 and ’most' or the inflectional suffixes -sr

/ - and -est. In Igbo, on the Dther hand, a specific verb ika 'to surpass' is used, as in the following 43(a~b).

\ / _ ^ * 43(a) Akpa m ka akpa gi (na) mma.

Bag my surpasses bag your in beauty:

l¥ly bag is Pmore beautiful") than your bag.

prettier 501

* 43(b) (N)kB kachaya mma

That of him surpasses all in beauty! His is the most

beautiful of all.

In Igbo and, probably in all typologically similar languages, verb-forms perform the most syntactic functions, Igbo syntax, one suspects, may well centre on its complex verb system and how certain verb-forms are used in various syntactic functions.

The cumulative effect of all the synchronic evidence so far given is to shorn that Igbo is very much a 'verb* language, that is, a language where verb-forms perform the functions that in Indo-European languages are carried out by largely meaningless function words. Such conclusive evidence as this has been made possible by the fact that all the verbs concerned are existing, regular verbs with specific meanings.

However, it can be argued, rightly, that the prepositions and con junctions which we have shown to be verb-forms maintain the consistent meaning and syntactic characteristics of the source verbs, whereas _Na in its various functions lacks such a consistency,. That this is the case with Na_ is due to the polysemy of the auxiliary verb with which this conjunction is associated - the fact that in order to exhibit a specific meaning has got to be in a linguistic context*

But the auxiliary verb ina is not the only Igbo verb with this characteristic. Igbo abounds in verbs which may be considered polysemous and need a linquistic context, say an inherent complement, to specify their meaning. It is to cater for verbs of this class that our Phrase structure (PS-) Rule 4 (cf 4.2. p Qplj, ) provides for the exampasion of verb as (Prefix)+V+(Suff ) + (Compl.), ll/e give a few of such verbs in order to illustrate what we mean:

44 itu ?

itu utu to pay a levy

anya to expect 50#

/ - itu oyi to be cold

ashi to lie

n'anya surprise

ama sweep a road

mai pour libation N ikpe make allegation, to insinuate

ji plant yams

onu burrow / - 45 Igba ?

/ - igba oso run

moto drive a car, travel in a car

s igwe ride a bicycle v, ala spread rapidly (as of rumour)

mkpe mourn

mgba wrestle

athuthu discriminate f - ughala ahya trade

aja dBvine

nguzo loitBr

UJe have randomly picked on two verbs and made as many entries as we can remember after each of them. It would be difficult to talk ef the meaning

/ - / - of verbs such as igba and itu independent of their inherent complements.

It is for this jreason that w.e. .maintain that the citation form of such verbs must include their inherent complements. If verbs such as these had any definite meaning independent of the above linquistic contexts,

(their inherent complements) they have surely acquired many more by combining with as many noun complements as possible. The tendency to maximise the use of any one lexical item, especially if such an item is a verbjis normal in human language; it is irresistible for a language 503

such as Igbo uihich does not possess the apparatus for unlimited morphological derivation. Indo-European languages, and English in particular, are fortunate in having their derivational affixes ready- made from the classical languages, which are highlysynthetic. Igbo lacks such a historical relationship and is, in any case, a different language altogether. One can only wait to see how far the Igbo situation is borne out by facts from other members of the Kwa subgroup of languages.

Ansre (1966) gives a list of prepositional verbs which he describes as 'Verbids'. These are forms homophonous with and related to existing I verbs in meaning. 'Verbid' is just another name for a verb-form which has taken on a prepositional function. Our contention is that certain verb-forms take on not only prepositional functions but also conjunctive ones. Coming as it does from Ewe, a member of the Kwa group, the above fact suggests that the phenomenon we are describing here is not an isolated incident or peculiar to Igbo alone,

Cross-linquistic evidence from Mandarin Chinese is definitely in line with our thinking about Igbo conjunctions and prepositions. UJhat is significant about the Chinese situation is that the argument draws its support from both diachronic and synchronic evidence, whereas our argument about Igbo relies heavily on synchronic data. Nevertheless, the two conclusions are very similar.

