Historicolinguistic Study of Convergence and Divergence in the Tivoid Languages Phylum

HISTORICOLINGUISTIC STUDY OF CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE IN THE TIVOID LANGUAGES PHYLUM

ALYEBO, NELSON ORKAAN PG/Ph.D/08/49237

Department of Linguistics, Igbo and Other Nigerian Languages UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

DECEMBER, 2015

HISTORICOLINGUISTIC STUDY OF CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE IN THE TIVOID LANGUAGES PHYLUM

ALYEBO, NELSON ORKAAN REG. NO: PG/Ph.D/08/49237

A Ph.D Thesis submitted to the School of Postgraduate Studies in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Ph. D Degree in Linguistics in the Department of Linguistics, Igbo and Other Nigerian Languages, Faculty of Arts, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

DECEMBER, 2015

APPROVAL PAGE

This thesis has been read and approved as meeting the requirements for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Linguistics, Igbo and Other Nigeria Languages, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

------Dr. Chris Uchenna Agbedo External Examiner Supervisor

------Prof. R. I. Okorji Internal Examiner Head of Department

------Prof. Pat. Okpoko Dean, Faculty of Arts

CERTIFICATION PAGE

This is to certify that Alyebo, Nelson Orkaan PG/Ph.D/08/49237, a postgraduate student in the Department of Linguistics, Igbo and Other Nigerian Languages, University of Nigeria,

Nsukka has satisfactorily completed the requirements for the award of the Degree of Doctor of

Philosophy (Ph.D) in Linguistics.

This research work is original and has not been submitted in part or full for any degree of this or any other University.

------Dr. Chris Uchenna Agbedo Alyebo, Nelson Orkaan (Supervisor) PG/Ph.D/08/49237

DEDICATION

To the loving memory of my late grandmother, Mama Ukuma Agbakor; who first showed me the way to school.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am forever indebted to the Almighty and gracious God for His loving-kindness and tender mercies all through my life. The completion of this work is a fruit of God’s ever abiding grace in my life. He has made the vision come true at His own appointed time (Hab. 2:3). I lack the right words to appreciate my erudite supervisor Dr. Chris Uchenna Agbedo; from whom I tapped lavishly his wealth of knowledge, and who also admitted me into his family as one of their own. It is only God that can adequately reward you for your mentorship and love throughout my study period. Sir, I still remember clearly how you used to urge me to hasten my work with these popular word of advice that, “being a student is not a profession”.

From the innermost part of my heart I acknowledge and appreciate the indispensable contributions of my beloved wife, who is also a mother to me and a co-labourer in the Lord’s vine yard, Mrs Awashima Nelson Alyebo. Her consistent love, support and care for me and the flock of God in our care has provided not only the needed atmosphere, but also the cushion to cope with the rigours of this research work. I must appreciate my children: Masters Aondodoo,

Terkuma and Msooter Orkaan for coping with my absence while this study program lasted. My daughter (spiritual) Comfort Tsegha, who has been selfless in support and prayers in the course of my study, I say thank you. God will surely meet you at all your points of need.

I am grateful to Prof. R. I. Okorji, the Head of Department and Prof. C.N. Okebalama

(the immediate-past Head of Department), for the prompt and considerable attention they always give to us (their students) in all matters. I also acknowledge the worthy contributions and support of the members of the Departmental Postgraduate Board namely; Dr. Evelyn Mbah, Dr.

Chris U. Agbedo, Dr. Modesta I. Ileone, Dr. B. M. Mbah, Prof. I. U. Nwadike, Dr. E. S.

Ikeokwu, Prof. B. N. Anasiudu and Dr. S. Babarinde. Also in the department, I appreciate Dr. and Mrs. C. Okeke, Mr. D.Waya, Mr. Ahamefula, Eze Ebube, Benita and Mr. Eze (the departmental secretary) for relating with me as members of one family.

My boundless gratitude goes to the management of the Benue State University; Makurdi for granting me the opportunity and support to undertake this program. It is well deserved to mention in particular the outstanding leadership provided by the immediate past Vice

Chancellor, Professor Charity A. Angya. In the same measure, my debt of gratitude abounds for the current Vice Chancellor, Professor Msugh Kembe for effectively stepping into the large shoes left behind by Professor Charity A. Angya. My immediate past Head of Department -

Professor Leticia Mbaiver Nyitse, has also been so relentless in supporting this worthy course.

She deserves my gratitude, prayers and best wishes. I am profoundly grateful to my present

Head of Department, Professor R. A. Shittu for his understanding and cooperation. I will forever be grateful to my senior colleagues, whom I also tapped from their fountain of knowledge during my undergraduate and postgraduate studies. These include Professor T. P. Akosu, Professor

Godwin Yina, Professor Lucy Vajime, Professor J. B. Ashiko, Dr. David S. Orjime, Mr Isaac S.

Yongo, Mr Za-Ayem Agye and Dr. C. Anyogo. I would also like to say thank you to some of my senior colleagues who supported and encouraged me at various stages of this work, namely: Dr.

Moses Tsenongo, Dr. S. Bagu, Dr. Mrs Maria Ajima, Dr. Mrs. Mary Adejoh. Now to my friends and colleagues: Dr. Chris Ukande, Dr. Mrs. Camel Igba-Luga, Dr. T. H. Gajir, Mrs. Sarah T.

Shittu, and Atese Gbatoon, I say thank you for always being there for me.

In my academic career, the model I desire to emulate is Professor David I. Ker to whom I owe a debt of gratitude.

Special gratitude is reserved for the entire Alyebo family and most particularly my father

Mr. Justine T. Alyebo, my mother Mrs. Grace M. Alyebo and my siblings (from first to the last): Hon. Godwin Alyebo, Mr. Felix Alyebo, Basil Alyebo, Peter T. Alyebo, Terhemba I. Alyebo,

Mmenga Alyebo and Miss. Hembafan Alyebo. Your encouragement and love have been a source of strength to me. Once again, thank you.

My unreserved appreciation goes to HRH Chief Hilary I. Ikima and his entire family for accepting me into the family as one of their own. Worthy of mention is his wife, who is also my colleague, sister and friend Dr Mrs Mary N. Ikima for her immeasurable contributions towards the actualisation of this work.

My spiritual father and mother, Rev. Engr. H. D. Akinsulie, and Rev. Mrs. F. F.

Akinsulie have been my pillar of support and encouragement. You have taught me to acknowledge God and commit all my ways to Him and, truly, it has paid off. My gratitude is equally deserved by the Pastoral Board members of Christ Faith Redemption Ministries (a.k.a.

Christ Faith Bible Church), Middle Belt region, namely: Pastor Mark Ogbaje, Pastor Mrs.

Hannah Ogbaje, Pastor Nathan Dwem, Deaconess Nguvan Mgbanyi, Bro. Dan Nyikwagh and

Bro. Paul Onuche. I cherish the support and prayers for me from brethren of CFBC family, particularly, Makurdi, Yaikyo, Ikpayongo and all the rural churches. The completion of this work is a testimony of answer to your prayers.

My friends who deserve to be specially mentioned include: Hon Stephen B. Tyochir,

Hon. Moses Iorhen Shirsha, George O. Ayia Esq, Dr David Mgbanyi, Mr Aka Joe Asue (my able research assistant in Cameroun), Chief Ngusha Thompson Gading (my host in Cameroun), Mr

Alexis Onome (Camera man) and very importantly, Dr Samuel Ngishe, whom we collaborated and together made it to the Swem hills.

I heartily appreciate my Personal Assistants Mr. Emmanuel I. Alagh, who has always been available to handle my other numerous engagements throughout my study period; and Miss Doosuur Ikima for drafting the first wordlist that was later harmonised with the Swadesh wordlist and her prayer back-up for me. Special recognition is due for Mr. Newton Abya (my

ICT consultant) and all others who have contributed directly or indirectly in making this work a dream come true.

I will be guilty of ingratitude if I fail to appreciate bosom friend Mr. Anum, Joseph

Yimaior, Mr. Samuel Tyochir Tsatom (my childhood friend), Pastor Ajawo, Taye Taiwo,

Charles Orhemba, Albert Imbus (translator in Oliti), Francis Itumuga (translator in Utank), Rev.

Viashima Sevkohol and Mercy Iorliam for their invaluable support in numerous ways. I fervently pray that God will reward all of you as you desire in your hearts, for your love and support to me, in Jesus name.

Alyebo, Nelson Orkaan.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page i

Approval Page ii

Certification Page iii

Dedication iv

Acknowledgements v

List of Figures xiv List of Tables xv

Abstract xvi

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 Background to the study 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem 6

