Endangered Language in Nigeria: a Case Study of Gera

Home , Abon language, Ambo language (Nigeria), Bana language, Batu language, Bauchi Emirate, Biu Emirate

ENDANGERED LANGUAGE IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF GERA

LANGUAGE OF BAUCHI STATE

FURERA ADAMU GARBA C82F/29446/2014

A RESEARCH THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN ENGLISH AND LINGUISTICS IN THE SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES OF KENYATTA UNIVERSITY

MAY, 2018

DECLARATION

I declare that this thesis is my original work, except where due citations have been made, and has not been previously presented for a degree or any other award in any university.

Signature………………………………….. Date…….………………………

FURERA ADAMU GARBA

Department of English and Linguistics

We confirm that the work reported in this thesis was carried out by the candidate under our supervision.

Signature……………………………….Date………………………………

DR. CALEB SHIVACHI

Department of English and Linguistics

Kenyatta University

Signature……………………………….Date………………………………

DR. KENNETH KAMURI NGURE

Department of English and Linguistics

Kenyatta University

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to my parents, Engineer Garba Aliyu Bagel and Hajiya Talatu

(Yaya) Bagel

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A journey of this nature can never be successful without guidance. I heartily thank my supervisors, Dr. Caleb Shivachi and Dr. Kenneth Kamuri Ngure, for taking me through the journey. They devoted their time, despite tight schedules, and their books for the success of this academic sojourn. Thank you so much.I also want to appreciate the Chairman of the Department, Dr. Purity M. Nthiga, who patiently listened to my enquiries and responded to my calls even before I arrived in Kenya. The encouragements and scholarly supports that I received from all the members of staff of the Department are unparalleled. My special thanks Prof. Martin Njoroge, Dr

Phyllis Mwangi, Dr. Nyamasyo, Dr. Gimode, Dr. Kebeya, Dr. Nthiga, Dr. Kanana,

Dr. Ayeko, Dr. Njiri, Dr. Gachara, Mwalimu Gecaga, Madam Owili, Madam

Frashiah, Madam Mary and Mr Morris. I acknowledge the assistance of Dr. Kiguru and Dr Ogutu for reading my work at different stages and offering scholarly insights.

I am equally grateful to my fellow post-graduate students at the department of English and Linguistics, Dr. Asiru Tunde, Abdul Malik Usman and Peace Benson, you are wonderful companions and I cherish all the times we spent together in the resource room exchanging ideas and helping each other academically in any way we could.

You are indeed good inspirations.

Special Salutations goes to my colleagues at Bauchi State University, especially

Yusuf Jika, Sulaiman Ahmed, Sadiya Garba Gambo Saraki, Jamilu, Mallam Umar and Aliyu. Thank you for your prayers and encouragements and for helping me with

materials for my work and e-books whenever I required them. You are more than colleagues, may God reward you abundantly.

Considerable regards to my Nigerian brothers and also housemates, (Danbello

Ahmad, Felix, Bako, Mundy and Dr Pomak) for the companionship, help and the care they showered on me during our stay at Devivi House.My gratitude I forget my landlords, Mary and Aaron of Devivi housing complex for their love, support and understanding. Nor shall I forget my aunt Mrs Maryam Shall of the Nigerian Embassy for her love and tremendous support.

I am duty bound to acknowledge and appreciate the contribution of my research assistants and leaders of the team for the questionnaire distribution and collection such as Mallam Adamu Gidado, Mustafa Bagel, Mallam Saidu Kuitum, and Mallam

Adamu Gilliri. I am also grateful to Mallam Muhammadu Bala Jinkiri, Sarkin Gera,

Mallam M.K Amir of the Yankari express Bauchi for ensuring that I got hitch-free interviews. Also my special thanks to the Wakilin Tarihin Bauchi (The Custodian of the History of Bauchi) who made sure I read the right books and met the right people.

May Allah bless all of you.

I also appreciate the love, encouragements and prayers from my siblings; Firstly, my eldest sister Honourable Maryam Garba Bagel for supporting me throughout the entire program. Secondly, my sistersAmina, Sa‟adiya, Rukaiya, Latifat, Hassana,

Aishatu, Takiya and Hanifa Bagel.Also my brothers, Ibrahim, Aliyu, Abdul-Kadir,

Ridwan, Jamil, Abul-Muhyi, Usman, Abdulrashid and Sadik Bagel.May God continue to be with you and may you live long to reap the blessings of your sweat in multiples.

I shall not forget my sons, Muhammad Rabiu Abdilaziz, Muhammad B. Ahmed,

Amir, Sadik and Faik Audi, for loving me and giving me more reasons to succeed and excel. I love you boys.

Finally, I must express my best regard and gratitude to the management of Bauchi

State University under the administration of Prof Izuddin for granting me the opportunity to pursue the PhD and also for the financial support. Special regards also to Mallam Ubayo Juji, the Registrar of the University. I wouldn‟t dare forget to extend my gratitude to colleagues and all members of staff of the Department of

Languages and Linguistics and Faculty of Arts and Education, especially Mallam

Jamilu Abdullahi who despite being far away in Malaysia, was of immense help to me whenever I was in need, the head of Department, Mallam Abdulmumini Isa and the

Dean Dr Sadiya Abubakar.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION...... ii

DEDICATION...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vii

LIST OF TABLES ...... xv

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xix

OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS ...... xxi

ABBREVIATIONS AND ACCRONYMS ...... xxiv

ABSTRACT ...... xxv

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1

INTRODUCTION...... 1

1.1 Background to the Study ...... 1

1.2 The Sokoto Caliphate ...... 5

1.2.1 The Status of the Hausa Language in the Sokoto Caliphate ...... 8

1.3 The Spread of Hausa Language to the Non Speaking Hausa

Territories of the Northern Nigeria ...... 10

1.4 The Status of the Hausa Language during the Colonial periods ...... 12

1.5 Bauchi State of Northern Nigeria ...... 15

1.5.1 The Background of the Gera people and their Language ...... 18

1.5.2 The Gera Language ...... 18

1.5.3 The Origin of Gera people ...... 19

1.5.4 The Gera People and Language and Identity ...... 22

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1.5.5 Contact between Bauchi and the Hausaland, and its Consequences . 24

1.6 Statement of the problem ...... 28

1.7 Research Objectives ...... 29

1.8 Research Questions ...... 29

1.9 Research Assumptions ...... 29

1.10 Justification and Significance of the study ...... 30

1.11 Scope and Limitations of the Study ...... 32

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 33

2.1 Introduction ...... 33

2.1 Language Endangerment ...... 33

2.1.3 Factors and Causes of Language Endangerment ...... 38

2.2 Global studies on Language Endangerment ...... 41

2.3 Studies on Language Endangerment in Africa ...... 45

2.4 Studies on Language Endangerment in Nigeria...... 48

2.4.1 Endangered Languages in Bauchi State ...... 55

2.5 Theoretical Framework ...... 56

2.5.1 Hans JurgenSasse (1992) Theory of Language Death ...... 57

2.5.2 H. Giles and P. Johnson (1987) Ethnolinguistic Identity Theory ...... 60

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 64

3.3 Site of the Study ...... 66

3.3 Target Population ...... 66

3.4 Sampling Techniques and Sampling Size ...... 67

3.5 Research Instruments...... 68

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3.6 Data Collection procedures ...... 69

3.6.1 Interviews:...... 70

3.6.3 Language use and Attitude Questionnaire(LUAC) ...... 72

3.6.4 Informant-Aided Participant Observation ...... 72

3.7 Data Analysis, Interpretation and Presentation ...... 74

3.8 Ethical Considerations ...... 74

CHAPTER FOUR: THE LEVEL OF THE ENDANGERMENT

OF THE GERA LANGUAGE ...... 76

4.1 Introduction ...... 76

4.2 Investigating the Level of the Endangerment of the Gera ...... 78

4.2.1 Respondents Bio-data ...... 78

4.3.1.1 Age ...... 79

4.3.1.2 Gender ...... 80

4.3.1.3 Class/Form ...... 81

4.3.1.4 Respondents Locality ...... 82

4.3.1.5 Religion ...... 84

4.2.2 Respondents personal Linguistic Data ...... 86

4.2.2.1 Respondents First Language ...... 86

4.2.2.2 Respondents Linguistic Repertoire ...... 89

4.2.3 Language Use Pattern ...... 90

4.2.3.1 Home Languages ...... 90

4.2.3.4 Language used with the Siblings ...... 95

4.2.3.5 Language Used with Spouses ...... 97

4.2.3.6 Language Used When speaking to Children ...... 99

4.2.3.7 Language Used with Age-mates and Friends (in per cent) ...... 100

4.2.3.8 Language Used by the Respondents at School/Work ...... 102

4.2.3.9 Language Used by the respondents at market...... 104

4.2.3.10 Language Used by the respondents at other Places...... 104

4.2.4 Respondents Language Attitude ...... 105

4.2.4.1 Respondents opinions regarding the statement

“Gera Should be taught to children” ...... 106

4.2.4.2 Respondents Opinion Regarding the Statement “Hausa is more

important to a Gera than Gera”...... 107

4.2.4.3 Respondents Opinion Regarding the Statement “ The loss of Gera

language would be a great calamity to the Gera people” ...... 109

4.3.5 Conclusion ...... 110

CHAPTER FIVE: THE DEMOGHRAPHIC VARIABLES

ASSOCIATED WITH THE ENDANGERMENT ...... 113

5.1 Introduction ...... 113

5.2. Age ...... 113

5.2.1 Language Situation of the Respondents according to Age

(in per cent) ...... 114

5.2.1.1 Languages spoken by the respondents according to age ...... 115

5.2.1.2 Language Repertoire according to age ...... 116

5.2.1.3 First Language of the Respondents ...... 117

5.2.1.2 Language Used By the Adult Respondents to Speak to Children 117

5.2.2 Gender ...... 118

5.2.2.1 Language Use According to Gender ...... 119

5.2.3 Level of Education ...... 120

5.3.2.2 Languages Spoken by the Respondents

According to the level of Education ...... 122

5.2.3.3 Languages Spoken by the Respondents according

to their Level of Education (Adults) ...... 123

5.2.3.4 Respondents Level of Education According to Gender ...... 123

5.2.4 Place of Residence ...... 124

5.2.4.1 Languages Spoken by the Respondents According

to their Place of Residence...... 124

5.2.5 Conclusion ...... 125

CHAPTER SIX: THE IMPACT OF THE SHIFT ON THE

STRUCTURE OF THE GERA ...... 128

6.1 Introduction ...... 128

6.2 On genetic Relationship Between Hausa and Gera ...... 130

6.3 The Structure of the Hausa Language ...... 130

6.3.1 Phonology ...... 130

6.3.1.1 The Syllable structure of both Hausa and Gera ...... 131

6.3.1.2: The Consonants of Gera and Hausa ...... 132

6.3.1.3 The Vowels of Both Gera and Hausa ...... 136

6.3.1.4 Tones in Gera and Hausa ...... 138

6.3.2 Script and orthography ...... 140

6.3.2.1 Arabic Alphabets for Hausa Ajami ...... 140

6.3.2.2 Latin alphabets (Boko) for Hausa and Gera Scripts ...... 143

6.3.3 Morphology: ...... 146

6.3.3.1 Gender in Gera and Hausa ...... 146

6.3.3.2 Numbers in Hausa ...... 147

6.3.3.3 Numbers ...... 148

6.3.3.4Hausa and Gera pronouns ...... 150

6.3.3.5 Demonstrative: ...... 155

6.3.4 Conclusion ...... 156

6.3.5 Syntax ...... 157

6.3.5.1The rules in both Hausa and Gera sentence structure ...... 157

6.3.5.2 Possession in Hausa and Gera...... 158

6.3.5.3 Articles in Hausa and Gera ...... 158

6.3.6 Lexicon ...... 159

6.3.6.1 Basic vocabulary ...... 160

6.4 Adaptation of Hausa Sounds in Gera Language ...... 162

6.4.1 Hausa Loan Words in Gera ...... 162

6.4.1.1 Vocabulary Items Related to Marriage ...... 163

6.4.1.2 Vocabulary Items Relating to Naming Ceremony ...... 164

6.4.1.3 Vocabulary Items Related to Circumcision ...... 164

6.4.1.4 Vocabulary Items Related to Religion ...... 164

6.4.1.5 Vocabularies Related to other social issues ...... 165

6.4.2 Morphotactical Adjustments on the Borrowed words ...... 165

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6.4.2.1 Substitution ...... 166

6.4.2.2 Accommodation ...... 168

6.4.2.3 Code Switching and Code Mixing ...... 169

6.4.2.4 Code switching in Gera Speech ...... 170

6.4.2.5 Code Switching ...... 170

6.5 Conclusion ...... 171

CHAPTER SEVEN: THE GERA LANGUAGE IN DEFINING

THE GERA IDENTITY ...... 173

7.1 Introduction ...... 173

7.2.1 Gera Culture and Identity...... 173

7.2.2 Gera Non Material Culture and Gera Identity ...... 174

7.2.2.1 Gera Traditional Belief and Rituals ...... 174

7.2.2.2 Rain Prayer and other Prayers according to Gera tradition ...... 186

7.2.2.3 Marriage Ceremony in Gera Tradition ...... 188

7.2.2.4 Childbirth Rites and Ceremonies in Gera Tradition ...... 190

7.2.2.5 Circumcision in Gera Tradition ...... 192

7.2.2.6 Death and Burial Ceremony in Gera Tradition ...... 193

7.2.3 Gera Material Culture in Relation to Gera Identity ...... 194

7.3 Quantitative Data on Gera Language and Identity ...... 201

7.3.1 How the Respondents Identifies a Gera Person ...... 202

7.3.1.1 How the Respondents Identifies a Gera, According to Age: ...... 203

7.3.1.2 The Respondent‟s opinion about how they identify a Gera person,

According to Gender...... 203

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7.3.1.3 Respondent‟s opinion about how they identify a

Gera Person, According to their Residence...... 204

7.4 Conclusion ...... 205

CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION ...... 206

8.1 Conclusion ...... 206

8.2 Recommendation ...... 208

8.2.1 Revitalization and Preservation Efforts ...... 208

8.2.1 Revitalization through Immersion ...... 209

8.2.2 Documentation ...... 211

8.2.3 Other Recommendations ...... 212

REFERENCES ...... 218

APPENDICES ...... 228

APPENDIX I ...... 228

Appendix II: Maps ...... 246

APPENDIX III: LANGUAGE USE AND ATTITUDEQUESSAINNAIRE

(LUAQ) FOR STUDENTS) ...... 249

APPENDIX VI: LANGUAGE USE AND ATTITUDE QUESTIONNAIRE

(LUAQ) FOR ADULTS ...... 251

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Showing the Languages of Bauchi State ...... 16

Table 2: Sample of Endangered Languages in Some Nigerian States ...... 49

Table 3: Some of the Endangered and Extinct Languages of Bauchi State ...... 56

Table 4: Respondents Age (in per cent) ...... 79

Table 5: Respondents Gender (in per cent) ...... 80

Table 6: Class/Form of the Respondents school children (in per cent) ...... 82

Table 7: Respondents Locality...... 83

Table 8: Respondents Religion ...... 85

Table 9: Respondents First Language (in per Cent) ...... 86

Table 10: Showing the First Language of the Respondents ...... 88

Table 11: Respondents Linguistic Repertoire (in per cent) ...... 89

Table 12: Respondents Language when speaking to the Father ...... 91

Table 13: The Respondents Language When talking to the Mother ...... 92

Table 14: Language of the Respondents while talking to the Mother/Father Gilliri (in per cent) ...... 93

Table 15: Language of the respondent speaking to the mother/father- Dabe (in percent) ...... 93

Table 16: Language of the respondent speaking to the mother/father-Kangere (in per cent)...... 94

Table 17: Language of the respondent when speaking to mother/father-Tirwun (in per cent)...... 94

Table 18: Language of the respondents when speaking the mother/father-Bauchi (in per cent) ...... 95

Table 19: Respondents Languages used with Siblings ...... 95

Table 20: Language of the respondents when speaking with siblings ...... 96

Table 21: Language of the adult respondents when speaking with spouses (in per cent)

...... 97

Table 22: Language Use by the Respondents when talking to the Spouse ...... 98

Table 23: Language Used with children by the respondents ...... 99

Table 24: Language of the respondents when speaking with children (adults) (in per cent)...... 100

Table 25: Language used with friends and Age-mates ...... 100

Table 26: Language of the respondents when speaking with age-mates and friends (in per cent) ...... 101

Table 29: Language used by the Respondents at Home ...... 102

Table 30: Language Used by the respondents at school/work (in per cent) ...... 103

Table 31: Language used by respondents at market (in per cent) ...... 104

Table 32: Language Used by the respondents at other places (in per cent) ...... 105

Table 33: Respondents opinions regarding the statement “Gera should be taught to children” (in per cent) ...... 106

Table 34: Respondents responses to the statement “Hausa is more important than Gera to a Gera” (in per cent)...... 108

Table 35: Respondents opinion to the statement “The loss of Gera language would be a great calamity to the Gera people” ...... 109

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Table 37: Languages spoken by the Respondents according to age (in per cent) ..... 116

Table 38: The Respondents linguistic repertoire according to age (in per cent) ...... 116

Table 39: The respondents first language according to age ...... 117

Table 40: Respondents Language used With Children (in per cent) ...... 117

Table 41: Languages Spoken by the Respondents according to Gender ...... 118

Table 42: Languages spoken by the respondents according to gender (in per cent) . 120

Table 43: Level of education of the respondents according to age (children) ( in per cent)...... 120

Table 44: The level of education of the respondents according to age (adults) (in per cent)...... 121

Table 45: Languages spoken by the respondents according to their level of education

(School children) (in per cent) ...... 123

Table 46: Languages spoken by the respondents viz-a-viz their level of education

(adults) (in per cent) ...... 123

Table 47: Respondents level of education viz-aviz their gender (Children) (in per cent)...... 124

Table 48: Languages spoken by the respondents according to their place of residence

(in per cent) ...... 124

Table 49: Consonant Chart of Hausa ...... 132

Table 50: The Gera Consonant Chart ...... 133

Table 51: Vocabulary Items Relating to Marriage ...... 163

Table 52: Vocabulary Items Relating to Naming Ceremony ...... 164

Table 53: Vocabulary Items Relating to Circumcision ...... 164

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Table 54: Vocabulary Items Related to Religion ...... 164

Table 55: Vocabulary Items Related to other Social Issues ...... 165

Table 56: Morphotactical Adjustment of Borrowed Words ...... 166

Table 57: Showing Code mixing in Gera speech...... 170

Table 58: Showing Code Switching in Gera...... 170

Table 59: Respondents Opinion How they identify a Gera Person (According to Age)

...... 203

Table 60: Respondents opinion about how they identify a Gera (According to Gender)

...... 204

Table 61: Respondents opinion about how they identify a Gera (According to

Residency)...... 204

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Showing the migration route of the Gera (The Gera Culture, 2000) ...... 22

Figure 2: Dadi‟s 3 pots inside his cave at Gilliri (The Gera Culture, 2000) ...... 23

Figure 3: Dadi‟s large prayer stones inside his mosque (The Gera Culture, 2000) ..... 23

Figure 4: Respondents locality...... 83

Figure 5: Respondents Religion ...... 85

Figure 6: Showing the First Language of the Respondents ...... 88

Figure 7: Language use by the Respondents when speaking to the Father ...... 91

Figure 8: Language of the Respondents while Talking to the Mother ...... 92

Figure 9: Respondents Language while talking with Siblings...... 96

Figure 10: Languages Used by the Respondents when talking to the Spouse ...... 98

Figure 11: Language Spoken with Children ...... 99

Figure 12: Language Spoken with Friends and Age Mates ...... 101

Figure 14: Language used at School/Work ...... 103

Figure 15: Respondents Opinion Regarding Statement no.1 ...... 107

Figure 16: Respondents Opinion Regarding Statement no.2 ...... 108

Figure 17: Respondents opinion regarding statement no.3 ...... 109

Figure 18: Respondents Gender ...... 119

Figure 19: Respondents Level of Education (Children) ...... 121

Figure 20: Respondents Level of Education (Adults)...... 122

Figure 21: Showing the Kalim Gwandimi (Dodon zaure) spinning in his Alkashafa

...... 177

Figure 22: Dodon Gere/Zaure displaying his acrobatics on the roof ...... 178

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Figure 23: Showing Jijaura in his face mask and head gear ...... 179

Figure 24: Jijaura dances with women...... 179

Figure 25: A group of Gera men blowing their horns during the Dingisau dance .... 180

Figure 26: Gera women dancing Gada during Dingisau ...... 181

Figure 27: The Jan wake Masquerades (They are always two) ...... 182

Figure 28: The face-mask of the Janwake Masquerade ...... 183

Figure 29: The head gear (Goto) of the Janwake Masquerade ...... 183

Figure 30: The Jara dance ...... 185

Figure 31: Siyi dancers ...... 186

Figure 32: A house in a typical Gera village ...... 197

Figure 33: A Gera farmer working on his farm ...... 198

Figure 34: Part of the food item eaten by the Gera ...... 200

Figure 35: A Gera male and two females dressed in Hausa clothes ...... 200

OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

Ajami: anorthographic system in which Arabic scripts are used to write Hausa and

other Nigerian languages.

Alkashafa: a gown-like dress worn by a Gera masquerade for a performance. When it

dances in it and turns round and round, the gown flips and turns to the

excitement of the audiences.

Banza-Bakwai: the Hausa states that came to existence through Bayajidda‟s

concubine Bagwariya. i.e: Kebbi, Zamfara, Yauri, Gwari, Kwararrafa, Nupe

and Ilorin.

Chadic: a branch of Languages under the Afro-asiatic Language phylum

Dodo: a Hausa name for a Masquerade

Endangered Languages: languages that are the risk of becoming dead.

First Language: the first language acquired by an individual or mother-tongue.

Gera: a Chadic language spoken by some of the inhabitants of Bauchi and Ganjuwa

Local Government Areas. The speakers are also known as Gera, Gere or

Gerawa.

Goto: a kind of a headdress worn by a Gera Dodo or masquerade.

Hausa: the main language spoken Northern Nigeria and Niger, and a leading

language in West Africa.

Hausa Bakwai: the original seven Hausa States which are: Kano, Katsina, Gobir,

Rano, Zaria, Daura and Biram.

Hausaists/ Hausawa/Hausas: speakers of Hausa language and also theHausa people.

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Immersion: a method used in bilingual language education in which two languages

are used for training in a variety of topics.

Kalim: Gera term for a masquerade

Kpa: traditional Gera deity

Language Death: a process where a language is left with no remaining speakers. The

speakers have either died or shifted to speaking another language.

Language Domain: places where language is used. For example at home, school,

work and other places.

Language Endangerment: when a language is about to die due to neglect or

abandonment by its speakers.

Language Maintenance: a situation in which a group of people retain the use of

their language in some or all areas in spite of competition from a more

powerful leading language.

Language Policy and Planning: any conscious attempt to pressure the function,

arrangement or attainment of languages or language variety within a group of

people

Language Revitalization: an attempt at reversing language shift and it is also called

Language Revival

Language Preservation: an attempt to stop a language from becoming extinct.

Language Shift: the gradual process where a speech community abandons their

language in favour of a more prestigious one.

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Minority Languages: languages that are being spoken by a small number of speakers

and are usually dominated socially, economically, politically or

demographically by other languages.

Minority Speakers: the speakers of minority languages.

Mother Tongue: the language spoken by the parents of the speakers and also people

of the area, which is usually the first language learned.

Obsolescence: when something becomes no longer in use or needed which will lead

to it been discarded.

Safe Languages: languages that are considered free from the threat of extinction.

Second language: also known as (L2) is the language that is not native to the speaker,

but used in the locale of the speaker.

Speech Community: a group of people living together and speaking the same

language.

Zabiya: a female lead singer

Zana:a woven straw

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ABBREVIATIONS AND ACCRONYMS

BATV BauchiTelevision

BBC British Broadcasting Corporation

BRC BauchiRadioCorporation

ELIT Ethnolinguistic Idioentity Theory

GLOBACOM Global Communication

FRCN Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria

JAMB Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board

KANNYWOOD Hausa Film Industry

LB Literature Bureau

LAN Linguistics Association of Nigeria

LUAC Language use and attitude Questionnaire

MRD Mixed Research Design

MTN Mobile Telecommunication Network

NA Native Authority

NBC Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation

NECO Nigerian Examination Council Organization

NORLA Northern Literary Agency

SPSSStatistical Package for Social Sciences

TB Translation Bureau

UNESCO United Nation Social and Cultural Organization

VOA Voice of America

WAEC West African Examination Council

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ABSTRACT

This study investigated the endangerment of Gera language. It investigated the level of the endangerment of Gera language; the demographic variables associated with the endangerment, the impact of the shift on the structure of Gera language, and endeavored to find out if the Gera language is useful in defining the Gera identity. This was achieved through the use of two theoretical approaches: Sasse‟s Theory of Language Death and Gile‟s Ethno-linguistic Identity Theory (ELIT). The research adopted the descriptive research design in which the data was obtained and analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively.The sampling procedures adopted were the Stratified Random Sampling, Purposive Sampling and Snowball Sampling. The data collection procedures included interviews, focus group discussion, language use and attitude questionaire (LUAQ), Informant-Aided Participant Observation and Secondary data. The data was collected from five Gera settlements; namely Gilliri, Dabe, Tirwun Kangere and an area within Bauchi town which was mainly populated by Gera. The quantitative data was analyzed by using frequencies of the languages used in domains, patterns of language use, while the qualitative data from the interviews and the observation was grouped into themes which was formulated in accordance with the objectives of the study. The thesis has four analysis chapters: Chapter four identifies the level of endangerment of the Gera language; Chapter five investigated the demographic variables associated with the endangerment; Chapter six examined the impact of the shift on the structure of the Gera language; and Chapter seven endeavored to find out if the Gera language is useful in defining the Gera Identity. Theories adopted in the study were used to interpret the results. From the analysis, the study notes that only older respondents who are above 40 years can speak the Gera language. Also, that there are more male than female Gera speakers. It was also noted that those with little or no formal education and those residing in rural areas have the highest number of Gera speakers, compared to well educated people and those residing in urban areas. Also noted is that the Gera language borrowed heavily from Hausa, and a lot of code-switching and code mixing happens during speech by the Gera speakers. There is also a mophotactical adjustment of the borrowed words, and also the substitution of some Gera words for some Hausa words in speech.Finally the study observes that despite the dwindling of the number of the Gera speakers to a small number due to the shift to Hausa, Gera language remains the only way of identifying a Gera. Chapter seven presents the summary of findings, conclusions and recommendations for further studies.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

This research focused on the endangerment of the Gera language, a Chadic language found only in Bauchi and Ganjuwa Local Governments of Bauchi State in Northern

Nigeria by the Hausa language,also a Chadic and one of the languages with large number of speakers in Africa. The focus of this chapter is the History of the Hausa people, the language, and the factors that made it powerful enough to be a threat to other minority languages like the Gera. The research also looked into the History of the Gera people and their language and their first contact with the Hausa people and its consequences. Lastly we looked into the background on language endangerment, language death and language revitalization in relation to the minority languages of the

Northern Nigeria and the Gera language in particular.

1.2 Tradition of Origin of the Hausa people

According to legend, Hausa people originated throughan Arabian prince called Abu

Yazid who was later known as Bayajida, meaning „he who doesn‟t hear (understand

Hausa) before,‟ because he couldn‟t understand Hausa when he first arrived. He was said to have migrated from Baghdad following a feud with his brothers. He first settled in Borno where he married the princes called Magira. Bayajidda had to flee

Borno again following a threat to his life, because the king envied his growing popularity. He fled with his pregnant wife to Garun Gabas where she delivered a son,

Biram. He left his wife and child at Garun Gabas and proceeded to Gaya, where he

met some blacksmiths who made him a knife. From there he travelled toDaura and lodged in the house of an old woman named Ayyana. She told him about their predicament of scarcity of water because of a snake that guards the only well in the town and allows them water only on Fridays. Bayajida was able to kill the snake, which resulted in him gaining the queen Daurama‟s heart and hand in marriage.

Through their union, they had 7 sons who went ahead to establish the 7 original Hausa

States named: Kano, Katsina, Rano, Daura, Biram, Zaria and Gobir. Those states are still known as the „Hausa Bakwai‟ (original 7 Hausa states).The banza bakwai (seven bogus/bastard states) were said to have been founded by the children of Bayajidda‟s slave maid Bagwariya. They are: Kebbi, Zamfara, Yauri, Gwari, Kwararrafa, Nupe and Ilorin.(Lange,2012)

Another opinion about the Origin of the word Hausa and of the Hausa people is from

(Maitama, in Yahya,2016)that the origin of both the word Hausa and the Hausa people is from the word Habasha (Ethiopia), meaning that the Hausa people originated from Ethiopia, and the Hausa word was originally Habasha, which changed to Hausa because of the assimilation usually found in Hausa where the /b/ sound can change to /u/ in some cases. For example:

/b/ [u] Abduga auduga Gwabro gwauro Kwabri kwauri Sabka Sauka Tabshi Taushi

(Zarruk et al, in Yahya 2016)

Similarly, (Kano, in Yahya, 2016), shared the same sentiment with Maitama Sule about the Habasha (Ethiopia) being the origin of the Hausa word and people. This view is known as the Habasha opinion, (Ibrahim, 1982, p. 1-2.Adamu, 1997, p. 19.

Sarki,2000, p. 12. Hassan, 2008, p. 80. Imam, 2009, p. 6. in Yahya, 2016).

According to this viewpoint, the Hausas who originated from Habasha (Ethiopia) were members of a Royal family. They were called Maguzza meaning, royalty. They left their home around 12th century, because they weren‟t chosen as rulers, and travelled towards the edge of North Africa, through the Sahara desert and established the Hausa land. Gradually, the word Maguzza (Royalty) was changed to maguzawa.

Those are the Maguzawa found in Gayya, Dala, Rano, Fanisau and other places.

According to this perspective, those Maguzawa were the origin of the Hausa people and their language.

According to (Maitama, in Yahya 2016), those first Hausa people, Ethiopian or

Maguzawa, who migrated from Ethiopia, traveled through the Sudan. From Sudan there is a road through Tripoli in Libya and through Agadez in Niger Republic, where they first settled. According to him, some ruins of the first settlements still exist in

Agadez. He in additionsaid that after some time, there was a great sandstorm named

Gobara that came and destroyed the settlement, forcing the settlers to migrate further.

They divided themselves into two groups, and the first group went towards the west- north, Sokoto. They named themselves after the sandstorm that drove them away, from there the name Gobirawa was found.

The second group travelled towards the West, towards Damagaram with their leader named Gayya, until they reached Gaya where they settled, and named the place Gaya, after their leader Gayya. So according to this view, there were two pioneer Hausa group of settlers; The Gobirawa and the Damagarawa. Therefore, according to this opinion every Hausa man originated from either a Bagobiri or a Bagayye. He said, it was people from Gaya who came and established Kano. Kano was originally a name of a blacksmith, who used to make hunting weapons.

Kano (as in Yahya 2016), also mentioned the example of dressing as a strong evidence of Hausa-Ethiopian origin, saying that traditionally the Hausa man used a piece of cloth or gwado as a dress, and the Ethiopians still use the same. He also cited religion as another evidence of the Hausa people origin from Ethiopia, saying that both the Ethiopians and the Hausas used to view the sun as a supreme being. He used an ancient song as evidence that there was a time when the Hausa people used to worship the sun. The song used to be sung by little children and it goes like this:

Rana-rana bude-bude, In yanka miki ragon baba, Ki sha jini shar-shar-shar.

Shine, Shine! oh sun! So I can sacrifice a special ram for you, So you can drink the oozing blood

(Maitama in Yahya 2016), also supported his claims with the similarities in the physical structures of the Hausa and the Ethiopians, and similarities in some vocabularies of both Hausa and Amharic, which is the language of the Ethiopians.

For example: Amharic Hausa Gloss

Habasha Hausa Ethiopian Damina Damina Rainy Season Zug-zug Zuga-zugi Blacksmith Habsha Hausawa Ethiopians Royalty Maguzza Maguzawa (Yahya, 2016)

This is the opinion (of Maitama, 1974). about the origin of the Hausa people, supported by four evidences according to him, which includes some vocabularies, physical attributes, religion and dress.

1.2 The Sokoto Caliphate

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, an enigmatic Islamic leader of Fulani background named Usman Dan Fodio, who lived in the Hausa state of Gobir, began a religious movement in the region. He preached the need for more unadulterated form of Islam to the Fulani and the poorer Hausa. Although the leaders of Gobir initially supported him, they soon felt threatened and tried to have Dan Fodio assassinated.

The attempt failed, and Dan Fodio declared a jihad against the Hausa state. Supported in the holy war by masses of unhappy Fulani and poor Hausa, Dan Fodio‟s “Fulani

Jihad” first overwhelmed Gobir, and then the rest of the Hausa city-states. This was the beginning of the Sokoto Caliphate, called such because Dan Fodio made his capital at the city of Sokoto. The Hausa aristocracy was replaced by a Fulani aristocracy, but these new rulers quickly adopted much of Hausa culture, most importantly the language. In some places, such as Kano, they began speaking the

Hausa language instead of their native Fulani language. The Hausa and Fulani mixed freely, and today the ethnic group is generally termed the “Hausa-Fulani”, though they mostly communicate in the Hausa language. Under the Sokoto Caliphate, the region was mostly converted to Islam on a massive scale. The empire, ruled by theocratic caliphs at Sokoto, expanded throughout the nineteenth century. The rule of the Sokoto Caliphate lasted for about a century, until the British colonizers took over the region in the early twentieth century.

After the battle of Tabkin Kwatoin 1804, which signified the beginning of the jihad, flag-bearers of the shehu invaded Zazzau in 1805. When the Sarkin Zazzau‟s son and heir, Makau, was surprised by the reformers on his way to a ceremonial prayer ground outside the city walls, he was forced to flee and the city of Zaria fell without a struggle. In 1806, after Kebbi and Zamfara had been subdued in the west, Bello proceeded to Katsina to reinforce the shehu‟s supporters there. A combined force of

Fulani, Zamfarawa, and Kanawa defeated the forces of the Sarkin Katsina at

Dankama. By 1807, the great city of Kano had also been captured. With the Kano,

Zazzau, Katsina, Kebbi, and Zamfara firmly in the hands of the reformers, Gobir was completely surrounded. In 1808, Bello captured Alkalawa and Sarkin Gobir Yunfa was slain with all of his followers by his side.

With the fall of Gobir all of the Hausa states had become emirates of the caliphate, which was ultimately headquartered at Sokoto. However, other emirates had also been created: in the north, Ahir and Adar; in the south, Yauri, Gombe, Adamawa, and

Bauchi; in the west, Gurma; and in the east (in areas formerly controlled by Bornu),

Hadejia and Katagum. Subsequently, when Bello became Amirul muminun

(commander of the faithful) upon the death of the shehu in 1817, the empire was divided, with Yauri and Gurma, in addition to most of Kebbi and its former provinces, becoming Abdullah‟s western sultanate of Gwandu. The bulk of the empire fell toBello; his eastern sultanate included the former states of Gobir and Zamfara, which along with parts of Kebbi had been merged to form the metropolitan sultanate of Sokoto, as well as Kano, Katsina, Zazzau, Bauchi, Adamawa, Daura, Hadejia, and

Ahir.

During this early period of expansion, the emirates of the newly formed Sokoto caliphate were relatively autonomous. Polytheism persisted among the peasantry, and there were also non-Muslim enclaves that were not subjugated within the caliphate‟s borders. Nevertheless, this vast empire, which stretched from Bornu in the east to

Songhai in the west, united all of the Hausa states for the first time in their history, replacing their individual indigenous religious underpinnings with a common Islamic superstructure, and making Hausa the official language of the empire.At its peak, the caliphate controlled about 30 different emirates.

After 1804 the political scene in Hausa-land changed completely and radically.Between 1804 and 1810, all the Hausa states were overrun by the forces of the Sokoto

Jihad led largely by the Fulani people. Only three managed to survive, and they did so with major bruises: Kebbi, Katsina, Daura and Zazzau lost their capitals andmore than half their pre-1804 territories, but because their ruling houses remained intactand the

capitals transferred (Kebbi to Argungu, Katsina to Maradi, and Zazzauto Abuja).

Within a decade of the launching of the Sokoto Jihad, Hausa-land for the first time came under one political rule, centered at Sokoto. Equally significant, sovereignty over the Hausa government was no longer claimed by an outside power.” (Adamu,

1978, p.14)

1.2.1 The Status of the Hausa Language in the Sokoto Caliphate

The influence of the Hausa language can be said to have started since the 19th century jihad and the establishment of the Sokoto caliphate in 1804-9. The caliphate existed from 1804 and ended in 1903, when the British conquered the region.This makes the

Hausa language the most dominant language in the Sokoto caliphate. Hausa language was the official language of the Northern Nigeria long before the annexation of Lagos and the amalgamation of the Northern and southern protectorates.

The Sokoto jihad can be said to be the reason Hausa: the land, the language and the people became superior and laid the foundation for the present situation.First, it united the formerly disunited Hausa states. Second, and perhaps most significant, it made the

Hausa language the actual lingua franca of the caliphate which spans beyond the boundaries of the original Hausa states.The central administration which was mainly between Sokoto and Gwandu was conducted in the Hausa language. All the other states under the caliphate used Hausa as the language of administration.

Under the Sokoto Caliphate, Hausa together with the Arabic language were the language of administration. Even though, the Fulani had succeeded in establishing a government, and they rule all the emirates in the caliphate, excluding Bauchi which

was ruled by Yakubu a Gera, the Fulani could not impose their language on the people because majority of them were Hausa, therefore Hausa became the major language of communication within the caliphate. It was also the language of administration within the capital. Additionally it was used as a language of diplomacy and correspondence between the emirates.