As we mentioned earlier on (cf/0,4.4 p ./y-94) Li and Thompson (1973) haVB argued that present day co-verbs (prepositions) in Mandarin Chinese were transitive verbs at earlier stages of the language: "The development of complex verb structures into simplex prepositional phrases ..... is highly significant: it is the most important factor in the shift which

Mandarin is presently undergoing from SVG to SOV language. In particular, we hypothesize that in the transition from verbs to prepositions, some of 504

these morphemes have progressed farther than others. This hypothesis enables one to account for certain types of non-homogeneity in this class of function words." (p. )

ThB striking parallel between Chinese prepositions (co-verbs) and the Igbo ones is that both sets originate first and foremost as serial verbs. In mandarin Chinese, it is the first verbs in a serial verb construction which developed into prepositions, in Igbo,it is never the first, but the second or subsequent verb£. In Chinese.as in Igbo, the lack of homogeneity in the forms Df the prepositions is an observable fact. Some Igbo prepositions, for example, still behave very much like verbs in taking certain inflectional suffixes (-ry, for example) which are only associated with verbs. Such prepositions include qbasara and

v ✓ '' bhanyere and shi(te) with its optional -tA suffix. It could be argued, however, that the presence of these verb suffixes is not necessarily a reflection of differential rates of change, as Li and Thompson observe, but rather an indication of the semantic class of verbs involved. Being what we have described as Stative verbs (cf 4.2. p. 213-216 )iqbasa and ibhanye will always take the -rV Assertive suffix in the present tense.

Another common factor between the two languages being compared here is the fact that for some of these prepositions and conjunctions there are no existing homophonous verbs, while for most of them there are existing verbs of the same phonemic shape and the same meaning. In the absence of any historis-aT data, it is not easy for us to say whether or not some

Igbo conjunctions and prepositions have acquired a meaning different from that of their source verbs. But what one can positively say is that the polysomy of the auxiliary verb ina makes it passible for _Na_ to have different meanings in different contexts.

How best, then, can the relationship between certain Igbo verbs and

Igbo conjunctions be captured in ths analysis of the language? Ule are not 505

taking a stand on the issue whether a verb and a corresponding preposition or conjunction are one lexical item or two. According to particular theories of the lexicon, they may be described either way: the facts are that in some sentences a word of certain phonological shape is a verb, while in others it is a preposition or conjunction, and that the two forms are historically and semantically related. A similar remark can be made for such non-verb pairs in English as dance / dance, thus:

I dance every Friday evening.

I go for a dance whenever I like.

UJhat we have done here is to capture this essential relationship in the lexicon by means of feature specifications, thus acknowledging the syntactic differences between them while at the same time recognising

V their similarities* For example, verbs such as ina have the following ✓ N lexical entries: ina

+ V

+ aux

verb compl.

_+ oonj

prep

Correspondingly,the Na' preposition and conjunction are featur&lly specified respectively as follows:

N a s '■

" ~ ‘ ..+ V

+ aux

- verb compl.

+ prep

- con j 506

+ \l

+ aux

- verb compl.

+ con j

- prep

In other words

jjf verb compl. means - Prep

- Con j orQ- verb compl. means that the features prep or canj is positively specified. / \ / Similarly, the prepositions gbasara and bhanyera have the following features

+ V.

+ stative

+ Prep

where £+ stativej is rewritten as

the C+ r V J assertive suffix.

Whether the items being considered here are entered in the lexicon as one or two items, the essential relationship with certain verbs is still reflected in the above features.

Concluding Summary

Igbo monosyllabic conjunctions and prepositions are associated with certain Igbo verbs. Of these verbs, some are still in existence, while a few others are not. The verbs in existence include

/ * si from the verb isi to say

/ - gbasara " 11 verbs igbasa / \ to concern bhanyere ibhanye

/ - 'du ” the verb idu to reach, arrive at. bya from the verb ibya to come

/ - shi(te) " ishi(te) to go/come from

✓ V Na' auxiliary verb ina ✓ \ Ka defective verb kaa 'please* which exists

only in its Hortative form.

Those conjunctions and preposition for which there are no existing homophonous verbs are:

(i) lYla^ Purpose conjunction which is transformationally

related to the corresponding ma' preposition,

/ \ v **■ (ii; fYla^ Interrogative conjunction under which we subsume ma

conditional conjunction as well as the co-ordinating

homophone,

UJe have argued (cf p . &-B&) that no distinction need be made in Igbo between subordinating and co-ordinating conjunctions.

Attention has been drawn to the parallelism existing between Igbo and Mandarin Chinese with regard to prepositions and conjunctions. In both languages, it is serial verbs which are involved: In Mandarin

Chinese, historical evidence points to the fact that the first of serial verb constructions developed into prepositions, while in Igbo it is the second or subsequent verbs which have become either

/ prepositions,-or a conjunction as in the case of Si.

It has also been shown that Igbo is very much a 'verb* language where verb-forms perform the syntactic functions which in Indo -

European languages are carried out by semantically empty morphemes.

These observations call for further research into languages which are

typologically related to Igbo in an effort to discover how far the situation in Igbo is reflected in such languages. 508

APPENDIX

SAMPLE LEXICON

This section does not represent a fully worked lexicon of

Igbo, nor does it contain an exposition of any theory of the lexicon.