1.3 Objectives of the Study 7

1.4 Research Questions 8

1.5 Significance of the Study 8

1.6 Scope of the study 9

1.7 Limitations of the study 10

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF LITERATURE 12

2.1 Theoretical Studies (review) 12

2.1.1 Neogrammarian Hypothesis. 14

2.1.2 Structural Model of Language Development 17

2.1.3 Transformational Generative Model 19

2.1.4 Mass Comparison Method 24

2.1.5 An Overview of Methods for Comparing and Analysing Languages 26

2.1.5.1 Linguistic Maps and Atlases 26

2.1.5.2 The Blair Method 27

2.1.6 Lexicostatistical Theory 28

2.1.7 Glottochronology 30

2.1.8 Summary of Theoretical Studies 31

2.2 Empirical Studies 34

2.3 Theoretical Framework 42 2.4 Summary of Literature Review 43

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 45

3.1 Preamble 45

3.2 Research Design 45

3.3 Team and Timing 46

3.4 Area of Study 47

3.5 Target Population 48

3.6 Method of Data Collection 49

3.6.1 Instruments of data collection 49

3.6.2 Validation of Instruments 50

3.6.3 Sampling Techniques 50

3.6.4 Field Work 51

3.6.5 Library Sources 51

3.6.6 Internet Sources 51

3.6.7 Collation 52

3.7 Method of Data Presentation 52

3.8 Method of Data Analysis 52

CHAPTER FOUR: DATA ANALYSIS AND

DISCUSSION ON CONVERGENCE 54

4.1 Preamble 54

4.2. Convergence 54

4.2.1 Comparative Wordlists 59

4.3 Selection of Cognates 85 4.3.1 Exact Matches 85

4.3.2 Adjectives 86

4.3.3 Derivational Suffixes 87

4.3.4 Extra Syllable(s) 87

4.3.5 Minor Phonetic Differences 88

4.4 Recorded Text Testing (RTT) 91

4.4.1 Batch 1 A (i), B (i) & C (i): RTT from Tiv to Utank, Oliti and Ugare 93

4.4.2 Batch 1 A (ii), B (ii) C (ii): RTT from Utank, Oliti and Ugare to Tiv 98

4.4.3 Batch 2 A (i) & B (i): RTT from Utank to Oliti and Ugare. 103

4.4.4 Batch 2 A (ii) & B (ii): RTT from Oliti and Ugare to Utank 106

4.4.5 Batch 3 A (i): RTT from Oliti to Ugare 108

4.4.6 Batch 3 A (ii): RTT from Ugare to Oliti 110

4.4.7 Summary of Total Average Percentage Intelligibility Test Scores 111

4.5 Discussion and Findings on Convergence 115

4.5.1 Convergence among the Selected Tivoid Languages 116

4.5.1.1 Tiv and Utank 116

4.5.1.2 Tiv and Oliti 119

4.5.1.3 Tiv and Ugare 120

4.5.1.4 Utank and Oliti 122

4.5.1.5 Utank and Ugare 123

4.5.1.6 Oliti and Ugare 124

4.6 Findings in Relation to Convergence 124

4.7 Findings in Relation to Mutual Intelligibility 126 CHAPTER FIVE: DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ON DIVERGENCE 127

5.1 Preamble 127

5.2. Divergence Among the Selected Tivoid Languages 127

5.2.1 Comparative Wordlists 128

5.2.2 Recorded Text Testing (RTT) 132

5.2.3 Total Average Percentage Unintelligibility 133

5.3 Discussion and Findings on Divergence 134

5.3.1 Divergence Among the Selected Tivoid Languages 134

5.3.1.1 Tiv and Utank 135

5.3.1.2 Tiv and Oliti 136

5.3.1.3 Tiv and Ugare 137

5.3.1.4 Utank and Oliti 138

5.3.1.5 Utank and Ugare 139

5.3.1.6 Oliti and Ugare 139

5.3.1.7 Findings in Relation to Divergence 140

5.4 Factors responsible for convergence and divergence among the Tivoid languages140

5.4.1. Sociolinguistic Factors 142

5.4 .2 Migration 143

5.4.3 Geographical separation 144

5.4.4 The French plebiscite of 1961 146

5.5.1 Linguistic factors 147

5.5.2 Language contact 149

5.6 Social networks 150

5.7 Findings in relation to factors responsible for convergence and divergence 151 CHAPTER SIX: FINDINGS, SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 153

6.1 Findings 153

6.1.1 Findings in relation to convergence 153

6.1.2 Findings in relation to mutual intelligibility 154

6.1.3 Findings in relation to divergence 154

6.1.4 Findings in relation to factors responsible for convergence and divergence 155

6.2 Summary and conclusion 156

References 159

Appendix

LIST OF FIGURE

Figure 1: Genetic Tree Classification of the Tivoid Language Phylum 5

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Comparative wordlist based on Swadesh’ (1953) 200 basic vocabulary 59

Table 2: Oliti and Ugare cognacy with Utank 68

Table 3: Ugare cognacy with Oliti 77

Table 4: Cognates selected based on exact matches 85 Table 5: Cognates selected based on adjectives 86

Table 6: Cognates selected on the bases of derivational suffixes 87

Table 7: Cognates selected with extra syllable 88 Table 8a & b: Cognates selected based on minor phonetic differences 88 Table 9: Lexical cognate percentage matrix between Tiv, Utank, Oliti andUgare 90

Table 10: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores Tiv – Utank Subjects 93

Table 11: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores Tiv – Oliti Subjects. 96

Table 12: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing scores Tiv – Ugare Subjects. 97

Table 13: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing scores Utank –Tiv subjects 99

Table 14: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores Oliti –Tiv Subjects. 101

Table 15: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores Ugare –Tiv Subjects. 102

Table 16: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Utank – Oliti 104

Table 17: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Utank – Ugare 105

Table 18: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Oliti – Utank 106

Table 19: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Ugare - Utank 107

Table 20: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Oliti – Ugare 109

Table 21: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Ugare - Oliti 110

Table 22: Non-cognates percentage matrix among Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare 130

Table 23: Non-cognate matrix showing StDv among Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare 131

ABSTRACT

This study examined convergence and divergence among the Tivoid languages phylum from the historicolinguistic perspective. The study was based on four selected Tivoid languages, namely: Tiv and Utank in Nigeria, Oliti and Ugare in Cameroun. The purpose was to ascertain the linguistic connection between the Tivoid in Nigeria and their counterparts in Cameroun and determine the degree of divergence or convergence among the languages. The specific objectives of the study are to examine: (i) convergence among the selected languages using lexical cognates, (ii) mutual intelligibility among the selected languages, (iii) divergence among the selected languages and (iv) the factors responsible for convergence and divergence among the selected languages. Applying the framework of lexicostatistics, a 200-item wordlist was elicited from each of the languages using the Swadesh wordlist. The Recorded Text Testing (RTT) was conducted across the selected languages to provide the data for mutual intelligibility test. In addition, oral interview was conducted to provide additional linguistic and sociolinguistic information needed to complement the data obtained from the wordlists and the RTT. Probable cognates were selected from the comparative wordlists using “inspection method”, while the analysis was done using percentages and standard deviation to determine similarities and dissimilarities. The result showed that there was low percentage of lexical cognates/similarity which is an indication of apparent divergence among the selected languages. This is affirmed by the listing of the selected Tivoid languages on the ethnologue as separate languages in spite of the perceived similarities at the morpho-phonological level. Divergence in the Tivoid languages is both internally and externally motivated resulting in shift or change in the languages. The internal triggers are from internal pressures independent of external interference. The externally motivated change results from non-linguistic pressures especially migration and contact. In both cases, the resultant effect was convergence with or divergence from the dominant language. The mutual intelligibility test indicated low intelligibility among the speakers of the selected Tivoid languages. There was also high level of bilingualism involving Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare as a result of high social network within these speech communities.

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the study

Language is by all means the most enduring and about the most dynamic artifact of human history. Language is an enduring artifact because apart from being human specific, it is an integral part of human culture, and therefore, as old as human existence.

Language is said to be dynamic in the sense that it changes as the society in which man lives and speaks language changes. It is this dynamism which reflects the nature and character of language that has given scholars/researchers sufficient cause to search and attain self knowledge about the nature and manner of change that takes place in language.

According to Agbedo (2009:7), historical linguistics (also called diachronic linguistics) accounts for the development and changes that take place in languages.

Essentially, historical linguistics focuses on five basic areas which are; describing and accounting for observed changes in languages, reconstructing the prehistory of languages and determining their relatedness, developing general theories about how and why language changes, describing the speech communities and studying the history of words.

Since the quest for knowledge through scholarly research heightened, human knowledge has continued to grow deeper, thus leading to further breakdown of disciplines into more focused areas of study. This development gave rise to the emergence of comparative linguistics (originally called comparative philology) regarded as a branch of historical linguistics. It is principally concerned with comparing languages in order to establish their historical relatedness.

Agbedo (2007:7) posits that languages may be related by convergence through borrowing or genetic descent. Genetic descent implies a common origin or protolanguage, and comparative linguistics aims to construct language families, to reconstruct proto-languages and specify the changes that have resulted in documented languages.

From the early development of historical and comparative linguistics, this subfield of linguistics mainly focused on the classification of the Indo-European languages, many of which have had written histories. However, the situation is not the same with the Niger–Congo language family where the comparative method has been sparingly used, leaving the bulk of languages under it unclassified; even where it is applied, lack of sustained efforts has failed to tie the language family together, therefore, such result often failed to receive wide acceptability. Olson (2004) decried this situation thus:

While the comparative method has occasionally been applied to small language families within Niger-Congo, particularly Bantu, its use has so far been neglected in tying the language family together as a whole. A comprehensive reconstruction of Niger-Congo, including the establishment of sound laws, remains the major future task in Niger- Congo classification

Therefore, there is need for a paradigm shift to studying the highly endangered languages of the sub-Saharan Africa, especially the Tivoid sub-language group of Bantu extraction. The Tivoid languages phylum is not well studied. Therefore, majority of languages in this group cannot be used for wider communication , especially as they have no written orthorgraphy and are not even known beyond there enclave. This has the propensity of affecting the enthnolinguistic vitality perception of their speakers thereby making them susceptible to endangerment.

Historians, anthropologists and archeologists have in various ways attempted to study the anthropology of human evolution and development, all in the bid to upgrade human knowledge and advance human civilisation. However, in doing so, they often resort to the use of linguistic data in establishing and firmly buttressing their claims. This underscores the inter-dependency and multifaceted resources of language in offering the most reliable explanation about human evolution and development than any other field of study. Indeed, language is about the most assured means of tracing the connection of peoples, civilisations and nations. This is most probably the reason for the use of such linguistic similarities like phonological, lexical, syntactic and semantic features shared by languages to prove affiliation, borrowing, convergence and, even common origin

(Chinagorom 2010).

When a people are identified together as having a common origin, history, language and bound by a common destiny, their bond of unity becomes stronger.

Therefore, studying convergence or divergence of languages or dialect is one sure way that can provide sufficient knowledge to foster harmonious coexistence. Nwaozuzu

(2008:1) attests the viability of dialect studies in providing solution to this kind of needs, thus:

The rapid development of all branches of language has led to a widespread and growing interest in activities of linguists, who at each stage have sought to provide solutions to new problems. Even though certain areas of language studies have become so familiar that they have almost been taken for granted, there are others that have not yet been given adequate attention in some languages especially those that are still very new in the history of linguistic analyses. One of such areas of language studies is dialect, as it affects so many languages.