Hausa was also the language of scholarship in the Sokoto caliphate.The sultan

Danfodiyo, his brother Abdullahi bin Fodiyo, his sons Muhammad Bello and Isa, and his daughter Nana Asma‟u bint Fodiyo all devoted their time to writing poetry, the holy Qur‟an, and chronicling histories. Manuscripts can still be found which provide a lot of crucial information. They wrote in Arabic, Fulfulde, and Tamacheq, and of course the Hausa language. Under the caliphate, many children were sent to Islamic teachers in the different parts of the caliphate. Those children used to come from different parts of the caliphate; Kano, Zaria, Ilorin, Nupeland, Bauchi, Gombe, Misau,

Jama‟are, and all other parts of the caliphate. They lived at their teacher‟s house mingling and learning with the other pupils till they graduate. The students used

Hausa language to communicate with each other and most of the time, Hausa language was the language used for teaching and learning.Even the Arabic script was

Hausanized during pronunciation in order to make it easier for the students to learn

Hausa words were used in naming the Arabic alphabets in order to simplify them. For example:

Gloss Arabic alphabets Arabic pronunciation Hausa pronunciation Alif Alu ﭐ A Ba‟un Ba ة B Dalun Dal د D Ha‟un Hakuri ح H Jimun jimmeda ج J Ta‟un Takuri ت T Nunun Nun meda ن N Mimun Min-jaye م M Lamun Lanjaye ل L Ka‟un Kaulasin ك K

A system of writing using the Arabic script to write Hausa known as Ajami had been developed before the jihad. Some Islamic scholars like Wali Dan Marina, Wali Dan

Masani, Muhammad na Birnin Gwari and Sidi dan Abdulrauf had used this system of writing to write poetries in the 17th and 18th centuries. But in 19th century this system of writing was employed by many intellectuals in the caliphate to write many things.Hausa was also able to attain the status of the language of commerce in the

Sokoto caliphate. The Merchants who frequent markets in Hausa-land used to come from different places within and outside the caliphate used Hausa to transact their businesses in the markets, same as the populace within the caliphate who also use

Hausa as a means of communication when transacting businesses. It was the language of communication in markets and other trade centers.

1.3 The Spread of Hausa Language to the Non Speaking Hausa Territories of the

Northern Nigeria

There is evidence as pointed by (Adamu, 1978), to prove that the Hausa language had alreadypreceded Islam to the areas of the northern Nigeria inhabited by non-Hausa speakers, or speakers of what are now termed as minority languages. There were

several factors that led to the spread of Hausa in such areas which included; war, trade, search for livelihood, quest for knowledge and migration.

These migrants whose intended destinations were to different parts of West Africa: like „Yan ci rani (Seasonal labor migrants) in Ghana according to(Rouchas cited in

Adamu 1978), The fatake caravan who end up as far as Dahomey, the soldiers of fortune who go to Lagos and Gold Coast and the pilgrims who pass through the Lake

Chad and The Sudan, but some of them had to settle at some places along the route and that was the origin of the existence of Hausa communities in non-Hausa speaking areas.

“It was mainly through voluntary settlements of individual migrants that the communities of Hausa immigrants (called Zango) grew up, consisting, as they did, of people with hardly any blood relationship, and united only two factors, their common desire to better themselves through their own professions and their membership of one cultural entity, the Hausa ethnic group.

In nearly all the Zangos, the immigrants tried to create the same type of society as obtained in Hausaland, and communicated with the local communities on administrative matters mainly through the Sarkin Hausawa, their liaison officer.

Indeed it is on this score that the moment a Hausa migrant settled down in a Zango he ceased to be a foreigner socially; most of the non-Hausa incomers who settled in

Hausa Zangos became Hausa‟s subsequently”. (Adamu, 1978, p. 16)

The next factor of the settlement of Hausa people and the spread of Hausa language in non-Hausa areas is the emirate system After the flag bearers have conquered some

territories and have established emirates outside the Hausa-land like Bauchi, Gombe,

Adamawa, Misau, Jama‟are and the rest, Hausa was used as language of administration in most of the emirates. There was also the influx of immigrant Islamic

Mallams from Hausa-land to such places. Those Islamic teachers later became Imams,

Judges and chiefs as in the case of Mallam Kasimu, Isa Dan Aishatu, Imam of

Katagum (Liman Katagum) and Mallam Goje in Bauchi. (Adamu, 1978, p.97).

Those mallams came with their people in large numbers and they taught the Qur‟an and other religious books to their pupils using the Hausa language, and others like

Mallam Kasimu‟s men under Alkali Nuruddeen, went on and established villages like

Dajin,Wanka, Bara, Ribangarmu,Sabon Garin Tullu, Kungas, Kafin Liman (Lamba),

Gokaru, Waba, Yola Doka, Habli and Nasarawa. While an Imam from Katagum established Liman Katagum, and lived there as village heads, farmers, traders, and craftsmen, while those villages became bridgeheads for the spread of the Islamic religion and also of the Hausa language and culture among the non- Muslim people of the area.

1.4 The Status of the Hausa Language during the Colonial periods

The colonialists came to Nigeria in the 1880‟s even though the missionaries and the explorers were there before them. Following the Berlin West African conference, the scramble and partition of Africa started and Lagos was bombarded and finally annexed in 1861, but they did not effectively occupy the Niger area until 1885. They crossed the river Niger in 1902 and Sokoto was finally conquered in 1903 making it the last kingdom to fall to the British.

Because Hausa was the language of wider communication between different ethnic groups of northern Nigeria because of the trade adventure (Philips, 2004). The British colonial government took the Hausa language to a new level when the Richard

Constitution recommended that Hausa be allowed to be the language of the parliament. It became the language of debate and deliberations in the chambers of the

Northern Parliament based in Kaduna. In 1954, the constitutional provision elevated

Hausa to the status of a regional language, second to English which remains the official language, (Danladi, 2013). This development made Hausa to reach places it could not reach during the Sokoto caliphate. Hausa language soon became relevant in places like the Tiv-land where only a little Hausa and the Tiv language was spoken before, Borno, where only Kanuri and some minority languages like Babur and

Gwoza were spoken, and Adamawa where more than 50 minority languages were spoken. This was all the outcome of the decision of the British to adopt Hausa language as the medium of the colonial administration.

Even though later on several attempts were made to introduce bilingualism in schools through some language policies of 1977, 1981, 1993, 1998, and 2004, they did not succeed in the north because by then Hausa had already established itself as an unrivaled Northern Regional language (Adegbija, 2008). The language became the language of administration in the Native Authority (NA), the language of education in the early stage of schooling and the language of trade in markets and other trade centers across the north. It was also the language of wider communication between the various ethnic groups of the north.

The British had also used publication as another means of elevating the Hausa language to a new level. The first play written in Nigeria was said to be in Hausa

(Turbar Turabulus) meaning „the road to Tripoli‟‟. It was a story told by a Hausa merchant Muhammad Agigi to a German traveller named Rudolph Frieze. The

German later adapted the story into a play in the 1880‟s.

The Northern colonial government established The Translation Bureau under the supervision of Hans Vischer known as Dan Hausa in the year 1929. The Bureau was tasked with translating existing literature from other languages especially Arabic and

English. Popular books like Robinson Crusoe, One thousand and one nights, Leo

Africanus and many others were translated under this Bureau.

In the year 1933 The Literature Bureau (Hukumar Fassara) headed by Rupert East was established. The aim of the Bureau was to help, mentor, and publish indigenous authors. The first writing competition was organized by R.M East that same year. He travelled to all the provinces in the Northern Nigeria, encouraging educated people to participate in the competition assuring them that the first 5 books will be published by the Literature Bureau. Surprisingly, the winners of the competition later on became very influential people in the north and the whole country. The first 5 winners were:

i. Ruwan Bagaja – Abubakar Imam. (The first editor to „Gaskiya ta fi kwabo‟

the first Newspaper of the Northern Nigeria.

ii. Gandoki- Bello Kagara. iii. Idon Matambayi – Muhammad M. Gwarzo. iv. Jiki Magayi – John Tafida and R.M East.

v. Shehu Umar – Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (First Nigerian prime Minister).

In 1954 Northern Literary Agency (NORLA) was established. They continued with the task of publications in Hausa. NORLA later became Gaskiya Corporation and the publication of Newspapers was added to its task.Other organizations like the Hausa

Language Board (Hukumar Hausa) was established by the British to streamline the development of the Hausa Language. Hausa language was also given a priority in the

Hausa language committee in London, where Hausa was promoted as a means of the unification of Northern Nigeria.(Yahya, 1968)

1.5 Bauchi State of Northern Nigeria

Upon creation in 1976, Bauchi State had six emirates and six chiefdoms. The initial emirates were; Bauchi, Gombe, Katagum, Ningi, Misau, Jama‟are, while the

Chiefdoms were; Kaltungo, Billiri, Dass, Cham, Waja, and Dadiye, but after the exit of Gombe from Bauchi in 1996, Dass chiefdom was elevated to the status of an emirate.

The state lies between the latitude of 9.3 and 12.3 North of the equator and longitude

8.5 and 11East of the Greenwich meridian. It is also bordered by seven states; Kano and Jigawa to the North, Taraba and Plateau to the South, Gombe and Yobe to the

East, and Kaduna to the west. It occupies a total land area of 549,259.01 sq kilometres, representing about 5.3 percent of the Landmass of Nigeria. The State spans between two vegetation zones namely the Sudan Savannah and the Sahel

Savannah. The State is endowed with large bodies of water, which facilitate agricultural and other productivity. It is also richly endowed with mineral resources

like Kaolin, granite, clay, gemstone, and large deposits of petroleum. Others are: gold, cassiterite (tin ore), columbite, gypsum, wolfram, coal, limestone, lignite, and iron ore. (Bauchi Diary, 2009).

The State has a projected population of 4,653,066 according to the 2006 national census. The state is made up of many ethnic groups. There are about 55 ethnic groups and about 60 languages found and spoken in Bauchi. The predominant ethnic groups are; Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, Gerawa, Sayawa, Jarawa, Bolawa, Kare-Kare, and

Warjawa but the others are very small and extremely endangered due to the strong influence of the Hausa. Ajawa, Gamo-Ningi, Kubi and Mawa are already extinct, while others like Lere, Shau and Ziriya are almost extinct. The languages found in the state according to their Local Government Areas are as shown in Table 1:

Table 1: Showing the Languages of Bauchi State Language Local Government Ajawa Ganjuwa Bada Tafawa Balewa Beele Alkaleri Bole Alkaleri, Darazo Bure Darazo Ciwogai Ganjuwa Daza Darazo Deno Darazo Diri Ningi and Darazo Duguri Alkaleri and Tafawa Balewa Daguza Toro Dulbu Bauchi Fulfulde All the LGA,s Galambu Bauchi Gamo-Ningi Ningi Geji Toro Gera Bauchi, Ganjuwa Geruma Toro, Ganjuwa, Bauchi, Ningi Giiwo Alkaleri, Bauchi, Darazo Gurumtun-Mbaaru Bauchi, Alkaleri

Gwa Toro Gyem Toro Hausa All LGA‟s Afizere Toro Jarawa Dass, Tafawa Balewa, Alkaleri, Toro Jere Toro Jimi Ganjuwa Ju Bauchi Kare-kare Gamawa, Misau, Damban Kariya Ganjuwa Kir Balar Bauchi Kona Alkaleri Kubi Ganjuwa Labir Bauchi, Alkaleri Lame Toro Lemoro Toro Lere Cluster Toro Luri Bauchi Mangas Bauchi Mawa Toro Mburku Darazo Miya Ganjuwa Pa‟a Ningi, Bauchi Polci Dass, Toro, Bauchi Sanga Toro Saya Tafawa Balewa, Bogoro, Dass Shall-Zwall Tafawa Balewa, Dass Shau Toro Shiki Bauchi Shuwa Zamani Toro Siri Ningi Tala Bauchi Tabshin Tafawa Balewa Vaghat-ya-Bijim-Legeri Tafawa Balewa Warji Ningi Zangwal Bauchi Zari Toro Zeem Toro Ziriya Toro Zul Toro Zumbun Ganjuwa (Bauchi Diary, 2009)

Over the years, and possibly due to the influence of the Hausa language and culture in the Bauchi area, the various ethnic groups in Bauchi have adopted Hausa culture and most of their speakers may have shifted to speaking the language.

1.5.1 The Background of the Gera people and their Language

The Gera people are found in Ganjuwa and Bauchi Local Government Areas of

Bauchi State in Northern Nigeria, and the Language they speak is Chadic Language also called Gera. According to (Yakubu, 1984, p. 5), the term Gera was originally a

Kanuri word, which means tie, or to tie. When the first immigrants from Borno, who are the ancestors of the founders of modern Bauchi, arrived to the Yuli valley, they spoke only Kanuri and since they were pastoralists, they usually used the word

„jere‟or „jere ngo‟ a lot, in reference to tying their cattle. Since the aboriginal Gerawa and Denawa they met couldn‟t understand what they were saying, they started referring to them as „Jere‟ or „Jerawa‟ which was later corrupted to Gerawa.

According to Glottolog 3.0, as of 1995 the Gera had population of 200,000 people.

1.5.2 The Gera Language

Gera Language which is also known as Geranci or Rawam is a West Chadic language, which belongs to Afro- Asiatic Language family. Though it doesn‟t have any other dialect, it is closely related to the Bole language, and had 200,000 speakers in 1995 according to (Glottolog 3.0, 2017). Languages related to the Gera language are Beele,

Bure, Daza, Deno, Galambi, Geruma, Giiwo, Kare-kare, Kubi, Ngamo, Maaka and

Pali.

1.5.3 The Origin of Gera people

The ancestors of the founders of the Bauchi emirate have always been considered as the original Gerawa in both the Gera oral tradition and some other past works.

According to this perception, there are three traditions relating to the origin of the ancestors of the Gera and the founders of Bauchi emirate. All three traditions talked about migration, migrants, and subsequent formation of a state, ignoring the tedious and complicated socio-political and economic processes involved in these formations and transformations. (Yakubu, 1984, p.5)

The version which states that the ancestors of the Gera migrated with large herds of cattle from Mandara in the Chad basin under the leadership of one legendary hero called Maidugu is the most widely acclaimed. The reason for the migration was the loss of a chieftaincy title, hence the migration to Harawuna, then to Fika where

Maidugu died and was succeeded by his son Sa‟idu, who was also later succeeded by his own son, Bayero who led the migrants into Gere-Gaba (also known as Ger

Danbu), in the Bauchi area. They later moved to Gilliri, then to Tirwun and eventually a descendant named Yakubu established Bauchi town.

The second tradition which was recorded by the Colonial Historian, Major Edgar in

1911, (Yakubu, 1984, p.5), also relates a westward migration from a nonspecified period and location in Borno under two legendary heroes Abdullahi and his brother,

Mallam Mamman. Being herdsmen, the cause of migration seems to be the search for good pasture and they arrived in Dutsen Yuli in modern Bauchi region and were

joined by a lot of their kinsmen where they settled among aboriginal Gerawa and

Denawa populations.

The third tradition which was also recorded by Edgar is that which ascribed the ancestry to Bukar, father of Baluwa, while Baluwa was the father of Dadi. It was said that Bukar migrated from Daya in Borno, because of their custom. According to the custom, when one was newly married, “the right of the first night” went to the eldest son of the chief. Bukar was said to have taken a vow not to allow that to happen to him whenever he got married. So on his wedding day he stabbed the chief‟s son to death when he went to claim his “customary rights”, and gathered his followers and their herds of cattle and they migrated westward towards modern Bauchi.

A general critical look at the three traditions would establish the following facts: The reference of Borno in all three traditions points the particular location of the Chad basin. It can also be inferred from the traditions that the ancestors of the migrants were more pastoral than sedentary back in the Chad basin, which was further corroborated by Abdullahi Smith when he observes that the pre- history of the Chad

Basin could be classified into two parts; East which was sedentary and the West, which was pastoral (Smith, 1987, p.158), these points suggests that this tradition can be proved.

But the issue of the migrants being the original Gera cannot be verified, since the migrants were said to have first settled in Yuli valley among Gerawa and Denawa aborigines. Yakubu (1984) supported this when he suggested that the reference to

Borno in all the three different traditions referring to the migration of the Gera spoke

of the Chad Basin which had started to shrink rapidly and even worse by the 16th century and later. Therefore, the Gera migrated westward for the search of better grazing land to Gere-gaba of Yuli valley where they first settled under the leader of the migration Maidugu.

According to (Yakubu, 1984), the term Gera or Gere was first used by the aboriginal people of the Bauchi area which the Gera met upon their migration. The migrants who were pastorals were said to come with a lot of cattle and were said to have used the kanuri word “jere” or “jere-ngo” a lot, which means “to tie” or “take and tie”

Therefore, the aborigines decided to call the migrants by the words they heard them use most, Jere which was soon to be corrupted to Gere. (Yakubu, 1984) also asserted that Wargazam language (The Geras claimed they belonged to the Wargazam tribe prior to the migration) plus Kanuri words, make-up „Geranchi‟ or the Gera language.

Therefore, when we look at the story of the migration of Gera critically, we will see that the migrants were not really Gera if they came all the way from Borno then they must have had a language and culture they brought with them. They must have met other people or tribes upon their arrival, therefore those migrants cannot be the origin of the Gera people, rather they are migrants who came and assimilated with the people they met, (most likely the original Gera), and eventually lost their original language and culture in the process, while adopting that of their hosts.(Yakubu, 1984, p.5).

A Bauchi prince and a Gera son, Mallam Suwaibidu, (The Gera Culture, 2000) said,

“When the Gera came and settled among the Denawa and other tribes they mingled

and intermarried among the other tribes. Gradually they lost their original language and formed another „mingled‟ language known as Geranci”. This proves that the migrants must have had their own culture and must have been speaking another language, most likely the Kanuri language when they came and met the aboriginal

Gera people and they later discarded their own language and culture and adopted that of the Gera and became assimilated.

1.5.4 The Gera People and Language and Identity

The Gera Language is a West-Chadic Language which belongs to the Afro-Asiatic

Language family. It is the language spoken by the Gera tribe of Bauchi State.

According to oral tradition, the Gera people migrated from Mandara or Ngazargamu in present Borno State with their cousins Denawa and Bolewa in 1500. They were led by their leader Madugu who was said to have left home due to a chieftaincy dispute.

They first settled in Harawul, and later at Fika, present day Yobe where he died

Figure 1: Showing the migration route of the Gera (The Gera Culture, 2000)

His son Sa‟idu assumed the leadership of the migrants and headed westward until they reached Gere-Gaba in present Bauchi area. From there the community moved to

Gidan Waya (Gilliri) under the leadership of Dadi who used to rear cattle and therefore moved from one place to another in search of a pasture.From there he became attracted to the Valleysof Yuli and chose to settle there.Dadi was reputed to bea giant and lived in a cave, and had 3 pots containing 33 pieces of stones which he used as a tasbaha or rosary after performing his prayers.

Figure 2: Dadi’s 3 pots inside his cave at Gilliri (The Gera Culture, 2000) He also built a mosque which has another set of 99 pieces of fairly large stones used for tasbaha after prayers. After about more than 500 years, those stones are still present, and are believed to have the power of returning to their original positions whenever anyone removes them. (The Gera Culture, 2000)

Figure 3: Dadi’s large prayer stones inside his mosque (The Gera Culture, 2000)

Years later Dadi settled in Tirwun and later became their chief. This marked the dawn of the humble leadership of the Gera people. It was Dadi‟s son Yakubu, who eventually founded Bauchi town. Originally, the place was named after a hunter called Baushe, who was the only occupant of the place. After his Qur‟anic education,

Yakubu followed his teacher Mallam Isiyaka to Sokoto and studied for 10 years under the Shehu Usman Danfodio. When Dadi died, Yakubu returned and demanded for only 2 things out of his father‟s possessions; a bow known as zabgai and the legendary 14 arrows known as Kare-dangi, which he used in the Jihad. After the jihad he was given a flag which was permission by the Shehu to launch his own Jihad. It was around that time that he made Bauchi his capital.

After the migration to Gera-Gaba in Yuli, the migrants settled in other settlements and founded many others like like; Wurgan, Shani, Zaga, Bauchi, Bauchi, Nasarawa,

Dabe, Gere, Gisha and the rest .The last Gera settlement west of the capital is Shani,

Zaga in the north, Kangere in the south, and Yaga in the East Many other Gera settlements were later established in the Bauchi and Ganjuwa area by the descendants of those migrants. (The Gera Culture, 2000)

1.5.5 Contact between Bauchi and the Hausaland, and its Consequences

Perhaps the most important of the external influences which affected the development of society in the Bauchi region from the middle of the 18th century to the period of the

Jihad was the influence of Hausaland. This influence was particularly felt in areas which afforded easy contacts between the two regions leading to the establishment of trading links, the settlement of immigrants and the acculturation of various peoples.

On the basis of available information, two main areas may be discerned as the principal sources from which the influence of Hausaland percolated into the Bauchi region: (a) Kano to the north. (b) Zaria to the north-west.

According to (Abubakar, cited in Adamu 1978), the evidence of early contactbetweenKano and theBauchiregions seemsto be reflected in the tradition of origin of such peoples as the Bombarawa of the Delimi valley, the Gezawa of Geji, and the Burmawa of Kanam. That such widely geographically and linguistically separated peoples should have a common tradition of origin from Kano seems to suggest the existence either of a commercial or a political connection with Kano.

A concrete evidence of political connection between Kano has not been established despite some claims by the traditions of the Jarawa of Bununu that the emir of Kano

Al-Wali once led an expedition to the environs of Bununu but turned back due to the overpowering population that he saw, and that of the Burmawa about their ancestor

Maki, who had to retreat further to the South of the Bauchi region for fear of being captured by the Kutumbawa contingent sent against him from Kano. But that of political relations with Zaria and some other parts of the region seems to have existed.

Consequently the conditions leading to the creation and development of the state of

Lere, which according to the oral tradition points clearly to the political involvement of the Hausa state of Zazzau.

Therefore, in the absence of concrete evidence of political association beyond the aforementioned, it may be inferred that the basis of relations between the Bauchi region and Hausaland was predominantly cultural. This inference is also borne out by

many traditions regarding the spread of Hausa elements in the region. Some are said to have come as refugees escaping the internal conflicts of their states, others, perhaps more numerous, are said to have come as hunters and traders.

Gobirawa hunters are said to have frequented the Yankari region in order to hunt elephants. Many Hausa traders were also to be found in areas such as Ganjuwa, Miri,

Lere, Lafia and Awe where politically centralized states existed and could guarantee security of life and property. These Hausa people often brought with them woven material, horses and swords which they exchanged with the products of the region such as salts, iron and slaves. Some of the Hausa people brought certain specialized skills into the region. As black-smiths they brought their techniques of iron working to the services of their overlords in the manufacture of military and Agricultural implements. Those among them, who were dyers, seemed to have imported the techniques of the dyeing industry into various parts of the region, and artisans to have introduced a new architectural fashion, and possibly the building of fortifications.

But the most significant role which the influence of Hausaland played in the Bauchi region prior to the 19th century is evident in the dominance of the Hausa language in many parts of the region. Not only did it appear to be the lingua franca of many important towns within the area like Ganjuwa, Miri, Lere, and recently, virtually all over the Bauchi emirate including Bauchi town itself, but it also seemed to have spread fairly widely among the Bombarawa, Denawa, Kubawa, Burmawa and the

Jukun salt-communities of the Benue valley. Part of the explanation for this is to be found in the long-distance trade and part in the settlement of several Hausa elements

in the region, the most important of such settler communities were those of Sabon-

Gari, Mara, Katsinawa, Polchi, etc.

It would be seen therefore that by the period of the jihad a considerable number of

Hausa elements existed in the Bauchi region. These seemed to have provided an additional support to the jihadists both for the purposes of recruitment and for the administration of the emirate. They also provided an essential medium of communication within the new political community which sprung up out of a diverse collection of various peoples. One of the effects of the jihad was thus to facilitate not only the development of a bureaucracy based on the Hausa model, but also the

Hasanization of the emirate, (Abubakar, as cited by Adamu 1978).

According to (Adamu, 1978, p. 94), “Bauchi provides a good illustration of the expansionistnature of the Hausa culture” Because in his words, this was a town established by non-Hausa people majority of non-Hausa origin but which developed on Hausa lines and whose inhabitants later became Hausa by assimilation.

Hausa being a fast spreading language soon became the only language used in Bauchi town. Because the town had become such a community of Hausa culture, there was no need to appoint a Sarkin Hausawa. This development came as a result of the continuous importation into the town of political, administrative and social ideas from

Hausaland, and also the ever-increasing presence of Hausa people in the town on a permanent basis and operating in all sectors of the society. The categories of such immigrants included warriors/administrators, scholars/mallams, traders, drummers and musicians. Some of these elements were enlisted by Yakubu himself from Hausa-

land when he first received the flag from the Shehu in 1805, and others came to

Bauchi when the town was established.

1.6 Statement of the problem

Nigeria as a whole is a multilingual country. Consequent to linguistic contact, the nature of Nigerian multilingualism is inherent in all the states of the Federation.

Bauchi is among the frontline states in terms of such linguistic heterogeneity. The state is feeling the effect of such sociolinguistic phenomenon which is language endangerment.

The Gera community has had a prolonged contact with the Hausa community. This contact has had a profound impact on the Gera language in that would be speakers of

Gera have systematically shifted to Hausa. The language has lost a significant number of domains to Hausa, English and Arabic. In a number of Gera homesteads, Gera is no longer used as the language of home domain even among couples that have an intra- ethnic Gera heritage. However, in a few homesteads, the language is used but only by elderly persons.

Clearly, when we consider the declining use of Gera in domains traditionally associated with it, there is reason to suspect that the language is endangered. The level of endangerment however is still not clear. This can only be ascertained by conducting a scientific investigation of this phenomenon. This study is meant to determine the level of the endangerment of the Gera language by examining the factors responsible for the same. The study will also identify criteria used by members of the Gera community to define the Gera identity. Sasse‟s (1992) Theory of language

death and H.P. Giles and P. Johnson (1987) Ethnolinguistic Identity Theory will be used to analyze the problem.

1.7 Research Objectives

The general aim of the study was to investigate the endangerment of the Gera language.

The specific objectives of the research are as follows:

1. To investigate the level of endangerment of Gera language.

2. To identifythe demographic variables associated with the endangerment of

Gera language.

3. To examine the effect of the endangerment on the structure of the Gera

Language

4. To determine whether or not Gera language is useful in defining the Gera

identity

1.8 Research Questions

The study sought to answer the following research questions:

1. What is the level of endangerment in the Gera language?

2. What demographic variables are associated with the endangerment?

3. Is the structure of Gera language affected by the endangerment?

4. What role does language play in defining the Gera identity?

1.9 Research Assumptions

1. There is a level of endangerment in the Gera language.

2. There are demoghraphic variables associated with the endangerment of Gera.

3. That the structure of the Gera has been affected by the Endangerment.

4. The Gera Language plays a role in defining the Gera identity.

1.10 Justification and Significance of the study

Though it is very tricky to determine the exact number of the languages spoken in the world due to some reasons, (Grimes, 1996, quoted in Baker 2001) lists 6703 living languages in the world, while (Mosley and Asher, (1994), estimated the existing languages of the world to be between 5000-6000. According to (Bernard, (1996, p.152), about 97 percent of the worlds‟ people speak about 4 percent of the worlds‟ languages; and on the other hand, about 96 percent of the languages of the world are spoken by only 3 percent of the worlds‟ people . This shows that the majority of the worlds‟ languages then, are under the stewardship of a very few number of people, while a few languages are spoken by a large number of people.

Even languages with several thousands of speakers are not learned by children; at least 50% more than the six thousand languages of the world are losing speakers. It is estimated by AD Hoc Expert Group on Endangered languages of UNESCO, in a submitted document to the International Expert Meeting on UNESCO Paris 2003 program of Safeguarding of Endangered Languages that in the majority of the regions of the world, about 90 percent of the languages may possibly be substituted by prevailing languages by the end of 21st century.

Now coming to the local scene, there are more than 500 languages in Nigeria and among them about 400 are endangered. The President of the Linguistics Association of Nigeria stated that 52 of those languages are at the verge of extinction, and if care

is not taken the languages of Nigeria will become extinct in the next two or three generations to come.

There is an urgent need to study, research and document the Gera language and other endangered ones, as many of them will not be around for long, they may disappear within the next few decades. We have to make sure that those languages do not die because they play imperative roles in the prospect of the identity and the survival of speech communities.

Gera is one of the 55 ethnic groups found in Bauchi and their language is a minority like all others. There is fear that because of the dominance of the Hausa language and shift of its speakers to speaking the language it may also become extinct like its predecessor the Ajawa language which was also a language spoken in Bauchi but became extinct between 1920‟s to 1940‟s. Skinner (1977)

By investigating and finding out the level of endangerment of Gera language which is very endangered, measures can now be taken by the concerned parties to stop the language from going extinct and it can be documented in case it eventually becomes extinct. There is lack of intergenerational transfer of the Gera language from parents to their children. Hopefully Gera parents may see this as a challenge and start the revitalization of their language. The Gera effects of the enadangerment on the structure of the Gera languagealso helps in identifying language decay in the speech of the Gera speakers, it will also help in recognizing the real Gera speakers and the semi- speakers. Lastly, investigating the Gera identity has helped in establishing that

Gera language is the only source of identity left to the Gera people.

This research will be beneficial to the Gera People because it is hoped to awaken them to the situation of their language. It will also be beneficial to the linguisticsscholars who may want study further on the Gera languge.

1.11 Scope and Limitations of the Study

The study is on the endangerment of Gera language. Data for the study was elicited from two villages, each one from one of the two only local government areas where the Gera speaking people are found, (Bauchi and Ganjuwa). The data was limited only to the Gera people in those villages. Both local governments were represented in the research. Two villages from each local government area were represented and also a Gera speaking area in Bauchi town. No attention was paid to other languages beside

Gera and Hausa because they were the only languages of interest to the study. A total of 150 people from five Gera settlements were sampled.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

This section examined related studies in the area of Language endangerment, language death, language shift, language maintenance and language revitalization,

Language Policy, and went further to identify the theoretical approaches that are deemed suitable for the study.

In the examination of the available relevant literature we covered the following areas:

i. Global literature on language endangerment, language shift and reversal.

ii. Literature on language endangerment, language shift and reversal in Africa. iii. Literature on language endangerment, language shift and reversal in Nigeria. iv. Literature on language endangerment, language shift and reversal in Bauchi

State.

2.1 Language Endangerment

The phenomenon of Language Endangerment and also that of Language Death have become highly noteworthy topics. Many of the indigenous languages have suffered serious deficiency from the negative exogenous influences of such foreign languages like English. Many languages are shifting as a result of lack of adequate usage

(Enwere and Uchamma, 2005 p.89).

Language endangerment has been defined by linguists, language educators and other experts in similar and different respective views. (Hornsby, 2013, p.1-3) opinioned that there are 3 criteria used as guidelines for confirming an endangered language. He

called them, “The Indicators of Language Endangerment” which are: the number of speakers currently living; the mean age of native and/or fluent speakers;and the percentage of the youngest generation acquiring fluency in the language concerned.

(Hornsby, 2013, p.1), also suggests that a more inclusive scale would look like something proposed by (Lewis, 2006) containing seven parameters of endangerment, which are:age; language use; demographics; language cultivation; development; literacy, and education; status and recognition;Language attitude and amount and quality documentation.

(Gloria, 2013, p.1) says that, there are many ways of defining language endangerment, “the most simplistic being below some critical number of speakers, thus smaller languages are in more danger”. This definition is close to that of

(Ugwuoke, 1999), who listed languages supposed to be endangered based on statistical strength of the speakers, (5,000) to the extent of citing Suruaha language with only 150 speakers, but all monolingual in Suruaha language.

Alanguage is in danger when its speakers cease to use it in an increasingly reduced number of communicative domains, and also cease to pass it on from one generation to the next. This means there are no younger or new speakers, both male and female.

In addition to this, an endangered languageis a language that is at the risk of being out of use, because its speakers have all died, or have shifted to speaking another language, (Tohono and Johnson, 2002, p.2, and Dorian 1970, in Gloria 2013, p.1 in

Sarbi, 2016).

Linguists, language educators, anthropologists and scholars have expressed their views on the language endangerment phenomenon. From the historical perspective of language endangerment, (Emenanjo, 1999) cited Dorian‟s Language Death (1981), and Investigating Obsolescence (1989) and Elmendorf‟s “Lost speakers and Language

Change”, as among the first to draw attention to the worldwide phenomenon of

Language Endangerment. (Emenanjo, 1999, p.78) reports that (Krauss, 1992) may have been the first to point out that as many as half of the world languages may be moribund.According to Krauss, at the rate things are going, the coming century will see the death or the doom of 90 percentmoribund languages. He also added that: “the present guess-estimate is that a language dies somewhere in the world every two weeks, and that when a language surrenders itself to modern idioms and when its speakers become bilingual, the penalty is death”. (Krauss, 1992, in Emenanjo, 1999)

According to (Enwere and Uchamma,in Sarbi, 2016), despite the role of language as a repository of the history of a people, many of the Nigerian Languages have suffered untold deprivation from negative influencesfrom foreign languages, such as English.

Many of them have been shiftingas a result of lack of adequate usage. Igbo language was a good example of such affected languages given by the writers, which have suffered reduction in proficiency and a drop in number of speakers, but many

Nigerian languages are at various levels of endangerment and possible extinction.

Linguists have estimated that a Language dies somewhere in the worldevery two weeks, equivalent to 26 languages every year (Kuju, 1999, p.38), and sadly even languages with many thousands speakers are no longer being acquired by children; at

least 50 percent of the world languages are losing speakers. Moreover, it is estimated that, in most world regions, about 90 percent of the languages may be replaced by dominant languages by the end of the 21st Century (Tohono and Johnson, 2002, p.2).

According to some scholars, “only 600 of the 6,000 or so world languages are safe from the threat of extinction, (Fabunmi and Salawu, 2007, p.245) and also (Hornsby,

2013 p.1).In reality, language death has been, and is always identified a global problem. The threat of Language Death has engulfed many languages in Africa, Latin

America, Asia, Europe and many other parts of the world.

The loss of language is however characterized by being reduced demographically, in terms of speech communities, especially where the language is partially or completely documented. Language endangerment is sometimes classified on the basis of proportion of speakers within the distribution of estimated users. This is similar to the decision in which language is classified as major or minor and which is influenced by figures related to population density of speakers, thus demographic size and

Geographical spread of the language,(Sarbi, 2016, p.19).

Language Situation is the total configuration of language use at a given time and place, including such data as how many and what kind of languages spoken in an area, by how many people, under what circumstances and what are the attitudes and beliefs about languages held by the community (Ferguson, 1966, in Bleambo, 1990, p.186).

The world is a multilingual environment where thousands of languages exist; however, there are clashing statistics on how many languages are in the world.

According to (Emenanjo, 1999, p.78 and 2005, p.6), there are 6, 528 languages spoken by 6.5 billion people; (Ethnologue, 2005) reported 6, 912 languages. Also, according to (Brenzinger and de Graaf2006:1), the world comprises as much as 7, 000 languages.No matter which statistical position the world languages occupy, the languages are distributedamong the countries of the world.

The (Brezinger and de Graaf, 2006, p.1) statistical data shows that about ninety-seven percent of the world people speak only about 4 percent of the world‟s languages, and on the other hand, about ninety-six percent of theworld‟s languages are spoken by about three per cent of the world‟s people. The data continue to disclose that, out of the seven thousand (7,000) languages of the world, approximately eighty five percent

(85%) are spoken in only twenty two (22) countries. Some of such countries exhibit high level of linguistic diversity by housing large numbers of different languages.

Papua New Guinea is the home of nine hundred languages (Brezinger de Graaf 2006, p.4). According to (Landweer, 2013, p.1) Indonesia houses up to seven hundred (700) languages. Nigeria comes next as a haven for about five hundred (500) languages, followed by India with four hundred (400) languages, then Cameroon which has almost three hundred (300) languages, followed by Mexico with almost two hundred and fifty (250) languages, and then some others such as Brazil with more than two hundred (200) languages. One of the effects of such Linguistic heterogeneity is bilingualism through language contact which initiates and motivates linguistic interference; borrowing and integration.

Ethnologue, a popular database maintained by summer institute of linguistics(SIL

International), one of the most active research agencies in the world, which kept an up to date statistics through the contributions of Linguists Worldwide, “of the 6, 912 languages spoken in different countries globally, Ethnologue discloses that32.8%

(2,269) were in Asia and 30.3% (2,092) in Africa.” The source further asserts that

“Areas with particularly large number of languages nearing extinction include:

Eastern Siberia, Central Siberia, Northern Australia,Central America and the North-

West Pacific Plateau.Other hotspots are Oklahoma and Southern South America.

There are 1,535 languages in the world with less than 1,000 speakers (Lewis, Simons

& Fennig, 2013, p.1 in Sarbi, 2016, p.21). There are also 478 languages with less than

100 speakers, and 135 languages with less than 10 speakers. This entirely point towards varying degrees of endangerment.

In almost every society, languages come into contact for various and obvious reasons.

In such situations more prestigious languages may have an edge over others. Some languages will dominate others with less speakers, this is where we have both the dominant and dominated languages respectively.

2.1.3 Factors and Causes of Language Endangerment

Factors that lead to the loss of language can be economic, political, social, military conquest and the attitude of the speakers.Every language has a right to exist, but due to some favoritism sometimes by the government, a political decision may be taken which would eventually give a language more edge than the others. This action will propel it to prestige while the others left out may be dominated by the favored

language which may cause their eventual extinction. (Omego, 2005, p. 203) argued that the adoption of English by the Federal government as the official language of the nation is one of the factors militating against the development of indigenous languages.(Jibrin, 2005) also argued that the Nigerian National Policy on Education emphasized the teaching and development of only three major languages (Hausa,

Yoruba and Igbo), which in his words, has consequential effect that all other Nigerian languages are endangered.