For such theories and their inherent problems the reader is referred to Chomsky (1965) and Stockwel et al (1973: 718 » B10), the latter contains a good number of references to articles on the lexicon in a transformational grammar. A sample lexicon is also provided by I Carrell (1970: 32 - 46), although her entries need up-dating to ! reflect advances in transformational theories.

What we present here is, therefore, very short, and our lexical entries have been dictated by the examination of Igbo complementation which we have undertaken and the analysis of other aspects of Igbo which have been found relevant to Sentential complemen tation in Igbo.

The base of a transformational grammar is made up of the

Categorial sub-component and a lexicon. The categorial sub-component consists of a context free phrase-structure grammar whose output is a string of symbols (which mark the position of lexical categories) and grammatical formatives. The lexicon is made up of an unordered set of lexical entries, each of which is an ordered pair of matrices

(D,C). D is a phonological matrix which gives the necessary and sufficient information for the phonetic realisation of the items via the phonological rules; while C, represents a syntactic-semantic matrix, consisting of a collection of feature specifications of the following kinds: 509

(a) Category Features

(b) Contextual 11

(d) Rule

U/e are not concerned with the phonological matrix D, but with the syntactic-semantic features (that is, the C matrix).

Lexical Substitution

The lexical items are inserted by a substitution transformation, where the complex symbol in the lexical entry is the structure index for the transformation. The lexical substitution rule is based on the criterion of distinctiveness, as follows:

Two sets of features are distinct if and only if they

contain at least one feature with opposite values.

In principle, each vocabulary item has associated with it a complex symbol containing the features enumerated above:

Category Feature

A category feature denotes a lexical category such as noun

, or a verb £+\) J . In this sample lexicon, each complex symbol contains only one positive specification for each category feature.

However, we adopt the following method for the categories Adjective,

Preposition and Conjunction.

In the absence of „,aoy distinctive morphological and/or syntactic criteria to justify a separate lexical category, Adjective, we have decided to have only one major Category Nominal t whose members will fall into either of the following sub-categories ’

(a) Those nominals (traditionally described as adjectives)

which do not occur alone but always restricted to the

second position in an NP of the £ N2 structure, §!□

(b) Those nominals which can function in the structural

position of M-] or N 2 given the appropriate nontext.

Since only a small number of nominals belong to sub-category (a) above,

the^constitute the exception, which are consequently marked as

+ N

+ 2nd position .

The majority of nominals belonging to category (b), being the norm,

are unmarked.

Secondly, Prepositions and Conjunctions have been shown to: be

verb-forms (of Chapter 5), they are therefore, positively specified

as £ +V J , differing from co-verbs by such features as £+ Pr e p ]

or £ + C a n j J , The disyllabic conjunctions thuma / khama, man a

\ ar,d ma^a are not covered by the foregoing analysis, their relation

with any Igbo verbs not being known.

Contextual features

These features denote the linguistic context in which a lexical x" y item occurs. For example, verbs such as ino 'to be, stay' always

have the contextual feature

£ ------+ Locative J ,

which denotes that they take only Locatives which are generally

prepositional phrases.

Inherent And Rule Features : Inherent Features.

These denote qualities such as animate, human, and abstract^while

Rule Features refer to the transformations to which a lexical item

is subject, such as Equi, Infinitivization and Extraposition.

Inherent features may be syntactic or semantic.

Feature Specification

+ means positive specification

" negative "

* " obligatory with regard to T-rules. 511

Redundancy Rules

Redundancy rules help to limit the number of feature specifica tions in a complex symbol whenever predictable features can be a^ded by a general rule. For example,

+ N + Animate + Hum

+ N - Hum + Abs ~ Animate

Redundancy rules apply before the insertion of a lexical item in a tree.

Sample Lexicon

Nominals

/ / Eghu goat G j'c p bad, ugly + N + N - hum + abs + anim - count + count - pers pro + common + 2nd position - pers pro

' \ Njo badness Ndhy life + N + N + abs + abs - count - count - pers pro - pers pro / / Dma good Oshishi tree + N + N + abs + count - count - anim - pers pro + concrete + 2nd position + common - pers pro Rlma good/goodness ✓ + N Ocha white + abs + N - count + abs - pers pro - count *- pers pro \ / \ Gburugburu + 2nd position round/roundness + N + abs ybha white/ - count whiteness + N + measurement + abs - pers pro - count - pers pro short 512 ✓ ✓ Mkpumkpu short/ 0 he/she shortness + N + N + abs + hum + measurement + def - pers pro + sg - count + pers pro + 3rd / - self-ref. Dgologo - tall/ + bound height + N