Basically, these underscore the need for a more holistic approach in studying any aspect of language. By this, every aspect of language must be considered as integral in the study of another. Generally, the main preoccupation of historical linguistics is to account for the development and changes that take place in languages (Agbedo 2009:7). It is against this backdrop that the relationship among the Tivoid languages phylum is of essence. The

Tivoid sub-group of Bantu languages has not attracted much research attention. For this reason, its position on the Bantu languages classification chart has been very unstable depending on the scholar. Tiv, the language through which the group derives its name is the largest and is spoken largely in the North-Central region of Nigeria and a few of its population is in the Camerouns – South West Province, Manyu Division, North East of

Akwaya on the Camerounian border, precisely at Njobo (Njawbaw) community.

The Tivoid belongs to the sub-family of Benue-Congo group of languages collectively referred to as the Bantu languages family. In the classification of African languages, Greenberg (1966) classified Tivoid as belonging to the Southern Bantoid subgroup of languages. Williamson and Blench (2000) further identified this group as comprising Bantu, Jarawan, Tivoid, Beboid and the wide Grass-fields families. The bulk of these languages still beg for recognition and scholarly attention. Below is Greenberg’s

(1974) classification of Tivoid on Niger Congo family tree.

Figure 1: Genetic Tree Classification of the Tivoid Language Phylum

NIGER CONGO

Volta-Congo Atlantic Congo

North Volta-Congo kru Kwa Benue-Congo

East Benue-Congo West Benue-Congo

Ukaan Cross-River Kainji &Platoid Bantoid

Northern Bantoid Southern Bantoid

Non-Narrow Bantu Narrow Bantu Jarawan Bantu Tivoid

Tiv Otank Iyive Evant Bitare Abon Iceve-Maci Batu-Clusters

Fig 1: Classification of the Tivoid language Phylum.

Source: Greenberg (1974) classification.

Subsequent research especially by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL,

(1991)) Ethnologue, lists 17 Tivoid languages as follows:

• Abon [abo] (Nigeria) 1,000 (1973 SIL) • Esimbi [ags] (Cameroon) • Ambo [amb] (Nigeria) less than 1,000 • Ipulo [ass] (Cameroon) • Iceve-Maci [bec] (Cameroon) those in Nigeria 5,000 (1990) • Balo [bqo] (Cameroon) • Bitare [brt] (Nigeria) 46,300 • Batu [btu] (Nigeria) 25,000 • Evant [bzz] (Nigeria) -10,000 speakers Hedinger (1996) • Caka [ckx] (Cameroon) • Eman [emn] (Cameroon) • Mesaka [iyo] (Cameroon) • Manta [myg] (Cameroon) • Osatu [ost] (Cameroon) • Tiv [tiv] (Nigeria) 2,212,000 (SIL 1991) • Iyive [uiv] (Cameroon) those in Nigeria 2,000 • Otank [uta] (Nigeria) 3,000 (1973 SIL)

It is important to note that the majority of these linguistic groups are endangered.

It is from this list that the four languages namely; Tiv, Utank, Oliti (Iceve-Maci) and

Ugare (Mesaka) are selected for this study.

1.2 Statement of the problem

The Tivoid languages phylum has not received appreciable research attention despite the fascinating linguistic scenario that the Nigeria-Cameroun border area exhibits: a situation whereby several of the languages spoken show varying degrees of similarities or relatedness. This apparent poor scholarly attention given to languages of this area is so alarming to the extent that most of them do not even have orthography and are not listed among world languages. Furthermore, the information that is in circulation in a bid to 6

explain the clustering of the Tivoid in and around the Nigeria-Cameroun border area is

too speculative and highly dependent on myths and legends.

Again, it is not clear whether the Tivoid languages known to be genetically related

are becoming more similar or more dissimilar. It is also not clear whether there is mutual

intelligibility among these related languages in view of the lexical similarities or non

similarities. These and other related issues have spurred the researcher to undertake a

historicolinguistic study of the Tivoid languages, using lexicostatistical theory to

establish the extent of convergence or divergence, as well as ascertain the level of mutual

intelligibility among them. This integrated approach enables the utilisation of historical

and linguistic resources in achieving the research objectives.

1.3 Objectives of the study

The basic objective examined by this study is the connection between the selected

Tivoid languages in Nigeria (Tiv and Utank) and their counterparts in the Camerouns

(Oliti and Ugare).

The specific objectives of this study are to find out the:

i. level of convergence among the selected Tivoid languages (Tiv, Utank, Ugare and

Oliti) using lexical cognates.

ii. level of mutual intelligibility among the selected Tivoid languages iii. extent of divergence among the selected Tivoid languages (Tiv, Utank, Ugare and

Oliti).

iv. factors responsible for convergence and divergence of the selected Tivoid

languages.

1.4 Research questions

This study focuses on the following basic questions, in order to provide answers to the above objectives. i. How convergent or similar are the selected Tivoid languages? ii. How mutually intelligible or unintelligible are the selected Tivoid languages? iii. How divergent or dissimilar are the selected Tivoid languages? iv. What are the possible factors responsible for convergence and divergence among

the selected Tivoid languages?

1.5 Significance of the study

The study is significant because of its enormous contributions as enumerated below.

The findings of this study are a veritable resource material for studies on Tivoid languages; specifically, on the issue of convergence and divergence. The data provided in this work will be beneficial in solving the problems that are of concern to the society, which extend far beyond linguistics to history, archaeology and anthropology, to other researchers who are interested in the Tivoid.

This research represents a more current effort towards establishing a link to common ancestry and language between the Tivoid in Nigeria and their counterparts in the Camerouns. This is capable of encouraging and promoting peaceful coexistence and understanding among these peoples at the Nigerian-Cameroun borderland.

The study is significant mainly because of its contribution to the development of knowledge, especially, in the area of historical and comparative linguistics and other sub-

areas of linguistics and linguistic theory relating to lexicostatistics as well as language convergence and divergence.

Another significance of the study relates to the use of linguistic data to explicate the historical and genetic relationship between the selected Tivoid languages, which is pivotal in creating a sense of oneness among them, in spite of the geographical and administrative boundaries that separate the Tivoid in Nigeria and those in Cameroun.

1.6 Scope of the study

In scope, this study examined the lexical similarity between the selected Tivoid languages at this point in time rather than account for the historical developments of the languages beyond the present. It also focused on ascertaining whether or not there is convergence or divergence among the selected Tivoid languages. This invariably involved ascertaining the level of mutual intelligibility among the selected languages as well as examining the factors that have been responsible for either convergence or divergence of the Tivoid cluster within and around Nigeria-Cameroun border areas.

Only four out of the eight Tivoid languages are selected, namely: Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare. To be specific, two of the selected Tivoid languages are spoken in Nigeria

(Tiv and Utank) and two in Cameroon (Ugare and Oliti).

In terms of area coverage, this research is restricted to only villages: two for each language group making a total of four each in Nigeria and Cameroun. The spread of the languages and villages was evenly shared between Nigeria and Cameroun in order to achieve proportionate representation of views, information and data gathering.

The scope of this research also involved examining the widely believed historical link between the Tiv in Nigeria and other Tivoid groups in the Camerouns traceable to

Swem ancestral homeland. The selection of the villages/sites was purposively done based on their historical importance, given that some of them served as the routes of the Tiv people during their migration into the Benue valley and the Cross River region in

Nigeria.

1.7 Limitations of the study

The vast area coverage of this study involving national and international territorial boundaries itself portends a challenge for effective handling. Issues of insecurity at the

Nigerian-Cameroun border and immigration procedures had, in one way or the other, affected free movement of the researcher and his team within and across the border area.

Another challenge was the lack of standard orthography to capture the wordlist in the languages under investigation.

However, measures were adopted to effectively handle the limitations, including undergoing the required clearance and documentation processes from the Nigerian and

Camerounian Immigration Services, obtaining the services of Camerounian Mobile

Police (also known as Jandan in the local parlance) to escort the research team in and around the villages and locations under the Camerounian territory, obtaining the services of indigenous research assistants/interpreters who were native speakers with proficiency in each of the selected languages in addition to having sufficient knowledge of the research area(s) to guide the research team.

The researcher believes that the above measures taken have effectively checked the challenges and limitations such that they do not have any significant effect on the outcome of this study.

CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF LITERATURE

2.1 Theoretical studies

Every concerted effort towards the study and explication of any aspect of linguistics started with the formulation of a set of rules, principles, methods, theories and sometimes hypothesis which serve as the pivot on which the wheels of such studies revolve. Historical and comparative linguistics which is a sub field of linguistics has towed this same path in its evolution. What triggered the emergence of historical linguistics (also called diachronic linguistics) and for which it has gained prominence are the similarities that were observed among languages and the changes that were also noticeable in languages, hence the need to account for these observed changes in particular languages.

Historical linguistics started in the nineteenth-century in Europe; but it owed much of its stimulus to sources outside Europe, and precisely India. It was surprising for the Europeans to discover that Sanskrit, the sacred classical language of India, and the modern Indian languages of the same group, were related to the European languages they already knew; the Romance languages such as French, Spanish, Portuguese and Italian; the Germanic languages such as German, Dutch, English, and the Scandinavian languages; the Slavic languages such as Russian, and the classical languages of Europe,

Latin and Greek (Williamson 1987:2). This quest formally brought to the fore following a statement credited to Sir William Jones in 1786, indicating similarity between Sanskrit

Greek and Latin; also that Gothic and Celtic had the same origin with Sanskirt

(Robins 1967:134). This statement triggered off concerted enquiry which developed from these tenets to the classification of languages into families, and such relationship between languages is represented in the form of a family tree. This notion by Sir William Jones that, “the similarities of Sanskrit to ancient Greek and Latin could be accounted for by assuming that all three were descendants from a common ancestral language: Proto Indo-

European;” effectively accentuated research interest and also encouraged comparative research efforts into relationship between languages that were perceived to be similar or descendants from a common ancestral language.

Although, prior to Sir William Jones’ statement, there were numerous comparative researches that dated much earlier. These include:

• Ottar of Heligoland (9th century) discovered that there was a relationship between

Saami (Lappish) and the “Bjarmas” (Carelian, Permic);

• J. Tröstler (17th century) compared Hungarian with Greek, Swedish and Finnish

(concluding that Hungarian was related only to German -- wrong!)

• Philip Johan Stralenberg (17th century) compared 32 languages!