In relation to factors responsible for Language Endangerment, (Michael, 2013, p.1) observed that, in some areas, language communities have been ravaged by warfare or disease that the entire speech community dies out. Another cause of Language

Endangerment is lack of Intergenerational transfer of language; some people prefer to speak to their children in more prestigious languages like English or Hausa.

According to Cambridge Handbook of Endangered Languages, there are four main types of causes of language endangerment that come under two main sections:

Those that put the Speech Community in Physical Danger, those include:

 Natural Disaster, Famine, disease, etc: An example of this is the languages

spoken by the Jarawan of Andaman Island, who were seriously affected by the

2004 Tsunami in the Indian Ocean.

 War, and Genocide: An example of this is the indigenous people of Tasmania

who were wiped out by colonialists, and many extinct and endangered

languages of the Americas and the West Indies, where the indigenous

population have been subjected to genocide, as in the cases of Msikito

language in Nicaragua and the Mayan languages of Guetemala that have been

affected by civil war.

Those causes that discourage native speakers from using their language, which include:

 Political Repression: This hasrecurrently happened,when nation-states

working to promote a single national culture limit the opportunities of using

minority languages in public or official domains like public spheres, schools,

media, and elsewhere.

 Speech Community resettled: Children go to school far away from home and

have their chances of cultural and linguistic continuity disrupted. This has

happened in the case of many Native American and Australian languages, as

well as European or Asian Languages such as Breton or Alsatian in France

and Kurdishin Turkey.

 Cultural/ Political/ economical hegemony. This happened when political and

economic power is closely tied to a particularlanguage and culture so that

there is a strong incentive for individual to abandon their language (on behalf

of themselves and their children) in favor of a more prestigious one. This

frequently happens when indigenous population, in order to achieve a high

social status, adopt the cultural and linguistic traits of a people who have come

to dominate them through colonialism, conquests or invasion; example of this

kind of endangerment is the Welsh language in Great Britain, and also Ainu

language in Japan.

These are the most common causes of Language Endangerment

2.2 Global studies on Language Endangerment

(Hornsby, 2013) used three criteria in determining an endangered Language, which he called „The Indicators of Language Endangerment‟ thus the number of speakers currently living; the mean age of native or fluent speakers; and the percentage of the youngest generation acquiring fluency in the said language. He further suggests that a more complete scale would look something like that proposed by (Lewis, 2006) containing seven parameters of endangerment thus: age; demographics; language use; language cultivation; development;literacy; and education;statusand recognition; language attitudes; and amount and quality of documentation.

According to (Ngure, 2012), although study on language endangerment is considered as a relatively new field there are a number of studies conducted by linguists around the world on the phenomenon. For example, (Sasse, 1992) in his Gaelic-Avantica model of language theory (GAM), shows the interaction and causal relations of the broad types of phenomena which are deemed related to the language death study.

These include external settings (ES), speech behaviour (SB) and the structural consequences phenomenon. Whereas (Giles, 1977) also addressed all the factors identified by (Sasse, 1992) as consequential in language shift underthree main subjects which are: Status, demographic and institutional support factors.

(Pegg, 2013) conducted the study of the 25 languages that are the most endangered in the world. Bikya, a Cameroonian Bantoid language out of this study which had only one speaker left in 1986, Njerip, also a Bantoid language spoken in Mambila, Taraba

state of Nigeria and in Cameroon, which had four speakers left in 2004 and the

Ongota, an extinct language that belonged to Ethiopia are the only African languages mentioned in the study.The study concluded that each and every one of the 25 languages mentioned was either moribund or nearly extinct. But since most of the studies are over 10 years, we can conclude that some could be extinct now.

(Pegg, 2013) also examined some instances where language revitalization and language documentation were employed. For example, in the case of Dumi language, where a dictionary was created in order to preserve the language and books had been written about the language‟s grammar and syntax. The last speaker of the Kansa language, Walter Kekanbah died in 1983, but a linguist named Robert L. Rankin had documented the language before his demise, therefore preserving the language. This study did not concentrate on revitalization, preservation or documentation, but focused on investigating the level of the endangerment of the Gera language.

The Patwin language even though had one documented speaker as of 1997, the language was taught at the YochaDehe, Winton Nation tribal school. The last speaker of the Pazeh language, 96 year old Pandin-yu, was able to teach 200 regular students in Puli and others in Miaoli before her death.The study concludes that each of the above mentioned languages is either critically endangered or nearly extinct. Most of the languages belong to the American-Indian languages. Only three belong to Africa, and two to Nigeria. This study hopes to increase the number of studied endangered languages from Africa and Nigeria.

In a related study, (Montgomery and Ryan, 2010) examined the 18 most endangered spoken languages in the world. The study focused on 18 different languages; each is identified to have only one speaker remaining. The study concluded that areas that have the most linguistic variety also have the tendency of having the most endangered languages. In this case also, the Bikya language of Cameroon is the only African language mentioned, and none from Nigeria, unlike this study which is about a

Northern Nigerian endangered language.

Similarly, (Vincent, 2014) also contributed in this field. He identified Europe‟s 24 most endangered languages. The study identifies the endangered languages by how many speakers are left. For example, according to the study, the Karaim language of

Ukraine had only six speakers left, while the Ume Sami language of the Scandinavian mountain range had only 10 speakers left, and the remaining speakers of the Cornish language were just about 574. According to the study of Europe‟s most endangered languages, 4 were Britain and the Channel Islands languages; Guernesiais, Jerriais,

Cornish and Manx. The study concluded with how languages could be revitalized, with the example of how the Manx language was revived following the enrolment of

50 students in an immersion program where they are educated mainly in Manx language, after the death of the last native Manx speaker in 1974. This study also tried to identify the level of the endangerment of the Gera by the number of speakers left and made suggestions on Language Revitalization and Revival in the conclusion.

(Grenoble, 2010) discussed how the former Soviet Union, (Russia) made deliberate use of language policy to advance its political objectives among the different ethnic

groups in the then USSR. How the language policy in the S.U presented a broad and up to date outline of the advancement of this policy at both national and local levels.

It surveyed the Geographic and ethno-linguistic regions of the S.U, and discussed the language policy and its impact on each of them.This study on the endangerment of the

Gera languge also discussed the Nigerian Language policy and how the British used the Hausa language to further its political goals and dominate other minority languages like Gera.

(Cunningham and Sumbuk, 2006) discussed Language Diversity in the South-West

Pacific (China, Indonesia, Australia and the Pacific Islands), which is considered the richest linguistic area in the world. Their study focused on how languages become endangered and extinct due to linguistic diversity and multilingualism, as in the case of the South Pacific area which had already lost some of its languages and many more were under threat. The study concluded with the suggestions of language documentation and revitalization of the remaining languages. This study on Gera also discussed Bauchi State and Nigeria as very rich linguistic areas, full of multilingualism which may be the cause of rapid endangerment of languages.

In a similar study, (Makihara and Schiefffelin, 2006), studied the consequences of contact in relation to language ideologies and socio-cultural transformations in the pacific and its diverse contact zones, they discuss how contacts between colonial and post-colonial governments, religious institutions and indigenous communities have encouraged intense social change, permanently transforming linguistic thoughts and practices. (Makhira and Schieflin, 2006) also studied circumstances of entwined

linguistic and cultural changes taking place in specific locations in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. This study on the endangerment of the Gera, also discussed how

Hausa was used by the Sokoto caliphate as a religious language and also the colonialists as regional language.

(Landweer, 1998) identified eight markers of ethnolinguistic vitality that have been found, developed, and documented in the Papua New Guinea context through the years of SIL‟s nearly 300 speech communities experience, which includes: Location and access of the speech community relative to urban communities or other population centers where people of mixed ethno-linguistic heritages congregate, the number of domains within the society in which the language is used, the frequency and type of code switching behavior of speakers.Whether or not there is a core of fluent speakers and how that core is impacted by the language behavior of immigrants, the network of social relations within the community, the kind and strength of both internal and external prestige of the group.The relative prestige of the language within the local repertoire of languages, and the economic base perceived as necessary within the language group.Some of these indicators of ethno-linguistic were also used in this study to measure the Linguistic vitality of the Gera language.

2.3 Studies on Language Endangerment in Africa

Africa is the most linguistically diverse continent in the world, according to UNESCO

Ad Hoc Committee on Endangered Languages (2003). People speak close to 2000 different languages, which is a third of the world‟s linguistic heritage.

As a global phenomenon, endangered languages are discovered in various continents such as the African continent where many languages, linguistic identities and cultural heritages are assimilated into other more prestigious languages like Swahili in

Tanzania, Somali in Somalia, or Arabic in the state of the Maghreb region.

(Ngulbe, 2012) explored the option of writing and publishing as means of revitalizing and preserving South Africa‟s endangered languages. He argued that language can be revitalized through the use of library. He said that aboriginal languages around the world are trying hard to survive due to diverse reasons, which include disregard by writers and publishers. He succeeded in highlighting the role of writers and publishers in reviving indigenous languages. He concluded by stating the roles of publishers and writers as major stakeholders in the knowledge of production and reproduction chain, and may be able to assist in promoting and preserving indigenous languages in general and in South Africa in particular. Though this study on the endangerment of the Gera did not focus on preservation, it was still part of the recommendations made at the end of the study.

(Akpangalo, 2013) also examined the phenomenon of language endangerment and language loss in regard to the indigenous Ghanian languages which are shifting to

English, using the following research questions: What are the causes of language endangerment in Ghana? What are the languages that are susceptible? What is the extent of damage done? What can be done to curb the phenomenon? The findings are presented under the following headings: How many Ghanaian languages are being spoken, Which Ghanaian language does one speak, Which language did one first learn

to speak, Which language does one use mostly at home, and Which of these languages does one use most often? Some similar questions were used as research questions to determine the endangerment of the Gera.

In a similar study, (Mteule, 2011) conducted a study about the death of Kenyan languages. He stated that there are 42 languages spoken in Kenya, and 6 out of that were critically endangered, while most of them were endangered. The 6 critically endangered Kenyan languages were: Bong‟om, Omotic, Ongamo, Sogoo, Suba and

Terik. He stated the reasons for the endangerment of Kenyan languages as due to dominant communities absorbing smaller ethnic groups, which was aided by interactions, trade, intermarriages and also, a sense of superiority by the more populous group. An example is the Suba language, a Bantu language which is being absorbed by Luo, (a Nilotic language). According to Mteule, a recent problem is the urbanization and migration from rural to urban areas. Another problem was parents who refused to teach or communicate with their children in their native tongues.

These are the same problems faced by the Gera language which was also discussed in this study.

(Hameso, 1997) also discussed the language of education in Africa, citing the use of indigenous languages as the best option for the language of education.(Kurgat, 2008) compared the problems facing local languages in Kenya to challenges faced by conservationists in their dealings with environment. He cited thegovernment policy on language which did not include the indigenous languages in the educational curriculum, and also the designation of English and Kiswahili as the official and

national languages respectively in 1974,as what gave birth to the state of laissez faire

(delegative leadership), which obtains up to now. He concluded with the view that basic education needs African languages.

(Batibo, 2005) examined the causes, consequences and challenges of language death and decline in Africa. He examines the linguistic complexity of Africa, the languages of Africa, language families of Africa and African contact languages.

In a similar study, (Adegbije, 1994) used a socio-linguistic approach to examine the language attitudes in sub-Saharan Africa. He analyzed the following factors: characteristics of the language scenario, Dense-multilingualism, the official dominance of ex-colonial languages, and Pan African cross-border vehicular languages. He concludes that the imposition of European languages, colonial and post-colonial languages and educational policies, legal and constitutional provisions contributed to the endangerment of indigenous languages. The same way this study shows that the imposition of Hausa by the Europeans as a regional language of education, communication, and politics contributed to the endangerment of many indigenous languages in northern Nigeria, including Gera.

2.4 Studies on Language Endangerment in Nigeria

Even though Nigerian languages have been extensively written about, and the languages directly and indirectly have been hosted in several publications, only an insignificant number of them have been described. Therefore, scholars and researchers should be encouraged through the provision of adequate funds to investigate more of those languages.

According to(Ugwuoke, 1999, p.14), and also (Roger and Blench, 1992) 5,000 speakers should be the borderline for endangered languages.Based on that borderline, he discovered that there are about one hundred and fifty two (152) indigenous

Nigerian languages in some states in danger of disappearing. According to the statistics, Bauchi has the highest number of endangered languages in Nigeria, which are twenty eight (28), followed by Kaduna, Plateau and Taraba with eighteen (18) languages each. Sample of endangered languages across some Nigerian States are presented on table 2:

Table 2: Sample of Endangered Languages in Some Nigerian States State Language Location No. of Source Speakers Adamawa Holma North of Sorau on 04 Haruna 2014:16 Cameroon border Uguwuoke:1999:20 Blench 2011:34 Ngwaba Fachi and Gudumiya 1,000 Haruna 2014:15 of Gombi LGA Ugwuoke 1999:25 Blench 2011:66 Bauchi Dulbu Bauchi LGA 80 Ugwuoke 1999:18 Blench 2011:20 Gyem Toro LGA 100 Ugwuoke 1999:20 Lame District Blench 2011:33 Buta Ningi LGA Shifting to Isah 2014: Hausa Jar Dass LGA Shifting to Garba 2014:80 Hausa Bayelsa Mini Brass LGA 3 villages Uguwoke 1999: 21 Kugbo Brass LGA 2,000 Ugwuoke 19999:22 Blench 2011:53 Benue Etulo Gboko LGA 2,900 Ugwuoke 1999:18 Blench 2011:25 Iyive Kwande LGA 2,000 Uguoke 1999:20 Blench 2011:41 Borno Putai Damboa LGA Dying Blench 2011:74 Haruna 2014:15/16 Jara Biu LGA 4,000 Haruna 2014:15 Ugwuoke 1999:20 Blench 2011:43 Cross R. Bakpinka Akamkpa LGA Dying Ugwuoke 1999:16 Blench 2011:9

Kiong Odukpani &Akampka Shifting to Ugwuoke 1999:22 LGA‟s Efik Edo Oloma Akoko LGA 353 Ugwuoke 1999:25 Blench 2011:71 Emhalhe Akok-Edo LGA 249 Ugwuoke :18 Blench 201124 Gombe Awak Kaltngo 2,035 Ugwuoke 1999: 15 Blench 2011: Cen Tuum Cham Town, Small Ugwuoke 1999:17 Balanga LGA number of Blench 2011: old people Jigawa Kwarkwanci Gwaram LGA I old Muhammad 2014:2 woman Kaduna Dungu Saminaka LGA 310 Ugwuoke 1999:18 Blench 2011:20 Kiballo Saminaka LGA 335 Ugwuoke 1999:21 Kebbi Dendi Argungu & Bagudu 839 Ugwuoke 1999:18 LGA‟S Blench 2011:19 Gwambi-Wuri Wasagu LGA 02 Ugwuoke 1999:19 Blench 2011:L32 Niger Bassa- Chanchaga 02 Ugwuoke 1999:16 Gumna Blench 2011: 10 Fungwa Rafi LGA 900 Ugwuoke 1999:19 Blench 2011:27 Plateau Janji Jos LGA, 36O Ugwuoke 1999:20 Rukuba District Blench 2011:42 Chokobi/Zoka Jos LGA 425 Ugwuoke 1999:17 Jerf District Blench 2011:91 Rivers Defaka Bonny LGA Less than Ugwuoke 1999:18 1,000 Blench 2011:18 Ogbogolo Ahoada LGA One town Ugwuoke 1999:25 Blench 2011 : 70 Taraba Ambo Sardauna LGA One village UGWUOKE 1999:15 East of Blench 2011:4 Baisa Gbaya/Baya Mambila & Gashakar 200 Ugwuoke 1999:16 LGA‟S Blench 2011:29 Yobe Maaga Gujba LGA 4,000 Haruna 2014:15 Ugwuoke 1999:24 Blench 2011:59 Kwara Sarko Almost Ugwuoke 1999:27 extinct

(Sarbi, 2016) investigated the endangerment of the Eggon language by using the following parameters: The degree of endangerment, factors that led to the endangerment thus; migration; exogamy; economic factor; education factor; socio-

political factor; religious factor and attitude of the speakers. He also investigated the inability of the Eggon language torespond to new domain, the use of the Eggon language by the native speakers and the possibility of reversing the endangerment of

Eggon language.

(Dugga, 2015) examined the concept of language endangerment in relation to the

Eggon minority language transmission of „offspring‟ from cross-lingual household in central urban Nigeria. She also cited intermarriages, urbanization, and the influence of the electronic media as the changes which affect the passing down of language from parents to children. Dugga conducted the study using 39 respondents to observe the following:1. Shift in domain use. 2. The home unit. 3. Dominance of target language,

(English and Hausa). These are some of the issues also investigated in relation to the endangerment of Gera in this study.

(Usman, 2014) discussed the importance of linguistic diversity, the linguistic situations in Biu Emirate and language preservation in order to investigate Language disappearance and cultural diversity in Biu emirate.

In another study also carried out in Plateau State, (Oumar, 2002) conducted the study of the Goemai language (An Afro-Asiatic, Chadic, west Chadic language) which is being assimilated by the Hausa and English languages. He stated the reasons for the language endangerment as due to modernization, colonialism, language policy, and the negative attitude of the speakers who look down on their language as inferior and shifted to speaking English and Hausa language because they are more prominent. He suggested language revitalization by the government. The study of the endangerment

of the Gera focused more on Hausa than English, because Hausa is the major language threatening minority languages in Northern Nigeria.

(Malcolm, 2014) also examined the problem of Language Endangerment in multilingual Nigeria by investigating 16 most endangered languages in Nigeria; all are almost extinct with most of the languages having one to six remaining speakers.

Even though Gera language is not mentioned, it could now be counted among those much endangered languages.

In another study, (Malcolm, 2014) examined 10 extinct Nigerian Languages and discussed what can be done to save perishing Nigerian languages. The 10 extinct languages are: Ajawa (Bauchi), Auyokawa (Afro-Asiatic, Jigawa), Bassa-Gumna

(Kainji-Niger), Gamo, Buta and Ningi(Kanji dialect cluster, Bauchi), Kpati (Taraba),

Kubi/Kubawa/Kuba (Afro-asiatic, Bauchi), Mawa(Chadic) Tashenawa (Afro-asiatic,

Jigawa), Odut (Cross-river), Luri (Bauchi). Here too Gera is not mentioned, this study has established Gera among the endangered languages of Nigeria.

(Ohiri-Aniche, 2014) asserts that there are over 400 endangered languages in Nigeria.

The endangerment of the languages is attributed to past neglect and denigration, which includes lack of passing the language from parents to children. She observes that about 152 Nigerian languages are at the verge of extinction. She concludes by calling on the Nigerian government to reinstate indigenous languages as core subjects in schools.

(Lyam-Yisa, 2012) investigated the endangerment of Tiv language, where he mentioned lack of transgenerational transfer of language as one the main causes of language endangerment. (Enwere and Uchamma, 2005) investigated the endangerment of Igbo language by the English language. The work cited how the endangerment affected the Igbo language structure through reduction in proficiency.

(Muwarin, 2004) also discussed the problem of language endangerment that threatens the 3 constituent languages of Urhobo, Okpe, and Uvwire in Urhoboland, which are heavily endangered and are struggling for survival. According to the writer, the causes of the language endangerment are: the poliglossic situation in Urhoboland: the

Urhobo languages having open social networks, they also have contents with other indigenous languages.

The Urhobo languages are endangered by the western variety of the Warri/Sapele pidgin.Pidgin, which is supposed to be the language of inter-ethnic communication in

Urhobo land, has now penetrated the orbit of homes in Urhoboland. English as the official language in Nigeria is also endangering the Urhobo. The people have positive attitude towards it and negative attitude towards their indigenous languages. The flawed Nigerian language policy is another factor for the endangerment of the Urhobo languages. Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba are considered as the majority languages, while the other 397 languages are considered as minority languages.

(Mwarin, 2004) concluded by lamenting that the speakers of the Urhobo languages are not even conscious that their language is dying and that the endangerment of the language is synonymous with the endangerment of the people/culture.

(Abioye, Igwebuike, and Ajiboye, 2014) explored how civilizations flourish amidst array of languages in particular, cultural, social, economic, political, and religious contexts. This according to the research resulted consistently in linguistic inequity which influences language attitude and language shift and subsequently, language endangerment. Using 2 Nigerian languages namely Yoruba and Igbo, fundamental ideology; attitude of the speakers of both languages and a checklist adapted for the purpose of the study to place language endangerment in its proper perception. The peculiar challenges presented by religious-cultural, and socio-political practices to language use in a country like Nigeria were highlighted. The writers observed that indigenous languages in Nigeria have become in danger of extinction, while the

English language continued to thrive.

In another similar study, (Schaefer and Egbokhare, 1999) examined oral opinion poll data, in order to assess the justification of the existing theory that the language endangerment situation in Africa was characterized by the substitution of minority vernaculars with indigenous popular languages. The use of questionnaire was employed to collect data; the respondents were asked the languages they speak, as well as language choice in home and non-home setting. Information was acquired from adults, teenagers and children in the Emai-speaking region of rural southern

Nigeria.

The ensuing language practices demonstrate that across age groups assessment of vernacular mother tongue is a positive remaining elements of the profile; however disclose variation according to age. Adult profiles reveal a clear multi-language

preference for vernacular and English varieties. Teenagers demonstrate a shift towards single language usage, of the vernacular in the home and English in non- home settings. While maintaining this general drift, children demonstrate a strong partiality for English with siblings; show a budding preference for English in speaking to mother and father. The conclusion of this intergenerational shift in home-language use argues that in rural areas of southern Nigeria, English is driving the abandonment of indigenous, minority languages. The same way this study also investigated this trend from amongst the Gera and how Hausa is preferred by the younger generation rather than Gera.

The studies reviewed are related to the proposed study in view of their focal point in the examination of Language endangerment, language death, language shift, language policy,and language maintenance and language revitalization. However, the studies do not fully address the proposed study, because there is no known study on Gera

Language that had ever been carried out by a researcher. This is a gap that was filled by this researcher with the study the Endangerment of the Gera Language.

2.4.1 Endangered Languages in Bauchi State

Despite the assertion that Bauchi State has the highest number of endangered languages in Nigeria by (Ugwuoke, 1999, p.14), and also (Roger and Blench, 1992), there are very few documented languages or those that have been investigated.

(Garba, 2014) investigated the endangerment of the Jar language, which is critically endangered because it has very few child speakers. (Isah, 2015) also studied the endangerment of the Buta language in which the speakers have shifted to speaking

Hausa. There are about fifty five (55) ethnic groups and sixty (60) languages spoken in Bauchi State. Out of those languages, only about five can be said to be robust. Most of the speakers of the other languages have shifted to speaking Hausa,(Garba, 2014).

Some of the endangered and already extinct languages of Bauchi State are presented in table 3:

Table 3: Some of the Endangered and Extinct Languages of Bauchi State

Language Language Location Level of Source Family endangerment Afro- Asiatic Kubi Ganjuwa LGA Extinct Malcolm 2014 Luri Bauchi LGA Malcolm 2014 Niger-Congo Jhar, Alkaleri, Dass, Shiftng to Garba 2014: Toro, Tafawa Hausa Balewa LGA‟s Unclassified Polci Dass, Toro. History of Bauchi Bauchi LGA‟s Shifting to State 2000: Hausa Ajawa Bauchi Extinct Malcolm: 2014 Kainji Dalect Lere Toro Almost extinct Cluster Gamo Ningi Extinct Malcolm:2014 Buta Ningi Extinct Malcolm :2014 Isah: 2014 Ningi Ningi Extinct Malcolm:2014

2.5 Theoretical Framework

According to (Sasse,1992, p.7), studies on Language death is a new and developing field which had emerged as something like an independent sub-discipline of linguistics towards the end of the 1970‟s and is still in an embryonic stage, he even went further to state that there was no theory of language death yet. But since then a lot of work has been done in the area, especially over the last two decades. Therefore

the field of language death could no more be viewed as being in embryonic stage

(Ngure: 2012)

But despite the progress made in this field, and the many models available for interested scholars to choose from, many of the theories are still being tested in

„linguistic laboratories‟ and linguists are still trying to decide if those models are sufficiently general to serve as models of language shift/death and language maintenance;(Sasse, 1992, p.9), in (Ngure, 2015). It is very hard to be sure if the theories we have chosen to discuss below offer an affirmative answer to the question, but we think they are the perfect ones for this study for a number of reasons we will discuss below. The models used for this study are:

i- Sasse‟s (1992) Theory of Language death.

ii- Giles and Johnson (1987) Ethnolinguistic Identity Theory.

iii- M. Lynn Landweer (2006) Indicators of Ethnolinguistic Vitality

2.5.1 Hans JurgenSasse (1992) Theory of Language Death

Language Death „involves a transfer of allegiance of part of a population from a language which has been native in the area, to a more recently introduced language in which the indigenous population have become bilingual‟ (McMahon, 1993, p.285).

This „transfer of allegiance‟ goes that far, that the less prestigious language completely disappears in favor of the dominant one (Horak, 2014). According to

(Sasse, Brenzinger, 1992, p.12), every case of language death is embedded in a bilingual situation which involves two languages, one which is dying out and one which continues.

Hans JargenSasse (1992) proposes three phases of Language Death:

1- Primary Language Shift: This is a change in the linguistic attitude in the

indigenous people‟s minds towards their own language and the new

language. According to (Fishman, 1991), language shift is gradual. It is a

slow and cumulative process; it is therefore difficult to be identified.

(Sasse, 1992, p.21) also said that once a new language becomes dominant

in a certain speech community, the old one is potentially endangered. The

causes of the shift can be due to physical threat, natural catastrophes or

wars, or man-made factors like migration, etc. But the most frequent

reason is the introduction of a dominant Language, which continues to

suppress or kills another dominated one, until the dominated one becomes

restricted or entirely disappears. (Horak, 2014).

2- Language Decay: It is a serious linguistic disintegration, which is typical

for the speech of so called semi-speakers. Semi-Speakers are those

speakers whose speech appears in a reduced form compared to the speech

of the native speakers. Their imperfect knowledge of the language can be

noticed considering their faulty morphology or the loss of grammatical

categories in their speech. They use phonemes which only exist in

dominant languages. They usually apply the phonological system of the

dominant language to the dominated one. This is usually the case because

semi-speakers themselves learned the speech from their models native

speakers who also have not maintained regular communication in their

language and therefore lost their capacities of full speakers.

The phenomenon appearing in language decay is „reduction‟. Through reduction, the following happens:

i- The dying language loses some of its important qualities which

facilitate communication and become thus reduced in function.

ii- A part of the language is lost.

iii- (Trudgill,1977) claims that „reduction‟ is only found in the case of

languages which have no native speakers and are of restricted use.

iv- „Reduction‟ is typical of obsolescent languages and must not be

mixed with simplification whose aim is to facilitate the use of

language through increase in invariable word forms, loss of

inflexions and affixes or regularization e.g in the formation of the

plural in orthography etc.

The speaker affected by reduction is called semi-speaker. While investigating a language, it begins to be problematic with only semi-speakers left, because it will become difficult to judge the reliability of their speech. It‟s problematic to determine whether or not their grammar is correct or if they are fluent speakers or not (Dorian,

1977,p.23-32).

The identification problem of semi-speakers, signify that their appearance is a clear indication of a dying language.

3- Language Death: When a language ceases to have speakers. A language is

considered already dead if it has even only one speaker left, because there

is no way he can speak the language alone. There must be at least two

people for a communication to take place.

We have used Sasse‟s stages of language death to investigate what stage of endangerment the Gera language is (stage of primary language shift, stage of language decay, or the death stage), since one of the objectives of the research is to determine the level of the endangerment of the Gera language; (is it threatened, moribund, nearly extinct or even dead?). This theory was used in investigating the effect of the language shift from Gera to Hausa on the structure of the Gera language, which is also another objective of the research. In trying to identify the demographic variables affected by the endangerment, the semi-speakers of the Gera language who are those affected by the „Reduction‟ were also investigated.

2.5.2 H. Giles and P. Johnson (1987) Ethnolinguistic Identity Theory

According to (Jackson and Hogg, 2013, p.1) Ethnolinguistic identity theory (ELIT) addresses the relationship between socially subordinate ethnic groups and their language use in social contexts. It is conceptually derived from Henri Tajfel and John

Turner's (1979) social identity theory, from which ELIT borrows four main concepts:

1- Social categorization.

2- Social identity.

3- Social comparison.

4- Psychological distinctiveness.

These concepts are linked causally, whereby social categorization accounts for an individual's perspective of another as a member of one's same group ( in-group ) or as

a member of a distinct other (out-group); social identity accounts for an individual's awareness of his or her own social group and the values associated with it; social comparison means the person will support his or her own in-group as more desirable for membership as compared to a perceived out-group; and psychological distinctiveness is derived from a positive perception of one's in-group, which in turn contributes to a positive self-identification.This theory was suitable for analyzing whether or not the Gera language is a useful factor in defining the Gera identity.

2.5.3 M. Lynn Landweer (2006) the Indicators of Ethnolinguistic Vitality (IEV)

These are collection of factors that indicate the probable direction a speech community will go relative to the maintenance of, or shift from, its traditional language. In essence, these indicators are evidences suggestive of relative vitality.

Whether a language appears to be maintained or dying is bases on the cumulative impact of generally positive or negative indicators that place it on a continuum of viability that ranges from vital to change in process, radical shift in process, and to death. The eight indicators of ethnolinguistic vitality are as follows:

2.5.3.1: Potential For Contact: This indicator is looking at factors such as distance and accessibility, for example if the speech community is located near or have access to a population centre where its members would have contact with speakers of other languages.

2.5.3.2: Domains in Which the Targe Language is Used: The second indicator of vitality examines the use of target language within the traditional speech community and to find out if there is a sufficient use of the language. To gain a sense for the

extent of use, this indicator then polls specific domains of local language use with or without the inference of a lingua franca, trade language or other languages. If the targeted language is the language of choice in the home, at work, at school and other places., or if is mixed with other languages in all domains including the home.

2.5.3.3: Frequency and Type of Code Switching: This occurs within a multilingual context when a speaker embeds elements from one language in an utterance that is primarily composed of another language. This indicator determines if there is a linguistic ambivalence, if there is is an evidence of diaglossic or stable bilingual situation in the community or if there is a frequent or infrequent individual unbounded code switching or code mixing, for the less code switching, the better.

2.5.3.4: Population and Group Dynamics: The indicator finds investigates if there is a critical mass of speakers by asking the following questions; If immigrants are actively bilingual, if they are passively bilingual or if they require a two way communication entirely via a lingua franca or a trade language, because the more speakers of the targeted language, the better.

2.5.3.5: Social Networks: A social network is said to be dense when each person to which ego is linkedin some kind of relationship, is also linked to relationship with another. A social network is said to be multiplex when ego relates to other individuals in a number of capacities simultaneously. This indicator examines if there is a network of social relations supportive of the targeted vaenacular, because the tighter the social structure (dense and multiplex) where the vernacular is the language of choice, the better.

2.5.3.6: Social Outlook: Giles, Bourhis and Taylor (1977 in Landweer 2016), have noted that the degree of esteem an ethnic group affords itself and is attributed by out- groupsserves to reinforce ethnolinguistc vitality. Thus the perception a group has of itself can impact the value associated with their language and ultimately their choice of language. The indicator examines if there is internal or external recognition of the language community as separate and unique within the broader society.and if there is a material or non-material evidence markers of such distinctions, because the greater the grou‟s internal identity, its external recognition, and its cultural distinctiveness, the better.

2.5.3.7: Language Prestige: Language prestige is manifested in many ways, e.g by the deference given to the speakers of a perceived prestige language by the speakers of another language when they meet. This indicator examines if the target language have prestige nationally, is relative to regional languages, how recognized the target language is, when compared to other local languages? What is the relative prestige of the target language within the linguistic repertoire of the speech community itself?

Because the higher the prestige of a language, the better.

2.5.3.8 Access to a Stable and and Acceptable Economic base: One of the common motivations for individuals in a community to shift from one language to another is for perceived economic benefit. This I dicator examines if there is an acceptable economic base supportive of continuing of the target language.

This theory was used in analyzing chaper four, five and seven of this research.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

The main purpose of a research is to generate knowledge. In this section, an attempt was made to present methods and procedures through which data was obtained and analyzed. These includes research design, site of the study, target population, sampling techniques and size, research instruments, data collection procedures, data analysis and presentation on ethical consideration.

3.2 Research Design

The study which is sociolinguistics, tried to investigate the language shift of the Gera language of Bauchi state to the Hausa language. The data collection method, analysis, presentation and interpretation procedures of this research were all determined by research questions, objectives, and the theoretical approach guiding this investigation.

When we take the purpose of the research, research questions and the kind of data we require we will arrive at the type of research we want to carry out. In this case, the data we required was both quantitative and qualitative data. Therefore, our research design is a mixed research design (MRD). The mixed research method takes the advantage of using multiple ways to resolve a research problem. According to

(Onwegbuize, 2004); it is a type of research which applies both the quantitative and qualitative techniques. While (Creswell, 2003, p.212) defines it as “The collection of analysis of both qualitative and quantitative data in a single study in which the data are collected concurrently or sequentially, are given priority, and involve the

integration of data at one or more stages in the process of research”. In a mixed research method (MRD), the two techniques (quantitative and qualitative) are mixed in a single study; therefore it can be viewed as a third alternative to a purely qualitative or quantitative research.

The mixed Research Design can be based on either quantitative or qualitative research. Research problems can become research questions and/or hypotheses based on prior literature, knowledge, experience, or the research process. Sample sizes vary based on methods used. Data collection can involve any technique available to researchers. Interpretation is continual and can influence stages in the research process

The simple reason is to overcome the limitations of a single design. A detailed number of reasons involve: explaining and interpretation, exploring a phenomenon and developing and testing a new instrument. It also serves a theoretical perspective and can complement the strengths of a single design and overcome the weaknesses of a single design.

It can provide both quantitative and qualitative strengths. The strengths of an additional method can be used to overcome the weaknesses in another method both in the study. It can answer broader and more complex range of research questions. Also, it can be easy to describe and to report and can be useful when unexpected results arise from a prior study. It can help generalize, to a degree, qualitative data. It is helpful in designing and validating an instrument. And lastly, it can position research in a transformative framework. (Onwegbuize, 2004)

Both methods complement each other in that quantitative research provides the “hard” data that is needed to meet the required objective and to test hypothesis. The qualitative method provides a vivid explanation of the phenomenon since both methods have biases, using the two helps to minimize such biases. The subjectivity associated with qualitative research is minimized by the objectivity associated with quantitative research findings; therefore one approach validates the other.

3.3 Site of the Study

The study was conducted in some villages in Ganjuwa and Bauchi Local Government areas of Bauchi State in Nigeria. Bauchi is the only state where Gera can be found and

Ganjuwa and Bauchi are the only 2 Local Governments where the Gera people are native. The 2 local government areas belong to the Bauchi South and Bauchi central senatorial zones of the state. Two settlements from both Bauchi and Ganjuwa local government areas were visited for the purpose of this study.

Bauchi state is one of the 36 states belonging to the federal republic of Nigeria. It is situated in the north-eastern part of the country with 20 local government areas. It borders seven states, namely: Borno, Adamawa, Taraba, Gombe, Yobe, Jos and

Kaduna.The research focused on the endangerment of the Gera language of Bauchi

State.

3.3 Target Population

Target population is the constituent of the entire population of which the researcher intends to cover (Creswell, 2012). The target population for the study was the Gera

language speakers, who are found in Bauchi State. They are native to Bauchi and

Ganjuwa local government areas of Bauchi State.

3.4 Sampling Techniques and Sampling Size

Sampling techniques and sampling size are two considerations in sampling that are necessary in a study of this magnitude (Merriam, 1998 and Creswell, 2012).

According to (Merriam, 1998), the unit of analysis determines the first stage of sampling. In this case, the unit of analysis of the study is the speakers of the Gera language of Bauchi State. The second stage of sampling is influenced by choosing the appropriate participants who responded positively to the target needs of the research.

The study combined three different types of sampling in order to achievea very good result. The first is the stratified and random sampling was used in sampling of 24 school aged respondents from the five study sites. The students are from the primary schools (aged 7-12), junior secondary schools (aged 13-15), and the senior secondary schools (aged 14-18).The second and third are the purposive sampling and the snowballing sampling which were adopted because of the endangerment of the Gera language, where only few speakers were found. Therefore, the two methods were used in selecting theolder respondents. These two methods were needed in order to find the right respondents through other respondents, especially in Ilelah, Bauchi town where they are hard to find due to language shift. Through this type of sampling, the researcher with the help of the research assistants, headmasters and principals was able to separate the students with Gera backgrounds from others in order to sample them for the research.

Five Gera speaking settlements were visited, two out of each of the only two Gera speaking Local Government Areas of Bauchi State. The settlements are: Tirwun,

Dabe, Gilliri, Kangere and Ilelah (Bauchi town).Gilliri and Dabe belong to Ganjuwa local government area, while Kangere and Tirwun belong to Bauchi local government area. The fifth settlement, Ilelah, is an area in Bauchi town originally inhabited mostly by the Gera. The settlements were chosen in order to be able to balance the research population to the only 2 out of 20 local governments where the Gera language exists.

Bauchi Town which used to be the headquarters of the Gera was also included in the research.

Out of the 5 settlements; Gilliri, Dabe, Tirwun and Kangyare, and Ilelah (Bauchi), 30 respondents were selected from each, based on age, gender and occupation, which made a total of 150 respondents. Through this the researcher tried to ensure equal representation helped towards answering all the research questions. 24 school children and 6 adults from each settlement participated in answering questionnaires, making the number of the proposed respondents to 150. The schools were used for the research because those are the only places children many children can be found at the same time and sampling, sharing and answering of questionnaires was really effective in the school environment due to the cooperation of parents and teachers.