+ abs / ya it - pers pro - count + N + pro + abs m«/ - i + def + N - loc + hum + def Ya' in it, + sg there + pers pro + N - bound + pro + abs + loc M - I /■ N + N Anyi me + hum + def + N + sg + hum + 1st + def + bound + pi + pers pro + 1st Gi - You (sg) + N s \ Unu - you (pi) + hum + def + N + sg + hum + pers pro + def + 2nd + pi - bound + pers pro + 2nd

1 - You •v / Ha they + N (inslusive) + pro + N + hum + hum + def + def + sg + pi + pers pro + pers pro + 2nd + 3rd + bound + inclusive

/ Ya' - he/she Umy they + hj him/her (exclusive) + N + hum + hum + def + def + sg + pi + pers pro . + pers pro + 3rd + 3rd + self-ref - inclusive - bound______513

Verbs / _ I kwu to say, Ina nthj. - to listen, to declare know + V + \l - fa ct - fact + ac tivity + S~rInterrog rlndic + object S prepose S ~ < Imp 1 (JESub junct / „ I co to want, wish

/ » + V Is; - to say - fact + forward-looking V + Subjunct fact + Equi activity + I nfinitivization con j fIndie S ■< Imp Ikhwo to have in mind, L Subjunct regard for + V •" v - fact Imu to learn + forward-looking + S Subjunct + V + Equi + epistemic + Infinitivization + otho NP + tnfinitivization f ~ \ Ikwe nkhwa to promise

+ V Igoshi to show, - fact reveal + V + forward-looking + fact + S Subjunct + Swindle— Swindle + Equi + Relat2 + .Jnfinitivization

* \ / Iwe anya to be obvious Ikweshi to be worthy, appropriate + V + V + fact - fact + S ^Indie + emot + Relat2 + S-v- Subjunct + Subject-Raising * \ Ice to think Itoshi to be appropriate, + V right - fact + y flndic I - fact Clnterrogj + Bmot + S -v- Subjunct s _ \ + Subject-Raising Jgba agygg to arguB, doubt + V ■ idii to seem, resemble - fact fact + S-- Interrog + emot + object S prepose + S ~Subjunct * Extrap / - + Subject-Raising Iju - (see Page 509 ) I 514

/ _ 1 i ny to seem, I vug to be resemble + v + \J - fact + copula + emot + stative' + S~ Subjunct + NP * Extrap I + Subject-Raising Auxiliaries

/ . .. s _ Ira ahu to be difficult Igai shall/will I + V + V - fact + aux + emot + verb compl I + S ~Interrog + future + Infinitivization ✓ „ should ^ Kt \ ?9a2 f Igbagha to .leave, abandon, + V pardon + V - aux I + activity + modal + aspectual + verb compl + ( n a ) infinit Nom / -

I / __ I ji I ha fu to leave, abandon, + V + V + aux I + activity + verb compl + aspectual .+ habitual + — (ca) Infinit Nom I / \ / _ Ina I kwushj. stop, desist + . V from + V I + aux + activity + verb compl + aspectual con j + Infinitive Nom prep I progressive / - habitual I jy to ask I + V Na Prep - fact V + S ~ Interrog aux + object S prepose I verb compl con j Copulas prep / - I Jdi, to be 2 Na Conj + V I + copula + V I + stative + aux + ----- NP - verb compl - prep I \ + conj I no to be, stay in + V I + copula + stative + ----- loc I 515

Conjunctions & Prepositions bi that Shi go from, from

+ \l + V - fact + prep + activity £na) NP + con j

Du arrive at, to Conj (see P .5//^ ) + V + prep (na) NP Na Prep (see P .51 if )

Bya before Ka that, in order that + V + \l - activity + conj + conj Gbasara ~ concerning, about (Yla^ Conj that, so + V that + V + stative + prep f activity + conj - prep Bhan^yere concerning, about + V flfla^ Prep for, on + stative behalf + prep + V - activity - conj Determiners + prep (N)ke

+ det Conj if , whether + substantive + V *• sg - activity * conj Ndi

+ det (Ylaka ■ for, on behalf of + substantive + prep + pi fflana but A this.

+ conj + dem

Thuma rather than A hi/ that instead of + conj + dem

/ \ Khama rather than, this, the instead of + conj + det definitizer Tupu before + Pronoun

+ conj + — 516

,v / - UJa - the

+ det

+ definitizar

+ NP ---

Quanti Piers

Niile - ail

£+ quantJ

v \ / Olemaole few, several

[_+ quantj1

j Otyty many

C+ quantJ

\ Uzugbu all

E + quantj

Numerals / \ 0 tu one

C + dig jf

flbuo two

C + d i g J

^ / A to three

L + d i g j

' / Ano four r * dig J 517

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