• Johannes Sajnovics: Demonstratio idioma Ungarorum et Lapponum idem esse

(1770):

he first proved that Saami and Hungarian are related.

he was the one that first used morphological correspondences (e.g. –n Loc.

marker; -b comparative marker in both Saami and Hungarian).

Since then, several comparative techniques, methods and theories have evolved in the study of genetically related languages or family groups. Theories and methods,

therefore, serve as a road map in any linguistic enquiry. Attesting to this, Agbedo

(2009:19) posits as follows:

Any attempt at investigating and capturing the ways in which a language has developed over a given stretch of time would require a kind of theoretical framework or model within which the facts may be stated and explained. It is expected that such a model should be able to account for all the changes, which have taken place in the language by reducing them to a systematically integrated set of rules.

That is precisely how the enquiry into the history of languages then and now has advanced based on a number of rules/laws, theories and models some of which are examined below.

2.1.1 Neogrammarian hypothesis.

This model was propounded by Osthoff and Brugmann (1878) in a manifesto which sought to bring scholarly rigour to historical linguistics. The theory postulates that,

“Every sound change, inasmuch as it occurs mechanically, takes place according to laws that admit no exception” (Durie & Ross 1996). The Neogrammarians (German

Junggrammatiker) were a German school of linguists, (including Karl Brugmann,

Hermann Osthoff, Hermann Paul, Eduard Sievers, and Karl Verner) originally at the

University of Leipzig, in the last quarter of the 19th century. Matasovic (nd) explains that,

Neogrammarians were profoundly influenced by the development of natural sciences like physics and chemistry. The main methodological principle advocated by the

Neogrammarians was that language development can be described by empirically founded, but refutable ‘sound laws’. Matasovic further defines sound law thus:

A sound law is a rule which states that, if a sound A changes to B in one phonetic environment in one word, then the change of A to B will occur in all words of the language in question, in the same phonetic environment. For example, in Greek every word initial Proto-Indo-European *s became h before a vowel, so we have the regular correspondence sets: Greek heptá “seven” vs. Latin septem, Greek háls “salt” vs. Latin sal, Greek hỳlē “wood” vs. Latin silva.

The main doctrine the Neogrammarians used to account for historical development of languages was the regularity hypothesis, which presupposes that sound laws have no exceptions. According to this hypothesis, a diachronic sound change affects simultaneously all words in which its environment is met, without exception. Thus, insisting that sound change is regular and exceptionless. Verner's Law which did not only modify, but also resolved an apparent exception to Grimm's Law is a famous example of the Neogrammarian hypothesis. The Neogrammarian hypothesis which was built upon the bases of Grimm’s and subsequently Verner’s laws became the first hypothesis of sound change to attempt to follow the principle of falsifiability according to scientific method. This theory assumes that language change can be traced either to phonetically motivated sound shifts, analogy or borrowing. Neogrammarians conceptualise that phonetically motivated sound change, whether conditioned or spontaneous, is both regular and without exception, unless overridden by more powerful sources of change such as analogy and borrowing (Hock 1991: 34-36).

The general assumption of the Neogrammarians was that language change has order and thus amenable to systemic investigation. They based their expectation on language development as rule-governed on certain aspects of language itself, such as its use exclusively by human beings for purposes of communication, the uniform way in which it is transmitted from one generation to another, its production by means of

articulatory apparatus etc (Agbedo 2009:24). Neogrammarian, though it is the first hypothesis of sound change to attempt to follow the principle of scientific method, its ideas were an in-breeding from the Grimm’s and Verner’s Law. The neogrammarian hypothesis collectively captures the exceptionless state and regularity of sound change, which became its hallmark. Miller (2007:279) alluded to this when he states,

This outcome at once suggested to a number of linguists that sound changes must always be regular, and that apparent exceptions must only mean that we have not yet succeeded in identifying the relevant conditioning factors. This position, the absolute regularity of sound change, was taken up with enthusiasm by a group of younger linguists, mostly at the University of Leipzig, who began loudly proclaiming their new doctrine.

While the young linguists accepted this doctrine for its innovativeness, the older linguists greeted it with skepticism and called these youngsters junggrammatiker – which means ‘young grammarians;’ hence the neogrammarian hypothesis.

The resounding innovativeness of neogrammarian notwithstanding, it was heavily criticised. The avowed critic of the neogrammarian was Schuchardt (1884) cited in Wilbur (1972), Schuchardt in a fierce attack on the neogrammarians asserts,

The nature of their proposition under consideration, as the Neogrammarians themselves admit, excludes the inductive method of proof. I look upon the previous attempts to employ a deductive method as failures. They suffer from sundry and severe misrepresentations. … In the proposition, ‘sound laws operate without exception’, both the subject and the predicate evoke weighty doubts.

Nevertheless, these criticisms do not in any way erode the landmark contributions of the neogrammarian theory to the study of the phenomenon of language change, neither are the criticisms completely misplaced. Rather the criticisms have

spurred the reformation of this hypothesis into new emergent theories that more or less improved on observed pitfall of the Neogrammarians.

2.1.2 Structural model of language development

Structuralism is a concept that is widely used across disciplines – anthropology, psychology, literary criticism etc. In linguistics, structuralism represents an approach to language and language study based on the concept of language as a system that has such clearly defined elements as linguistic units and their classes. Structural linguistics seeks to describe language with a precision like the exact sciences.

Structural linguistics was established in the 1920s and 1930s as an approach distinct from that of the Neogrammarian School, which predominated the 19th century and focused extensively on the history of linguistic elements. As it is common with every other preceding theory, structural linguistics emerged from the quest for a more consistent system of linguistic concepts. There has ever been an increasing need for methods that could be rigorously applied to the synchronic description of modern languages as the comparative method was applied to comparative linguistics (the Soviet encyclopedia 1979).

According to Agbedo (2009:25), the structuralist model of language development, which maps out its application of structuralist principles to the analysis of language, represented the first major development in linguistics that challenged the

Neogrammarian’s position on the principles of language development and change. The origin of the structuralist approach is not only doubtful in terms of who first formulated it, but also, about where it was first formulated as its origin appears to be controversial.

Basically, the structuralist approach is traced to the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure and was developed in Europe largely by the members of the Prague school and the

American school; and in America by the Bloomfieldian exponents (Agbedo 2005). Thus,

Saussure is known as the father of modern linguistics for bringing about a shift from diachronic (historical) to synchronic (non-historical) analysis, as well as introducing several basic dimensions of semiotic analysis that are still important today. The analysis relates to linguistic elements such as syntagmatic and paradigmatic analysis.

The process of the structuralist model involves collecting a corpus of utterances and then attempting to classify all the elements of the corpus at their different linguistic levels such as: the phonemes, lexical categories, noun phrases, verb phrases and sentence types. Saussure’s key method was syntagmatic and paradigmatic analysis that respectively define units syntactically and lexically according to their contrast with other units in the system. The beginning point of structural linguistic is closely linked with the post humorous publication of Saussure’s Course in General Linguistics in 1916, which was compiled from his lecture notes by his students. The book did not only elicit interest but also stimulated reactions in different dimensions; but generally influential in providing the foundation for both modern linguistics and semiotics.

Considering how structural approach transformed the sub-field of historical linguistics, Agbedo (2009) posits:

The awareness created by the structural linguists which suggested that each language has its own independent structure, a fact which had not been explicitly stated by the neogrammarian requires a new approach towards historical linguistics. However, the insight provided by the structuralist approach, the neogrammarian atomism, the tracing through successive language states of individual sound segments and of grammatical or lexical form without any attempt to make explicit at its state their status in the synchronic system was no longer acceptable. Historical linguistics now turned rather to the effect of change on the linguistic structure, that is to say the rise of new systems.

With attention now shifted to structuralist approach which suggests that language is structured independently at different levels of analysis, this idea made it pertinent for phonological change and grammatical change to be considered separately.

2.1.3 Transformational generative model

As earlier indicated in 2.2.2, the origin of structural approach was not only sporadic; after Saussure, the history of structural linguistic branched off into directions: in Europe, Saussure influenced the Prague school led by Roman Jacobson and Nikolai

Trubetzkov, whose influence was most noticeable in phonology. In America, Leonard

Bloomfield after reading Saussure’s course towed the line of semantics, thereby encouraging the mentalist approach to linguistics. It was the tenets of Bloomfield linguistics that was replaced with the paradigm of generative grammar. This came at the wake of the publication of Chomsky’s Syntactic Structure (1957). This was basically a targeted reaction to Harris (1951) programme.

According to Lasnik and Lohndal (2013), the fundamental difference between structuralism and generative grammar stems from the fact that Chomsky focused on the aspect of structure that makes the system recursive, whereas structuralism left those ones

for the realm of what we nowadays call performance. Chomsky’s Generative theory hinges on a single set of rules from which grammatical sentences in a language can be derived. In order to define these rules in an accurate and economical way, a grammar has to rely on certain general principles-abstract constraints that govern the form it takes and the nature of categories with which it operates. In this approach, Chomsky conceived these principles as universal properties or language-properties that are biologically necessary and thus innate.

The basic tenets underlying Transformational Generative account as it relates to language change are the representation of phonological change with the framework of a non-autonomous phonology (that phonological rules of which take account of structure at the grammatical level, and the presentation of syntactic change in terms of Deep-structure and transformational rules (Agbedo 2009).

Egbe (2005:15-16) highlighted Chomsky’s major argument as being that, “the task of every committed linguist is not to engage in the classification of grammatical units based on primary linguistic data. Rather it is the study of the intuitions of the native speakers about their language”. To this, Chomsky (1957) reasons thus (a) ideal native speaker has a perfect knowledge about his language. (b) However he only has a subconscious awareness of this knowledge. (c) The only way he can access his knowledge is indirect and, that it is through the native speakers’ intuition and so, (d) the proper business of a linguist is to study these intuitions in order to gain access to what the native speaker subconsciously knows about his language.

Chomsky‘s earliest works in the 1950s raised and focused on shading light on these issues, since explicit and comprehensive answers to these issues had never been

provided before in the preceding theories. Even then the failure of Chomsky’s earliest theory (Transformational Generative Grammar) to adequately account for its intended goals and due to the widespread criticisms that ensued, Chomsky embarked on series of attempt to review himself as he gained more in experience and knowledge. Therefore, allusions are often made to the different versions that have been employed over the years and the history of the theory needs to be briefly sketched. Thus, from 1955 -1993

Chomsky came up with various versions of Transformational Grammar theory TGG.