3.5 Research Instruments

The main instrument of the research is the researcher herself, who observed, took notes talked to people and conducted the research procedures with the help of her research assistants and interpreter.The study made use of the following instruments to

elicit data: Questionnaires for the quantitative data and interviews, focus group discussions and documents from archives were analyzed in order to guard against any threat to the credibility of the findings. The triangulation of sources that was used in this research was to compare and crosscheck the data obtained by means of different instruments.

Recordings of the speeches or question and answer session with the respondents was a useful and appropriate activity done by the instrument because it provided standard medium for listening and evaluation of code mixed and code switched sentences which are part of the process of language shift. According to (Hannisdal, 2006), recordings provides standard sounds and speech production, devoid of any sort of noises, and no part of the broadcast speech will be exempted.

The data obtained from the recordings of the speeches of the interview was transcribed in order to identify the level of endangerment of the Gera language, determine the demographic variables most affected by the endangerment. The data also provided the means of knowing if there was any hope for revitalization of the

Gera language.The data was also analyzed in order to bring out the structures of the

Gera language and compare it to that of Hausa language so as to achieve the third objection, which is to find out if the structure of the Gera language is affected by the endangerment.

3.6 Data Collection procedures

The objectives of the study played a very important role in determining the data collection procedures, as well as in data analysis. Since we needed data pertaining to

the level of the endangerment of Gera language, the demographic variables that effect the endangerment, and other issues, it was necessary to use more than one data collection technique. Each technique provided data that was obtainable using it. The use of different procedures of data collection provided gives more credence and validity to the research. The main procedures used for data collection in this study were:

3.6.1 Interviews:

Interview was used to elicit information from some of the respondents. Only

the older respondents were interviewed, because the few Gera found by the

researcher who could actually speak the language fell into this category. Some

of the data needed by the researcher for objective 3 and 4 had to be from Gera

speakers and also those who are knowledgeable in Gera culture and traditions.

The respondents were asked a set of predetermined questions with the aim of

getting information regarding:

i. The level of the endangerment of the Gera language.

ii. The demographic variables associated with the endangerment.

iii. Lexical borrowing from Hausa to Gera.

iv. The level of ethno-linguistic consciousness among the Gera people.

All the 20 adult respondents were interviewed for the research.Those interviewed were the adults from the 5 study sites namely Gilliri, Dabe, Tirwun, Kangere, and

Bauchi. They were asked questions by the researcher in Hausa, and each interview lasted between one to two hours. Those interviewed were only those who claimed to

speak Gera fluently. They were each asked to tell a story in Gera about Marriage, naming, circumcision and other traditional Gere ceremonies processes and how they were conducted originally. The interview was recorded in both video and audio.

Pictures and notes were also taken.

3.6.2 Focus group Discussion

This was used to supplement in-depth interviews. It was used on groups of peers, for example elders, women, and young men of about ten to twenty in number, which varied from settlement to settlement. The numbers in each settlement varied and cuts across age and gender. Also both speaking and non-speaking Gera participated in the discussions. The focus group discussion was organized in each of the five settlements.

Aside from the recorder, a note book was also used to record some matters that came up during the discussions.

The aim of the FGD was to get more information for the Gera material and non- material culture, which was thrown into the discussion and so much ideas were shared by the participants. The Gera festivals and masquarades, songs and dances were also discussed and so many participants recalled the names and how, when and where some nearly forgotten festivals were performed.

The FGD also helped the researcher in knowing how the endangerment affected the structure of the Gera language. Question was asked by the researcher about Hausa loan words in Gera.

3.6.3 Language use and Attitude Questionnaire (LUAC)

The language use and attitude questionnaire was used mostly with the school children, youths, and the literate among the older respondents. This technique provided data that was used in addressing three out of four of the objectives of the study. The objectives are number one two and four.

The questionnaire was distributed with the help of two research assistants who travelled with the researcher to all the study sites.

The Questionnaire asked for the following information: Linguistic Bio-data, which includes information pertaining to age, gender, class/form, occupation, place of birth,

Religion and place of residence of the respondents. Then the respondent‟s linguistic data was also asked which includes the respondent‟s first language, number of languages spoken, and the languages used in different speech domains. The domains include the home, school, market and other places. The respondents were also asked about their linguistic repertoire, which was an account of the languages they spoke, beginning with the one they were most proficient to the least. And lastly, the respondents were asked about their language pattern, which was their choice language while speaking with different people including their parents, siblings, spouses, peers and children.

3.6.4 Informant-Aided Participant Observation

Since the researcher speaks only one out of the two languages in the study, that is

Hausa, a reliable informant who was fluent in both languages was used. In the company of the informant, the researcher visited public places and made observations,

with the help of the informant regarding the language in use by the persons in that place and the activities in which they were engaged. The techniques were also used in other domains such as the farms, wells and rivers and other places. In this case, the respondents were observed quietly by the researcher without engaging any talk. This is known as the passive method. All observations were written down or recorded by the researcher.

This type of observation was very important in the research because it helped in comfirming the validity of some of the information given by some of the respondents during the interview and FGD.

Secondary Data

Apart from the primary data collected through the above mentioned procedures, secondary data was also used. To get this data, an extensive examination of available archive and library records was made. The Kenyatta University library, in Nairobi

Kenya, Prof. Iya Abubakar resource centre library Bauchi, Nigeria, Arewa House library and archives, Kaduna Nigeria were used for this purpose.Through this, the researcher got information that concerned the historical, political, economic and social connections between the Hausa and the Gera. This data provided information regarding the diachronic linguistic status of some settlements in the study. The library research in addition exposed the researcher to some information that enriched our discussion of literature related to the study.

3.7 Data Analysis, Interpretation and Presentation

The data obtained from both the interviews and the observation was transcribed, and coded. The data analysis technique used exhibited both the quantitative and qualitative techniques, because the study employed mixed research method (MRD).

The data was arranged by the researcher based on gender, age and occupation. The questionnaires were first sorted out to detect any obvious deviation that could render the data unreliable. The use of percentages rather than figures was preferred mainly because of the ease with which they can be interpreted.

Records on individuals‟ interviews and focus group discussions were examined with a view to establishing patterns of language use and attitudes. The qualitative data from the interviews and observation was grouped into themes which were formulated in accordance with the objectives of the study and also the theoretical framework.

SPSS was used to generate tables and graphs that were used to present the language use and attitude patterns emerging from the analysis. The theories adopted in the study were used in the interpretation of the results.

3.8 Ethical Considerations

In a research of this nature that involved participants from government establishments, issues related to ethical and legal consideration must come into being, considering the protocols attached in gaining access to the site from the authorities who are bestowed with all powers regarding the operational sites. The researcher forwarded request for permission to the Local government chairmen of Bauchi and

Ganjuwa Local government areas, and the village heads of the four selected study

sites. This was in addition to the research letter from the graduate school. The researcher also made sure she obtained the permission of the respondents before using photo cameras, voice or video recorders on them. The reperentatives of the parents and Teachers Association (PTA) of all schools used in the study were contacted for their permission to engage the students for the research.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE LEVEL OF THE ENDANGERMENT OF THE GERA LANGUAGE

4.1 Introduction

This chapter and the other three (five, six and seven), constitute a presentation, analysis and findings of the fieldwork data collected from respondents who hail from the area of study.

For this chapter and the next one (chapter five), only the quantitative data was used, because of the lengthy sections of the tool used, language use and attitude questionnaire (LUAQ), which focused on data that was factual and therefore quantitative. As we pointed out in section 3.6.3, we used LUAQ to elicit data from the literate respondents. The tool was very helpful because it provided us with the data we required to address three out of the four objectives of this study; objectives one, two, and four. The data captured using informant-aided participant observation, interviews, and focus group discussions are presented along with the overall data discussion in chapter eight.

For the purpose of our presentation and subsequent discussions, we analyzed the data based on the four research objectives of this study. Therefore, this chapter will address the first research objective which is: to investigate the level of the endangerment of the Gera language. That is, to find out if the language is safe, according to the four scales used by UNESCO in identifying the levels of language endangerment, which are: safe, moribund, endangered or critically endangered.

This chapter was analysed using some of the indicators of ethnolinguistic vitality according to Landweer (2006).

The Sample

As pointed out in chapter three, the respondents from the category of Children, youths and adults were drawn from five Settlements located within the Gera-speaking territory, which consists of two local governments from Bauchi State namely Bauchi and Ganjuwa local governments and an area within Bauchi metropolis which was originally a Gera settlement. The respondents were all together 150; 30 were adults ranging from 19 to 80 years and 120 were school children ranging from 7-18 years.

The settlements were Gilliri, Dabe, Kangere, Tirwun and Ilelah in Bauchi. For each of these settlements, we obtained data from 30 respondents, 24 of them were primary and secondary school students which were sampled in their various schools and six were adults who were sampled at different locations like home, work and majalisa

(joints or meeting places for friends and peers). The number of respondents from the category of Children was 120, which were sampled from 5 primary schools, 5 junior secondary and 5 senior schools, making it a total of 3 schools in each settlement and

15 schools in all the settlements, while the number of the adult respondents was 30.

The data from all the respondents was examined separately depending on the settlements of the respondents, for the following reasons. First, it was noted that there was a great difference between the number of the respondents in primary and secondary schools with that of the youth and adults. Secondly, we expected varied

information on certain issues from the different groups, hence the need for 2 different types of questionnaires for the groups.

Thirdly, in objective 3 and 4, we clearly stated that we were interested in assessing the impact of the language shift or endangerment on the structure of the Gera language, and in finding out if the Gera language defines the Gera identity. To achieve this, we deemed it necessary to examine the qualitative data collected from each settlement through interviews and focus group discussions, by first transcribing and translating and then finding the necessary information.

4.2 Investigating the Level of the Endangerment of the Gera

It was mentioned in 4.1 that each objective of this research will be analysed according to chapters, therefore in this section, we analyse the level of the endangerment of the

Gera language. The level of the endangerment of the Gera Language was investigated by looking into the following data, which includes; Age, Gender, Class, form, Place of birth, Residence, Religion, Languages Spoken, Language Domain, Languages spoken by Parents, Language attitude.

4.2.1 Respondents Bio-data

The respondents‟ bio-data includes information pertaining to age, gender, class/form, occupation, Place of birth, Religion and Place of Residence of the respondents. While we acknowledge that not all information contained in a bio-data may be directly addressing a particular research question or objective, we reckon that it is indeed very useful in our investigation, especially the first two objectives of the research, which are; investigating the level of the endangerment of the Gera language and identifying

the demographic variables effecting the endangerment. The bio-data can also be useful to the other two objectives.

4.3.1.1 Age

This question was answered by all the respondents. The information on age is very crucial to this research objective because one of the criteria used in investigating an endangered language is the percentage of the youngest generation acquiring fluency in the language in question. According to UNESCO, a language is severely endangered when it is spoken by grandparents and older generations; while the parent generation may understand it, they do not speak it to children or among themselves.

The ages of respondents from the five settlements are as shown in the table below:

Table 4: Respondent’s Age (in per cent)

Respondent’s Age Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi 7-12 40.0 40.0 40.0 40.0 40.0 13-17 40.0 40.0 40.0 40.0 40.0 18-40 3.3 6.7 3.3 6.7 10.0 41-80 16.7 13.3 16.7 13.3 10.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

From the above table it should be noted that we took a bigger sample out of the younger speakers. This is because of the importance of the younger speakers in this research; through them we can be able to establish an accurate situation of language endangerment. If they are not speaking or being handed down the language then it is clearly endangered.

4.3.1.2 Gender

Gender was very important in this research and extremely important to this objective, because it can also be used in determining the level of the endangerment of the Gera

Language. The intention of the researcher was to get an equal number of both male and female respondents, but unfortunately it was only among the school children that she was able to get a good number of females. For the adults, it is very difficult to find women outside, especially in the villages. Permission must be sought from their husbands for them to be interviewed, because most Gera‟s have converted to Islam.

Even in school, it can be noted that the number of boy respondents is more than that of the girls. This is because Ganjuwa Local Government is still among the UNICEF targeted areas that are still backward in Girl-Child enrolment in schools. The Genders of the respondents from the five settlements are shown below:

Table 5: Respondent’s Gender (in per cent) Respondent’s Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gender Male 53.3 53.3 63.3 53.3 50.0 Female 46.7 46.7 36.7 46.7 50.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100

Although generally it is believed that women have a tendency to preserve a language more than men, unfortunately in the Gera situation, men are more available for interview than women because of some factors. One of them is that most Gera people are Muslims and therefore may not readily be allowed by their husbands or parents to talk to male strangers. In our case the interpreter and the research assistants were both males, and we were not fortunate to find a female interpreter.

4.3.1.3 Class/Form

A substantial amount of data was collected from school age children.This was possible due to their being conveniently available at their schools, and therefore, were easily sampled by the researcher. The questionnaires were given to them at their various schools. The questionnaires were self-administered, but the researcher had to engage the help of two research assistants and the class teachers in the primary schools. In Nigeria, the 6-3-3-4 system of education has been in practice, since 1988.

The primary school is primary 1-6, the junior secondary School is JS 1-3, and the

Senior Secondary School is SS 1-3, and the university a minimum of four years. The

Data was collected from the following Schools:

i. Gilliri primary, junior and senior secondary schools

ii. Dabe primary, junior and senior secondary schools

iii. Kangere primary, junior and senior secondary schools

iv. Tirwun primary,junior and senior secondary schools

v. Kobi Primar, junior and senior secondary Schools in Bauchi.

The researcher specifically selected respondents with Gera backgrounds. That was not a problem in villages like Gilliri and Dabe, where almost everyone in the village is a

Gera native. But in places like Kangere and Tirwun, where many other ethnic groups have also settled, due to their close proximity with Bauchi town which is the State capital, the respondents had to be selected based on their Gera backgrounds with the help of village elders.

The researcher was able to get an even number of respondents from each school, 24 stusents from all the schools in 5 settlements; 12 from primary, 6 from junior secondary and 6 from senior secondary of each settlement. This was able to be achieved because, unlike the adult respondents, the school-going respondents were available inhigh number due to school attendance. 60 respondents were sampled from each of the five primary schools belonging to each of the five settlements. Also 30 respondents were sampled from the junior and senior secondary schools respectively, making the total number of the school-going respondents, 120. The distribution of respondent‟s classes/forms from the five settlements is presented in the table below:

Table 6: Class/Form of the Respondents school children (in per cent) Gillirii Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Primary Sch. 50.0 50.0 50.0 50.0 50.0 JS 1-3 25.0 25.0 25.0 25.0 25.0 SS 1-3 25.0 25.0 25.0 25.0 25.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

We were looking for valid samples that would reflect the real situation of language endangerment of the Gera through the younger generation according to UNESCO, and the only place to find the younger generation in large quantity is the school.

4.3.1.4 Respondents Locality

The place of residence of the respondents is of interest to this research, because the researcher is interested in finding out how the language situation in the localities of the respondents influenced their language attitude; if the Gera language is still vigorous in some place of residences, and hardly spoken in another. 30 respondents are sampled from every settlement. 12 respondents were primary school students, 12

from secondary schools, and 6 adults, making 30 respondents from each settlement.

As mentioned above, the school going children were easy to be found in one place which is school, but it was not easy to get adult respondents, due to the fact that most of them are farmers and they are always at their farms which in most cases are far away from the villages.

Table 7: Respondents Locality Respondent’s Locality Per Cent Gilliri 20.0 Dabe 20.0 Kangere 20.0 Tirwun 20.0 Bauchi 20.0 Total 100.0

The table is expressed in the form of a pie chart below:

Figure 4: Respondents locality

Out of the total respondents of 150, 30 samples were taken from each settlement.

The settlements were chosen based on their vicinity to the state capital. Tirwun and

Kangere are very close to town and Tirwun is almost a suburb of the state capital, while Dabe and Gilliri are much further from town, while Ilelah-Bauchi is an area from within the state capital. This is because we needed to find out if staying in town or close to town affects the Gera language.

4.3.1.5 Religion

Though the language of worship is considered sacrosanct in many cultures, most of the Gera people have converted to Islam, while a few have converted to Christianity therefore abandoning their traditional religion and rituals therefore discarding any religious use the language may have had originally. The researcher still felt the need to take the data of the respondent‟s religion in order to investigate what role religion plays in the shift of the Gera language. Only 7, Christians were found out of 150 respondents. All the rest professed to be Muslims. None of the respondents claim the

Gera traditional religion, which means they have all converted or died. This shows that the Gera have already abandoned their traditional religion for foreign ones, just as many have already abandoned the language for Hausa. The implication here is that the apart from the religious practices, rituals and other traditions that are lost together with the tradional religion, the linguistic aspect of the religion is also being lost. For example, the Gera vocabularies related to religion have been subtitutted with that of

Hausa, and the original is lost due to lack of usage by the speakers. The general distribution of the responses to the question is below:

Table 8: Respondents Religion Religion Per Cent Islam 95.3 Christianity 4.7 Total 100.0

Figure 5: Respondents Religion Because of the impact of the Jihad which includes wars of conquests and domination on the minority tribes and migration and settlements of Hausas among the natives, the

Gera are now mostly Muslims and identify with Islam. Like many other minority groups in northern Nigeria, the Gera have developed a negative attitude towards their culture and language based on religion. They feel that being identified with their culture and speaking their language will make others to look down on them as arna, a

Hausa derogatory term for a non-muslim. Because of this they shied away from speaking their language and identifying with their culture, and would rather be identified with Hausa than Gera. The very few Christians interviewed however did

not feel the pressure or need to identify with any other culture than their own; In fact they view the Hausa language as a Muslim language. Therefore they are more likely to retain their language.

4.2.2 Respondents personal Linguistic Data

In this section we present information regarding the respondent‟s first language, the number of languages spoken, and the languages used in different speech domains. The domains include the home, school (inside and outside the classroom), market and other places.

4.2.2.1 Respondents First Language

This data was collected using questionnaires distributed to all the 150 respondents from the 5 Gera Settlements. In the schools, some of the form masters and mistresses helped out in serving the questionnaires. The questionnaires were served to only students with Gera backgrounds pnly with the help of some village elders in Kangere,

Tirwun and Kobi primary and Secondary Schools, because of the influx of non-Gera settlers in those places. Below are the responses to the question of first language from each of the six settlements.

Table 9: Respondents First Language (in per Cent)

First Lang Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 13.3 13.3 3.3 6.7 3.3 Hausa 86.7 86.7 96.7 93.3 96.7 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

From the table above it is apparent that Hausa was the first language of almost all the respondents from all the territories, except few. In Gilliri, only four respondents (13.3

%) cited Gera as their first language. All the other 26 (86.7 %), had Hausa as their first language. Similarly in Dabe only 13.3 % of the respondents claimed Gera as their first language, while 86.7 per cent said it was Hausa. In Kangere only one respondent

(3.3 %) of the respondents said Gera was her first language, while the other 29 (96.7

%), said Hausa was their first language. In Tirwun two respondents (6.7 %), said Gera is their first Language, while the other 28 (93.3 %) had Hausa as their first language.

In Ilelah area of Bauchi, only one respondent (3.3 %) claimed Gera as his first language, the other 29 (96.7) had Hausa as their first Language.

It is worth nothing from the table that the influence of Hausa in those settlements is tremendous. No one among the respondents had any other language as a first language. Only 12 out of 150 Respondents, had Gera as their first language, all other

138 had Hausa as their First Language.

It can also be noted that Bauchi is the state capital, but its original inhabitants were

Gere. Presently, only a few areas in Bauchi are populated by people with Gera background, though most of them present themselves as Hausa. Kangere, and Tirwun were Gere villages at the fringes of Bauchi town, which are now populated by people from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Dabe and Gilliri are a little bit far from Bauchi town and still maintain a sizable amount of Gera natives. Therefore it shouldn‟t come as a surprise that we found 8 of the respondents who had Gera as their first language from Gilliri and Dabe.

The total number of the respondents and their first language can be seen in table 10.

Out of the 150 respondents interviewed, 138 said Hausa is their first language, only

12 claimed Gera as the first language.

Table 10: Showing the First Language of the Respondents

Languages No of Respondents Percentage Gera 12 8.0% Hausa 138 92% Total; 150 100.0

Figure 6: Showing the First Language of the Respondents

It should be noted that none of the 120 school-going respondents claimed Gera as a first language. Also, out of the 30 adult respondents, only 12 claimed Gera as a first language.

4.2.2.2 Respondents Linguistic Repertoire

The respondents were required to provide an account of the language they spoke beginning with the one they were most proficient in to the least. Since we are interested in self-reported language proficiency, the respondents were free to list down all the languages they spoke.

Table 11: Respondents Linguistic Repertoire (in per cent)

Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Two 26.4 26.7 18.7 43.3 56.7 One 73.6 73.3 83.3 56.7 53.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Looking at the foregoing table it is quite clear that most of the respondents are monolingual. When we examine the statistics from the five settlements keenly, we notice that Kangere has the highest numbers of monolingual speakers, which is 83.3 percent of the total numbers of respondents in the settlement, while 18.7 percent are bilingual. This is followed by Gilliri which has 73.6 percent and Dabe that has 73.3 percent of monolingual speakers, and 26.4 percent and 26.7 percent are Bilingual respectively. This is the case because those places are villages, even though Kangere is closer to Bauchi town. The school going children in those settlements are being taught in Hausa language, especially in Primary schools and even junior secondary school. They also cannot speak Gera, since it is not their first language, therefore they speak only Hausa and few of them speak English.

In Tirwun, 56.7 percent of the respondents are monolingual, and 43.3 percent are multilingual. Tirwun which used to be a Gera village is now a suburb of Bauchi town

because of development and modernisation. Schools are built there, even private ones.

Estates are built by both government and private individuals. Therefore the number of bilinguals within the Gera speaking community should be expected, since some of the children have learned to speak English in school, and a few of the elders speak Gera language. But in Bauchi there are more bilinguals (56 percent), than monolinguals

(53 percent). Bauchi being the state capital is the centre of all the different ethnicities from Bauchi state and even other parts of the country. All the students from primary school are monolingual in Hausa, though it may be because the school targeted is a government school that teaches students in Hausa. Even though the secondary school is also a government school, all the students are bilingual in Hausa and English. All the adult respondents are bilingual in either English and Hausa or Gera and Hausa. All the respondents from all the settlements are fluent in Hausa.

4.2.3 Language Use Pattern

In this section we look for the choice of language made by the respondents while speaking with their parents, siblings, spouses, and children.

4.2.3.1 Home Languages

This is usually the first language a child learns at home. It is also the one used in communicating with his or her immediate family. But in some cases, language used by a parent when talking to his/her children may not necessarily be the one used by the children when talking to their parents. In most urban societies in Nigeria, children often respond in English, pidgin, Yoruba, Igbo or Hausa whenever a parent initiates a conversation using his/her native language. Some children having parents from different tribes or linguistic background may use a different language while talking to

any of the parent. It is possible for a child with Fulani mother and Yoruba father to talk to the father using Yoruba and the father using Fulani. The questions on what language/languages is/are spoken by the respondents when talking to the parents is included in the questionnaire because we acknowledge that such disparities may exists among the respondents, which is displayed in table 12:

4.2.3.2 Respondents Language when speaking to the Father

This is the language the respondent use in speaking with the mother, which in some cases may not be the same used when speaking with the mother, spouse or siblings.

Table 12: Respondents Language when speaking to the Father

Language No of Respondents Percentage Gera 9 6.0% Hausa 141 94.0% Total 150 100.%

Figure 7: Language use by the Respondents when speaking to the Father

In this case, out of the 150 respondents, only 9 said they speak Gera with their fathers, while 141 said they use Hausa language during conversations with their fathers of the.

Those 9 were all adult respondents.

4.2.3.3 The Respondents Language when talking to the Mother

The language a child speaks with the mother is commonly known as the mother tongue. If the mother tongue is the Gera in a Gera household, then language endangerment is clearly minimized.

Table 13: The Respondent’s Language When talking to the Mother

Languages No. of Speakers Percentage Gera 10 6.7% Hausa 140 93.3% Total 150 100

Figure 8: Language of the Respondents while Talking to the Mother

Out of the 150 total respondents, 10 said they use Gera to converse with their mothers, while 140 said they use Hausa while talking to their own mothers. The 10 were all adult respondents.

Table 14: Language of the Respondents while talking to the Mother/Father Gilliri (in per cent) Language of the respondent to Language of the respondent to the mother the father Gera 10.0 13.3 Hausa 90.0 86.7 Other 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0

In Gilliri, 90 percent of the respondents use Hausa to converse with their mothers, and only 10 percent use Gera to converse with their mothers. Those 10 percent were 3 elderly respondents who admitted to also speaking Hausa to the mothers in some occasions. 4 people (13.3), of the Gilliri respondents speak to their fathers using the

Gera language, while the remaining 26 (86.7%) use Hausa

Table 15: Language of the respondent speaking to the mother/father- Dabe (in percent)

Language of the Language of the respondent respondent to the mother to the father Gera 10.0 10.0 Hausa 90.0 90.0 Other 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0

In Dabe, 3 (10%) respondents speak to their mothers in Gera, and the same percentage of respondents, also speak with their fathers in Gera language. The percentage of those who speak to the parents in Hausa is 90 percent of the Dabe respondents. All of

the respondents admitted to also using Hausa to speak with the parents apart from

Gera.

Table 16: Language of the respondent speaking to the mother/father-Kangere (in per cent)

Language Language of the Language of the respondent respondent to the to the father mother Gera 3.3 3.3 Hausa 96.7 96.7 Other 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0

In Kangere, 3.3% (only one, out of 30) of the total respondents speak Gera to their mother and fathers, and the remaining 96% only speak Hausa with the parents.

Table 17: Language of the respondent when speaking to mother/father-Tirwun (in per cent)

Language Language of the respondent Language of the to the mother respondent to the father Gera 6.7 3.3 Hausa 93.3 96.7 Other 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0

In Tirwun, 6.7% (2 out the 30) respondents speak Gera to their mothers, while the remaining 93.3% speak Hausa with the mothers. Also, only 3.3% (one out of 30) speak Gera to their fathers and the other 29 speak Hausa.

Table 18: Language of the respondents when speaking the mother/father-Bauchi (in per cent) Language Language of the Language of the respondent to respondent to the mother the father Gera 3.3 0.0 Hausa 96.7 100.0 Other 0.0 0.0 Total 100.0 100.0 Out of the 30 respondents in the Bauchi area, only 3.3% (one) speak Gera with the mother, and no respondent speaks Gera with the father.

The answers to the questions about the respondent‟s language when speaking to the parents displayed in the tables above reveal that Hausa is mostly used at home while talking to the parents in all the five settlements. While only a small percentage of

Gera was used mostly by elderly respondents in conversing with their much older parents. It should also be noted that all those who speak to the parents in Gera have admitted to also speaking with them in Hausa.

4.2.3.4 Language used with the Siblings

This is also in the home domain. The language used by one sibling when talking to another, may not necessarily be the one used when talking to the parents or other relations.

Table 19: Respondents Languages used with Siblings

Language No of Respondents Percentages Gera 11 7.3% Hausa 139 92.7% Total 150 100%

Figure 9: Respondents Language while talking with Siblings

Out of the 150 total respondents, 11 said they speak Gera with their siblings while 139 of them said they speak Hausa with their own siblings. Clearly English was not part of the In-group language use by the siblings. This also showed that Hausa has dominated the conversation between siblings, since 92 percent of the respondents use Hausa to speak to their siblings.

Table 20 below showed the language the respondents speak with their siblings when

Table 20: Language of the respondents when speaking with siblings

Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 6.7 13.3 3.3 6.7 6.7 Hausa 93.3 86.7 96.7 93.3 93.3 English 0 0 0 0 0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

After interpreting the results displayed on the above table, we have come to the conclusion that a very high percentage of the total respondents speak Hausa with their

siblings when conversing. Only a very few of the respondents have admitted to speaking Gera with their siblings. No other respondent claimed to use English or any other language when speaking with their siblings.

4.2.3.5 Language Used with Spouses

This is also in the home domain. The language used by the respondents when talking to their children, may not necessarily be the one they usewhen talking to one another.

Table 21: Language of the adult respondents when speaking with spouses (in per cent)

Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 50.0 33.3 16.7 16.7 16.7 Hausa 50.0 66.7 83.3 83.3 50.0 English 0 0 0 0 33.3 Other 0 0 0 0 0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

From the above table, we can tell that most of the adult respondents who happened to be six in number from each of the 5 settlements use the Hausa language when speaking with their spouses. In Gilliri 50% of the respondents speak Gera to their spouses and the other 50% speak Hausa. In Dabe, 33% of the respondents speak Gera with their spouses and 83% speak Hausa. In Kangere and Tirwun, 16% of the respondents speak Gera to their spouses while the 83% majority, speak Hausa with their spouses. In Bauchi, 16% speak Gera with their spouses, 50% speak Hausa, while

33% speak English with their spouses.

Table 22: Language Use by the Respondents when talking to the Spouse

Language No of Respondents Percentages Gera 8 26.7% Hausa 20 66.7% English 2 6.7% Total 150 100%

Eight, out of the 30 adult respondents said they speak Gera with their spouses, while twenty of them said they speak Hausa with their own spouses, and the remaining two said they speak English with their spouses.

Figure 10: Languages Used by the Respondents when talking to the Spouse Gilliri and Dabe have the highest percentage of those who speak Gera with their wives, which could be because they are Gera native villages which are not very close to Bauchi town. Also, Kangere and Tirwun have the highest percentage of respondents, who speak Hausa to their spouses, which could be because they border

Bauchi town, actually they have now became suburbs of Bauchi. In Ilelah, Bauchi

there are 33% of the respondents who speak English to their spouses, apart from the

16% who speak Gera and the 50% who speak Hausa.

4.2.3.6 Language Used When speaking to Children

Also in the home domain, the language used by one spouse when talking to another, may not necessarily be the one used when talking to their children.

Table 23: Language Used with children by the respondents

Languages No of Respondents Percentages Gera 6 20.0% Hausa 22 73.3% English 2 6.7% Total 30 100.0%

Out of the 30 adult respondents, 6 of them said speak Gera with their children, 22 said they speak Hausa with their children while 2 said they speak English with their own children.

Figure 11: Language Spoken with Children

Table 24: Language of the respondents when speaking with children (adults) (in per cent)

Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 16.7 33.3 16.7 0 16.7 Hausa 83.3 66.7 83.3 100.0 50.0 English 0 0 0 0 33.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

It is very easy to see how Hausa dominates all other languages in terms of conversing with children. In Gilliri, where 50% of the adult respondents speak Gera with their spouses, only 16% speak Gera to their children. In Dabe, 33% speak Gera to their children while 66% speak Hausa. In Kangere and Tirwun, only 16% speak Gera to their children, 83% in Kangere and 50% in Bauchi speak Hausa. Also another 33% speaks English to their children in Bauchi, but that is also in addition to Hausa. In

Tirwun, 100% of the adult respondents speak Hausa with their children.

4.2.3.7 Language Used with Age-mates and Friends (in per cent)

This is also in the home domain. This is the language that the respondents use in talking with their friends and age mates.

Table 25: Language used with friends and Age-mates

Language No of Respondents Percentage Gera 5 3.3% Hausa 122 81.3% English 23 15.3% Total 150 100.0%

Out of the 150 respondents, 5 said they speak Gera with their age mates and friends,

23 of the respondents speak English with them and the rest of the 83 said they use

Hausa while having conversation with friends and age mates in social places.

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Figure 12: Language Spoken with Friends and Age Mates

Table 26: Language of the respondents when speaking with age-mates and friends (in per cent)

Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 6.7 3.3 0 3.3 3.3 Hausa 93.3 96.7 100.0 63.3 53.3 English 0 0 0 33.3 43.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

From the table above, the language used by the respondents with their age-mates and friends in social places was also predominantly Hausa. In Gilliri, only 6.7% of the respondents use Gere to socialise with friends and age-mates, the other 93.3% use

Hausa for that purpose. In Dabe there were less people who socialise with Gera, they were only 3.3%, while the 96.7% use Hausa for socialising. In Kangere 100% of the

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respondents use Hausa to converse with friends and age-mates. In Tirwun and Bauchi, only 3.3% use Gera to socialise with friends and age-mates. 63% in Tirwun and 53% in Bauchi use Hausa, while 33% and 43% use English in talking with friends and age mates at social places.

4.2.3.8 Language Used by the Respondents at School/Work

This is the language used by the respondents in the school or work domains.

Table 27: Language used by the Respondents at Home

Language No of Respondent Percentage Gera 12 8.0% Hausa 105 70.0% English 33 22.0% Total 150 100.0%

Out of the 150 total respondents, 12 said they speak Gera at work or places of occupation, 33 of them said they speak Gera at work or school, while the remaining

105 said they speak Hausa at work or at school.

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Figure 13: Language used at School/Work Table 28: Language Used by the respondents at school/work (in per cent)

Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 3.3 0 0 3.3 3.3 Hausa 86.7 83.3 83.3 60.3 46.7 English 6.7 16.7 16.7 33.3 50.0 Other 3.3 0 0 3.3 0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Hausa still took the lead as the language spoken at work, according to table 30. In

Gilliri, Tirwun and Bauchi only 3.3 % of the respondents use Gera at work/School, while in Dabe and Kangere no respondent speaks Gere at work/School. Those who speak Hausa at work in Gilliri are 86%, in Dabe and Kangere 83%, in Tirwun, 6.3%, and 46.7% in Bauchi. English came second as the most spoken language at work/school after Hausa with 6.7% in Gilliri, 16.7 in Dabe and Kangere, 33.3 in

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Tirwun and 50% in Bauchi. Bauchi being the state capital had many jobs and schools where speaking English is essential.

4.2.3.9 Language Used by the respondents at market

This is the language used by the respondents in the market while buying or selling goods and produce.

Table 29: Language used by respondents at market (in per cent)

Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 16.7 10.0 3.3 6.7 0 Hausa 83.3 90.0 96.7 93.3 83.3 English 0 0 0 0 16.7 Other 0 0 0 0 0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

The respondent‟s use of language in the market place also had Hausa as the language mostly used. In Gilliri and Bauchi, 83% of the respondents use Hausa in the market while only 16.7% use Gera in Gilliri. In Dabe, 90% use Hausa in the market and only

10% use Gera. In Kangere, 96.7% of the respondents speak Hausa while only 3.3% use Gera in the market, just like in Tirwun where 93.3% use Hausa and only 6.7% use

Gera. It should be noted that Bauchi town was the only place where a percentage of the respondents (16.7%), use English in the market. This fact is not unrelated to the cosmopolitan nature of the town, as a state capital.

4.2.3.10 Language Used by the respondents at other Places

This is the language used by the respondents while talking in places apart from those mentioned above, which could be religious places like church/mosque, weddings, funerals, Gymnasium, and other places not mentioned.

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Table 30: Language Used by the respondents at other places (in per cent) Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 16.7 13.3 3.3 6.7 3.3 Hausa 83.3 86.7 96.7 90.0 73.3 English 0 0 0 0 23.3 Other 0 0 0 3.3 0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

The respondents were asked about their language use on other places not mentioned in the above domains, which includes; mosque/church, weddings, funerals, festivals, seminars, social network, interviews, marriage-introductions, etc. Hausa language still dominated all other languages as the language that was used by most respondents in this domain. In Gilliri, 83.3% of the respondents use Hausa in all other places, and only 16.7% use Gera. In Dabe, 86.7% use Hausa while 13.3 use Gera. In Kangere, just 3.3% of the 96.7% respondents speak Gere, all others use Hausa. In Tirwun,

90.0% use Hausa. While 6.7% use Gere and another 3.3% use another language in other places. In Bauchi, 73.3% use Hausa, 23.3% use English, and 3.3% use Gere in other places.

4.2.4 Respondents Language Attitude

Nash (1987, in Landweer, 2016) demonstrated that the strength of distinct ability a group has works to maintain their language source.

Language attitude is regarded as a very crucial factor in the study of language endangerment, language shift and language death. Language attitude may be classified using such terms as negative attitude, positive attitude and indifferent attitude. In this section, we undertook to examine the attitude of the respondents towards Gera, Hausa, English and any other language they may be able to speak in the

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context of some domains in which language is used. It is worthwhile to make it clear, however, that although we included four languages in the questions our interest was particularly skewed towards Gere and Hausa. This is because this study is an investigation of the endangerment of the Gera occasioned by the influence of Hausa language. Here, we sought to find out the respondents opinion on some statement made concerning Gera, and other languages so as to get their attitudes towards the

Gera language. The respondents were required to choose from four options which were: Not Important, Slightly important, important, and very important. To other questions regarding this they were required to choose from another set of options which were: Strongly disagree, Disagree, Agree, Strongly agree.

4.2.4.1 Respondents opinions regarding the statement “Gera Should be taught to children”

Table 31: Respondents opinions regarding the statement “Gera should be taught to children” (in per cent)

Gilliri Dabe Kanger Tirwun Bauchi Gerashould e betaught Strongly 6.7 3.3 13.3 20.0 33.3 to children’ Disagree Disagree 73.3 76.7 70.0 46.7 46.7 Agree 6.7 10.0 10.0 23.3 16.7 Strongly 13.3 10.0 6.7 10.0 3.3 Agree

The opinion of the respondents was required concerning the statement on the teaching of the Gera language to children. We were interested in finding the opinions of all of the respondents, since it is important to know how both the children and the adult feel about the Gera language, and how important it is to them.Looking at table 31, it is clear that the majority of the respondents from all settlements disagree that the Gera

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should be taught. But it should be noted that majority of the respondents are school children, (who form 120 of the 150 total respondents).

Figure 14: Respondents Opinion Regarding Statement no.1

4.2.4.2 Respondents Opinion Regarding the Statement “Hausa is more important to a Gera than Gera”.

The opinion of the respondents was required concerning the statement of the importance of Gera and Hausa to them. Both the adults and the children were required to give the information, since it will help in stating if the Gera language is considered relevant by them or not.From the table below we can tell that the majority of the respondents agree that Hausa is more important to them than Gera.