Explaining the rationale behind the several versions of TGG Cook and Newson (2007) posit;

Different periods in the Chomskyan description syntax have tended to become known by the names of particular books. Each was characterised by certain concepts, which were often rejected by the next period; hence the statements of one period are often difficult to translate into those of the next. Unlike the continuity of general ideas, there are shifts in the concepts of syntax, leading to a series of apparent discontinuities and change of direction.

Therefore, in 1957 the original model, Syntactic Structures, took its name from the title of Chomsky’s 1957 book, which established the notion of ‘generative grammar’ itself, with its emphasis on explicit ‘generative’, formal description through ‘rewrite rules’ such as S →NP VP. It made separation between phrase structure rules that generated the basic structures, called ‘kernel sentences’, and transformations which altered these in various ways by turning into passive or negative sentences etc.; hence its popular name as

‘transformational generative grammar’ or ‘TGG’ (Cook and Newson; 2007).

In 1965, Chomsky either swiftly responded to criticisms of TGG or due to update in knowledge or discovery, made efforts to modify his earlier theory. These efforts

produced the model first known as ‘Aspects Model’ again named after Chomsky’s 1965 book, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, which later became ‘Standard Theory’ ST (1965).

As noted by Cook and Newson (2007), ST was distinguished from TGG by the introduction of the competence/performance, distinction between language knowledge and language use and by its recognition of ‘deep’ and ‘surface’ structure in the sentence.

Extended Standard Theory EST (1970) was formulated as a revised version on the

Standard Theory ST. EST came up with a set of modifications designed to overcome limitations of the standard theory; the main features of which include: syntactic constraint and generalised phrase structure (X-bar theory).

Revised Extended Standard Theory REST (1973 - 1976) basically contains: (i) restriction upon X-bar theory (Jackendoff; 1977); (ii) assumption of the COMP position.

(iii) Move ɑ.

Government/Binding Theory (GB or GBT) (1981, 1986) is a model of the theory syntax and a phrase structure grammar (as opposed to a dependency grammar) in the tradition of transformational grammar. The emergence of Government/Binding Theory as the model came to be popularly known, followed a radical change introduced by

Chomsky in his lectures on Government and Binding in 1981. Cook and Newson (2007) explain that the GB model claimed that human languages consisted of principles that were the same for any grammar and parameters that allowed grammars to vary in limited ways.

The essence of GB was to further refine the types of rules that were employed in

REST. The theory also refined the deep and surface structure into more technical notions of ‘D-structure’ and S-structure’. The name refers to two central sub-theories of the

theory: government, which is an abstract syntactic relation applicable, among other things, to the assignment of case; and binding, which deals chiefly with the relationships between pronouns and the expressions with which they are co-referential. GB was the first theory to be based on the principles and parameters model of language, which also underlies the later developments of the minimalist program.

The Minimalist Programme (MP) (1993), according to Zwart (1998), is an avenue whereby Chomsky ruthlessly subjects his own works, past and present, to the conceptual guidelines of ‘the minimalist program’, shifting with each chapter to a higher gear. Along the road, cherished notions, concepts, principles, constraints and descriptive tools, still riding high in the earlier two chapters, are discarded as ‘conceptually unnecessary and inadequate’. It was in continuation of efforts towards attaining what Chomsky termed

‘explanatory adequacy’ that gave impetus to the Minimalist Programme (MP). Chomsky himself agreed with this view point in his introduction to the minimalist programme thus:

The field is changing rapidly under the impact of new empirical materials and theoretical ideas. What looks reasonable today is likely to take a different form tomorrow. That process is reflected in the material that follows. … Though the general framework remains, the modifications at each point are substantial. Concepts and principles regarded as fundamental in one chapter are challenged and eliminated in those that follow. These include the basic ideas of the Extended Standard Theory that were adopted in the [Principles and Parameters] approaches: D- Structure; S-Structure; government; the Projection Principle and the θ- Criterion; other conditions held to apply at D- and S-Structure; the Empty Category Principle; X-bar theory generally; the operation Move α; the split-I[nfl] hypothesis; and others. … Whether these steps are on the right track or not, of course, only time will tell.

Chomsky‘s notion of explanatory adequacy and its relevance in historical linguistic is not in doubt. Milivojevic (2007) commented on the relevance of TGG to historical linguistics and their interdependence on each other thus:

Although generativist are probably not the first to have sought an explanation of language change in the process of transmission of language from one generation to another, they have looked more carefully than others at the process of language acquisition in terms of the nature of the rules that are required at identifiable stages in this process … TGG has benefited from historical linguistic every time it got confirmation for its linguistic data from any previous developmental stage of a relevant language, where historical study manage to by means of its principal methodologies, reconstruct and reconfirm its principal linguistic organization.

This assertion therefore, underscores the mutually beneficial and interdependent relationship between TGG and historical linguistics which brought about significant improvement in this sub-field of linguistics.

2.1.4 Mass comparison method

In 1957, Greenberg developed a mass comparison method popularly called multilateral comparison to determine the level of genetic relatedness between languages.

Although this method suffered widespread skepticism, some of the relationships established by Greenberg using the method have gradually come to be generally accepted; for example, Afro-Asiatic and Niger-Congo. Ardent critics of the comparative method still find it a necessary starting point in historical linguistics. Campbell

(1998:108) opines as follows:

The comparative method is central to historical linguistics, the most important of the various methods and techniques we use to recover linguistic history. …the comparative method is also important in language classification, the linguistic prehistory, in research on distant genetic relationships, and in other areas…”

This attestation notwithstanding, comparative method and some of its results continued to be widely rejected (e.g. Eskimo-Aleut, Na-Dene and Amerind). The most criticised is

Greenberg’s presorting technique to which he himself alludes as follows:

I usually had preliminary notebooks in which I took those elements of a language, which, on the whole, we know are the most stable over time. These are things like the personal pronouns, particularly first and second person, names for parts of the human body… I would look at a very large number of languages in regard to these matters, and I find that they fall into quite obvious groupings.

However, this method of multilateral comparison (as Greenberg prefer to call it) is widely criticised and rejected for a number of reasons, which include: The issue of soundness of the method: Greenberg’s critics argue that the method is unsound because surface similarities cannot be the underpinnings of a serious classification; the main reason being that there is no way to differentiate real cognates from loanwords on the one hand or real features of accidental similarities on the other Greenberg’s critics refer to this method of identifying cognates as “lexical resemblances approach,” based on (Newman 1991:233).

“Look-alikes determined by visual inspection”. This method used with no other methodological considerations is grossly inadequate to determine real cognates.

The apparent inadequacy of the mass comparison method like many other theories of linguistics sparked an increased interest of many linguists in comparison methods, thus paving way for several proposals. These new proposals notwithstanding,

comparing languages, dialects or other speech varieties and the type of analysis also follow a number of principles among other things, as outlined by Mitterhofer, (2013:10):

· The purpose of the research and the research questions,

· The parts of the language system which are compared (e.g. phonology, lexicon,

grammar, etc.) and,

· The type of data (e.g. word lists, single sentences, stories, written texts,

recordings, etc.).

2.1.5 An overview of methods for comparing and analysing languages or dialects

The following are descriptions of some methods of analysing and comparing dialects, together with their purpose. Some methods have been in use for centuries, some only in more recent years - with new technology also bringing with it new methods of analysis and of presentation.

2.1.5.1 Linguistic maps and atlases

Languages do not occupy certain spaces or geographic areas by themselves; rather it is the speakers of languages who live in certain areas (Mitterhofer, 2013). In this sense therefore, linguistic atlases are a means of displaying the distribution of languages and dialects with their respective borders in the areas where they are spoken. Dialects maps and atlases which came into use first with European languages, were not only used to display the distribution of areas where certain language varieties are spoken, but they were used to also analyse and show results of the comparison of different features between dialects. Linguistic maps and atlases graphically display the distribution of

certain sounds, different words with the same meaning as well as represent variations within language by drawing isoglosses between the language features in question or by placing a symbol at each research location representing a certain variation of the feature in question.

According to Mitterhofer (2013), linguistic maps which show the distribution of languages have also been used in African linguistics since the beginning. But the vastness of the continent and the number of languages spoken made it difficult to be as comprehensive as in the study of the languages of Europe. Hence, the use of linguistic atlases as a means of analysing language varieties started only in the last century. One of the first attempts was a dialect map of the Nyamwesi language area in 1910 by Struck

(Mohlig 1981). Towards the end of the 1930s E. Boelaert, following in Georg Wenker’s footsteps, undertook a dialect survey using questionnaires in Belgian Congo. This was followed by studies both in the field of historical linguistics and in the field of sociolinguistics and which in 1948 and 1950 became the linguistic maps of that area

(Mohlig 1981). Even in Malcom Guthrie’s The Classification of the Bantu Languages

(1948), the geographical aspect plays a major role.

2.1.5.2 The Blair method

The Blair method is a lexicostatistical method of comparing wordlists developed in South Asia by Language Survey Teams of the Summer Institute Linguistics (SIL). The

Blair method was developed out of a desire to modify the mass comparison method.

However, without throwing away both the bath and the baby, the Blair’s method incorporated some of the general principles of mass comparison and jettisoned the

aspects that were found to be repugnant in the delivery of reliable research results.

Consequently, the first three steps of the comparative method were retained. Unlike the comparative method which was focused on constructing the proto-sound correspondences; the focus of the Blair method is to judge the phonetic similarity of words. The corresponding segments in a pair of words are analysed and placed in one of three categories (Blair 1990). These categories include:

Category 1: Exact matches – comprising of phonetically similar segments which occur consistently in the same position in three or more word pairs. For example: [peka] and

[pekal] = boy for dialect 1 & 2 respectively.

Category 2: Consonant segments which are not correspondingly similar in a certain number of pairs as well vowels which differ by two or more phonological features (e.g.,

[a] and [u]).

Category 3: All corresponding segments which are not phonetically similar. A segment which corresponds to nothing in the second word of the pair (Mitterhofer 2013:19).

All these methods of comparing and analysing languages came handy at one developmental stage or another towards the growth of linguistic theory. Though mutually exclusive, their collective impact cannot be overemphasised.

2.1.6 Lexicostatistical theory

Lexicostatistics is an approach in comparative linguistics that involves quantitative comparison of lexical cognates (Agbedo 2009:11). It makes use of percentages of assumed cognates; that is, items in related languages which are directly

inherited from a common ancestor shared by pairs of languages derived from a standard wordlist to arrive at a family tree of those languages. By its orientation, lexicostatistics is related to comparative method, but different in the sense that it does not reconstruct protolanguages. Lexicostatistics as a concept was first used by Dumont d’Urville in 1834, in a comparative study of “Oceanic” languages; but was further developed and popularised by Morris Swadesh in a series of ideas of articles in the 1850s. The preponderance of lexicostatistics lies in a well developed wordlist of universally used meanings (e.g. hand, mouth, sky, I), which are collected from a pair of languages and compared in order to establish genetic affinity between languages. This universally used meaning is referred to as the basic lexicon. They are called basic lexicon because they are considered to be non-contact-induced, non-chance similarities and more resistant to borrowing than the cultural lexicon.

Opponents of lexicostatistical theory are always quick in reminding us that, though the basic lexicon is only more rarely borrowed than the cultural one, it is fallacious to count every non-chance similarity on the Swadesh wordlist as reflecting genetic relationship, without stating at which point these similarities should become universally convincing as indications of relationship. Starostin (2010) makes a strong case in favour of the basic lexicon; he opines that the basic lexicon remains the crucial component of the language on which it is reasonable to base decisions on, and that the best place to look for non-contact-induced, non-chance similarities is somewhere in and around the Swadesh wordlist. Unequivocally, Starostin (2010:79) states,

Coming around full circle, it can be seen that, for the moment at least, we still do not have any serious alternative to basic lexicon when it comes to issues of external relationship and internal classification that involve significant time depths. Discarding lexically based classification as such simply because it runs into certain problems will leave us with either classification methods that are even more questionable or with no classification methods at all. A far more productive approach would be to tackle these problems head-on in an attempt to minimize their negative effects.

In the same vein, Fodor (1991:333) despite his criticism that lexicostatistics relies rather one-sidedly on the vocabulary, i.e. on thin layer rather than evaluation of the differences in morphemic, syntaxes and even in the phonemic system; maintained that,

“lexicostatistics may be very usefully employed for the sub-grouping of the languages, because the dialects can well be distinguished by its exact methods”. Despite the criticisms and skepticism widely held about the lexicostatistic method, the fact remains that it has no alternative, and as Starostin (2010:79) puts it, “… a more productive approach would be to tackle these problems head-on in an attempt to minimize their negative effects”.

2.1.7 Glottochronology

Glottochronology is often times used interchangeably with lexicostatistics. This is in view of the fact that their bases are essentially the same, except that in glottochronology, Swadesh (1955) introduced a new factor into lexicostatistics (a time element), which marks the major significant difference between them. The crux of his reasoning hinges on the assumption that, if it is assumed that the rate of vocabulary replacement is roughly constant, and if a value is assigned to the rate of replacement (so many words replaced per thousand years), then it is possible to calculate an absolute date

for the separation of any two related languages. This thinking consequently triggered the modification of lexicostatistics to be able to calculate the time of separation between two or more related languages. This modification is what is christened glottochronology.

Mass comparison method, lexicostatistics and glottochronology share some characteristics, but their difference lies in their outcomes. Whereas, the outcome of mass comparison method is the construction of protolanguage, the outcome of lexicostatistics is family tree; while the outcome of glottochronology is determination of time of separation. However, lexicostatistical theory is different in both practice and principle from the comparative method (despite occasional claims by lexicostatisticians that they are practicing the comparative method; (e.g. Dyen et al. 1992) and there is sometimes a radical difference between trees attained by the two methods. Glottochronology is a technique for dating the nodes in the family tree and has no equivalent in the comparative method (Campbell: 1998).

2.1.8 Summary of theoretical studies

The review has shown among other things that underlying the development of any discipline or field of study is a theory or theories. It is also clear that no theory ever emerged instantaneous. Most theories start as a set of thoughts, principles, rules, method and sometimes hypothesis before becoming fully ingrained as theories. In historical and comparative linguistics as well as linguistics in general; most of the theories examined traded this path. The theoretical studies has brought to the fore the fact that, the proliferation of theories in linguistics is indicative of the research efforts put in by researchers and theorists in the quest to explicate the various aspects of linguistic

knowledge. Certainly, no theory has been adjudged to be self sufficient and adequate.

The theoretical studies has revealed a continuous build-up and modification of one theory or another all moving towards the attainment of what Chomsky refer to as ‘explanatory adequacy’.

Historical linguistics which became entrenched as a field of study in the 19th century has developed to an established interdisciplinary discipline today because of the successive theoretical developments. This subsection examined the pioneering efforts of a group of young German scholars of the University of Leipzig, who were called as

Neogrammarians (Junggrammatiker), by their elder colleagues. Of course having been influenced by the development of natural sciences in the second half of the 19th century, the group postulated that language development can be described by empirically founded, but refutable ‘sound laws’. This apparent break through triggered an upsurge of criticism and research which did not only pick holes in the Neogrammarian because of the principle of ‘regularity and exceptionlessness’ of ‘sound laws’ doctrine; gave birth to other modified theories.

Structural linguistics was established in the 1920s and 1930s as an approach distinct from that of the Neogrammarian School, which predominated in the 19th century and focused extensively on the history of linguistic elements. As it is common with every other preceding theory, structural linguistics emerged from the quest for a more consistent system of linguistic concepts. There has ever been an increasing need for methods that could be rigorously applied to the synchronic description of modern languages as the comparative method was applied to comparative linguistics. Among other things the structural model of language development has succeeded in shifting

attention to structural approach in the study of language at all levels by suggesting that language is structured independently at different levels of analysis, this idea made it pertinent for phonological change and grammatical change to be considered separately; hence the emergence of Transformational Generative Grammar theory.

Transformational Generative Grammar theory TGG is a structuralism based theory that was eventually popularised by Chomsky through the publication of Syntactic

Structure (1957). The fundamental difference between structuralism and generative grammar stems from the fact that Chomsky focused on the aspect of structure that makes the system recursive, whereas structuralism left those ones for the realm of what we nowadays call performance. Chomsky’s Generative theory hinges on a single set of rules from which grammatical sentences in a language can be derived (Lasnik and Lohndal;

2013). As it is common with every other linguistic theory, TGG has its own fair share of criticisms constructively lead to its series of modifications. Rightly, one can say that

Transformational Generative Grammar has witnessed the most modifications more than any other linguistic theory. The modifications came at different times in the form of

Standard Theory ST (1965), Extended Standard Theory EST (1970), Revised Extended

Standard Theory REST (1973-1976), Government/Binding Theory GB or GBT (1981,

1986), and the Minimalist Programme MP (1993). However, these series of modifications are necessary and justifiable more so that the emergence of Transformational Generative

Grammar on the scene of linguistic research has marked a watershed or a revolution of unprecedented proportion.

The mass comparison or multilateral comparison which was developed by

Greenberg in 1957 is used to determine the level of genetic relatedness between

languages. Though some of the results of continued to be widely rejected, it has its own gains and therefore made its mark in the annals linguistic theory.

The fierce controversy that greeted the mass comparison method made it to give way for other comparative approaches, namely; lexicostatistical theory and glottochronology. . In its orientation, lexicostatistics is related to comparative method, but different in the sense that it does not reconstruct protolanguages. Whereas lexicostatistics is used to establish genetic affinity between languages; glottochronology is used to establish distance between languages. Both theories popularised by Morris

Swadesh in 1977, are known for their use of lexical cognates. There emergence has significantly impact on development of historical and comparative linguistics.

2.2 Empirical studies

Language convergence or divergence is no doubt a manifestation of language change, and the possible factors involved in such a process has for many decades prompted research interest across the globe. Language change remains the most important and influential phenomenon in the study of developmental linguistics. Since language and its speakers are simultaneously products of history and therefore, entities existing at a particular time in particular histories; the changes in society reflects significantly on language. It is for this reason that the impact of language convergence or divergence is felt across all human societies. Similarly, studies on language convergence or divergence span from Indo-European to African languages mostly bothering on the dynamic nature of this phenomenon. In this research however, some of these studies have

been selected for review in order to shade light and enhance the realisation of the objectives of this study.

In Apali (Emerum) language, spoken in Aiome District of Madgang province -

Melanesia; Wade (1993:73) examines the convergence and divergence of Aki and Aci dialects of the Apali (Emerum) language. In this bid, cognate percentage counts between the dialects were taken based on phonetic similarity for which the established range was

82% to 90%. The purpose of the study is to determine character or dimension by which the Aki and Aci developed. The evidence examined however reveals that Aki and Aci dialects developed by convergence rather than divergence. The divergent grammatical forms suggest the possibility that the dialects may have originally been two distinct languages that converged. In the process of convergence, vocabulary items were adopted and phonologically modified to fit the more frequent patterns of the dialect but divergent grammatical forms remained as evidence of the distinct origins of the dialects.

In a study on “the roots of Mambila” Connell (1996) sets out to examine the

Mambila dialects cluster around the Nigeria-Cameroun border. The focus is to ascertain the processes that gave rise to the dialect cluster in and around the region. This is against the backdrop that earlier works by Meek (1931) and Perrin & Hill (1969) presented a divergent opinion on the fundamental two-way split in Mambila dialects, hence the need to provide an alternative view point. The processes involved in the development of

Mambiloid languages have been discovered to be quite intriguing – having to do with convergence and divergence with no clear-cut demarcation. Earlier studies (Meek 1931,

Perrin & Hill 1969, Zeitlyn 1991 and Blench 1993b) have noted that the most striking aspect of the Mambila is its apparent internal diversity. The result among other things

indicates that, Mambila is characterised as comprising two clusters of dialects, for which the division between the two being formed by a number of phonological, morphological, and lexical isoglosses. It further explains that when these isoglosses are considered together, there is no sharp boundary between the two clusters but, a transition zone. In general, the evidence from the study reveals that there is both convergence and divergence in the development of Mambila; however, these two types of processes assume different degrees of importance at different levels of linguistic structure.