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Table 32: Respondents responses to the statement “Hausa is more important than Gera to a Gera” (in per cent)

Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi “Hausa is Strongly 3.3 6.7 3.3 6.7 3.3 more Disagree important to Disagree 13.3 10.0 6.7 13.3 10.0 a Gera than Agree 46.7 43.3 40.0 46.7 40.0 Gera” Strongly 36.7 40.0 50.0 33.3 46.7 Agree

Figure 15: Respondents Opinion Regarding Statement no.2

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4.2.4.3 Respondents Opinion Regarding the Statement “ The loss of Gera language would be a great calamity to the Gera people”

Table 33: Respondents opinion to the statement “The loss of Gera language would be a great calamity to the Gera people”

Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi “The loss of Strongly 6.7 10.0 13.3 16.7 13.3 Gera would Disagree be a great Disagree 13.3 10.0 6.7 3.3 6.7 calamity to Agree 53.3 46.7 50.0 46.7 30.0 Gera Strongly 26.7 33.3 30.0 33.3 50.0 people” agree

Figure 16: Respondents opinion regarding statement no.3

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4.3.5 Conclusion

In this chapter, we investigated the level of the endangerment of the Gera language by analysing the data obtained from all the respondents belonging to the five settlements.

We started by considering the respondents at the bio-data before looking into the linguistic repertoire and language choice by the respondents when speaking to various persons in different speech domains and the attitude of the respondents towards the

Gera language.

The findings in this chapter which investigated the level of the endangerment of the

Gera language are as follows: In regard to the respondent‟s bio-data, it has been established that 70% of the respondents were children of school going age and 30% are adults, which happened due to the availability of many children to be sampled at schools. We also established that male respondents are slightly more than the female ones, which was due to the fact that in the north more boys attend schools more than girls, and traditionally men are more likely to be seen outside than women. Also, the number of Christian respondents was only 4.7% against that of Muslim population of

95.3% this shows that there are very few Gera christianss which is not surprising at all due to the relationship of the most famous Gera Yakubun Bauchi and the Sokoto

Jihad.

Regarding the linguistic repertoire of the respondents, we established that over 70% are monolingual in Hausa, which shows they speak Hausa at all times at and all places. The choice of language in conversation with parents, spouses, siblings, children, age-mates and friends is more than 80% Hausa, this shows taht Hausa

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language is being used in conversation almost all conversations but 20%. In regards to the Language domains, Hausa is mostly used in the Home, School, Work, Market and other places, in all five settlements except in Tirwun and Bauchi, where English is used more than Hausa in secondary schools. This is due to the fact that Bauchi is metropolitan and there are more schools that teach only in English due to it being multicultural, and Tirwun has also become a suburb of Bauchi due to modernisation.

Therefore, to answer the question posed by Landweer‟s second indicator of ethnolinguistic vitality, there is no sufficient use of Gera in the speech domains. The targeted language, which is Gera, is not the language of choice at the homes, and other places, has been replaced by Hausa in all.

Regarding the attitude of the respondents towards the Gera language, their reactions to 3 statements shows negative attitude towards the language. More than 70% disagreed to the statement, „Gera should be taught to children in schools”, which shows that majority of those Gera people don‟t actually care if the children learn the language or not. Also, more than 80% agreed that Hausa language is more important to a Gera native than Gera language, showing they have more regard for the Hausa language than their own. But surprisingly over a 70% agreed that the loss of Gera language would be a great calamity to the Gera people. This shows that the respondents still harbour some fondness for the language despite the negative attitude towards it. They know that it will be a great tragedy if their language eventually goes into extinction.

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Fom the above data, the Gera community obviously has a weak internal identity and negative status conferred by others and themselves too.

In all the five settlements, we found out that the use of Gera has declined drastically,

Hausa has taken over as the L1, and most speakers are monolingual in it. It has taken over all domains except that of education in the two urban settlements, (Tirwun and

Bauchi), and the respondents attitude towards it is positive.

Following those findings, we are able to able to establish the fact that Gera language is severely endangered due to the following reasons: Lack of Gera usage since only less than 20% claim to be multilingual in Gera and Hausa and according to their language use pattern and language domain 80% use Hausa in all conversations and all domains instead of Gera. The Gera speakers also have a very negative attitude towards their language which is aiding its journey towards extinction.

In the succeeding chapter, we shall address the next objective of our research, which is the question regarding the demographic variables associated with the endangerment of Gera. To assist in analysing these questions we shall consider the quantitative data gathered from all the five settlements.

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CHAPTER FIVE

THE DEMOGHRAPHIC VARIABLES ASSOCIATED WITH THE

ENDANGERMENT

5.1 Introduction

In chapter four we investigated the first objective of the research, which is the level of the endangerment of the Gera, by examining the quantitative data obtained from the five settlements. In this chapter we will investigate the second objective of the research, which is; the demographic variables associated with the endangerment. The research tool used in gathering information for this research is the same with that of chapter four. The demographic variables we shall discuss here have been discussed in chapter four under the bio-data category, which are: age, gender, residency, and the level of education. We investigated if and how these demographic variables were influencing the endangerment of Gera. In this chapter we also presented the findings of the second objective, which is investigating the demographic variables associated with the endangerment of the Gera language. This chapter was analysed using

Landweer‟s indicators of ethnolinguistic vitality.

5.2. Age

Age is one of the demographic variables associated with language endangerment because it plays a major role in the phenomenon. Krauss (1992),defines languages as

“safe”, if it is considered that children will probably be speaking them in 100 years;

“Endangered” when it is considered that children will not be speaking them in 100 years. Moribund, if children are not speaking them now. Also, according to

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UNESCO there are four levels of language endangerment. They are: Safe,

Vulnerable, Definitely Endangered, and Severely Endangered:

Not endangered: based on intergenerational transfer.

Vulnerable: Not spoken by children outside the home.

Definitely Endangered: Not spoken by children at all.

Severely Endangered: Only spoken by the older generation

Based on the above we can see what role age plays as demographic variable in the endangerment of the Gera.

This clearly points to the fact that age is a very important indicator of language endangerment and therefore, very important to this study.

Table 34 shows age of the respondents from all five settlements. It can be observed that children below the age of 18 are more than the adults among the respondents.

This is because there are 30 respondents from each of the five settlements and among them 24 are school children, 12 from primary and 12 from secondary. There are also 6 adults from each settlement.

We used the age of the respondents and investigated how it influences the endangerment.

5.2.1 Language Situation of the Respondents according to Age (in per cent)

Here, we will investigate the language situation of the respondents according to their ages in order to find out how age as a demographic variable plays a role in the endangerment of Gera.

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5.2.1.1 Languages spoken by the respondents according to age

In table 35 below it can be seen that respondents between the ages of 7-12, who are primary school children, speak only Hausa language. Being school children they must be conversant with some English words and phrases, but they cannot make meaningful conversation in the language. None of them can speak Gera. Their total number is 60 out of the total 150 respondents and 100 percent speak Hausa language.

The second age group is that of 13-17 years old. They are also 60 out of the 150 respondents and 63 percent of them speak only Hausa language and 36.7 percent speak English. None of them can speak Gera. The 18-40 years age group are 9 out of the 150 total respondents. These respondentshave 11.1% Hausa speakers, 66.7 percent

English speakers and 22.2 percent of them speak another language. None of them speak Gera language. The oldest group of respondents are the 40-80 years age group and they are 21 in number. 33.3 percent of them speak Hausa, 61.9 percent speak

Gera, and 4.8 percent speak English.

Therefore, from the 35 we can see that only the oldest group of respondents speak the

Gera language. According to UNESCO, a language is critically endangered if it is only spoken by the oldest group of speakers. We can see here how age is associated with the endangerment of Gera.

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Table 34: Languages spoken by the Respondents according to age (in per cent)

Age Languages 7-12 13-17 18-40 41-80 Hausa100.0 63.3 11.1 33.3 Gera0 0 0 61.9 English036.7 66.7 4.8 Other0 0 22.2 0 Total100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

5.2.1.2 Language Repertoire according to age

This is the linguistic data about the respondents based on their ages. It shows how many languages they spoke; if they are monolingual or multilingual. This helped us in determining if the age of the respondents was one of the variables that caused the endangerment of the Gera language.

Table 35: The Respondents linguistic repertoire according to age (in per cent)

No of Languages Age Languages 7-12 13-17 18-40 41-80 Two 0 36.7 88.9 66.7 One 100.0 63.3 11.1 33.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 36 above shows the linguistic repertoire among the respondents based on their age. From the table, we can conclude that most of the respondents are monolingual especially the younger speakers. 100 percent of the 7-12 years age group are monolingual in Hausa. 63 percent of the 13-17 years age group are monolingual in

Hausa and 36.7 percent are multilingual. Surprisingly, 88.9 percent of the 9 respondents aged 18-40 are multilingual as well as 66.7 percent of the 21 respondents who fall between the ages of 41-80. We can conclude that most of the younger respondents are monolingual in Hausa and most of the older ones are bilingual in

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Hausa and another language. This clearly shows that the language is endangered because there is lack of trans-generational transfer of the language from the older speakers to the younger ones who are seen here to be mostly monolingual in Hausa.

5.2.1.3 First Language of the Respondents

The first language of the respondents is usually the first language they learn to speak and usually the one spoken at home with their parents and siblings.

Table 36: The respondent’s first language according to age age Languages 7-12 13-17 18-40 41-80 Hausa 100.0 100.0 100.0 92.0 Gera 0 0 0 8.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

When we interpret the results from table 37 above, we can see that first language of all the younger age groups is Hausa. Only 8.0 percent of the oldest age group have

Gera as their first language. This also shows the endangerment of the Gera language where 100 percent of the younger speakers don‟t speak Gera as a first language.

5.2.1.2 Language Used By the Adult Respondents to Speak to Children

Table 37: Respondents Language used With Children (in per cent) Residence Language Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Gera 16.7 33.3 16.7 0 16.7 Hausa 83.3 66.7 83.3 100.0 50.0 English 0 0 0 0 33.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

From the table above which provides us with details about the language used by the adult respondents to converse with their children, we can see that Hausa is the main

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language of communication in all five settlements. There is a 100 percent Hausa usage while conversing with, children in Tirwun. The percentage of Hausa in Kangere and Gilliri are 83.3 percent, 66.7 percent in Dabe and 50 percent in Bauchi. While in

Bauchi there are a 33.3 percent who use English to converse with the children, for

Gera language it is only 16.7 percent in Bauchi and Gilliri. From the above information we can see that there is a clear case of lack of transmission of the Gera by the older speakers to the younger ones.

5.2.2 Gender

Gender is one of the variables upon which contrast in linguistic behaviour among persons can be exhibited, (Ngure, 2012). Gender will also be very important to this study because it will be interesting to know which gender speaks more or less of the affected language. Which gender of parent speaks more Gera or more Hausa to the children? Also among the children themselves, do boys speak Gera more than the girls or vise versa? Through this then we are able to establish which gender is related to the endangerment of the Gera language in this chapter where we to investigated the demographic variables associated with the endangerment of the Gera language.

Table 38: Languages Spoken by the Respondents according to Gender Language Gender Hausa English Gere Others Total Male 55 17 10 1 82 Female 45 18 3 1 68 Total 100 35 13 2 150

From table 39 above, there are more males than females among the respondents. This is associated with the customs and traditions of the people of northern Nigeria who

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are predominantly Muslims, which restrict the participation of females in the exercise.

The male respondents can be found outside their houses, but the females are mostly at home and permission has to be sought from their husbands before one enters the house to interview them. In other cases, even if the researcher who is a female is permitted to enter, her translator may not be allowed, him being a male. The respondents show preference to the use of Hausa than any other language. The Gere can be said to be a bilingual speech community and a large portion of the respondents favour the use of Hausa, followed by Hausa and English, then Gere and English, and finally Hausa with other languages such as Arabic.

Figure 17: Respondent’s Gender 5.2.2.1 Language Use According to Gender

This is the language use by the respondents according to their gender. This helped in determining if gender was one of the variables effecting the endangerment of the

Gera.

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Table 39: Languages spoken by the respondents according to gender (in per cent) Language Gender Hausa Gera English Other Total Male 66.3 12.0 2.5 1.2 100.0 Female 67.2 4.5 26.9 1.5 100.0

Table 40 shows that there are slightly more female Hausa speakers among the respondents than male. It also shows more Gera speakers among the male. There are also more English and other language speakers among the females than the male.

5.2.3 Level of Education

The level of education was brought here to help us find out if education or lack of it in a certain way caused the endangerment of the Gera.

Table 40: Level of education of the respondents according to age (children) ( in per cent)

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Primary 60 50.0 50.0 50.0 Valid Secondary 60 50.0 50.0 100.0 Total 120 100.0 100.0

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Figure 18: Respondent’s Level of Education (Children) Table 41 above indicates that the number of children respondents in primary and secondary schools are equal.

Table 42 below shows the level of education among the adult respondents.

Table 41: The level of education of the respondents according to age (adults) (in per cent) Frequency Percent Valid Cumulative Percent Percent Primary 3 10.0 10.0 10.0 Secondary 10 33.3 33.3 43.3 Diploma/NCE 7 23.3 23.3 66.7 Valid Degree 2 6.7 6.7 73.3 No formal 8 26.7 26.7 100.0 Education Total 30 100.0 100.0

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Figure 19: Respondents Level of Education (Adults) The above table indicates the educational qualification of the adult respondents who are 30 in number and drawn from the 5 settlements. 3 of them had only primary school education. 10 of them had secondary education, and 7 either had diploma or a

National Certificate of Education. 2 of them have a degree and 8 of them did not have any formal education.

5.3.2.2 Languages Spoken by the Respondents According to the level of

Education

Here we see the language spoken by the respondents according to their level of education, from primary, secondary to the higher institution. This was used to determine if the level of education was a factor in the endangerment of the Gera.

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Table 42: Languages spoken by the respondents according to their level of education (School children) (in per cent) Hausa Gera English Other Total Primary 100.0 0 0 0 100.0 Secondary 63.3 0 36.0 0 100.0

From table 43 above, it is clear that none of the respondents at primary or secondary levels could speak the Gera language. 100 percent of the respondents in primary and

63 percent of those in secondary school speak only Hausa language, while only 36 percent of those in Secondary can speak English.

5.2.3.3 Languages Spoken by the Respondents according to their Level of

Education (Adults)

From table 44 below, we can see that those without formal education and the ones with only primary school level of education have the highest percentage of Gera

Speakers. Those with Secondary school level education are next with 40 percent and the respondents with Diploma/NCE have only 14.3 percent of Gera speakers. No degree holder among the respondents speaks the Gera language.

Table 43: Languages spoken by the respondents viz-a-viz their level of education (adults) (in per cent)

Hausa Gera English Other Total Primary 33.3 66.7 0 0 100.0 Secondary 40.0 40.0 20.0 0 100.0 Diploma/NCE 14.3 14.3 42.9 28.6 100.0 Degree 0 0 100.0 0 100.0 No formal Education 25.0 75.0 0 0 100.0

5.2.3.4 Respondents Level of Education According to Gender

Table 45 below shows the level of education of the respondents according to their gender. The percentage of male and female respondents is the same in primary school

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but in secondary schools the percentage of the male is slightly higher with about 10 percent.

Table 44: Respondents level of education viz-aviz their gender (Children) (in per cent) Primary Secondary Male 50.0 55.0 Female 50.0 45.0 Total 100.0 100.0

5.2.4 Place of Residence

5.2.4.1 Languages Spoken by the Respondents According to their Place of

Residence.

In the table below we see Hausa as the most spoken language in four of the settlements, excluding Bauchi which has 53 percent of its respondents as English speakers. But it should be noted that considering our data on Linguistic repertoire, almost all those English speakers are bilingual in English and Hausa.

The highest places with Gera speakers are Gilliri and Dabe, followed by Tirwun.

Bauchi and Kangere have the lowest number of Gera speaking respondents.

Table 45: Languages spoken by the respondents according to their place of residence (in per cent) Languages Gilliri Dabe Kangere Tirwun Bauchi Hausa 73.3 73.3 83.3 56.7 43.3 Gera 16.7 13.3 3.3 6.7 3.3 English 6.7 13.3 13.3 33.3 53.3 Other 3.0 0 0 3.3 0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

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5.2.5 Conclusion

In this chapter we investigated the demographic variables associated with the endangerment of the Gera Language, which are Age, Gender, level of education and

Residence. It is discovered that out of the 120 children respondents, 104 of them are monolingual in Hausa, and none of the respondents below the age of 17 can speak the

Gera language. The adult respondents who are 30 in number out of the 150 total respondents, and therespondents aged 18-40 years are 9 out of the 30; 11.1% of them speak Hausa, 66.7% speak English and 22.2% of them speak another language. None of them speak Gera. The oldest group of respondents are those aged 40-80 years and are 21 in numbers; 33.3% of them speak Hausa, 61.9% speak Gera, and 4.8% speak

English.

The data on linguistic repertoire among the respondents based on their age showed that most of the respondents are monolingual especially the younger speakers. 100% of the 7-12 years age group are monolingual in Hausa. 63% of the 13-17 years age group are monolingual in Hausa and 36.7% are multilingual. Surprisingly, 88.9% of the 9 respondents aged 18-40 are multilingual and 66.7% of the 21 respondents who fall between the ages of 41-80. Therefore, it is obvious that the younger respondents are monolingual in Hausa and most of the older ones are bilingual in Hausa and other language. The data also shows that the first language of all the younger age groups is

Hausa and only 8.0% of the oldest age group have Gera as their first language. This shows that Hausa is the main language of communication in all five settlements because there is a 100% Hausa usage while conversing with, children in Tirwun. The

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percentage of Hausa in Kangere and Gilliri are 83.3%, 66.7% in Dabe and 50% in

Bauchi.

While in Bauchi there are a 33.3% who use English to converse with the children, for

Gera language it is only 16.7 % in Bauchi and Gilliri. There is also the issue of almost zero transmission of the Gera language by the older speakers to the younger ones.

The data shows the existence of more male than female among the respondents. None of the respondents at primary or secondary levels could speak the Gera language.

100% of the respondents in primary and 63% of those in secondary school speak only

Hausa language, while only 36% of those in Secondary can speak the English language.

The respondents without formal education and the ones with only primary school level of education have the highest percentage of Gera Speakers. Those with

Secondary school level education are next with 40% and the respondents with

Diploma/NCE have only 14.3% of Gera speakers. No degree holder among the respondents speaks the Gera language.

The percentage of male and female respondents is the same in primary school but in secondary schools the percentage of the male is slightly higher with about 10%.

Hausa is shown as the most spoken language in four out of the settlements, excluding

Bauchi which has 53% of its respondents as English speakers. But it should be noted that considering our data on Linguistic repertoire, almost all those English speakers are bilingual in English and Hausa. The highest places with Gera speakers are Gilliri

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and Dabe, followed by Tirwun. Bauchi and Kangere have the lowest number of Gera speaking respondents.

Our findings in this chapter have therefore established the fact that the demographic variables associated with the endangerment are: Age, which is clearly a fvery big factor due to the fact that none of the younger respondents can speak Gera language.

None of the 120 school children was a Gere speaker. They are not using the language in their conversation because it has not been passed to them. Even among the adults, only the older respondents are Gera speakers. It has also been established that even though there are more female Gera speakers than men, it has not frelly impacted positively on the affected language. Also it is found out that those living in the villages like Dabe and Gilliri speak more Gera than those closer to or those within the town like Bauchi, Tirwun and Kangere. This shows that location is also another variable that is associated with this endangernment.

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CHAPTER SIX

THE IMPACT OF THE SHIFT ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE GERA

6.1 Introduction

In chapter five we analysed the quantitative data obtained from the respondents. We used tables to present the information gathered from the all respondents sampled from the five settlements within the Gera community.

In this chapter we are going to discuss the third objective of this research which is to investigate the impact of the language shift in Gera on the Structure of the Gera language. Both the Gera and Hausa are Chadic languages and therefore must have some similarities in structure due to their relationship. But here we are investigating any influence the Hausa languagehas on the Gera language structuredue to the shift which is endangering the language. Therefore, we are investigating the five major components of the structure of language which are: Phonemes, morphemes, lexemes, syntax, and context by comparing the Hausa language structure with that of the Gera in order to find out the similarities, differences and how the Gera structure got affected by the shift.

This chapter was analysed using Sasse‟s theory of language death and Landweer‟s

Indicators of ethloinguistic vitality.

According to (Sasse, 1992, p.21) there is a phenomenon in language endangerment known as language decay, which is a serious linguistic disintegration, which is typical for the speech of so called semi-speakers. Semi-Speakers are those speakers whose speech appears in a reduced form compared to the speech of the native speakers.

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Their imperfect knowledge of the language can be noticed considering their faulty morphology or the loss of grammatical categories in their speech. They only use phonemes which only exist in dominant languages. They usually apply the phonological system of the dominant language to the dominated one. This is usually the case because semi-speakers have as their models native speakers who have not maintained regular communication in their language and therefore lost their capacities of full speakers. We are going to find out if this is the case with Gera language in this chapter.

The method of data collection used for this particular objective is the qualitative data which includes interviews and other secondary data like works done on the Structure of the Hausa language by different researchers like (Newman, 2000, and 2015),

(Skinner, 1977, and 1982), (Galadanci, 1976), and (Abu Manga,1999). Respondents were interviewed and asked to tell some certain stories in Gera. The Data was then transcribed and translated into Hausa through the help of my research assistant and an interpreter. Then it was translated to English by the researcher. It was then analysed in order to find the effects of the endangerment on the Structure of the Gera language by trying to find: Non Gera Sounds, Non Gera numbers, Code Switching, Code Mixing,

Loss of Grammatical Structures and Loss of Vocabulary. It is necessary to note the structures of both Hausa and Gera languages so as to be able to see how they are similar and how they differ, and how they affect each other.

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6.2 On genetic Relationship Between Hausa and Gera

Both the Hausa and Gera belong to the 140 Chadic Languages spoken predominantly in Nigeria, Niger, Cameroun and Chad. Both languages belong to the West Chadic branch of the Chadic Language, which also belongs to the Afro-Asiatic Language

Family, Greenberg (1966).

Both Hausa and Gera belong to the several groups of Chadic Speaking Languages of

Northern Cameroon, which several modern genetic studies of the groups in the northern Cameroon region have observed high frequencies of the Y-Chromosomes

Haplogroup R1B in these populations (specifically, of R1b's R-V88 variant) This paternal marker is common in parts of West Eurasia, but otherwise rare in Africa.

Cruciani et al. (2010) thus propose that the Proto-Chadic speakers during the mid-

Holocene (-7,000 years ago) migrated from the Levant to the Central Sahara, and from there settled in the Lake Chad Basin. Abu manga (1999)

6.3 The Structure of the Hausa Language

Here, we will take a look at the structure of the Hausa language; The Phonology,

Morphology, Syntax, Script and Orthography, and the Lexicon of the language. This is to determine if any of these structures is influencing or has influenced the same in

Gera language structure.

6.3.1Phonology

This is the systematic Structuring of sounds in languages. It examines which phonetic distinctions are significant enough to signal differences in meaning; the relationship

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between how sounds are pronounced and how they are stored in the mind; and the way sounds are organised within words. (Finnegan. 2003:106)

6.3.1.1 The Syllable structure of both Hausa and Gera

Here the syllable structure of both Hausa and Gera will be presented in order to determine if that of the Hausa has affected that of Gera due to the endangerment. In

Hausa there are three types of syllable structure. One important thing in the arrangement of the Hausa syllable is that no consonant clusters occur within a syllable. The three are:

CV (light) e.g - Zo (come)

CVV (VV can be two vowels or a diphthong), e.g – DAU (take)

CVC (heavy) e.g- Yar (throw)

Unlike that of the Hausa, the syllable structure of the Gera allows the inclusion of consonant cluster. The Gera has 4 types of Syllable Structure:

CV (light) – Ka (with)

CVV (which also includes long vowels or a diphthong) – Loo-mi (birth)

CVC (Heavy) – Kir-fa (fish)

CCV (Heavy) –Nwa-ki (touch)

Table: Hausa and Gera Syllable Structures

Hausa Examples Gera Examples CV ZO CV KA CVV YAR CVV LOO-MI CVC DAU CVC KIR-FA CCV NWA-KI

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In Gera language, all consonants can come at the beginning of a word, but only 3 can

come at the end, and they are:

[b] gab (inside) [m] beshim (six) [r] bar (ten

The Gera find it easy to learn Hausa because the phonotactics are similar, except in

the case of the consonant cluster.

6.3.1.2: The Consonants of Gera and Hausa

Standard Hausa and Gera have slightly different numbers of phonemic consonants:

31and 37 respectively. Below are the consonant charts of the two languages

concerned:

The Hausa Consonant Chart:

Table 46: Consonant Chart of Hausa Labial Dental-alveola Palatal Palato-velar Velar Labio Glottal -velar Plosive B t d ky gy k g kw ? ?y gw Glottalised ɓ ɗ Ƙy Ƙ Ƙw H Plosive Fricative f s z ʃ Glottolised t∫ Fricative Affricate c dz Nasal M N Vibrant R Flap ɾ Lateral L Approxima W nt Y Adopted from Abu Manga (1999): Hausa In The Sudan: Process of Adaptation in to

Arabic.

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The Gera Consonant Chart:

Table 47: The Gera Consonant Chart

Labial Dental-alveola palatal palate-velar labio-velar glottal Plosive b t d ty k g ? Glottalised ɓ ɗ ɗy dw Plosive by tw ty gw Prenasalised mb md ɳd mby Plosive ɲg ɲgy Labialised kw gw plosive Nasalised- labialised ɲgw Plosive Fricative f s z ʃ h Labialised sw zw ʃw Fricative Affricate c dz Nasalised nj Affricate Nasal m N ɲ Labialised mw Nasal Vibrant R Flap Lateral L Labialised rw Lateral Approximant W Y

As can be seen from the above charts, 23 consonants are found to be shared by the 2 languages concerned; these are: b ɓ f m w t d ɗ s z n r l sh c dz y k g kw gw and h:

There are 14 consonants in Gera which do not exist in Hausa: mb, mw, md, dw, tw, sw, zw, rw, sh, shw nj ngw, mby, ngy, ty by ɗy nd, whereas the Hausa chart includes

9 consonants not existing in Gera: ts ɾ y gy ƙƙy ƙw ? and ?y.

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The 23 sounds shared by both Hausa and Gera: Gera Hausa /b/ bana (house) biri (monkey) [c] ca (brother) cire (remove) [d] dusha (horse) dabba (animal) [f] fishi (sun) fushi (anger) [g] gowa (pumpkin) gawa (corpse [h] husha (knife) hujja (proof) [j] jitina (food) jiki (body) [k] kirsa (rashes) kuraje (rashes) [l] lunga (straw) langa (bucket) [m] misini (beer) maraice (evening) [n] nimini (mine) nama (meat) [r] rewi (fear) rana (sun) /s/ Soyi (witch) suya (fry) /ʃ/ shaha (goat) shanya (dry) /t/ tunku (sheep) talaka (poor) /w/wusi (fire) wuta (fire) /y/ yali (small) yaro (boy) /z/ zura (laugh) zuri‟a (lineage)

2 Implosives /ɓ/ ɓiliwi (bird) ɓangare (section) /ɗ/ ɗishi (animal hide) ɗaci (bitter

2 Labialised velars: /gw/ gwalfa (authority) gwaji (test) /kw/ kwada (calabash) kwarya (calabash)

The Hausa 10 sounds that do not exist in Gera are: 4 Ejectives /ƙ/ ƙarya (falsehood) /ƙy/ Ƙyalli (shine) /ƙw/ ƙwakwalwa (brain) /s‟/ tsaro (security)

1 flap /ɾ/ makyar‟kyata (shaking)

2 Palato velars (palatals) /ky/ kyau (beauty) /gy/ gyara (repair)

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2 glottal /?/ „abinci (food) /?y/ „ya‟ya (children)

The sounds existing in Gera but missing in Hausa are: 3 Prenasalised-stops: /mb/ mbarmi (human being) /ɳd/ ndoma (blood) /ɲg/ ngora (donkey)

2 labialised plosives /dw/ dwanbu (front) /tw/ twani (plant)

2 Palatalised plosives /ty/ tyalsha (jump) /by/ byalmi (baboon)

1 prenasalised affricate: /nj/ njoni (yesterday)

1 Labialised nasal: [nw] nwanda (mother)

1Labialised lateral: [rw] rwafi (to split)

3 Labialised fricatives: [sw] swaka (talking) [shw] shwanda (bile) [zw] zwati (hit)

1 Prenasalised labio velar: [ɲgw] ngwali (throw) ngwaimi (leaves)

2. Prenasalised-palato stops /mby/ mbyara (guest) /ɲgy/ ngylsha (calf)

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At the first glance one can hardly draw any conclusion about the genetic relationship between Hausa and Gera from the above series of consonants. Phonemes are, however, the least considered by historical linguists in establishing genetic relations between languages, (Abu Manga 1999). This is because unlike lexical items and grammatical elements, sounds are limited in number and are more liable to internal changes and shift. For example, Hausa is said to have witnessed five stages of sound change/shift, (cf. Gregersen 1967). Therefore, the shared consonantal phonemes consisting more than 55% of the total number of phonemic consonants in each of the

2 languages - though by themselves they may not signify anything- is still quite enough for a historical linguist not to disregard the possibility of them being genetically related.

Borrowing of some complex Hausa sounds and adapting them into the Gera sounds is possible through the process of simplification and deletion as in the case where ejectives become implosives, and others were treated in another section.

6.3.1.3 The Vowels of Both Gera and Hausa

The Phoneme vowel systems of modern Hausa and Gera display similarities in some aspects and differences in others. Below are the phoneme vowel charts of the two languages:

The Gera Vowel Chartthe Hausa Vowel Chart

i u/uu i/ii u/u e/ee o/oo e/ee o/oo ә

aa/aa

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Hausa has, in addition, two diphthongs:

ai/ Rai (life) /au/ Yau (today)

In Gera however, there are about 8 diphthongs:

/ai/ Ngaimi (cat) /ei/ Ndei (go) /oi/ Koi (locust beans) /ui/ Ndui (come) /iu/ Diumi (guinea fowl) /eu/ Zeura (Worm) /au/Yausa (Patridge) /ou/ Bouya (Why)

As can be seen from the above charts, the two vowel systems have displayed significantly distinguished signs of similarity. Vowels, however, are of a minor value in historical linguistics. In Semitic Languages they are “...functionally and semantically secondary to consonants” (Jungraythmayr 1988:64).

Gera comprises of six vowels, three of these doubles as short and long: u/uu e/ee and o/oo; /ee/ Teera (Stick) /oo/ Loomi (birth) /aa/ Laawi (child) With three short ones: ә i and a, whereas Hausa has five short vowels and corresponding long vowels (diphthongs): i/ii, e/ee, a/aa, o/oo, and u/uu:

/a/ Tafi (go) /aa/ Taafii (clap) /i/ Rini (dyeing) /ii/ jiima (skinning)

/o/ zo (come) /oo/ sookoo (idiot)

/e/ jefa (throw) /e/ leeka (peep)

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/u/ buga (beat) /uu) nuuna (show)

According to (Abu Manga, 1999), the present phoneme vowel system of Hausa and

Gera seems to be an outcome of a long process of development. For although a definite proto-Chadic vowel system has not been reconstructed, (Newman, 1977, p.11) believes that it had comprised “..at most four phonemic vowels:/ i/ ә/ a/ u /and possibly only two /ә/ and /e/”.

Most significantly to our purpose is the existence in Hausa (and maybe in proto-

Chadic) of all the five out of six short vowels: u, o, i, e, and a, and the three long ones:

/uu/, /oo/ and /ee/. This is in addition to the fact that vowel length in both languages plays an important role phonological or distinctive role.

To conclude this, the sound systems of Gera and Hausa do not present the exact precise and particular similarities but have exhibited enough of which solid conclusions about the genetic relationship between the two languages can be drawn.

6.3.1.4 Tones in Gera and Hausa

Pike (1948:43) defines a tone language as “....a language having lexically significant, contrastive, but relative pitch on each syllable”. As can be noticed, this definition restricts itself exclusively to lexical items. But, as noted by Welmers (1972:79),

“...There are tones which function only to distinguish between grammatical constructions”. Bearing this in mind he formulated a more comprehensive definition of a tone language as being “.. A language in which both pitch phonemes and segmental phonemes enter into the composition of at least some morphemes,”(1959).

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Our study is not directly concerned with the Hausa tonal system in its deep and minute detail. Nevertheless, some preliminary notes on this subject will help the reader – especially students – to better follow our analysis of the various issues concerning tones in Gera and Hausa languages.

The Hausa tonal system comprises three tones: high as in jii „listening‟, low as in the first syllable of ayaba „banana‟, and falling, as in the first syllable of yaaraa

„children‟. Tone in Hausa distinguishes between:

a. lexical items, e.g: baabaa father baabaa mother tsaarii monitor tsaarii arrangement

b. morphological categories, e.g: Mataa woman maataa women (pl.)

c. grammatical categories, e.g: furaa (local drink) fuuraa (imper.) blow Karantaa karantaa (imper.) read

d. Syntactic categories, e.g: ka fita you may go out (subjunctive) ka fita and then you entered (relat. perf.)

Gera is also tonal language just like Hausa. Gera has two types of tones; high and low tones. But the different is that unlike Hausa, tone in Gera is only used in one category that is to distinguish between lexical items. Example:

Wula (L,L) (goats) Wula (H,L) (rope)

Ewi (H,L) snake Ewi ((L,L) fear

Lumba (H,L) (hundred) Lumba (L,H) (leaf for draw soap)

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Lumba (L,L) (follow) Rini (L,H) (today) Rini (H,H) (Shadow)

Waya (HH) (Medicine) Waya(HL) (Smoke

Tone has not been discovered among the factors that endanger the structures of the

Gera language. This could due to the fact that both languages are tonal languages, therefore Hausa tone does not interfere with that of Gera.

6.3.2 Script and orthography

Since the beginning of the 17th century, Hausa has been written with a version of the

Arabic script known as ajami. Most of the early writing in Hausa was Islamic poetry or on Islamic themes. Ajami is still used, mainly to write poetry, but also for at least one newpaper and some books. There is no standard spelling system for Hausa written with the Arabic script so there is some variation in spelling between different writers.

A version of Hausa written with the Latin alphabet and known as boko began to emerge during the 19th century. Until the 1950s ajami and boko were both used, though since then boko has been the main alphabet for most Hausa speakers.

6.3.2.1 Arabic Alphabets for Hausa Ajami

The term Ajami or Ajamiyyah which comes from the Arabic root for foreign or stranger, has been applied to Arabic alphabets used for writing African languages, especially those of Hausa and Swahili, although many other African languages were written using the script, among them Yoruba. It is considered an

Arabic-derived African writing system. Since African languages involve phonetic sounds and systems different from the Arabic language, there have often been

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adaptations of the Arabic script to transcribe them, a process similar to what has been done with the Arabic script in non-Arab countries of the Middle East and South

Asia and with the Latin script in Africa.

Hausa is an example of a language written using Ajami, especially during the pre- colonial period when Qur'anic schools taught Muslim children Arabic, and by extension, Ajami. When Western colonizers adopted a Latin orthography for Hausa,

Ajami went into decline and now is employed less frequently than the Latin standard orthography. However, Hausa Ajami is still in widespread use, especially in Islamic circles.

This is an example of the Ajami script and their Latin equivalent:

Latin IPA Arabic ajami ـَ /A /a ـ ا /A /aː ب /B /b

(not used in Arabic) ٻ ,(same as b) ب /ɓ /ɓ

ث /C /tʃ

د /D /d

(also used for ts) ط ,( same as d) د /ɗ /ɗ

(not used in Arabic) تE /e/ ٜ

(ٜ (not used in Arabic تE /eː/ ٰٜ

ف /F /ɸ

غ /G /ɡ

ه /H /h

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ـI /i/ ٰٜ

ـ ى /I /iː

ج /J /(d)ʒ

ك /K /k

ق ,(same as k) ك /Ƙ /kʼ

ل /L /l

م /M /m

ن /N /n

(same as u) ـO /o/ ٰٜ

(same as u) ـ و /O /oː

ر /R /r/, /ɽ

س /S /s

ش /sh /ʃ

ت /T /t

not used in) ڟ ,( also used for ɗ) ط /Ts /(t)sʼ Arabic)

(same as o) ـU /u/ ٰٜ

(same as o) ـ و /U /uː

و /W /w

ی /Y /j

ذ ز /Z /z

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ع /ʼ /ʔ

Hausa has been written in Ajami, since the early 15th century. There is no standard system of using Ajami, and different writers may use letters with different values.

Short vowels are written regularly with the help of vowel marks (which are seldom used in Arabic texts other than the Quran). Many medieval Hausa manuscripts, similar to the Timbuktu Manuscriptswritten in the Ajami script, have been discovered recently and some of them even describe constellations and calendars.

6.3.2.2 Latin alphabets (Boko) for Hausa and Gera Scripts

The Latin alphabets used for writing Hausa scripts are known as Boko, or rubutun book meaning, foreign scripts. It was introduced by the Europeans and was first used by then to write the Hausa language. According to Yahya (1988), the first person to use the Latin script to write Hausa was said to be a German missionary named

Frederick Schon 1840, followed by Prietzer (1904), Mischilich (1906), then

Westermann (1911). Later after contact with the British and the colonial rule was established, the Latin scripts was introduced in schools and used to write many books in Hausa.