A comprehensive study of Chamic-speaking people of Vietnam carried out by

Thurgood (1999), marks the first attempt to reconstructs the proto–Chamic and then, based on that reconstruction focuses on 2000 years of language contact and change. The preoccupation of this study was not just about the Chams and the history of the region, but also about the interaction of language change and language contact: external contact and internal change, the origins of register complexes from systems without such complexes, the origins of tones from non-tonal languages, and the convergence of languages in new linguistic area. The major contributions of this study were that it provides multiple examples/evidence about the spread of Southeast Asian features including mono-syllabicity, tonality, and glottalised consonants for which the adaptation of Chamic to the Southeast Asian linguistic area was precipitated. The linguistic evidence presented by this study (Thurgood:1999) alone establishes unequivocally that the Chamic speakers of Vietnam represents an incursion of Austronesian speakers from the Islands, not the remenants ot Austronesian speakers left on the mainland from the initial expansion of the Austronesian speakers out into the pacific some six or eight thousand years ago. Other contributions include; the canonical restructuring of basic shapes of

words, major changes to the consonant and vowel inventories, the development of register, tone, and reconstructed register, and of course, the role played by bilingualism in all these developments.

Joseph (2008) in a study of the Balkan languages found around the Balkan

Peninsula’s mountainous landmass in southeastern Europe reveals that the languages in this area come from several different language branches cutting across Indo-European,

Greek, Bulgarian and many others. The aim of the study is to establish the nature of the interrelationship between the languages of the Balkan Peninsula which various sets of them share certain structural and lexical features that do not, in the case of Indo-European languages, derive from their being genetically related.

The study further reveals, among other things, that the structural and lexical features shared by Balkan languages does not in any way represent common inheritance, but result from linguistic convergence over a period of intense intimate contact among the speech communities in this area. Joseph (2008) maintains that the classification of the

Balkan languages as “sprachbund” is based on the belief that convergences observable in a comparison of these languages are not chance similarities but instead are the natural consequence of the close contact these speech communities have had with one another.

Joseph (2008) reveals the most relevant features shared by several of these languages as including: phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon. Joseph (2008) further opines that the cause of convergence in the Balkans is as a result of language contact, although some linguists have viewed various developments in each language as independent of the situation found in the other languages. Despite the findings of this study, the nature of the contact leading to the convergence is a matter of serious controversy; with several other

options posited by scholars including; substratum explanation, adstratum explanation, and others based on bilingualism or even a form of pidginisation (see Katicic, 1976).

In Africa, and especially Nigeria, studies on language convergence and divergence are scanty. However, some works are found to be related and also relevant to this study. Their relevance is based on the fact that they share similar objectives with this study. The Balkan Languages like the Tivoid are a linguistic group whose interrelationship present numerous elements of interest bothering on language contact, language change, areal linguistics, and sociolinguistics.

Chinagorom (2010) examined linguistic isomorphism in relation to Igbo dialects with particular evidence from the Nsukka and Owere dialect clusters. In using the isomorphic theory based on lexicostatistical model, data collected from native speaker in the areas under study was compiled and calculated to arrive at the percentage value and percentage mean. After examining and analysing the data, the findings confirmed a high degree of linguistic correspondence among the various Igbo dialect groups. Though the study deliberately selected two dialect clusters that are geographically widely separated

(the Nsukka dialect cluster, a Northern Group of Dialects (NGD) and Owere dialect cluster, an East Central Group of Dialects ECGD); yet they were found to exhibit a high level of linguistic isomorphism. Therefore, the study concludes that dialectal similarities among different sections of Igbo land may be a pointer to a stronger affinity or contact that existed among the Igbo in the past. With these findings, the oneness of the Igbo language and the corporate existence of Ndiigbo have been reaffirmed.

Labov’s (1963) M. A. dissertation on sound change in progress in Martha’s

Vineyard and his 1964 Ph.D thesis on sociolinguistic stratification of New York City, and

other subsequent sociolinguistic surveys introduced techniques of sample surveys, natural experimentation and quantitative analysis into sociolinguistic research. Sankoff (1978:1) notes that Labov’s intent was an empirical, rigorous and reproducible approach to languages as it is actually used. It was Labov’s quest to advance linguistic theory by grounding it in solid data and objective analyses rather than unverifiable intuitions and polemic debate without sacrificing the creative roles of scientific insight and intricate inductive and deductive reasoning.

Sankoff (1978:1) further enumerates the key components of this approach to include:

(a) The resolution of Saussure’s paradox through the notion of the linguistic

variable. This is an explicit way of measurably linking the important structures

of linguistic theory with time and other extralinguistic factors through the

quantitative effects of these factors on the choice among two or more different

articulations of a given phonological form in a given context, involving no

change in the denotational value of a lexical item, or the syntactic function of an

affix.

(b) Principled sampling procedures, together with sufficient demographic, social,

and linguistic characterisation of the speaker within the speech community.

recording spontaneous speech samples of varying register in natural context, as

well as quality control technology for speech data collected in field conditions.

(d) Scientific respect for the speech corpus, including data preservation and the

principle of accountability, whereby all tokens in the corpus of the structure

under study must be included in the analysis and calculations.

(e) Multivariate quantitative models of performance for attributing usage

tendencies to linguistic and extralinguistic factors. This work made it possible to

investigate questions of central interest to linguistic theory using statistics,

based on the linguistic variable.

(f) Research-based advocacy for minority speech communities. He was the first to

study and ‘revalorise’ minority and vernacular speech forms. He fought against

Bernsteinian views of working class language, against the deficit hypothesis and

against elitist language attitudes in the educational establishment. This linguistic

activism is clear in his choice of communities to study, in his recruitment of

students, in his writings, in his advocacy in the courts, and in the media.

Labov’s programme revolutionalised the study of language, given that his theory provided a framework not only for the scientific study of the relationship between language and social forces at any given point in the life of a speech community, but also for the study of the patterns of linguistic variation which is a sine qua non to the understanding of linguistic change. Against this backdrop, Agbedo (2001:44) sums up that both Labov’s theory and Bailey’s wave model are built on the principle that synchronic variation in individual/groups is or may be itself the vehicle for linguistic change.

Longtau (2007) explored linguistic data to shade more light on evidence of ‘inter- group relationship’ among the people of Nigerian middle Belt. The study illustrates what

language data has to offer in reconstruction of the story of the past. The methodology involve searching, examining and interpreting cognates shared by some East Benue-

Congo languages and Tarok from word list covering a wide range as evidence of inter- group relationship between the speakers of these related language is central Nigeria. A few out of the languages compared with Tarok include: Nkwak, Ikuou, yeskwa, Eloyi,

Izare, Ganang etc. The analysis done indicates that the peoples are not only vehicles for cultural identity but also social contact. The study concludes that linguistic tool if properly directed, can help us to not only reconstruct but map out the contacts of the peoples in the middle belt.

Worufah (2007), carried out an intelligibility survey of Biseni, Okordia and

Oruma lects of Ijo language spread across Ogbia and Yenegoa Local Governments of

Bayelsa State. These three small lects have been classified together under the Ijo language cluster of the Niger – Congo phylum. To determine the level of relatedness as well as the degree of intelligibility that exists among these lects, the study used the

Ibadan word list of four hundred (400) items to illicit data from native speakers. Through the use of lexicostatistics theory, the study assesses the level of relationship among the three lects by comparing and calculating the percentage of shared cognates (COG) found on the word list.

To determine percentage intelligibility (PI), Worufah (2007), based the study on

Simons (1983) and state,

The linear model of predicting intelligibility from lexical similarity says that when the lexical similarity is below 40%, there will be no understanding (it actually predicts a negative value). When lexical similarity exceeds 40%, the percentage of intelligibility is five-thirds times the amount which lexical similarity exceeds 40%.

In its findings, the study discovered, contrary to its earlier assertion (which described the three lects as “a good deal different from each other…”), that these lects actually share a significant deal of linguistic relationship. Partial intelligibility was revealed between Oruma, Biseni and Okordia; while full and mutual intelligibility between Biseni and Okordia was also established. Finally, Worufah (2007) concludes that Oruma is linguistically different from Biseni.

All the studies reviewed above are directly relevant to the objectives and issues slated for investigation in this research. Therefore, it has significantly helped in focusing this work.

2.3 Theoretical framework

Basically, the linguistic theory adopted for this study is lexicostatistics.

Lexicostatistics is a quantitative linguistic theory popularized by Morris Swadesh in the

1950s (1950-1955). In lexicostatistics, Swadesh hypothesised that statistical data could be used to posit accurate subgroups among related languages. Lexicostatistics depends on the counts of the cognate lexical forms shared by specific languages to determine to what extent the languages were related.

The technique (lexicostatistics) is based on several critical assumptions: fundamentally, the approach presupposes that languages change over time in systematic ways and that similarity among languages are the result of common genetic relationships among languages. Another basic assumption of lexicostatistics is that languages change in regular ways and the rate of change remains constant over time. Thus, Swadesh’s

model of lexical change is analogous to the scientific model of radioactive decay

(Embelton 1986). Through this assumption Swadesh hypothesized that lexical turnover occurs at a diachronically fixed rate; a point that has received wide criticisms. In the third assumption of lexicostatistics, Swadesh supports the distinction made between ‘core’ and

‘peripheral’ vocabularies as part of the theoretical foundations. Swadesh believes that core vocabulary words most accurately represent the original lexical stock of a language because of their universality among languages and because of the decreased possibility that borrowed lexical items will replace them. Swadesh therefore, enunciated a 100 and

200 wordlist of core vocabulary items popularly referred to as Swadesh wordlist as a sound basis of measuring relatedness and distance between languages.

2.4 Summary of literature review

The scholarly works reviewed in this chapter have helped immensely in not only explicating the crux of this study, but also the sub-discipline known as historical and comparative linguistics. The review looked at the development of historical and comparative linguistics as sub-fields of linguistics tracing its origin outside Europe, precisely India, and dating back to the twentieth century. Scholars such as Williamson

(1987:2), Robins (1967) and Agbedo (2009) lend support to this account.