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Boko has 27 letters (22 consonants and 5 vowels). Many of the basic sounds are represented bysounds which are usually handled as sequences of two letters in the alphabetic order. Below each letter its equivalent in the International Phonetic

Alphabet is shown

Tone is not represented in standard orthography but may be indicated by grave, acute and circumflex accents. Long vowels are not distinguished orthographically but in scholarly and didactic publications they are written twice or represented with a macron. Long consonants are represented by doubling. The labio-velars are represented by digraphs:

[kʷ] by kw, [gʷ] by gw, and [kʼʷ] by ƙw.

The palato-velars are represented by digraphs: [kj] by ky, [gj] by gy, [kʼj] by ƙy, [fj] is represented by the digraph fy. The glottalized fricative [sʼ] is represented with the digraph /ts/. The palatal fricative [ʃ] is represented with the digraph /sh/. The glottalized glide [ʼj] is represented by the digraph 'y in Nigeria and with the special character ƴ in Niger. The two rhotics are not distinguished in the orthography; in scholarly publications the alveolar tap [ɾ]is represented r to distinguish it from the retroflex flap [ɽ] represented as /r/.

There is no record to show that the Gera has ever been written in the Ajami script.

Probably because the Hausa language was considered the language of Islam and all the Gera who became Muslims and learned the Arabic script used Hausa language, therefore the Gera language did not enjoy that privilege reserved only for Hausa and other more prestigious languages like Fulfulde, Kanuri, Yoruba and Nupe.

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The Roman script is now being used in writing Gera. These are the scripts used:

[a] [b] [b‟] [c] [d] [e] [f] [g] [h] [i] [j] [k] [l] [m] [n] [o] [r] [s] [t] [u] [w] [y] [z]

All the Gera sounds are represented by those alphabets. For example, the labio-velars, pre-nasalized stops, labio-plosives, palatalised plosives, pre-nasalized affricates, labialised nasals, labialised laterals, and some of the labialised fricatives arerepresented by the diagraphs, for example:

[kʷ] by kw, [gʷ] by gw. One of the labialized fricatives, the pre-nasalized labio-velars, and the pre-nasalized palate-stops are represented by consonant clusters. For example:

[shw] [ngw] and [mby] .

The palatal fricative [ʃ] is also represented with the digraph /sh/ as in the case of

Hausa.

As can be seen, Hausa has the advantage of being written by two scripts, Ajami and

Boko, a Hausa speaker or researcher has the choice of choosing either of the two but unfortunately Gera has neither.

Because neither the Roman script or the Boko script which was developed solely for writing the Hausa language, problems are sometimes encountered when using it to write the Gera language. The problems are due to the fact that there are sounds in

Gera which do not exist in Hausa, so the Boko script does not have any symbol to represent those sounds. A good example is the schwa vowel which is nonexistent in

Hausa, but exists in Gera. The vowel is silent. For example:

Gera Boko kә ka Nәna Sәsa Tә ta Shә sha

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This can cause a problem to people trying to learn the language, or even semi- speakers who are not very familiar with the rules of the language.

6.3.3 Morphology:

Hausa morphology is characterized by complex alternations of sound and tone sequences. Nouns and adjectives are inflected for gender and number. Genderin Gera and Hausa: masculine and feminine are distinguished only in the singular. Masculine words are usually unmarked and feminine ones end in aa, yaa or waa. For example

6.3.3.1 Gender in Gera and Hausa

In Hausa, masculine and feminine are distinguished only in singular but cannot be distinguished in plural, while in Gera masculine and feminine can sometimes not be distinguished at all.

For example:

Gloss Hausa Gera Boy Yaro Lawi Girl Yarinya Lawi Boys/Girls Yara Ndimi

Thief (male) Barawo Mauri Thief (female) Barauniya Mauri Thieves Barayi Mauri-shini

Cock Zakara Zakra Chicken Kaza Yibi Chickens Kaji Yiba

Donkey (male) Jaki Ngora Donkey (female) Jaka Ngora Donkeys Jakuna Ngor-shini

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Horse Doki Dusha Mare Doki Dusha Horses Dawaki Dushini

6.3.3.2 Numbers in Hausa

In Hausa numbers, we have the singular and the plural. Plural formation is complex and not totally predictable. It is determined by the insertion of vowels, addition of affixes, reduplication or tone change. For example:

Those that end with the suffix –a

Gloss Hausa (singular) Hausa (Plural) Man Namiji Maza Woman mace mata Child yaro/yarinya Yara

Those that end with the suffix -i

Goat Akuya Awaki Blindman makaho makafi Horse doki dawaki

Those that end with the suffix –e

House gida gidaje White fari farare Baki baki bakake

Those that end with the suffix –u

Cow saniya shanu Head kai kanu

The plural that ends with the suffix -ai

Book littafi littafai

The one that ends with the suffix -Uwa

Tree Itace Itatuwa Issue Batu batutuwa Ear Kunne kunnuwa

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The one that ends with the suffix –Una

Shirt Riga riguna Cap hula huluna Trouser wando wanduna

The one that ends with –anni

Grandfather/mother kaka kakanni Flower fure furanni

The one that ends with –aataa

Heart zuciya zukaata Nails farce faraata

6.3.3.3 Numbers

In Gera numbers, we have the singular and the plural. Plural formation is complex and not totally predictable. It is determined by the insertion of vowels, addition of affixes, reduplication or tone change. There are about 8 ways of pluralisation in Gera:

i- Affix

Singular Plural English Buwa Bubuwa Hole Gara gagara Old person Bana Babana Town Buhu Bubuhu House Bara Bobura Gazelle Giwi Gikani Stone Dinza Dinzini Pig

ii- Changing the last sound of -i to –a:

Singular Plural English Byalmi Byalma Baboon Yibi Yiba Chicken Diumi Diuma Guinea fowl

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iii- Pluralisation of the Root:

Singular Plural English Ndur Byara Au Byara Guest Ndur Zawa Au Zawa Farmer iv- Dropping the last vowel and adding the word –Shini:

Singular Plural English Mbarmi Mbarum shini Person Bawi Baw Shini Mouth Dina Din Shini Year Dora Dor Shini Pond Lini Lin Shini Neck Rwani Rwan Shini Hearth Shafa Shaf Shini Tree v- Dropping the last syllable and adding the word - shini:

Singular Plural English Bisiya Busi Shini Cap Ndiya Ndi Shini Cow Buwa Bu shini Hole Faya Fai shini tail Fed‟a feshini hoe vi- The replacement of the final vowel with – ini

Singular Plural English Bidi Bidini Monkey Dunja Dunjini Frog Mbota Mbotini Guard Ngora Ngorini Donkey Gwandi Gwandini Squirrel Teera Teerini Stick

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6.3.3.4 Hausa and Gera pronouns

Hausa can be personal, demonstrative, interrogative, and indefinite.

Personal pronouns may be independent or enclitics. The former have subject and object forms, the latter have direct object, indirect object, and possessive forms. They distinguish gender in the 2nd and 3rd persons of the singular. Subject pronouns may serve also as direct object when not immediately following the verb. Independent direct object pronouns mark the direct object of verb grades 1 and 4 (see below).

Direct object enclitics are used as direct objects of other verb grades; they are formally similar to the independent ones but their tone is low instead of high. Indirect object pronouns are similar to direct object pronouns but bound to the indirect object marker má which assimilates its vowel to the enclitic. The possessive enclitics are suffixed to the masculine and feminine markers na and ta originating two series of gender-marked pronouns.

Non-personal pronouns (demonstrative, interrogative, indefinite) are all marked for gender and number. Almost all Hausa verbs end in a vowel and are invariable (except in the imperative). The two categories of subject agreement (person, gender and

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number) and TAM (tense, aspect, and mood) are marked via a preverbal complex.

The first element of this complex is a variant form of a personal pronoun and the second is a TAM marker, both are sometimes fused and the individual morphemes are not always separable. In addition to the eight personal forms each paradigm contains an impersonal form (called 4th plural) used when there is no overt subject.

Hausa verbs express aspect more than tense and the major division is between perfective and imperfective aspects. The perfective aspect indicates a completed action and tends to be associated with the past tense. The imperfective aspect indicates an incomplete or ongoing action and can have a present or future sense. The habitual is another aspect, one without a specific temporal dimension, indicating a regular action performed in the past, present or even the future. The future has also an aspectual dimension, indicating an action taking place after a specified time and, thus, may be used with reference to past time; it can also be employed in conditional clauses.

The subjunctive and potential are more modal than aspect-tense categories. The first one is used to give commands and permissions, for greetings, to express an intention or suggestion, a wish or a proposal. The second indicates that an action will possibly take place and for that reason is also called indefinite future, but differs from the normal future because of its uncertainty and/or lesser commitment.

The imperative is the only TAM marked directly on the verb. It is restricted to the 2nd person singular (without gender distinction). It is usually indicated by a low-high tone pattern overriding the tone pattern of the verb. It is used, like the subjunctive, to give

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commands (but the subjunctive has other functions which are outside the field of the imperative).

Besides the affirmative TAM forms, there are also negative ones and some that are specific for focus constructions. Below, we show the main preverbal complexes, including two negative ones:

While on the other hand, Gera pronouns too are usually determined by tenses.

For example:

Gera English Na ndi mi I went Ka ndi mi you (Male) went Shi ndi mi you (female) went Sandi mi He went Ta ndi mi She went Mu ndei mi we went Ku ndei mi you (plural) went Su ndei mi they went Ndei mi someone went

Na ndu mi I came Ka ndu mi you (male) came Shi ndu mi you (female) came Sa ndu mi He came Ta ndu mi she came Mu ndu mi we came Ku ndu mi you (plural) came Su ndu mi they came

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Sa ne na mi He saw me Sa ne ka mi He saw you (male) Sa ne shi mi He saw you (female) Sa ne sa mi He saw him Sa ne d‟a mi He saw her Sa ne mbu mi He saw us Sa ne Kum mi He saw you (Plural) Sa ne Sum mi He saw them

Mi is the past tense marker which usually follows a Gera verb, and it is usually written separately because the object pronoun or other words

Subject Pronouns; Gera English Na I Ka you (M singular) Shi you (F singular) Sa He Ta She Mu We Ku You Su They

Negative Objects Pronoun:

Gera English No ndu ru Me/I didn‟t come Kondu ru You (M Singular) didn‟t come Sho ndu ruYou (F Singular) didn‟t come So ndu ru Him/He didn‟t come To ndu ru Her/She didn‟t come Mu ndu ru Us/We didn‟t come Ku ndu ru You (plural) didn‟t come Su ndu ru Them/They didn‟t come

Object Pronouns:

Gera English Sa du Na mi He beat Me Sa du ka mi He beat You (Male Singular) Sa du Shi mi He beat You (Female Singular) Sa du Sa mi He beat Him Sa du D’i mi He beat Her Sa du Mbu mi He beat Us

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Sa du Kum mi He beat You (Plural) Sa du Sum mi He beat Them

Future (Immediate or Progressive) Pronoun:

Gera English Nakan nduna Iwill come Ka kannduna You (M) will come Shikan nduna You (F) will come SaKan nduna Hewill come Takan nduna Shewill come Mukan nduna Wewill come Kukan nduna You (Plural) will come Sukan nduna Theywill come

Future (distant) Pronouns: Gere English Na nduna I will come Ka nduna You (Male) will come Shi nduna You (female) will come Sa nduna He will come Ta nduna She will come Mu nduna We will come Ku nduna You (plural) will come Su nduna They will come

Immediate (Progressive) and distant future are distinguished by the addition of the particle “Kan” in the case of immediate future.

For example: Gera English Na du suwi I (emphatic) beat him Ka du suwi You (Male) beat him Sha du suwi You (female) beat him Sa du suwi He (emphatic) beat him Ta du suwi She (emphatic) beat him Munda ka da suwi We beat him Kunda ka suwi You (plural) Sunda ka suwi They beat him

Note that that the // in the subject pronoun changes to /a/: Gera English Ndur zau kana I am a farmer

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Ndur zau ka ka You (male) are a farmer Ndur zau ka sha You (female) are a farmer Ndur zau ka sa He is a farmer Ndur zau ka ta She is a farmer Au zau ka mundi We are farmers Au zau ka kundi You (plural) are farmers Au zau ka sundi They are farmers

Emphatic Pronouns: Gera English Na I- emphatic Ka You- (M. Singular) Sha You (F.Singular) Sa He Ta She Mundi We Kundi You (Plural) Sundi They

Possessive Pronouns: Gera English Mini - Buhu Mini Mine - My House Mwi - Buhu Mwi Yours (M) - Your House Mishi - Buhu Mishi Yours (F) – Your House Mi- Buhu Mi His – His House Mid’i- Buhu Mid‟i Hers- Her House Munbi - Buhu Munbi Ours- Our House Mukuni - Buhu Mukuni Yours (Plural) - Your House Musuni – Buhu Musuni Theirs- Their House

6.3.3.5 Demonstrative:

Gera English Buhu nu This house La nu This boy Sha funu This tree Yad nu This dog Muta d‟u This woman

Buhu naya That house La naya That child La tad‟iya That girl Shaf naya That tree Yad naya That dog

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Muta d‟iya That woman Buhu shin nu These houses Buhu shin naya Those houses Ndiin shin nu These children Ndiin shin naya Those children Yadin shin nu These dogs Yadin shin naya Those dogs Shaf shin nu These trees Shaf shin naya Those trees

From the above, we can say that the demonstratives are;

Gera English Nu This Naya That Shin nu These Shin naya Those

6.3.4 Conclusion

For a Gera semi speaker, it would be very easy to mix up the Gera pronouns with

Hausa ones, because some of them are very similar or have the same pronunciations.

For example:

English Hausa Gera I (emphatic) beat himnadake shi Na du suwi You (Male) beat himka dake shi Ka du suwi You (female) beat himkin dake shi Sha du suwi He (emphatic) beat himya buge shi Sa du suwi She (emphatic) beat himTa buge shi Ta du suwi We beat him Mun buge shi Munda kasuwi You (plural) kun buge Kunda ka suwi They beat him Sun buge shi Sunda ka suwi

Out of the eight pronouns up, three (na, ka, ta,)have the same pronunciations and the same meanings. Three are slightly different but very similar, we, you and they:mun

(Hausa)-munda(Gera), kun(Hausa) kunda(Gera), andonly two differ completely, you (female) and he (emphatic):sha, andsa.

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6.3.5 Syntax

Here we take a look at the set of rules and processes that govern the structure of sentences in both Hausa and Gera.

6.3.5.1The rules in both Hausa and Gera sentence structure

Both Hausa and Gera have a strict word order which is, like in most Chadic languages, SVO: Subject-Verb-Indirect/Direct Object. For example;

English: The (article) boy (subject) has (adverb) ran (verb) home (object)

Hausa:Yaron (subject) ya (pronoun) gudu (verb) gida(object)

Gera: La (boy) Sa (pronoun) zau (ran) mi (pasttense

Marker) Buhu (object)

Also, inHausa overt noun phrase subject is not essential and

May be omitted(pro-drop language).

For example:

Duka na ya yi (beat me he did)

But in Gera, the noun phrase always exists and the same sentence would

Be:

Se du na mi (He beatme)

In Hausa, adjectives precede their nouns and agree with them in gender and number.

For example:

Karamin yaro ya gudu - A little boy has ran away Karamar yayinya ta gudu- A little girl has ran away Kananan yara sun gudu- Little children have ran away

But in Gera sentence structure,the noun precedes the adjective. For example:

La (boy) miyal (small) sa (pronoun) zau (ran) mi (past tense marker)

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La (girl) callara (small) ta (pronoun) zau (ran) mi (past tense marker) Ndin (children) miyal (small) zawwi (ran) mi (past tense marker

6.3.5.2 Possession in Hausa and Gera

In Hausa is indicated by means of a suffix attached to the noun that is possessed i.e., the possess see (n for masculine or plural, r for feminine); thus the 'boy‟s grandfather' is expressed in Hausa: bàabá-n yáaròo („father-of boy‟). For example:

Kakana – My grandfather Kakan ka- Your grandfather Kakar sa- His grandmother

While possession in Gera, is indicated by the use of pronouns. For example:

Kak (grandfather) min (mine) - My grandfather Kak (grandfather) mwi (yours) - Your grandfather Kak (grandmother) mi (his) - His grandmother

6.3.5.3 Articles in Hausa and Gera

There are no definite or indefinite articles in Hausa, definiteness is determined by context. The definite articles can be indicated by the use of the suffixes /N/ and /r/, /N/ for masculine and /R/ for feminine. For example:

Mutumin ya tafi - The man has gone Matar ta haihu- The woman has delivered But in Gera, thedefinite article comes after the noun. For example: Mbarin (man) dai (article) ndi (gone) mi (Pm) Mud (woman) ta (pronoun) da (article)lo (deliver) mi (Pm)

Indefiniteness in Hausa, can be indicated by the use of the words wání (m), wátá (f), wású (pl) equivalent to „some‟. For example:

Wani Mutum ya zo – A man has come Wata mata ta zo- A woman has come Wasu mutane sun zo- Some people have come

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While in Gera, indefiniteness can be indicated by the use of me (m and female) and fai (pl) which is also equivalent to „some‟. For example:

Me (article) mbarum (man) zai (came) mi (Pm) Me (article) mundi (woman) zi (came) mi (Pm) Fai (article) mbarum (people) zai (came) mi (Pm)

In Hausa interrogative sentences, the interrogative word occurs in initial position and the preverbal complex is marked for focus. Focus-marking is also required in relative clauses which are preceded by the relativizer particle Zà. For example:

Za ki je gida ne? - Are you (male) going home? Za ka je gida ne? -Are you (female) going home? Za ku je gida ne? –Are you (Plural) going home?

This also is the same case in Gera interrogative. For example:

Shi(pronoun f) kad (relativizer) da (going) buhu (house) wa (interrogative) Ki (pronoun M)kad(relativizer) da (going) buhu (house)wa interrogative? Ku (pronoun) kad (relativizer ) da (going) buhu(house) wa (interrogative)

6.3.6 Lexicon

Hausa has absorbed a vast number of loanwords. Overall, the major influence has been Arabic. In the semantic spheres of religion, government, administration and literature, words of Arabic origin are predominant. More recently English has had a pervasive influence in Nigeria while the same has happened with French in Niger.

Other contributors have been Nigerian and Nigerien languages like Kanuri, Yoruba and Fulani, and North African ones like Mande and Tuareg. Hausa, like many African languages, has a special class of words with particular sound characteristics, called idiophones, associated with vivid sensory or mental experiences.

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6.3.6.1 Basic vocabulary

Kinship

Gloss Hausa Gera New Gera Father Baba Baɓa Baba Mother uwa/mama nonda mama Brother yaya lanana yaya Uncle Kawu bab‟a kawu Aunty Inna nonda inna Grandfather Kaka kakia kaka Grandmother Kaka Kakia kaka Grandson jika kinkiya jika

Analysis: Among the vocabulary items related to kinship 100% has been borrowed from Hausa.

Body parts

Gloss Hausa GeraN.Gera Head kai kakayi Face fuska gemiido(eyes) Eyes Ido yibiyibi Hands hannu sarasara Legs kafa siyisiyi Heart zuciya tushi zushi Tongue harshe belmisa belmisa

Analysis: Among the vocabulary items related to the parts of the body, only 20% are borrowed from Hausa.

Numbers

Gloss Hausa Gera N.Gera One daya moi moi Two biyu mbulu mbulu Three ukku kunu kunu Four hudu hudu hudu Five biyar baadi baadi Six shida beshim beshim Seven bakwai bicci-mbalum bicci-mbalum Eight takwas hurdu hurdu Nine tara baninja baninja Ten goma bar bar

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Hundred dari lumba dari Thousand dubu huwiya dubu

Analysis: Amongb the vocabulary of Gera relating to numbers, only 20% are borrowed from Hausa. The hudu in four cannot be included because it may be the same for both Hausa and Gera, since both of the belong to the same language family.

Days and Seasons

Gloss Hausa Gera N.Gera 2 days before shekaranjiya fituwa fituwa Yesterday jiya njoni njoni Today yau rini rini Tomorrow gobe d‟ashi d‟ashi Next tomorrow jibi tuwa jibi The day after gata gata gata Four days hence citta tudigeri citta Dry season rani rani rani Rainy season damina damina damina Harvest season Kaka kaka kaka

Analysis: 70% of the Gera vocabulary related to days and seasons has been borrowed from Hausa.

Other words

Gloss Hausa Gera N.Gera North arewa arewa arewa South Kudu kudu kudu West yamma yamma yamma East gabas gabas gabas Sheep tinkiya tunku tunku Pot tukunya ndosi tukunya

Analysis: 90% of other Gera vocabularies apart from those mentioned above. are borrowed from Hausa

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6.4 Adaptation of Hausa Sounds in Gera Language

Most Gera people use Hausa as their main language of communication in different language domains. The few who use Gera as a means of communication make use of considerable Hausa words from all grammatical categories (nouns, verbs, prepositions, interjections, etc). These words vary according to degree of integration ranging from fully integrated loans to mere inferring elements. The phoneme constituents of these words- in accordance with the universal norm in this regard- receive different kinds of treatment in the recipient language (Gera), according to weather they exist in its phonological system or not. We intend to describe the various processes which regulate the adaptation of the Hausa words into the Gera.

6.4.1 Hausa Loan Words in Gera

The almost 150 years of contact between Hausa and Gera through trade, hunting, farming activities, and other aspects of life led to the adoption of considerable corpus of words from the former language into the latter. Hausa loan words in Gera have been used for a long time.

The basic purpose of borrowing from one language to another is „filling the cultural gaps‟, for –as it is often said-cultures are rarely sufficient to themselves. Therefore, borrowing may take place when a group of migrants establishes itself as a minority in a new cultural environment where its members come into direct contact with the members of the indigenous communities like the case of the Sudanese Hausa which is endangered by the Sudanese Arabic Abu Manga (1999), or the case of Gera where a minority language is been endangered by a more prestigious one.

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The effect of the Hausa-Gera contact is clearly noticeable in the lexicon. Because of the contact there is a great possibility of the two languages affecting each other lexically, and there is also a chance of Hausa words infiltrating Gera, which we attempted to investigate through interviewing different respondents. In the interview, we gathered that most Hausa words borrowed into Gera are drawn from limited social domains. The two notable domains in which borrowed words prevail are social settings and religion.

6.4.1.1 Vocabulary Items Related to Marriage

The vocabulary items borrowed from Hausa into Gera in the area of marriage are mostly proper nouns and verbs denoting marriage relationships. They include:

Table 48: Vocabulary Items Relating to Marriage

Borrowed Word Gloss Aure Marriage Waliy Who gives out the bride Shaidu Witnesses Karba Receive/take hand in marriage Baiko Betrothal Suruki In-law

Because of the impact of Islam on the Hausa people, most of the aspect of their culture is intertwined with or has been assimilated to the Islamic culture. The Gera people too have found themselves in the same situation, where almost all the aspects of their culture have been assimilated by the Hausa. In typical present day Gera society, one can hardly point out a single traditional Gera culture in marriage ceremonies. It is done exactly the same way with that of the Hausas.

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6.4.1.2 Vocabulary Items Relating to Naming Ceremony

Table 49: Vocabulary Items Relating to Naming Ceremony

Borrowed Word Gloss Suna Naming Ceremony Wankan gida Delivery and nursing at parent‟s house Wanzam Local Berber Tuwon Goggo Auntie‟s dish

Gera words regarding childbirth and naming ceremony have been dropped for their

Hausa equivalents.

6.4.1.3 Vocabulary Items Related to Circumcision

Table 50: Vocabulary Items Relating to Circumcision

Borrowed Word Gloss Kaciya Circumcise Wanzam Local Barber/Circumciser Jinya To Nurse Warke Heal

This is as a result of language shift, because all these words have their equivalents in

Gera, and there is no use to borrowing them from Hausa, except by choice.

6.4.1.4 Vocabulary Items Related to Religion

Table 51: Vocabulary Items Related to Religion

Borrowed word Gloss Annabi Prophet Sallah Prayer Azumi Fasting Zaka Alms Carbi Prayer bead Darduma Prayer rug Masallaci Mosque Ramalana Month of Ramadan Liman Imam

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Kur‟ani The Holy Qur‟an Coci Church Fasto Pastor Haji Pilgrimage to mecca Imani Faith Dodo Masquerade Rokon Ruwa Prayer for rain

The only word related to Gera traditional religion is Dodo, its equivalent in Gera is

Kalim, but has for long been substituted with the Hausa word dodo. Due to the conversions of the majority of the Gera to Islam, Hausa words related to Islam prevail than words related to Christianity or the traditional religion.

6.4.1.5 Vocabularies Related to other social issues

Table 52: Vocabulary Items Related to other Social Issues

Borrowed Word Gloss Fatari Skirt Zani Wrapper Shiri Preparations Lokaci Time To Well Yauwa Okay Amman But Habaici Sarcasm Labari Story Kasuwa Market Baba Father Zagaye Turn round Wato Meaning It should be noted that the Gera has borrowed a lot of conjunction and subordinate conjunctions from Hausa, and use them in their speeches, for example; amma, da, to, sai, and daga.

6.4.2Morphotactical Adjustments on the borrowed words

It is imperative, to note that when some of these borrowed words get into Gera, they are modified to fit to the morphotactics of Gera. A good number of these words are

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those Hausa words ending with the –ii diphthong. This not unrelated to the fact that the diphthong is missing in Gera language. Consider the examples below:

Table 53: Morphotactical Adjustment of Borrowed Words

Hausa word Modified in Gera Lokacii (Time) Lokaci Zabiyaa Zabi Shirii Shiri Habaicii Habaici Imanaii Imani Limamii Limami Kuranii Kurani Zagayee Zagayni Baba Baabә Sak Sakman

Though most modifications in Gera happen in the form of vowel shortening, there are cases like –sak where a syllable was added in order to modify the word into Gera.

6.4.2.1 Substitution

One of the strategies that speakers use to bring incoming words into harmony with native words is substitution, (Mberia 1993:46). This is when the Gera speakers substitute their own sounds to sound like that of the Hausa language. Our data reveal the existence of about 4 Gera sounds which are substituted by their nearest correspondents. They are the schwa vowel: [ә], the nasalised plosive /mb/, and the labialised fricatives /sw/ and zw/. The schwa vowel is always replaced by another vowel. The nasalised plosive is replaced by the nasal consonant /m/ or the plosive /b/.

The labialised fricatives /zw/, /sw/ and /shw/ are replaced by the fricatives /z/, /s/ and

/z/, respectively. Examples:

[ә] → [a] [i] [e] sә→ sa he

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kә→ ka with gәgәr→ gagar old people kәgә→ kaga if yәdә →yada dog kәkә→kaka don‟t gәbsawa→gabsawa farm

[ә] → [i] bambә→bambi night

[ә] → [e] fәwa→ fewa white

/sw/ → /s/ swari → sari song/dance swaka → saaka talking

/shw/ → /sh/ shwandini → shandini (urine)

/zw/ → /z/ zwati → zaati (hit)

/mb/ → /m/ mbaramshin → maramshin (people)

Substitution can happen in borrowed words, as in the case of consonant and vowel substitution in the phonology of some borrowed words in Kithraka, (Mberia1993:46-

53) but in this case, it also happened in the very words of a particular language like

Gera due to the dropping of some sounds in favour of others which happen to also belong to a frequently used language.

Another important thing to the considered is that the Gera sounds that are dropped in favour of some Hausa sounds are those sounds that do not exist in Hausa language.

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6.4.2.2 Accommodation

This is another form of substitution. When Gera speakers borrow some Hausa words that have sounds which are non-existent in Gera, they try to accommodate that sound by substituting it with a Gera sound that is closest to that sound in pronunciation.

For ex/ample:

Ejectives to plosive- /ƙ/ → /k/

Ƙarya(lie) → karya ƙamshi (scent) → kamshi ƙane (brother) → kane

/ƙy/ → /k/ Ƙyalli (shine)→kiyalli Ƙyale (ignore) → kiyaale Ƙyashi (envy) → kiyaashi

/ƙw/ →/k/ ƙwakwalwa (brain) → kokolwa ƙwallo (ball) → kollo ƙwari (insects) → kuwarii

Ejectctive to fricative-/s‟/ → /s/ tsaro(security) → saro tsarki (purity) → sarki tsami (sawer) → sami

Palato velars to velars- /ky/ → k kyau (beauty) → kiyau kyauta (gift) → kiyauta kyaure (door) → kiyaure

/gy/ → g gyara (repair)→ giyaara gyare (cricket) g→iyaare gyada (groundnut) g→ gada glottal- palatal -„y → ya „ya‟ya (children) → yaya

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„yan‟uwa (siblings) → yan‟uwa „yanci (freedom) → yanci

We have seen how the sounds of Hausa have affected that of the Gera in two similar scenarios, the first one, where Gera sounds that do not exist in Hausa are substituted by Hausa sounds, and the second is where borrowed Hausa sounds that do not exist in

Gera are modified to fit into the Gera structure. This is a very good example of how the Hausa sounds are affecting the sounds of the Gera.

6.4.2.3 Code Switching and Code Mixing

Code-switching is the mixing of words, phrases and sentences from two distinct grammatical (sub) systems across sentence boundaries within the same speech event… code-mixing is the embedding of various linguistic units such as affixes

(bound morphemes), words (unbound morphemes), phrases and clauses from a cooperative activity where the participants, in order to infer what is intended, must reconcile what they hear with what they understand, Bokamba (1989).

Our data reveal the existence of code switching and code mixing in the speech of some of the Gera respondents interviewed by the researcher. While speaking Gera, they switch to Hausa in a sentence then go back to speaking Gera. Some phrases are pronounced in Hausa by the respondents, while making conversation in Gera. Here are some transcribed interviews with some of the respondents in Gera language.

The speeches were made in Gera then translated into Hausa and English. The highlighted sentences, phrases and words are Hausa words found in the speeches:

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6.4.2.4 Code switching in Gera Speech

Table 54: Showing Code mixing in Gera speech

Gera Hausa English Akoma mi kadina Auren mu muna yinsa ne We perform our marriages addinimusulunci irin na addinin musulunci just as it is done in Islam Kaka bundmi kalma sai Daga anyi wannan, sai aure. After that is done then aure marriage will take place. Ashanuk aure du Yadda muke aure The way we conduct marriage Kidai daimi Lokaci daimi Lokacin da aka sa aure When the wedding is fixed To sai si jinya To sai aci gaba da jinya Then he will be nursed Harzabi to ba bisina Har zabiyan ma takan sa Even the women lead singer waka also sings Ammasai kam kwat nar na Amma dai kam basu iya yi. But really they can‟t speak Mukanyi jisala Mukan yi biki Weorganise ceremonies Zwar ku same habaici Zai yi masa habaici Willmake sarcastic comment about him Amma sa kalim Gwandini Amma shi dodon zaure But the Masquarade of the hut/hall

6.4.2.5 Code Switching

Table 55: Showing Code Switching in Gera

Gera Hausa English Lokacidaake kadlaimi Idan lokacin auren yazo When the wedding day comes. donkarbaauredai to gidebisu Don karban aure sai aje gida The wedding is conducted at home Mudaiirinshiri mbarum Mu dai yadda shirin mutanenmu Well, the way our people yake. arrange (weddings) Irinshirinmusulmi sakman Irin shirin musulmi sak The way muslim‟s arrange/do theirs, exactly. To jisala damukanyin nan, Idan zamuyi biki mukan yi When we organise ceremonies, wato sa mu kalmu kalmi amfani da dodo we use a masquarede Kashim Har sai lokaci daukashe Har sai lokacin daya warke Until the time he got healed to alkashafa de haka zagaye ne Alkashafan zai dinga zagaye shi The Alkashafa will go round, haka zagaye ne haka zagaye ya zageyi ya zagaye shi har ya and round and round, and it is a ne har ji dai ji sha’awa bada sha‟wa. wonderful sight. Amma kalim shi kayi amfani Amma dodon da muke amfani But the masquerade we make kasa. da shi use of

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Though Bokimba (1989) said that “...Code switching is not a display of deficient language knowledge: a grammarless mixing of two languages, instead it is a phenomenon through which its users express a range of meanings”, (Zentella 1985) on the other hand insists that people may use code-switching to hide fluency or memory problems in the second language.

6.5 Conclusion

In this chapter, we investigated the impact of the language shift of Gera to Hausa, on the structure of the Gera language. Because of the genetic relationship between Gera and Hausa, it did not come as a surprise that there are many similarities in the sounds of the two languages. There are about 23 sounds found in both languages. Gera also has 18 extra sounds that do not exist in Hausa, those sounds include 3 nasalised plosives, 2 labialised plosives, 2 palatalised plosives, one nasalised affricate, 1 labialised nasal. 1 labialised lateral. 3 labialised fricatives, and1 labialised-nasalised velar.There are also 10 sounds in Hausa which do not exist in Gera, which includes 4

Ejectives, 1 flap, 2 glottals, and one palatalised velar. Both Hausa and Gera happen to be tonal languages.

Hausa loan-words are found in Gera; Hausa vocabularies relating to marriage, Child birth and naming ceremony, circumcision, religion and other social issues. The Gera used morphological adjustment to adapt borrowed Hausa words into the Gera language. The most obvious one is the shortening of monopthongs not existing in

Gera.

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The Infrequent use of some Gera sounds gave way to their substitution with other frequently used sound found in both Hausa and Gera. Code switching and code- mixing are found in the speeches of some Gera, this is clear evidence that those speakers cannot converse fluently in Gera without switching to Hausa words, phrases or sentences.

In this chapter our findings established the fact that the structure of the Gera language has been affected by the endangerment of the Gera language in the following ways:

The first is the existence of many borrowed Hausa words found in Gera vocabulary.

The second is using mophotactical adjustment to adapt Hausa borrowed sounds into

Gera sounds through the shortening of monophtongs not found in Gera. There is also the issue of substitution of some Gera sounds with Hausa sounds. And lastly there was code-switching and code-mixing in the speech of Gera speakers.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

THE GERA LANGUAGE IN DEFINING THE GERA IDENTITY

7.1 Introduction

In Chapter six we have examined the qualitative data obtained from respondents in the six communities in focus.

In this chapter we shall examine our fourth objective; which is finding out if Gera language is useful in defining the Gera Identity. Cultural identity is the feeling of belonging to a particular religion, social class, locality or any kind of social group that has its own culture. Culture includes; language, dress, tools, laws, customs, rituals, norms and rules and regulations.

The ethnolinguistic identity theory of Giles and Johnson and Landweer‟s indicators of ethnolinguistics vitality were used in analysing this data.

7.2.1 Gera Culture and Identity

The Gera people‟s culture and identity has been threatened by that of the Hausa for a long time due to various factors. Prior to their contact with the Hausa, the Gera had been a unique people with their own identity, Language and culture. They were pastoral people before their migration, and even when they settled and became farmers, they still rear animals and livestock for their own use. Apart from their settlements (Gera towns and villages), their Language known as Gera, Gere or

Geranci. Originally the Gera can be identified by some facial and body tribal-marks;

According to Yakubu (1984), Yakubu 1 (1805-1845) who led the jihad in the Bauchi region had such marks, but Dan Fodio was said to have objected to such tribal marks

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for Yakubu‟s descendants. Therefore, it is safe to say that the practice of Gera tribal marks which was vital part of their identity was stopped in the early part of the

19thcentury. That left only the cultural practices which are part of the Gera culture.

We will look into different cultural practices and see if there is any Gera identity attached to them.

7.2.2 Gera Non Material Culture and Gera Identity

The non-material culture, are the belief, norm and values that help shape societies and the rituals or ceremonies that go hand in hand with them. The Gera non-material culture is being assimilated by the Hausa non-material culture just like the language.

The Gera first had contact with Hausa since before the jihad, but it was after the jihad that most of them embraced the religion of Islam. Since the Hausa culture has been partially assimilated by the Islamic culture and is now synonymous with Islamic culture, this also affected the Gera culture when most of the people converted to

Islam, but a few have converted to Christianity. Therefore we will look into the Gera

Non Material culture before the contact with Hausa and conversion to Islam and after, in order to see the important brole language used to play in them and if it still, and also how some other cultural elements related to the Gera Identity are lost.

7.2.2.1 Gera Traditional Belief and Rituals

According to the Joshua Project, majority of the Gera are Muslim. However some of their traditional ethnic religion remains in place. They believe in an invisible supreme god named Kpa, who lives in heaven. Each Gera family chooses an object to represent

Kpa, such as a stone or a tree. There, sacrifices and prayers are made to their god.

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The Gera had lots of traditional rituals and ceremonies. The Gera ancient tradition, were based on those „pagan‟ rituals. It was very dominant and significant in the life of the Gera. There are those rituals which were done yearly, and some took place occasionally. But it was the way of life and belief of the people.

In the olden days, the Gera masquerade known as Dodo or Dodon Gera was one of the most powerful figures of the Gera tradition. Sani A.S (2016) described the Gera masquerade also known as Dodon Gere;

“A masquerade called "Dodon Gere" which is still existing (council) sits to discuss issues with his assistants related to the lives of "his" people. The place is under a

"tsamiya" tree with boulders as seats are arranged, that of the “Dodo” is immediately near the tree and rests his back upon the tree facing his council members. People used to worship and make offerings to spirits. Oral data indicate that the "Dodo" is transformed from the spirit into the form so that he could be seen. Certain indirect evidence were studied, firstly, the present population also have a masquerade called

"Dodon Gere". To some people it is a witch, while others perceive it as a spirit”

The dodo is the embodiment of a strong supernatural power who has several functions. Among other things, he prays to Kpa on behalf of the people for good crops and a blessed rainy season. Priests among the tribe are believed to possess the ability to commune with the spirits and to know what is going on at all times by spiritual means. A Dodo appears at a certain time and place. Some can appear yearly, while some, only after a couple of years, some, during the rainy season, some during the harmattan (cold and dry period between November to February) etc, though there are others who can make their appearance at any given time. But in later years before the

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practice of Dodo went extinct, there was no particular occasion or festival for any of them to appear. They appear mostly as occasions like wedding, naming, coronation, etc, and they used to appear mainly to entertain people. Most of the festivals or dances were named after a masquerade because those masquerades perform some dances during the festivals. Some of the Gera masquerades are:

Lakwadki:

This masquerade appears yearly. Its costume is fresh „Madubiya or Kanya‟ leaves. It also wears Lero (Ram hair) on its legs. It never sings, someone among the audience usually sings, while Lakwadki dances. It never performed in the morning or afternoon, it only performs at night. This masquerade is not actually a real masquerade but an entertainment for the Gera people after the harvest. This is a time of abundance in which people like to eat, drink and be merry

Dodon Zaure/Kalim Gwandimi:

This is the premier Dodo of the Gera. It is also called Dodon Zaure or Dodon Gere.

He appears at a fiesta, usually organised at the beginning of every harvest season.

Between the harvest and the beginning of another farming season, the Dodo entertains community. The Dodon Gere or Zaure is famous for his extraordinary display of acrobatics and dances. It dances spinning round and round in his Alkashafa which forms an amazing flat circle during the spin. This masquerade has a headdress known as goto

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(Gere Culture, 2000)

Figure 20: Showing the Kalim Gwandimi (Dodon zaure) spinning in his Alkashafa It also performs at ceremonies; weddings or naming. It sings and people answer back.

It sings while the audience answers back. Anybody from the audience can also make a statement in a song and the Kalim can respond. The reason is that in that occasion only Kalim Gwandimi has the power to respond to any song thrown by anyone, and it can also sing while the women chorus after it. The masquerade knows everyone in the crowd, therefore it responds instantly whenever someone sings.

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(Gere Culture, 2000)

Figure 21: Dodon Gere/Zaure displaying his acrobatics on the roof Raya:

This masquerade appears at any time and dances almost naked. The costume it wears is only called warki (kilt) and a headgear that looks like Constable‟s cap. It also doesn‟t come close to people; it keeps a very large distance between itself and audience. People used to watch it dance from very far outside the village. It is also not good to go close because it doesn‟t like been seeing and could harm anyone who dares to go close, especially anyone wearing a cap. This masquerade only performs during sad occasions, like Death. Sometimes he appears and performs with 2 others.

They imitate, make jokes and entertain the mourners. What they do is just like acting a drama.

Jijaura:

This masquerade appears after every four years after harvest, as a thanksgiving to the gods for a bumper harvest. . His costume is dried guinea-corn leaves. It has a woven

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zana asaheaddress. He sings and people dance round and respond in a chorus. A female lead singer known as Zabiya usually responds to jijaura. Sometimes she sings and it answers back. It can pick out a person from the crowd and mock him in his songs. It throws banters with people and even makes some sarcastic comments about some people in his songs. It is a very witty masquerade with some great oratory. It is a very important masquerade that performs during happy occasions like weddings and naming ceremonies.

(Gere Culture, 2000) Figure 22: Showing Jijaura in his face mask and head gear

(Gere Culture, 2000) Figure 23: Jijaura dances with women

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Dingisau

This is a festival that takes place after the harvest of Millet or Guinea-corn. In this case, a local traditional wrestling match is usually organised, where Gera people gather for the occasion. Dingisau, which means the limper, differs from other masquerades in the sense that it is devoid of any hood. It is performed by a few men, clad in colourful wrappers which are tied across one shoulder, on top of their clothes.Each of the men, clasp a short horn laced on his upper lip, which he blows like a flute in response to the drumbeat.

(Gere Culture, 2000) Figure 24: A group of Gera men blowing their horns during the Dingisau dance The women also sing and dance a traditional dance known as gada, in which a woman comes out from a half circle of singing and dancing women, she dances apart, then goes back to fall backwards towards the group, while they catch her.

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(Gere Culture, 2000) Figure 25: Gera women dancing Gada during Dingisau The men go round the gada women, dancing and blowing their horns together with the drummers and other musicians.

Dandi:

Only the chief priest and his assistants have ever seen the masquerade Dandi or known its whereabouts. No one has ever claimed to have seen Dandi, but its screams could be heard from 10 km when it is angry. According to some elderly people the scream was like the earthquake, very loud and terrifying. Dandi only appears on one occasion a year

Sati:

This masquerade is for warriors and for hunters. It is usually used to entertain the hunters and the warriors after a hunt, and during other warrior activities. Sati songs are still performed during wedding ceremonies, naming ceremonies or during the Eid celebrations.

Kalim Nona (The Mighty Masquerade)

This masquerade also appears only during sad occasions like deaths or tragedies. It sings while the audience answers. It also dances. It usually goes to the tomb and

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blesses it by striking it with its feet. It usually receives gifts of chickens after its performances.

Durzima

It is a masquerade that appears only during the dry season. Its costume is dry grass and also wears goto as a headdress. It usually carries a cane which it uses to flog any member of the community who refuses to join the dance.

Jan Wake

As soon as the rainy season approaches, a ceremony is observed to call the attention of Gera farmers to the effort of the farming season, this ceremony is known as Jan wake, meaning red beans. It is is said to be inherited from the great grandparents of the Gere. (Obviously the original tribes, the migrants from the Borno area met). This is a seasonal performance in which a masquerade by the same name performs.This masquerade wears Hausa dress known as gare. It wears kwalkwalo and goto(twohorns sticking out) on its head. They are usually two in number, and they sing while the audience choruses. It is performed for the period of 30days by blowing horns daily.

Certain rituals must be observed prior to the occasion.

Figure 26: The Jan wake Masquerades (They are always two)

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(Gere Culture, 2000) Figure 27: The face-mask of the Janwake Masquerade

(Gera Culture, 2000)

Figure 28: The head gear (Goto) of the Janwake Masquerade

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Kalim Masha (Masquerade of the Locust-Bean)

This Masquerade appears yearly, during the month of May, when the locust-bean is in season. Its costume is made up of a locust-bean leaves. On its head he wears a tin paint bucket. He usually sings, while the audience choruses after.

Alawiye

This Dodo appears after a couple of years, after harvest. Its costume is guinea-corn leaves. He only sings and dances with women, and only the women are allowed to chorus after him. No man is allowed near him, and if one is caught he will be severely beaten. Even the drummer has to run when he gets tired and stops, and if another wants to continue, he will have to come while the masquerade is not looking. The drums used are known as gangan gwiwa (knee drums).

Labanda

This masquerade makes an appearance during sad moments or occasions. It does not speak, only make some noises as if groaning, but it sings. Only one woman choruses to its songs. Its costume is igiyar rama(from a plant known as rama).

Zabuwa

This is also a masquerade whose attribute is same with Lakwandi.

Lasa

This masquerade also appears only at sad occasions but is an entertainer which races long distances in a short time, to the amazement of the people.

In recent years the practice of Dodo does not exist, not even for entertainment sake.

Most of the Gera have converted to Islam and a few to Christianity; and therefore do not take part in what they consider as pagan practices. No one will agree to wear the

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Dodo costume due to the fear of being labelled as an Arne, a Hausa derogatory term for a non-Muslim. Because of that, the practice died, and with it part of the Gera cultural identity.

Jara

This is another unique and interesting dance, in which a large number of men and women form a large circle in which he drummer and the lead singer are left in the middle. The dance is performed by dancing or jumping side by side as the group rotates anticlockwise responding to the tunes and the music on course. Some of the men perform the dance while squatting.

(Gera Culture, 2000)

Figure 29: The Jara dance This is an agelong farming dance, organised at the instructions of the chief, when he invites his subject to help in cultivating or weeding his farms.

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Siyi

This is another interesting dance of the Gera which is related to Jara. This dance is usually performed by two elderly men holding a bow and arrow, who dance as they kick their legs sideways.

(Gera Culture, 2000) Figure 30: Siyi dancers

7.2.2.2 Rain Prayer and other Prayers according to Gera tradition

According to the Joshua Project, before the advent of Islam and Christianity the Gera people used to worship a deity called Kpa. They used to have a chief priest who was their emissary to kpa. They also had the Dodo who was Kpa‟s representative in their land. The chief priest and the dodo make the law, and punishment was meted to transgressors. Every ancient settlement in Gera land had a particular point or venue where they perform the rain prayer, for example in Gilliri there was the mosque of

Yakubu (of Bauchi), and some rocks he gathered and left, that is their prayer point after the coming of Islam to Gera land. Because the Gera are predominantly farmers, rain is very essential to their survival. Whenever there is a season where the rains are

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late or are not frequent, the chief priest will decide on a day for the rain prayer. On the appointed day, the Gera will assemble at the prayer ground which is the prayer rock in some places, with offerings of goats and chickens. They will slaughter the animals on the rock there and roast it then eat the meat. They will go round the rock and be praying for rain. After the coming of Islam, they usually go to a grave of a saint with food and snacks like gumba, groundnuts etc for offering. They will then pray and ask for rain. In Tirwun for example, after the coming of Islam, people used to gather under a big tree in front of the chief‟s place for prayers.

The same applies to any other type of prayer. Whenever there was any epidemic or calamity, the Gera people used to assemble attheir prayer points and pray to their deity for relief, or to grant their wishes. In the case of barrenness in the land, the people will all go to the ritual rock with a black goat and white chicken. The chief priest will strip to his breaches and take a chicken into the cave to beg and pacify „the people of the cave‟ or the ancestors. When he comes out he will tell the people why the ancestors are angry with them and decided to plague them with that misfortune.

Sometimes it could be because the people have abandoned them and don‟t give any offerings to them. He will tell them that they have forgiven them. Then the goat will be slaughtered on the rock and roasted which the people will eat and go home. The

Gera people believe that God hears their prayers no matter the medium they use to reach to him. This kind of ritual continued for sometime even after the coming of

Islam to Gera land. Though it is a ritual not Islamic prayer, but they believed that God

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will accept and grant their wishes. Whenever they prayed for rain, they used to run home because they believed rain would fall before they reach home

7.2.2.3 Marriage Ceremony in Gera Tradition

Traditionally among the Gera, when a boy sees a girl he wants to marry he simply starts going to her parent‟s farm to help in farming, weeding and cultivation. He could also go to the house and help in menial labours like bringing firewood from the bush and cutting the woods etc. He would continue with this until the girl‟s family think him worthy enough for their daughter, then he would be asked to bring the betrothal money which was then about 10 shillings. After a few months, the boy would go to the market and buy a printed cloth-material known as Atamfa and take it to the tailor who will make a skirt and blouse out of the material. The tailor will also make unique embroidery on the skirt, which will also have 12 pockets. He will also buy a headscarf and take all those items to the girl‟s parent‟s house. After this the girl will be considered an engaged woman betrothed to the guy. No one else will be allowed to court her but the boy. She will stay at home for a year after this in order for her parents to prepare for the marriage. After a year, the boy will go to the girl‟s parents for a formal introduction and ask for permission to marry their daughter. No issue of money shall arise since he had been laboring for the family for a while. From there they will fix the wedding day.

In those days brides were not taken to the groom‟s house on the wedding day. After the Marriage ceremony, a wedding feast is arranged where the groom‟s family show their affluence by providing enough food for everyone to eat. There could be as much

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as 30 huge calabashes of tuwo, with soup and chicken on the top of every calabash.

They will also bring 15 chickens and about 20 huge calabashes full of corn or guinea corn flour for making Tuwo. The groom‟s family and friends will show their solidarity by providing his family with food to feed the guests. Everyone attending the wedding comes with at least one chicken and a huge Calabash of corn flour.

Sometimes the groom‟s house may receive as much as 5 big sacks of corn/ and guinea corn flour. In some cases a whole barn could be filled with such gifts from friends and relations.

The friends of the bride were the ones in charge of their cooking and the groom‟s friends for the seven days the wedding feasts takes place. Every morning and afternoon they will be given a huge calabash of flour and 2 chickens with other ingredients to prepare their meals. In the evening they are given 3 chickens with the flour. In the evenings, the young men and women will dress up in their best clothes and go outside the groom‟s parent‟s house, where the drummer will play his drum while they play and dance till dusk when they will all disperse to go and eat, then return and continue till late in the night throughout the 7 days. On the 7th day, the groom will be taken out of his hiding place, which is usually a friend‟s house, he will struggle to escape but his friends will catch him, sometimes carry him on their head to his house where the bride is taken.

Before they arrive, the bride‟s friends will take her and hide her elsewhere and refuse to divulge the hiding place. Sometimes it will take some beatings from the groom‟s friends before they reveal the whereabouts of the bride. But all this is done in a form of a play or banter. The bride and groom will be left alone by their friends, but

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because the groom is shy of sleeping in his wife‟s room when some of the guests are still around, he will follow one of his friends home and sleep there. The following day when all the guests are gone he will return to his house to meet his wife.

But in recent times it does not happen that way. The Gera marriage now is exactly like a typical Hausa wedding. No difference at all. The boy meets the girl and they agree to marry, then he will send his parents for the „Tambaya‟ and later he pays the dowry. Then a wedding day is fixed and a wedding „Fatiha‟ is conducted on that day with a Waliy (guardian or the person who gives away the bride) and the dowry. The girl‟s father is responsible for bed, chair and other major things while the mother is responsible for all kitchen utensils. The groom buys her a wedding trousseau depending on his means, which can be from one to 12 boxes and may include various clothes, wrappers, laces, shoes, bags, cosmetics, perfumes etc. Now the Gera also indulge in the western cultures that has crept in on the Hausa culture during weddings, like Luncheon party, Dinner party, Cocktail party etc.

7.2.2.4 Childbirth Rites and Ceremonies in Gera Tradition

When a Gera woman is 7 months pregnant, her parents will take her back to their house to stay till she delivers. On the day of the naming ceremony, which is 6 or 7 days after the birth, the female members of the father‟s family (the newborn baby‟s aunts) are expected to show their happiness by bringing huge bowls of food. The food they brought is known as „Tuwon goggo‟ (auntie‟s food). If the father is from a well to do family, there could be as much as 20 huge bowls of different dishes; Tuwo,

Rice, Masa, Gwate, etc. Unlike nowadays that when a man‟s wife delivers, he is

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expected to feed all guests on the naming ceremony, in those days the auntie‟s dishes is enough to feed all the guests. The barbers are the ones in charge of all the dishes brought. They are the first to fetch the amount they need and give the rest to the other guests to enjoy. The festivities take the whole day. In the night the drummers come to entertain the guests. They call that „opening of the child‟s ear‟. The entertainment continues till dawn. It can be masquerade entertainment known as wasan Dodo or a girl/women traditional dance known as „Gada‟.

The girl‟s mother, aunt or grandmother was usually in charge of the Jego which is taking care of her and the baby, and also teaching her everything about nursing a baby and taking care of herself. She is bathed with a steaming hot water using some leave branches to fetch the water and to bathe her with it by hitting her body with it while the steam rises. She is made to eat only hot food and drink only hot water and hot pap or gruel made of potash and a lot of pepper in her food and the gruel. She and the baby will also be kept in a very warm room for a period of 3 months.

A father was always shy of his first-born therefore he did not pick him up or play with him. In those days people were very shy, mothers did not utter their first-borns names no matter what and even fathers too. They call them by other names or nick-names, and they just ignore them most of the time, especially in front of others.

In recent years, Naming Ceremony among Gera people just like marriage is conducted in accordance with the Hausa tradition. The girl usually stays at her husband‟s house and does not go home on the 7th month. After she has given birth the husband is in charge of feeding the guests on the day of the naming ceremony. He

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must also slaughter a ram in accordance with Islamic tradition. He will also buy her wrappers and baby clothes for the boy to be presented on that day. Sometimes a girl‟s parents may ask to be given their daughter to go and stay with them for the afterbirth period known as „jego‟, The going away to the parent‟s house for that Jego period is called in „Wankan gida‟. It is still widely practiced in Hausa-land, especially if it is a girl‟s first time of giving birth. Most husbands detest the idea of their wives going away for that period, because they may not wish to be parted with their wives and newly born children. Also because of the possibility of some issues arising from the girl‟s female family members who are usually impatient where their daughters are concerned. It could be Issues like he is not visiting too often as he should or did not provide something he ought to have.

7.2.2.5 Circumcision in Gera Tradition

Traditionally the circumcision of a child used to be a big affair within the Gera community. There was a very grand ceremony attached to it, for it signifies a kind of coming of age for a child. A boy had to be about 7 years old before he was circumcised. If a parent is poor and has two or 3 male children, he can wait till the first is nine, the second around 6 or 5 then take them together to be circumcised. If the younger ones are 6 and 5, he will have to take 1 chicken for the 6th year old and 2 chickens for a 5 year old which is expected to complement the missing years. If there are other members of his age-group available they can be circumcised together, but if there are not then it can be done for him alone.

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When a date is fixed for the circumcision, the father will go to different villages informing his relations and that of his wife that a date has been fixed for their child‟s circumcision. On that day, relations and friends will come from all over bearing cooked food; Tuwo, Rice, Gwate, Dambu, Masa, etc, and also chickens for the boy.

The food will be eaten by the guests while the chickens will be kept for the boy. The ceremony will last a whole day. The boy will be nursed by an aunt or grandmother, till he is healed. He will be fed fried chicken meat everyday till he is healed because it is believed that chicken meat helps in healing wounds.

7.2.2.6 Death and Burial Ceremony in Gera Tradition

Traditionally, whenever a Gera dies, he would be left in the room and his relations will bring a goat, they call this zubar da jini which means the spilling or blood which is another word for sacrifice. In other words, a goat will be sacrificed on his behalf.

After that he will be prepared and taken to the grave which has already been dug behind the house. As he is lowered to the grave, his head will be put inside a clay pot, and some long sticks will be arranged before the sand will be poured to bury him.

After the burial, Kalim Nona/Babban Dodo (The mighty masquerade will perform on the grave and bless it by striking his feet on the grave. Afterwards, he will be given a chicken or two as an offering. After all this, then the mourners will eat and drink. The goat meat is usually cooked and served together with the food.

On the third day, another goat will be slaughtered again and food will be cooked also be cooked. Relations from close and far will bring chickens with them which will all

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be slaughtered and cooked for the occasion. Tuwo, Rice, Gwate and other delicacies like gumba will be cooked and used for a great feast.

On that day there will be lots of entertainment and performances by masquerades like

Kalim Nona, Labandan, Raya and other masquerades for sad occasions, who perform and entertain the audience one after the other.A very close friend or a close relation of the deceased may also entertain the audience by imitating him; he may speak, talk or walklike him. He may use a prop like a walking stick, pipe or anything that reminds the audience of the deceased in a funny way.

Another feast is also organized after 40 days, where friends and relations from far and wide will converge at the same place, where chickens animals will again be slaughtered, food and drinks served, and entertainment will also take place for the final time for the deceased.The Gera are also superstitious about goat meat they believe it causes leprosy, therefore traditionally they avoid eating it. Even now there are a few elderly Gera who still stick to this tradition.

7.2.3 Gera Material Culture in Relation to Gera Identity

Material Culture is an interdisciplinary field of telling of the relationship between people and the objects of architecture around them. It is the totality of physical objects made by a people for the satisfaction of their needs, especially those articles requisite for the sustenance and perpetuation of life. The Gera, like other ethnic groups originally had their unique way of life which included their culture both material and non-material.

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The non-material which we have discussed above included; beliefs, norms and values which helped to shape their society. It was very hard to find much about the Gera material culture because of the systematic assimilation of the Gera community into the Hausa community which has robbed them of almost every aspect of their culture but their language which is also endangered. We attempted to know the Gera material culture because it is part of the Gera identity. There is need to know if the Gera people still identify with those material cultures and if they could be identified through them.

These include:

Architecture: The early Gera settlers in Tirwun decided to settle under an Isenberg for security reasons. They also built 3 walls that surrounded the settlement. A typical

Gera rural compound consists of round or rectangular mud huts with thatched roofs.

The huts consists of rooms used for sleeping, a kitchen which consists of a cooking place and grinding stones which are about two types; the upper and the lower grinding stones. The upper grinding stones are made from igneous rock, their width within the range of 8 to 20 cm long, which is very convenient to handle. The lower grinding stones mostly measured about 40-50cm in length, 25 -35cm wide and of irregular rectangular shapes. The level of their depression was so intensive ranging from 8cm -

11 cm. It is said that these grinding stones were used for grinding medicinal herbs, agricultural products and sharpening metal objects (Mahmood 1997).

There are evidences of house foundation in the original site where the Gera first settled in old Tirwun, which constituted one of the most commonly identified feature throughout. Houses are traced based on ruins of collapsed structures in the form of mud and granite stone arrangements. According to oral tradition, construction of

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houses follows certain stages. A chain of ditches are dug representing the shape of the building planned. Mud is spread inside, before stones of several shapes are laid on it.

This formed the foundation of the structure. Based on observation, it is obvious that they built circular houses. These stones laid were coated with properly mixed mud, with alternative layers of about 50cm which were added and left to dry continuously until it reached the desired height.

However, at the recently abandoned settlements, the use of stones in their buildings is rare and less pronounced. They are made of mud-moulds, whereby damped and well mixed mud are arranged randomly and without being turned into blocks. The walls are still built to considerable height standing. The soil of the area is poor in plasticity, hence they greatly enrich it with grasses and dried leaf temper (Sani A.S 2016).

Oral tradition Kwuitum (1997) in Sani A.S (2016), claims that these stone arrangements were foundation of rooms, storage, granaries (as shown by triple stone wedges) and kitchen. About four to seven houses surrounded by a wall make a compound and a cluster of such compounds make a settlement. The House walls thickness is about 50cm while the diameter for the rooms about 8-10m and roofed with thatch. Some Gera used to live in walled settlements for example Tirwun is a walled settlement (Sani 2016). The entire settlements were surrounded and enclosed by three successive walls. It is a defensive construction that formed a barrier to outside attack in the past (Mahmood 1997) and probably an indication of centralized authority and power (Abubakar 1974).

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Other features found in typical Gera households included wells and other utensils like pots (Sani 2016), probably for fetching and storing water and also for cooking. Big calabashes were used for storing food items like corn or guinea corn flour, Kuka

(grinded dried baobab leaves), Kubewa (grinded dried okra), Daddawa (Locust bean cubes), etc. Smaller calabashes known as koko were also used eating and drinking bowls.

(Gera Culture, 2000) Figure 31: A house in a typical Gera village Now the Gera built their houses according to their locations. Those living in towns and are well off live in flats or even bungalow and the less privileged live in modest houses according to their means. Those in the rural areas also mostly build and furnish their houses according to how well off they are.

Occupation: The first Gera settlers were said to be pastoralists who migrated from the Borno area with their herd of cattle in search of a better grazing land (Mahmood

2007). But perhaps it was their settling in the fertile valleys around Yuli-Tirwun

Mountains that turned them into farmers. The present day Gera people are predominantly farmers. They farm using ploughs for making ridges and hoes for

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planting and removing weeds. They plant mainly maize and guinea corn, but also plant groundnuts, beans and other vegetables like okra etc. There is evidence that suggests that the early Gera settlers also engaged in other occupations like dyeing.

This was because dyeing pits were discovered during an archaeological excavation of old Gera settlements in Tirwun. Though the Principal occupation of the Gera is subsistence farming, a separate economic class also exists; they include artisans such as potters, dyers, skin tanners, black smiths among other. In the past, similar activities like the above might have taken place in Tirwun and probably with common subsistence base. (Sani, 2016).

(Gera culture, 2000) Figure 32: A Gera farmer working on his farm

A peculiar form of dye pit was discovered at site LE 1 cut on igneous rock, measuring about 157 cm in diameter, maintaining 5 loosed angles vertically top to bottom and about 153cm deep. It was associated with a smooth surface to its eastern potion probably used as cloth beating platform. Based on oral tradition, weaving, iron working and skin tanning were carried out by the people in the past. Cloths and

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leather were dyed in the pit and the smooth surface was the base where wooden object is beaten against the dyed material to aid quick colour. There are stains around the pit and a small channel where excess water is drained away. These are also broken boulders around that probably served as seats for the dyers.

The discovery of cowries in the abandoned settlements (Sani 2016), gives us the proof that the Gera used to engage in some commercial activities apart from farming, the cowries might have been used as payments for services rendered. In the context of

Nigerian past, cowries were used as a medium of exchange i.e., money (currency) hand in hand with other African currencies such as the manila. They are evidence to suggest that the people of Tirwun and probably other Gera settlements had participated in legal trading and commercial activities, and were part of the Africans who used an African indigenous currency to transact business. An oral account

(Mahmood 1997) clarifies that the abolition of cowries as a medium of exchange can hardly be more recent, than 60 years in the area.

Food: A typical Gera dish consists of Tuwo (Cooked corn or guinea corn flour moulds), and miya (a soup) which could be kuka, kubewa or other vegetables, Baka (a cake made from Bambara nuts), Gabda (a meal made from bean flour and cooked inside kalgo leaves), and Gwaben Nomi (gruel made from sesame). Though majority of Gera may still eat Tuwo and Miya, this now has nothing to do with Gera identity, because majority of northerners also eat that. They now also enjoy other meals borrowed from other Nigerian cultures cultures like Masa, Rice, Yam, Potatoes,

Pounded yam, Porridge, etc.

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(Gera Culture, 2000) Figure 33: Part of the food item eaten by the Gera

Dress: Due to the long contact of the Gerawa and the Hausa Muslims, the Gera people have been copying the Hausa‟s way of dressing for a long time. The men usually wear the jumper and trouser and the women wear wrapper and blouse.

(

(Gera Culture, 2000) Figure 34: A Gera male and two females dressed in Hausa clothes

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But there is a particular kind of Ankara made skirt known as fatari that Gera women were known to wear. It was so important to the women that for a betrothal to be acknowledged, the suitor has to take a piece of Ankara cloth to a tailor for a multi pocket fatari to be made for his promised one. But the fatari is now mostly worn only by the old and elderly women.

Other Recreational activities: The Gera used to engage in a draft game known as dara.

Draft holes were found according to the archaeological excavations of old Gera settlements in Tirwun (Sani 2016). According to oral information (Mahmood 1997,

Kwuitum 1997) Dara is classified as a game played by two or more people during their leisure hours. The holes are shared among the players and were meant to keep the game dices separated from mixing with one another. The extant population still plays draft, but in a different form i.e. by digging the soil not on rock surface anymore. No stone counters (dices) used in the game has so far been recovered; this is due to the fact that any reasonable size of stones or wood used could have been misplaced. The dices could have been about 4cm in diameter (Mahmood 1997). Like many other African cultures, in the night the Gera children are told tales by the moonlight which also serves as a school for learning morals and values.

7.3 Quantitative Data on Gera Language and Identity

This data was collected based on the questionnaire distributed to the 150 respondents in the five communities. The question asked is based on the identity of a Gera person.

The respondents were asked if and how they can identify a Gera person. They were given five options to choose from; by speaking the Gera language, from the person‟s

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attire, a tribal mark, the residency of the person or they cannot identify a Gera person at all.

7.3.1 How the Respondents Identifies a Gera Person

There are many ways of identifying a person‟s tribe or ethnicity especially in Africa.

Language happens to be the most important way of identifying a person‟s tribal affiliation, other ways include traditional attire. For example, the Hausa men are known for wearing Babban riga, „yar shara, trouser and cap. The Hausa women can be identified by their wearing of Atamfa wrapper and blouse and tying of scarves.

They also use veils to cover their bodies. The Yoruba men can be identified by their

Dashiki‟s and the Yoruba women by their Aro and Buba, Aso-eke etc. The identity of some cultural groups can also be known through the way they build their homes. The

Fulani for example traditionally live in huts built with cornstalks known as Bukka.

The Hausa‟s traditionally live in mud houses known as Soro. The Bulawa and other tribes from Southern Bauchi used to live on the mountains in order to escape slave raiders. Apart from traditional attire a person‟s cultural background can be identified through traditional tribal body and facial marks. Many Africans practice this ritual, though it has been in decline in recent years. Certain marks are made on the face, stomach, back, arm and other places in order to identify the owner as a member of acertain tribe. Therefore, having this on mind we decided to find out from our respondents how they can identify a Gera person.

Respondents were asked to state how they identify a Gera person. Five options were given, they were: By speaking Gera language, by their attire, by tribal marks on their

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face or any part of their body, by residency, meaning the place or area they stay and lastly they were given an option to state if they cannot recognize a Gera person at all without being told. The data was analyzed according to 3 different categories: Age,

Gender, and Residency.

7.3.1.1 How the Respondents Identifies a Gera, According to Age:

The table below shows the respondent‟s opinions about how they recognise a Gera person from the age perspective. 68.3% and 83.3% of the children between the ages of 7-12 and 13-17 respectively said they can recognize a Gera person when he speaks the language. Also, 100% of the adults said they only recognize a Gera when they hear the language being spoken. But another important fact that should be noted is that 31.7% and 13% of the children stated that they cannot identify a Gera at all. The implication of this is that they even cannot identify the language when it is being spoken.

Table 56: Respondents Opinion How they identify a Gera Person (According to Age)

Speaking Attire Tribal Residency Cannot Total Gera Marks Identify 7-12 68.3 0 0 0 31.7 100.0 13-17 83.3 0 0 3.3 13.3 100.0 18-40 100.00 0 0 0 0 100.0 41-80 100.00 0 0 0 0 100.0

7.3.1.2 The Respondent’s opinion about how they identify a Gera person,

According to Gender.

The table below shows the respondent‟s opinion regarding how they identify a Gera person from the gender perspective. 74.4% of the male respondents and 88.2% of the

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female respondents stated that they identify a Gera only when he speaks the language.

23.2% of the male respondents and 11.8% of the female stated that they cannot identify a Gera at all without being told. Also about 2% of the respondents said they can identify a Gera by his/her residency.

Table 57: Respondent’s opinion about how they identify a Gera (According to Gender)

Gender Speaking Attire Tribal Residency Cannot Total Gera Marks Identify Male 74.4 0 0 2.4 23.2 100.0 Female 88.2 0 0 0 11.8 100.0

7.3.1.3 Respondent’s opinion about how they identify a Gera Person, According to their Residence.

In Gilliri and Dabe, 100% of the respondents identify a Gera through the language.

Tirwun and Kangere follow with 90.0% and 66.7% respectively. Bauchi has the lowest number of respondents who identify a Gera through the language, and the highest number of respondents who stated that they cannot identify a Gera person without being told.

Table 58: Respondent’s opinion about how they identify a Gera (According to Residency)

Residency Speaking Attire Tribal Residency Cannot Total Gera Marks Identify Gilliri 100.0 0 0 0 0 100.0 Dabe 100.0 0 0 0 0 100.0 Kangere 66.7 0 0 0 33.3 100.0 Tirwun 90.0 0 0 0 10.0 100.0 Bauchi 46.7 0 0 6.7 46.7 100.0

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7.4 Conclusion

In this chapter we investigated if the Gera language is still relevant in determining the

Gera identity. First we discussed the Gera identity which originally consisted of non- material culture which includes: Belief (Religion), norm values and traditions like folktales, songs, rhymes, dances marriage and naming rite, circumcision and burial.

We discovered that majority of those activities that formed the core of the Gera identity have been abandoned, or have been changed or distorted to resemble other cultures. The traditional religion has paved a way for Islam in and Christianity in a few cases. The once revered masquerades that were worshiped and offered sacrifices are no longer used.

In the case of the material culture, it is discovered that due to modernisation, things like Gera architecture, clothes, food and occupation have all been abandoned for modern ones, and in the case of food and clothing it is mostly for the Hausa version that the Gera was abandoned.

According to the quantitative Data collected on this issue, it has come to light, that majority of the respondents said they can recognize a Gera through the language and there are a small percentage of those who said they cannot recognize a Gera at all without being told, and most of those are children.

Therefore, it is obvious that despite the fact that Gera language is not much used by the Gera people anymore, it is still the main feature in determining the identity of a

Gera person.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

8.1 Conclusion

The objectives of this study as stated in section 1.4 were:

i. To investigate the level of the endangerment of the Gera.

ii. To identify the demographic variables associated with the endangerment.

iii. To assess the impact of the shift on the structure of Gera.

iv. To find out whether or not Gera language is a useful factor in defining the

Gera identity.

In pursuit ofthe first objective, it emerged that the Gera language is critically endangered. Hausa has taken over as the first language of all the respondents. On the whole the respondents but a few adults are monolingual in Hausa. Hausa is the choice language of most respondents for conversation with parents, thwarting the transition of Gera from parents to children, spouses, siblings, children, age mates and friends. In the language domain Hausa is the most used at home, school, market, work and other places. As we saw in 4.3.5.1, 4.3.5.2, and 4.3.5.3, most of the Gera speakers have also exhibited a negative attitude towards their language; majority of the Gera believe

Hausa is more important to them than Gera. What's more, most of them don‟t think that Gera should be taught to children, even though most of them agree that a loss of

Gera language would be a great calamity for the Gera people.

In investigating the second objective, we also looked at the demographic variables associated with the endangerment. We determined that age is the first variable,

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because only the older respondents who are about 60 years can speak the Gera language.

Gender is also associated with the endangerment, because amongst the adult Gera- speaking respondents there are more male who speak the language than the female.

This is a great predicament, because the women are usually the ones who are expected to teach language to the children, since they are usually at home. We also found out that the category of those with little or no formal education and those residing in rural areas have the highest number of Gera speakers, compared to well educated people and those residing in urban areas.

In our analysis of the third objective, we took an assessment of the impact of the shift on the structure of the Gera language. We found out that the shift had some significant impact on the Gera structure as there were several elements of the Hausa language that have gained entry into the Gera language. The affected domains include the Gera lexicon and Phonology. The influence on the lexicon was realised in the form of borrowing where lexical items were absorbed into the Gera from Hausa. Most of the borrowed lexical items were drawn from vocabulary relating to religion and other social issues. There is also the practice of code switching and code mixing, which also affects the lexicon.

The phonology was affected by the shift in that some of the Hausa borrowed words were adopted into Gera sounds and used in Gera speech. This makes the Gera language to have alien sounds that are not replaced by their Gera equivalent. The Gera language had gained new sounds due to the loan words. There was a loss of some

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Gera sounds, which are replaced by sounds closer to them; the labialised fricatives:

/sw/ and /zw/ are replaced by /s/ and /z/, the nasalised plosive /mb/ is replaced by /m/.

The last objective required that we establish the importance of the ability to speak

Gera in determining the Gera identity.

We found out that even though the Gera speakers have been reduced to a small number due to the shift, Gera language is still the only way of identifying a Gera.

Because nothing remains of the Gera cultural heritage; their settlements have been invaded by foreigners, they don‟t have any form of attire to be identified with. They have stopped the tradition of tribal facial and body marks and all other traditions that identify them as Gera. Only the language remains, and that too is threatened.

8.2 Recommendation

In this section we would be recommending solutions to the problem of the endangerment of Gera language.

8.2.1 Revitalization and Preservation Efforts

There is no easy solution for revitalization and preservation. The most urgent need is to recognize and stabilize languages under threat so that they can be transmitted to the next generation in as many of their functions as possible. This means assessing which functions are crucial to intergenerational transmission and have a reasonable chance of successful revival and continuation. Every group must decide what can best be done realistically for a particular language at a particular time.

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8.2.1 Revitalization through Immersion

Communities around the world have increasingly looked to schools and other teaching programs as a way to revitalize their languages. A variety of Immersion models are generally used to promote indigenous and minority languages. Some of the programs are total immersion. An example of a total Immersion program is that of the Hawaiian and Blackfeet, which was modelled on the Maori „language nest‟. There may also be a partial immersion.

Language nests typically aim to provide a sheltered environment in which young children are exposed to the language by fluent elders and other caretakers, (Romaine

2007:124). In Hawaiian immersion schools, Hawaiian is used across the curriculum from pre-school onwards, and English is introduced as a subject from the fifth grade

(around age 10) for 1 hour a day. Most of the students attending the immersion program were English speakers and are learning Hawaiian as a second language. The language nest/immersion model contrasts with more conventional language teaching where the language is taught as a subject for a limited number of hours with fewer opportunities for high levels of academic or informal engagement with the language in use. In immersion there may be little, if any, focus on language learning perse in the form of direct teaching of grammar and vocabulary. Language is acquired through the meaningful interaction required to learn academic content in various subjects.

Other variants of the model may rely on bilingual immersion combined with a third language taught as a subject. In parts of the Basque Country, Basque and Spanish are used for instruction during primary education, and English is taught as a subject

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beginning in kindergarten. The Kahnawake Survival School in Quebec, dedicated to preserving Mohawk language, culture, and history, combines total and partial immersion at various levels. Successful immersion programs obviously rely on the availability of fluent teachers and teaching materials and are therefore less easily implemented when a language has only a small handful of speakers.

In California and elsewhere in native North America, learners have benefited from a

Master–Apprentice program, which brings together a fluent elder and a learner, who use the language for everyday activities (Hinton 2002). Another variant brings together elders and learners of various ages in immersion camps for several days or longer, often during the summer, to engage in cultural activities in which native languages are used to varying extents. Where transmission has ceased altogether or been interrupted for a long period, prospects for revitalization rely on documentation and/or reconstruction to „reclaim‟ what some have called „sleeping languages‟. One example is the Kaurna language once used by Aboriginal people in what is now the area of Adelaide in South Australia. Although it has not been spoken for more than a century, some people are now using the language for limited activities such as greetings, songs, and naming activities (Amery 2001).

Revitalization activities of these various types, however, will not save languages without firm community foundations for transmission. There is an important distinction to be made between learning a language in the artificial environment of the classroom and transmitting it in the natural environment of the home. Schools in

Ireland have achieved most of what can be expected from formal language education,

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namely, knowledge of Irish as a second language acquired in late adolescence. They have not led to its spoken use in everyday life, nor its intergenerational transmission.

The Immersion programme may be suitable for the Gera. Teachers can be found from among the remaining speakers and the „language nest‟ can be during school holidays, when the children are not busy with school work.

8.2.2 Documentation

According to Lehmann (2001), language documentation is an activity which gathers, processes and exhibits a sample of data of the language that is representative of its linguistic structure and gives a fair impression of how and for what purposes the language is used. Its purpose is to represent the language for those who do not have access to the language itself.

According to the above; documentation includes data collection, analysis of the data, and provision of the data for accessibility. It is worthy of note that the data are collected to represent not only the linguistic structure of the language but also the impression of how and for what purposes the language is used. This means that documentation aims at providing a record of the linguistic practices and traditions of a speech community (Himmelmann1998). The reason for this approach is explained by

Akinlabi and Connell (2007), “Language is rooted in a speech community, in its history and its culture, and is at the same time a part of that history and culture; as such a language is a living object.”

From the above, documentation pursues the goal of providing comprehensive language data, data reflecting the linguistic systems and sub-systems of a language

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and the use of the language in its natural and social settings. Urua (2003) lists instances of such setting. They are discourse (speeches, conversations, texts etc), pouring libation, marriages, burials, market setting, village meetings, religious activities and language use in other social interactions. Here, it is clear that documentation is the best instrument for the preservation of languages and the cultures in which they are borne. Mbagu and Obiamalu (2010), argue that the only workable way of preserving the remnants of African cultural and linguistic identity is via documentation of African languages, the developed, undeveloped or underdeveloped ones.

Documentation is a great solution to the death of a language like Gera, a language which most of its speakers have shifted to speaking Hausa; A language that has no child speakers, with only the oldest members of the community speaking it. This may save the language from total extinction, in the case of the death of the last speakers, or total shift from Gera to Hausa. The future generation of Gera may be able to know what their language sounds like and in the case of language revival or renewal they may be able to use the documented language.

8.2.3 Other Recommendations

One of the most effective solutions to language endangerment is „language- empowerment‟ which involves the frequent speaking of an affected language in order to preserve a language so as not to lose it. Language empowerment is language development superimposed on a sustained ideology to reverse language shift. In essence, it can be used to solve the problem of Language endangerment in Bauchi

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State, specifically the Gera language. In a case like this Fishman (1991) has been quite insistent about the necessity of proceeding from the bottom up, and of securing intergenerational transmission at home before proceeding to higher levels, such as use in schools, media, government, etc.,

Other important ways of preserving an endangered language includes: Through widespread family use, sustained, enlightenment campaigns through the mass media and proper language planning strategies.

The family, which is the smallest socializing unit in a society, should also serve as the basic foundation for up-bringing of a child in a proper way. The mother tongue should be the L1, justifying the popular adage “charity begins at home”. A child, who grows up with little or no knowledge of his native tongue, would equally be ignorant about his culture, for language and culture go hand in hand. Instead he will grow imbibing the culture of his adopted language and making it his own.

But if he grows up using his own native tongue, then the rich cultural heritage of such mother tongue could be transmitted much more easily to succeeding generations.

Bold initiatives should also be taken to enlighten the Gera native speakers on the relevance of their language and why it should be preserved and guarded against extinction. This can be made possible through collaboration between the Gera native speakers and linguistic scholars who have the moral obligation to help in encouraging the gradual development of endangered languages through their research efforts.

The activities of organizations such as the National orientation agencies, Natural language research center, for example; The Center for Endangered Languages can

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really be used to help the endangered languages and save them from possible extinction. This can be made possible through:

i. Sponsoring the Documentation of the socio-cultural importance of the

endangered languages and cultures like Gera.

ii. Sponsoring the Documentation of the endangered languages; Writing the

sounds of the language and creating liable orthographies where they do not

exist. iii. Organizing recreational activities such as holiday, camping exercises for the

youths, organizing a writing competition in Gera (poetry and prose), which

should provide a suitable socio-linguistic setting for communication in the

native language.

The electronic media such as the radio and television houses have important roles to play in preserving languages. The English and Hausa languages in Nigeria for instance have been promoted and preserved through the use of these mediums whereas other native languages were neglected when they too deserved to be given similar or even better attention. This is realizable through the following:

i. That, native languages like Gera be given opportunities in news presentation,

dramas and other interesting programs (with English subtitles) for the interest

of their native speakers and others.

ii. There should be space given to native languages in government owned

Newspapers or magazines in order to encourage the speakers of the native

languages to read their language.

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iii. The program Rabin sa‟ar Gera which is being presented by Madawakin Yali

on BRC Bauchi Radio Station should be expanded to include other interesting

programs kids may like. This may spark an interest to learn the language. iv. Folksongs and poems should be given a slot to be aired to listeners or viewers

of television or radio. Such will encourage the natives and make them feel

proud of their language. Gera folksongs used to be played on BRC Bauchi in

the past years.

v. Interested parties or sponsors can organize a writing competition (prose or

poetry) which would be strictly in native language i.e Gera language. Since the

development of written Hausa language started this way back in 1933 when

R.M East organized the first Hausa literary competition where literary giants

like Abubakar Imam, John Tafida Ummaru Zaria and Abubakar Tafawa

Balewa etc were discovered no doubt it shall be the case with the native

language speakers.

These initiatives should be encouraged by issuing prizes to the winners among the participants to encourage them. Language empowerment, as mentioned earlier, is an effective medium of correcting linguistic imbalance, which is a crucial aspect of language planning and management. A proper language planning can also aid in correcting such imbalance through assigning different and specific roles to the various languages concerned. The main essence here is to give equal rights to all languages to co-exist within a multi-lingual and multi-ethnic state like Bauchi State.

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The establishment of Language Development Centers should also be seen as a way forward in solving the problem of endangered languages. These organizations should be basically concerned with or involved in carrying socio-linguistics surveys and languages researches in general. They can help in convincing the government to accept such languages as courses to be taught in schools from primary to tertiary levels.

The introduction of such associations like the Jarawa youth Association, (JYA) by the

Jar youths should be emulated by the Gera youth too, because are laudable efforts by the youths to promote their culture. This is a meaningful project, which the government should encourage by bankrolling some of their initiatives such as in organizing seminars and workshops to sensitize the youths on the importance of speaking ones native tongue, etc. Steps should be taken by Bauchi State to increase the number of programs presented in indigenous languages, in the state owned

Television and Radio Stations, which could be a way forward towards language improvement. The native speakers should also be encouraged to show keen interest to those programs by listening and viewing them frequently. This will also help in sustaining the language.

The effort of some scholars to translate the holy Quran into some native languages like Yoruba, Kanuri, Fulfulde, should also be extended to other languages like the Jar so that the many Muslims among them can read the translation of the Quran in their own language. That will increase their sense of pride and self-esteem in themselves and their language, since many of them desist from speaking their native language,

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like the Gera language out of the fear of being labeled as infidel, because of the wrong perception that all those who speak native languages are not really Muslims.

Likewise, the efforts of the Bible Translation Trust (NBTT), where the translation of portions of or of the entire Bible into indigenous languages is done should be extended to the Gera language; since majority of the Christians in the north use the

Hausa bible in church, and also Hausa is used for sermons, mass, hymns, meetings and all other church activities. This will give the Gera Christians a sense of belongingness to be able to read the bible in their native language, and break the stereotype that looks down on native language speakers.

The Gera language speakers should also try to utilize the ideas gotten from those translators, the necessary information required by them to be able to use it in preserving their dying language. The practice of naming Gera children is also a practice that reflects the cultural heritage of the Gera people by native speakers of

Gera; it should therefore be encouraged by the elders and other members of the Gera community.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

INTERVIEW 1

Mallam Usman Abdullahi

Researcher: Please can you state your name?

Respondent: My name is Usman Abdullahi.

Researcher: Can you tell me about howa Marriage is conducted in Gera culture?

a. Gera

Respondent: Midalaman kadina mamudi nihakai akamoa mi kadina addini musulunci. Mu migyendike mana‟ada ashanuk auredu.Jim kadila mukmemusin sadaki mi, ka ka bundmi kalma saiauredai.To, midide bisim ne amse birum zunhu munbi sundiya kakan shidikeya dinayin ladmunkum kadbana.

To, nide buryin lunla daudu ni musekadun donkarba auredai to gidebisu daudi kami asebin launa tayi kiyan.T, kididai mi lokaci daimi, lokaci da ake kadlaimi. Laik mujmadi.To, mitimu sakbirum lunyeshi aure kai. Yalumihi nadahina didebeni , musai irinshiri mbarum, irinshiri musulmi sakman.

b. Hausa

Mu yadda muke bikin auren mu na Gerawa baya da wani bambanci da kuma kusan daya ne da na Hausawa saboda hidima irin na addinin musulunci. Damun karbi sadaki mukan bawa iyayene mata, saboda su basu da karfi, suna cikin gida kuma yawancin abubuwan da ake yi wa ita wanda za a aurar su suke yi.

To, lokacin da aka ba uwa wannan kudin na sadakin „yarta. Ita zata sassaya tarkacen da za a kai yarinya das hi. Idan an bata tayi wannan to duk wani sauran abu mai nauyi

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daya rage uba ne yake yinsa. Wannan shine hanyoyin da ake auren mu wanda yadda ake yinsa dana musulmi sak niri daya ne.

c. English

A Gera wedding is no different or it is almost the same with Hausa weddings, because we are all Muslims. Whenever we receive the dowry, we hand it over to the mothers, because they are not financially strong and are always at home. But they are the ones who are expected to buy all the items needed for the wedding.

After the dowry is handed to the mother, then she is expected to buy all that is needed to plan a wedding. After that, whatever remains to be bought like bed and the rest is the responsibility of the father.

INTERVIEW 2:

With Mallam Musa Aliyu Tirwun.

Researcher: Salam, my name is Furera Adamu Garba, i am a phD student doing a research on the Gera language. I will like to know your name.

Respondent: My name is Musa Aliyu.

Researcher: Can you tell me how circumcision is performed in a traditional Gera community in Gera?

Respondent: Madigarka mindimi dindunbi mudigaryami irin danyimi dindishibilu sigdeyyam dindishimu imuyu. To, akase bamuyu .Don layu sun kaciyawanzam.Kace akase bashi gadai yimi akase bacin gudi yiba kalyemi kone kinamyi kanneshi kabankya. To, a sai si jinya, har lokaci sai dauka she.

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Hausa

Idan yaro ya kai shekara bakwai, abinda ake yi sai ka nemi mai yi masa kaciya wato wanzami, sai yayi masa kaciya. To duk „yan‟uwa da abokan arziki zasu zo da kaji

.Kai kuma kana bayarwa gwargwadon wani abu dai mai dan dadi wanda za a rika yi masa. To, sai aci gaba da jinya har lokacin da zai warke.

a. English

When a child reaches the age of seven, a circumciser should be found so as to get him circumcised. After, all relations and friends will bring him chickens, and then the father should also be providing the child with some delicacies till he is wound.

INTERVIEW 3

With Alhaji Usman Bako Muhammed. a. To, sai ndini musini, su kat kachibi bo fyandi Gere, yidanka kam kaciki. Nu

kwali si mo fyandi Gere. To, nunson nushi wukad bal. Kabide sa zango

akupando. Boya a lokaci daya ki yandu sai dai ko fyandu gyadi kawai. Lokaci

daya muda irus sai mu kwali shiru fyandi gyadi.

Katan nwanshu kadai kina kahan wuyan mini na ludin shun nabiyun mini kwalishi.

To har mi to fyandi gyandi amman ndinu munbi sukad kwadu miyu. Yawwa., ko hadi munbi mundai kad bal bal amma dinu mukad kwalu min haddarni. Dun nor mini

Alahaji Bala Jinkiri. Su kad bot karl fyndi gyandi.

Yauwa, Hussaini dai,la nu gur miyi Mallam Gajere. To biyu, Usaini, Kwasau kat kwalna Lu nor musili. To su kat kulna nusalna.Yauwa, Gambo tad yasu suni, Tuba

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kabbalna.Hassan kabbalna amma tunurnu.To, ainin nu kwaranshin mu maranshin munbunu Jinkiri kaf .Munandiyun gabzadiyul munbukuci.

Yauwa, Koni gidal koni gide dunyi kotat munka siyi de buhu munbi. A araha dal mukanje jinkiri, koka yaka kaiye bikal diyye. To, lallaishane yake shige.Yauwa, to adar nu muga de shanun kalbi biyu, Eeeh, yanbi kado, koni, ko su kad yi ko kayi niso.

Su kallu biyun dur na akyabok mirayi sakan nusaini. To, arin ni mukashonin akad numunbi, magiden yaron yan bi min mukad dal naka abon fyandi gyandi ran balu.

Mudal na mballu. Darnu mukede ne surli.Amsai bi sun ku sarmundu.Mukad bi sun.

Bi musun ki sar bulu. Yauwa, Bauya su kad biru, Bo fyandi gyadi.Yauwa, la jimin bili kad kirna darnu shanin shigabza kwana dani.Amman dai kam, kwat nar na. Yauwa, kigi dai kam da kibir na fyandi gyadi kan ka yino. Ammako kin gyado ni dai yini. Ni ko karni amma ba a buhu mimma adarni mi kabbalna.

b. Hausa

Yadda nayi naji Geranci, A lokacin da babanmu Alhaji Bala Jinkiri sukayi alkawari da Sarki na lokacin mai mulki, cewa yana son ya taimaka masa idan Allah ya bashi sarautan Bauchi shi kuma ya taimaka masa ya bashi sarautan gidansu. Ana nan ana nan sai Allah yayi wa sarki rasuwa, sai Sarkin Bauchi Maje Wase ya hau mulki.

Bayan yayi wata uku da mulki sai wataran babanmu yaje gaisuwa bayan mutane sun ragu a fada. Yace Allah ya baka yawan rai , kaga yadda Allah yake ikonsa. Yace to ina alkawarinmu? Sai yace in ka bani sarautan nan ka gama mun kome. To a wannan dalilin ne babanmu ya zama sarkin Jinkiri.

Bayan an nada shi sarkin jinkiri, sai yak aura damu duka zuwa can Jinkiri. Mu a lokacin muna yara.Anan birni aka haife mu duka hard a babban yarmu.Amma su

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lokacin sun kai „yanmata. A lokacin ni da Hassan da Hussaini, da Kwasau, duk bamu wuce shekara bakwai ba. Don a can aka sha mu. To, da muka je can a lokacin yaran kauyen basu iya Magana da wani yare ba sai Geranci. A wannan dalili ne yasa muma muka iya.Duk garin Geranci suke yi.Tun suna yi mana da Geranci muna mayarwa da

Hausa har muka koya. Har iyayenmu mata ma suka koya saboda dadewa da muka yi a wajen.

INTERVIEW 4:

With Mallam Muhammad Inuwa Gada (Sarkin Noman Tirwun).A Gera elder from

Tirwun.

Interviewer: Can you please introduce yourself?

Respondent: My name is Muhammad Inuwa Gada.

Interviewer: I will like you to tell us about the origin of the Gera people.

Respondent:The Gera originally came from Ngazargamu which is in Borno. They left together with the Bole and Dena tribes and migrated to Fika in Yobe. After resting, the Gera migrated to Gidan Waya (Gilliri). Gilliri and Tirwun are the original

Gera settlements. It was from there that some Gera moved and formed other Gera settlements, while some chose to stay. Settlers from Tirwun founded Gera settlements like; Wurgan, Shani, Zaga, Bauchi, Bauchi, Nasarawa,Dabe, Gere, Gisha and the rest.

Interviewer: What is the exact location of the Gera settlements?

Respondent:The last Gera settlement west of the capital is Shani, Zaga in the north,

Kangere in the south, and Yaga in the East.

Interviewer: How do the Gera people used to perform marriages traditionally?

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Respondent: Traditionally, there is no difference with how the Gera performs their marriages with that of the Hausas. In the olden days, we don‟t give out our children in marriage to a non-Gera speaker, because we didn‟t like mixing up our tribe and culture. But when God brought us change and we became Muslims we started to give out to any other Muslim since we are one.

Interviewer: How do you perform marriages before the coming of Islam?

Respondent: There is actually no great difference since. But we were not concerned about money then. If you love a Gera girl, you simply go to her parent‟s farm and help them with weeding and tilling. You bring firewood for them from the forest, and do any work needed in the house. When they are ready to give you the wife, you will bring 10 shillings which is equivalent to 10 thousand naira now. This is known as kamu which means betrothal. After some months, then you get an Atamfa/Kitange and take it to the tailor who will saw a blouse and skirt. There will be unique embroidery on the skirt with 12 pockets. You will also buy a head-tie. After you take those items to her house, she will spend a year at home without anyone else allowed to court her. Then you will go for the tambaya (introduction). Your parents will go to her parents and request for their daughter‟s hand in marriage. No issue of money will come up since you have been labouring for the family for long. From there, they will fix a wedding date. In those days brides were not taken to their husband‟s houses on the wedding day. The way marriages are conducted now is the same way it was conducted even in those days, with the dowry and the Waliy. During the wedding feast, Gera people show their greatness by providing food. The grooms house will prepare up to 30 huge bowls of Tuwo/Ugali, each with soup and a chicken on top.

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They will also bring 15 live chickens and 20 huge bowls of corn or Guinea corn flour.

The groom‟s house used to receive up to five bags of corn/guinea corn flour as gifts from relations. In some cases, a barn or two full of flour. Each relation comes to the wedding with at least one chicken and a huge bowl of flour.

The bride‟s friends will be in charge of cooking for themselves and the groom‟s friends. Every morning and afternoon they will be given 2 chickens and a huge bowl of flour to prepare with other ingredients and in the evenings they are given 3 chickens and the flour to prepare a meal for 7 whole days. Every evening young men and young women will dress up and go outside the groom‟s family house where the drummer will play and they dance till dusk when they go to eat and return to continue till around 10 pm for those 7 days.

Interviewer: So after the 7days everyone goes home?

Respondent: On the 7th day the groom will be taken out of his hiding place by his friends. He will be struggling to escape but they will carry him on their heads to his house where the bride is. The bride‟s friends will also hide her somewhere. It will take some beatings from the groom‟s friends before they reveal her whereabouts.

There is nothing like money issue like you people have nowadays between the groom‟s friends and the bride‟s friends. After the groom‟s friends leave one of them will remain behind and the groom will follow that last friend to his house and sleep there. Because people are still around and he is shy. The following day when everyone is gone he will return and meet his wife.

Interviewer: How do the Gera people perform childbirth rites and ceremony traditionally?

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Respondent: When a Gera woman is 7 months pregnant, her parents will take her back to their house to stay till she delivers. On the naming ceremony the female members of the father‟s family (the newborn baby‟s aunts) are expected to show their happiness by bringing huge bowls of food. The food they brought is known as

„Tuwon goggo‟ (auntie‟s food). If the father is from a well to do family, there could be as much as 20 huge bowls of different dishes; Tuwo, Rice, Masa, Gwate, etc.

Unlike nowadays that when a man‟s wife delivers, he is expected to feed all guests on the naming ceremony, in those days the auntie‟s dishes is enough to feed all the guests. The barbers are the ones in charge of all the dishes brought. They take whatever they need and give the rest to the other guests to enjoy. The festivities take the whole day. In the night the drummers come to entertain the guests. They call that

„opening of the child‟s ear‟. The entertainment continues till dawn. It can be masquerade entertainment or the girl‟s dance known as „Gada‟.

Interviewer: Does the father take the newborn baby?

Respondent: Some parents ask to be given their daughters to go and stay with them for the afterbirth period known as „Wankan gida‟ but most husbands refuse because if you are not blessed with good in-laws it is around that time that gossips start. Issues like you are not visiting enough; you did not buy this or that. Therefore even then, many men detested the „Wakan gida‟ issue.

Interviewer: Okay, does a father pick the newborn baby to play with?

Respondent: A father is shy of his first-born therefore he does not pick him up or play with him. I picked up my firstborn son only once in my life. Even that one time was because we had a problem with the mother, so i had to. In those days, people

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were very shy, mothers do not utter their firstborns names no matter what, and even fathers too.

Interviewer: How is the masquerade festival performed?

Respondent: It is not really important or significant. It only appears and performs during ceremonies like weddings or Naming. It is the type of masquerade known as

Dakau. It stays with women It is also a praise singer. It appears in men clothes like shirt and trouser, only its head is hidden, unlike some masquerades that appear in grass, leaves, or even ropes. Therefore it is not a masquerade that should be taken serious.

Interviewer: So if you touch it nothing will happen to you?

Respondent: Of course not! Something could happen because they are not ordinary.

They engage in sorcery. If you dare to insult them you will definitely regret. In the olden days, the masquerades are in the custody of the chief priest who is answerable to the village chief. If a child offends it, it reports to the chief priest, who in turn reports to the village chief and the offender would be fined. Not money but goats and chickens. If you offend a masquerade you must pay a fine.

Interviewer: Some tribes tease us about been womanisers.

Respondent: They just take you for a simpleton. Which tribe doesn‟t love women?

We the Gera do not steal. We also do not engage in trading. Our only occupation is farming and animal rearing. If you have a barn full of grains and a few goats and chicken to carter for your need, the next thing is to fill your house with wives.

Interviewer: What are those Gera cultures that have been thrown away after the coming of Islam?

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Respondent: The rituals and themasquerade. We didn‟t have any tradition like the masquerade.

Interviewer: What of tradition in marriages and naming?

Respondent: But we have always done things the Islamic way. You will see 2 non-

Muslim Gera getting married by the Imam with dowry and everything.

Interviewer: What of superstition?

Respondent: No.

Interviewer: Whatabout eatinggoat meat?

Respondent: Some houses do not eat goat meat because of leprosy, while some are just superstitious about it. For example the people of Tirwun palace, they don‟t eat goat meat because they have a superstition about goat.

Interviewer: Circumcision in Gera tradition.

Respondent: We used to have big ceremonies then. You will go and inform your wife‟s relations that you will circumcise their nephew and yours too. If the boy is blessed with good relations there will be as many as 10 huge bowls of tuwo, rice or masa. Before then you can circumcise your child alone if he doesn‟t have age-mates or relations. It can also be done in groups. The circumcision ceremony can take the whole day.

Interviewer: At what age does a child get circumcised then?

Respondent: A boy has to reach the age of 7 before he is circumcised, unlike now that you ape the white man and circumcise your children at the age of 1. If a parent is poor, he can decide to wait till the child is 9 then can take him with his younger one to be circumcised. If a father wanted his 5 year old circumcised, he can take him along

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with 2 chickens which made up for the 2 years, or 1 if the child is 6. A Gera man is very proud person. He doesn‟t like laziness and any kind of degradation. He never used to beg.

Interviewer: How was the Gera death rites performed?

Respondent: If a man dies he will be washed by his close relations and taken to the grave. We didn‟t have graveyards then. The grave used to be behind the room.

Interviewer: How was the masquerade dance performed?

Respondents: They used to perform in different villages, one after the other.

Interviewer: How was the „Rain Prayer‟ performed?

Respondent: Every ancient settlement had a particular point or venue where they perform the rain prayer. For example in Gilliri there was the mosque of Yakubu (of

Bauch), and some rocks he gathered and left, that is their prayer point. Our people used to go to a rock of ritual with a goat or chicken. They slaughter it there and roast it then eat the meat. They will go round the rock and be praying for rain. After the coming of Islam, they usually go to a grave of a saint with food like gumba, groundnuts etc for offering. They will then pray and ask for rain. Later on people use to gather under a big tree in front of the chief‟s place for prayers.

Interviewer: What of the prayer for childbirth?

Respondent: There was a time that there was no single birth in our village for 20 years. We all went to the ritual rock with a black goat and white chicken. The chief priest stripped to his breaches and took the chicken and went into the cave to beg and pacify „the people of the cave‟. When he came out he said they were very angry because we have abandoned them, and don‟t give any offerings to them but they have

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forgiven us. So the goat was slaughtered by the rock and roasted which we all ate and went home. That year about 5 women got pregnant. God hears our prayers no matter the medium we use to reach to him. It is a ritual not Islamic prayer, but God has accepted and granted our wishes. Whenever we prayed for rain we used to run home because rain comes before we reach home.

Interviewer: Su waye abokan wasan Gerawa?

Respondent: Denawa, wato mutanen Soro da Zalanga, Ningawa, Bare-bari, da

Jarawa. Bolewa kuma „yanuwan mune, yaren mu kusan daya.

INTERVIEW 5

With Alhaji Muhammadu Isiyaku Adamu- Sarkin Gere (Chief of Gere village)

Researcher: Good morning sir. My name is Furera Adamu Garba. I am a phD student, and i am conducting a research about the endangerment of the Gera language.

I need to ask you some questions concerning that.

Respondent: You are welcome.

Researcher: I will like to know the Gera Settlements in Bauchi State.

Respondent: As you know the Gera belongs to 2 Local Government Areas in Bauchi

State. They are Bauchi and Ganjuwa. Ganjuwa has more Gera Gera settlements than

Bauchi LGA, some of them are: Gere-Gaba (established by Yakubu‟s forefathers),

Geren Kasa, Daben Kasa, Daben Kasuwa, Gilliri, Shira, Buzun, Dasele, Yaga,

Budugida, Zu, Badakoshi, Dasha, Fulu, Runji-gida, Gaukaka, Lafiyari, Loyi and Jimi

(They are mixed with other tribes. Loyi was originally a place where the emir‟s cattle

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are reared.) We don‟t have so many Gere settlements in Bauchi LGA, some of those i can recall are: Tirwun, Kangere, Gambiri, Jinkiri, Inkil, and Bojinji.

Researcher: What are those Gera traditions that were dropped because of Islam and civilisation?

Respondent: Traditionally we had lots of rituals and ceremonies. The reason

Yakubu‟s grandfather left Gere was because of their rituals and sorcery. All the ancient tradition, were base on those paganic rituals. It was so dominant and significant in the life of the Gera. There are those rituals which were done yearly, and some took place occasionally.

Researcher: What are the traditional festivals that used to take place in Gera-land?

Respondent: Most of the festivals were named after a masquerade. Because those masquerades perform some dances during the festivals. Some of them are:

Lakwanki: This is a masquerade dance. The masquerade that performed in this occasion is known as Lakwandi. Its costume was fresh „Madubiya‟ leaves. It never performed in the morning or afternoon, it only performs at night.

DodonZaure: This masquerade had „goto‟ on its head. It also performs mainly at night, and only rarely in the daytime. It also performs at ceremonies; weddings or naming. It sings and people answer back.

Raya: This masquerade dances almost naked. It also doesn‟t come close to people. It kept a very large distance between itself and people. People used to watch it dance from very far outside the village. It is also not good to go close because it doesn‟t like been seeing and could harm anyone who dares to go close.

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Jijaura: This was also a masquerade. Its costume was dried guinea-corn leaves. It also does not appear before dark. It does not have a goto but zana asaheaddress. It sings and people dance round and answer to the song. A female lead singer known as

Zabiya usually answers it. Sometimes she sings and it answers back. It can pick out a person from the crowd and mock him in his songs. It throws banters with people and even make some sarcastic comments about some in his songs. It used to be a very witty masquerade with some oratory.

Dandi: Only the chief priest and his assistants have ever seen Dandi or knew its whereabouts. No one has ever claimed to have seen it, but anytime its screams could be heard from 10 km. Its scream was like the earthquake. It was very loud and terrifying. It only appears yearly.

Researcher: Are there specific festivals or occasions that warrant the appearance of a masquerade?

Respondent: As a matter of fact every masquerade appears at a certain time and place. Some can appear during the rainy season, some during harmattan etc. But there is no particular occasion or festival for any of them.

Researcher: Do the masquerades belong to certain clans?

Respondent: Every Gera settlement that practiced the Gera rituals used to own all those masquerades we mentioned.

Researcher: Are the rituals still performed in some places?

Respondent: No, we Gera became Muslims a long time ago, so we abandoned all that. For example, my father was the ruler of my village and he did not practice the

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rituals even though he was under pressure from the majority of the villagers who were traditionalists.

Researcher: But i witnessed the Dodon Gere Dance when i was a child.

Respondent: It is not very long that they stopped the dance performances. But recently there was an occasion of the coronation of our chief and we went all over

Gera land looking for a masquerade to perform a dance but we couldn‟t find any.

They said they are now Muslims so cannot take part in heathen activity.

Researcher: So you mean now no one is left to perform a Gera masquerade dance?

Respondent: But they are Muslims!

Researcher: But it is only a performance to entertain, not a ritual with the intention of worshipping any deity.

Respondent: But they will still be associated with heathen rituals since that is the origin of the masquerade. That was why they refused. We followed those who used to perform the dances to their houses but they refused for fear of been ostracised. Even then our masquerades were mainly for entertainment because of the influence of

Islam, there was very little ritual attached.

INTERVIEW6

Sarkin Gera

a. Gera

Na namanu Ger darni.Ammasimini siminta Muhammadu Isiyaku Adamu.A kam

Pyandi Geri mundi mugde.Mukanyi jisala.To jisala da mukan yin yin nan, wato sa mu kalmu kalmi Kashim. Amma kalim shi kayi amfani kasa.Sa kalim gwandimi.

Kalim gwandimi daishi biko to sundona kabidi kai jisal ni. Sa sau goto sau

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alkashafa.Watoalkashafa sa sigide kayi jisala as gayi jisal na, to alkashafa de hakazagaye ne hakazagaye ne hakazagaye ne har ji dai ji sha’awa. Ammasa kalim gwandini ninkirshi sa zau sarni har sai falna. Sigide zau sarni, maramshin ka balna siga ku zabi, zabi kaku balna. Hardarni ta zabi din yu bai zau swarni di, sigide zaunmi a sai kalim din sai kirna. Sigide bisni zabi zau shi sari a kalim din bishi to sina sukai kirna ati kai kirna. Sukai kirna mbaramshin kan kirna. A gidai zau swar daba to zabidai to bisina. A ba mbaramshin ni ku zuhu aga bide kir yusar di ku sa. To su kyar na. Sud dai kirna har sai falna. Ko ni a gu misini gidai zabi ku zau sar dai su bisina. I dai sa zwar sa dai to ba bisina. A ga mbaramshin ki bi dai mana sug dai zwarmi daga mbaramshin dai su ba bisina. Harzabi kuma to ba bisina.

Wato jina zwayi a kalim dai sa bisina. Bauya sa maisa. Sigidai swarmi a si sai bisina.Sigide swarmi a sai bisina.Tosa zwayi ko ni ko sau zwayi to sa kalmi to ba bisina. Wato sa kalim gwandini subi ko nimi ka bidai. Askani ko ni a bidi. Sigide mi har sai kiris simi har sai zwar ku same Habaici.

b. Hausa

Ni nine sarkin Gere a yanzu.Amma sunana Muhammadu Isiyaku Adamu. Mu Gerawa idan za muyi bikin aure ko na suna, muna da doduna. Amma dodon da muka fi yin amfani dashi a biki, shi ne dodon zaure, kuma shi yakan yi wasa ne da dare. Yana da goto, yana da alkashafa. Alkashafa wani riga ne wanda idan dodon yana wasa da dare yana juyawa, sai rigan ya dinga zagayawa, yana zagayawa yana zagayawa sai ya tsaya, ya tsaya. Yana bada sha‟awa sosai. Wato shi dodon zaure da muke amfani das hi, shi yake saw aka da kansa. Idan yasa waka mata zasu dinga amsawa.Idan kuma da zabiya a wajen, to zabiyan ne zata dinga amsawa.Ita ma zabiyan tana iya saw aka,

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kuma dodon sai ya amsa. Idan ita tasa waka, zai dinga amsa wakar. Yak an sa waka, mutane suna amsawa, yana fada suna amsawa. Idan kuma das hi da zabiyan ne, yana fada tana amsawa. Idan yasa waka, zabiyan zata amsa.Idan mata ne kuma da zabiyan, idan yasa waka zasu amsa. Idan shi da zabiyan ne kuma yana fada, tana fada. Idan wata ce kuma daga cikin matan ba lallai zabiyan ba, idan tasa waka dodon zai amsa.

Dalilin da yasa Kowa yasa waka dodon yake amsawa shi ne, shi nkadsai ake amsa masa waka a wannan biki.Saboda haka shi zai dinga fada kuna amsawa.To saboda haka shi ne wakan yake yin armashi. Shi dodon zaure ya san kowa a wajen, kuma yana kallon kowa a wajen. Idan yaga dama sai ya kira sunan mutum ya masa habaici.

c. English

I am the current chief of Gere. My name is Muhammadu Isiyaku Adamu. We the

Gera, whenever we have an occasion of wedding or naming ceremony, we have a

Dodo masquerade we use for such occasions. That Dodo is the masquerade of the hall/or house. This masquerade only performs at night. It has a goto on its head and wears alkashafa. The alkashafa is a type of dress the masquerade wears, that when he dances and turns round and round, the dress also goes round and round and round till it stops. It is really a wonderful sight.

This masquerade that we use known as Kalim gwandini or Dodon zaure usually sings itself during occasions. When it sings, women chorus or respond to its songs. If there is a female lead singer known as zabiya there, she is usually the one who responds in a song. The zabiya can also be the one to sing, while the Dodo responds. If she is the one who starts a song, he will always respond. If the dodo starts a song, the people will chorus. If it is with the zabiya, he sings and she responds. When there are other

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people, he sings and they respond. With the zabiya he sings and she responds. If anyone among the women and not necessarily the zabiya sings, the dodo will also respond. The reason why the Dodo responds to all who sing is that only it has the power to respond to a song in such occasions, and all songs are directed to it. After it responds to a song, it will also continue to sing while the rest of the people chorus.

The dodo knows everyone and sees everyone. It may even decide to call someone‟s name from the audience and make a joke or insult in a song.

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Appendix II: Maps

Map of Bauchi State showing the Gera speaking Local Government Areas

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Map showing The Sokoto Caliphate in 1830

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Map of the Northern Region Showing Bauchi and other States

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APPENDIX III: LANGUAGE USE AND ATTITUDEQUESSAINNAIRE (LUAQ) FOR STUDENTS)

I am a researcher based at the Kenyatta University‟s Department of English and Linguistics. I am undertaking a research on the endangerment of the Gera language by the Hausa language. Your kind responses to the following questions will really help the study. Any information given in the questionnaire will be held with great discretion. Kindly answer the questions as truthfully as possible. SECTIONI

1. Age (tick appropriately in the box) 8-12 [ ] 13-17 [ ] 18-40 [ ] Above 41 [ ] 2. Gender (tick appropriately in the box) Male [ ] Female [ ] 3. Class/Form ______4. Place of Residence ______5. Religion Islam [ ] Christianity [ ] Traditional Religion ______6. First Language (Mother Tongue) Hausa [ ] Gera [ ] Other [ ] 7. List in order of confidence the languages you can communicate in ______

SECTION II Indicate using a tick, how often you or other people use the languages in the situations given below: Situations Languages Gera Hausa English 8. When you are speaking with your parents, you use

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9. When you are speaking with your brothers and sisters, you use 10. When you are speaking with your age mates, while playing after school 11. When speaking with your friends in school during break, you use 12. When you are speaking with your teachers in class, you use 13. When speaking with your mallam in Islamiyya school or pastor during Sunday school, you use.

SECTION III By the use of a tick, indicate the language you use in the following domains: Domains Language Used Hausa Gera Other 14. What language do you use at Home? 15. What language do you use at School? 16. What language do you use at the Maket? 17. What language do you use at other places? SECTION IV By use of a tick in the appropriate box, please indicate your views on importance of the following languages for: Areas Languages Gera Hausa English Other 18. Education 19. Setting a job within the district. 20. Trade (Business) 21. Cultural Identity 22. General Usefulness of life

SECTION V In the scale provided below, indicate your opinion regarding Gera Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Gera should be taught to children Hausa is more important to a Gera than Gera The loss of Gera language would be a great calamity to the Gera people.

Thank You.

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APPENDIX VI: LANGUAGE USE AND ATTITUDE QUESTIONNAIRE (LUAQ) FOR ADULTS I am a researcher at the Department of English and Linguistics of Kenyatta University. I am undertaking a research on the endangerment of Gera language by the Huasa language. Your kind responses to the following questions will help a lot in the study. Any information given by you will be treated with utmost confidentiality. Kindly answer all questions please, and as honestly as possible.

SECTION 1 1. Age (tick appropriately in the box) ( ) 18- 40 ( ) Above 40 2. Gender (tick appropriately in the box) ( ) Male ( ) Female 3. Place of Residence 4. Occupation 5. Marital Status (tick appropriately in the box) ( ) Married ( ) Divorced ( ) Widowed ( ) Single 6.Religion (tick appropriately in the box) ( ) Islam ( ) Christianity ( ) Traditional Religion 7. Level of Education (tick appropriately in the box) ( ) Primary school ( ) Secondary School ( ) Diploma/NCE ( ) Degree) 8. Languages List in order of confidence the languages you can communicate in

SECTION II 9.What is your first language (Mother tongue) ( ) Gera ( ) Hausa ( ) Other (specify)

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10. What is your father‟s first language? 11. What is your mother‟s first language? 12. What is your husband/wife first Language? 13. What language do you mostly use at home? 14. What Language do you use while speaking with your: a) Your parents? b) Your brothers and sisters? c) Your husband/wife? d) Your children? 15. What language do you use: a)

a) At Home b) At work c) At social places with friends d) At the market e) At other places

SECTION III

Indicate using a tick how often you or other people use the languages in the situations given below:

Situations Languages Gera Hausa English Other (specify) 16. When your parents are speaking to you, they use 17. When your parents are speaking to each other, they use 18. When your children are speaking to you they use 19. When speaking to your neighbours, you use 20. When speaking to people you have not met before, you use 21. When at the mosque/church talking with the Imam/Pastor, you use 22. When speaking in government offices, you use 23. When speaking with work mates at work, you use 24. When speaking with workmates at lunch or during break, you use

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SECTION IV

By the use of a tick in the appropriate box, please indicate your views on the importance of the following languages for:

Areas Languages

Gera Hausa English

Not important Slightly important Important Very important Not important Slightly important Important Very Important Not important Slightly important Important Very Important

SECTION V

In the scale below, indicate your opinion regarding Gera

Strongly Disagree Agree Strongly disagree agree Gera should be taught to children Gera is more important to a Gera than Hausa The loss of Gera language would be a great calamity to the Gera.

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