The basic theoretical developments highlighted range from neogrammarian hypothesis, structural linguistics, transformational generative model, mass comparison method, lexicostatistical method to glottochronology. All the scholarly works reviewed

(Ross and Durie (1996), Hock (1991: 34-36), Miller (2007:279), Agbedo (2009:25),

Lasnik and Lohndal (2013), Starostin (2010)) among others have greatly contributed to

the understanding of the basis of these theories through their in-depth criticism and analysis.

The empirical studies provided variegated knowledge on factors and dynamics of convergence and divergence of languages within and outside Africa. Studies on Apali,

Mambila cluster, Chamic speaking people, Balkan, Igbo and Kalabari languages are among the studies considered. All of these works reviewed have collectively sharpened the perspectives of this study and contributed greatly to the realisation of the objectives of this research.

However, none of the reviewed works has directly or indirectly treated the issue of convergence nor divergence among the Tivoid languages or in any way attempted to profer solutions to any of the objectives of this study, hence the need for this study.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Preamble

This chapter explains the method and procedure used in this research. The procedure covers method of data collection, presentation, analysis and other related issues. Essentially, the method used was that of lexicostatistics from a synchronic perspective; given that the purpose was to examine the lexical similarity between the selected Tivoid languages at this particular point in time rather than account for the historical relationships of the languages. When lexicostatistics is employed with a diachronic perspective the linguist is concerned with establishing the genetic relationship between languages through time (Hughes 1987). This requires that words borrowed into the language have to be eliminated, since they do not reflect the historical relationships of the languages. However, when applying lexicostatistics from a synchronic perspective, borrowed words do not need to be eliminated as the concern is essentially to examine the relationship between the speech communities with regards to mutual intelligibility.

3.2 Research design

This research was a survey research based on field work. A survey research involves the collection of information from a sample of individuals through their responses to questions. The data for this study was predominantly obtained firsthand through practical interaction with the respondents on the field. Any study based on comparative methodology requires collection of data directly from field cutting across the

languages being compared (in this case, the four selected Tivoid languages Tiv, Utank,

Oliti and Ugare); thereby making it survey oriented.

The preference for a survey research design for this study was based on the reliability of information that is obtained through survey method. More so, since the languages under investigation lack documentary records for any meaningful study; the survey method was not only an alternative means of information gathering, but also provided ample opportunity for personal observation through direct contact and interaction with the respondents, who are native speakers and users of the selected languages.

Another merit of survey or field research is the opportunity of confirming, validating and testing the acceptability of the data obtained through the research instruments. The survey research method was strategic because it helped to establish a link between the available documentary records and new trends in the field of study, thereby up-dating knowledge in the study area.

3.3 Team and timing

The field survey was carried out at the preliminary stage with a team of two comprising the researcher and a research assistant. Later, the team was made up of five interviewers led by the researcher. Members of the team comprised the researcher and his colleague (Mary Ikima – a Linguist and Lecturer), and three other graduates of English and Linguistics from the Benue State University, Makurdi. The team was constituted to facilitate effective coverage of the twenty designated study sites on schedule.

The timing of the study was four years (2009-2012). From 2009-2010, the researcher concentrated on preliminary investigations using the library and archival materials. In 2011, a preliminary survey was carried out within and around Nigeria and

Cameroun border for one week; which informs the choice and identification of the eight villages consisting of four in Nigeria and four in Cameroun for the actual survey.

In 2012, the actual survey was carried out which lasted for a period of two weeks.

The major thrust of this survey was a visit to Swem hills (the widely acclaimed ancestral homeland of the Tiv people) and the surrounding villages in Cameroun. This was to enable the researcher to ascertain the state and status of the Tivoid languages spoken around the Swem hill. Swem cannot be ignored in any study relating to the Tivoid because it is widely accepted as the place where Tiv speakers and the speakers of other related languages were known to have lived together prior to migration and dispersal to their present locations. Then, the analysis and discussion of research findings was scheduled to be done in 2013/2014.

The final and concluding field survey was scheduled to hold in 2014, for the purpose of validating or confirming the findings of this study by randomly testing its acceptability among the key informants and elders within the villages/communities covered in this study.

3.4 Area of study

The linguistics sub-field in which this study is situated is historical and comparative linguistics, also known as synchronic and diachronic linguistics. It has evolved out of concerted efforts by scholars to study genetically related languages or

family groups. Historical linguistics accounts for the development and changes that take place in languages.

The area of study in geographical terms relates to the cluster of Tiv related speech forms spoken largely in and aroud the Nigeria-Cameroun border region. Particularly,

Manyu Division of the South West province located in North East of Akwaya District on the Cameroun-Nigeria border (where Oliti and Ugare are found). It also covers Eastern part of Cross River State, Ubanliku LGA (precisely, Obudu Cattle Ranch axis) where

Utank is spoken and Benue in North-Central region of Nigeria, where the Tiv language is spoken. Two communities were investigated in each of the selected linguistic group.

3.5 Target population

The target population for this study was first of all based on the four main languages being investigated (Tiv, Utank, Ugare and Oilti). Basically, two (2) of these languages (Tiv and Utank) are spoken in Nigeria, while two (2) (Ugare and Oliti) are spoken in Cameroun. Based on this matrix, eight (8) villages were selected for sampling: two (2) covering each of the languages. In the selection of these villages, the urban centres were less favoured. This was a deliberate attempt to reduce the overriding influence of contact-induced similarities.

Therefore, greater attention was paid to remote villages where the influence of contact induced similarities may be minimal. The distribution of research instruments will be done as follows:

Oral Interview: 2 elders x 8 villages = 16 respondents.

Recorded Text Testing (RTT): a group of 5 respondents x 8 villages = 40 respondents.

Comparative wordlist: 200 lexical items

3.6 Sources of data

Being a survey research, the data for this study was categorised into two main sources: primary and secondary data. The primary data refer to the information that will be obtained using the comparative wordlist, recorded text testing (RTT) and oral interview. The secondary data refer to documented information/materials obtained from library, internet, dissertations, and theses, archived and other printed/published materials.

The primary data were collected using the instruments discussed in in 3.6.1 below:

3.6.1 Instruments of data collection

i. Wordlist: a wordlist of 200 items was used to obtain data through the assistance

of interpreters who were native speakers of these languages under investigation.

Given that the purpose of this study was not to determine the genetic relationship of

the languages under investigation; the wordlist which had 100 basic vocabulary

items was expanded to 200 in order to establish cognates in respect of mutual

intelligibility and contact-induced convergence as well.

ii. Recorded Text Testing (RTT): recorded stories on tape of about 2-3 minutes in

length were played via a tape recorder for the respondents’ listenership and about

five questions based on the content of the story were asked to the selected

respondents of 25-50 years old in each of the designated villages in the alternative

languages.

iii. Oral Interview: face to face interview was also conducted with the selected

respondents with high level of proficiency or competence in each of the selected

languages, and elders who are fifty years and above. These sets of people offered

useful information relating to migration, traditions and customs of the people and

languages under investigation. However, the respondents were selected randomly,

two from each of the eight villages covered in this study.

3.6.2 Validation of instruments

The recorded text testing (RTT), and wordlist were submitted to experts and professionals for vetting bearing in mind the research questions and objectives.

Competent scholars in the Department of English and Linguistics, Benue State University

Makurdi and the University of Nigeria Nsukka were contacted to constructively assess the instruments before their application.

3.6.3 Sampling techniques

The sampling technique used varied with the particular instrument applied. For the recorded Text Testing (RTT), random sampling technique was adopted. This gave the target respondents in each category equal chances of being picked and sampled.

The oral interview was based on stratified random sampling technique whereby respondents were classified based on specific characteristics (e.g. age, sex and location)

as deemed fit by the researcher. In this case, elders of about 50 years and above formed the sampling strata.

3.6.4 Field work

Field work was conducted by visiting the relevant speech communities to obtain the primary data using instruments such as oral interview, and recorded text testing

(RTT), wordlist coupled with personal observation and interaction with the respondents and other native speakers of the four languages under investigation.

3.6.5 Library sources

Library sources of data refer to printed or published information/materials obtained from the library. Such libraries consulted included, but not limited to, those of the following institutions: Benue State university, Makurdi, University of Nigeria,

Nsukka, University of Jos, Jos, University of Agriculture, Makurdi, Federal College of

Education, Obudu and University of Yaoundé, Cameroun.

3.6.6 Internet sources

The internet, also known as the World Wide Web, provided invaluable and substantial body of secondary data for this research. The internet was relied upon because of its variegated data bank, to obtain the most current data on topical issues relating to the subject and objectives of this research; and most especially about the theoretical foundation of this research.

3.6.7 Collation

The data obtained through wordlists, recorded text testing (RTT) and oral interview, were assembled and compiled individually so as to ease analysis. This was to ensure easy understanding of the data, especially, the basic vocabulary and to ensure a fair representation of verbal forms in the final analyses.

3.7 Method of data presentation

The primary data for this study which is essentially a survey research was collected in form of responses from the three basic research instruments - oral interview, recorded text testing (RTT) and wordlist and presented using tables and figures.

3.8 Method of data analysis

Given that this research was anchored on lexicostatistical method from a synchronic perspective, the data presented was analysed quantitatively and descriptively; using standard deviation formula and percentages to examine convergence/similarity or divergence/dissimilarity of the selected Tivoid languages. This was done by counting the number of similar and non-similar words in the comparative wordlists and calculating them into percentages as well as standard deviation, as a representative sample of the entire lexicons. For the purpose of deciding whether or not words are lexically similar or cognate, the researcher compared the phonetic similarity of the two words and took note of regular sound correspondences before judging the words to be phonetically similar if and when a noticeable change is as a result of regular correspondences. For example, in a situation where the Tiv use “i” for “iyange” (sun), Utank also have “i” for “iyang”

without the final “e”; and Oliti use “e” for “i” as in “eyange”; these of course are judged as cognates. The cognates were then compiled and calculated into percentages using the formula as shown below:

The formula: Number of cognate relationship x 100 The sum of lexical items 1

The formula was used by Chinagorom (2010) and found to be very effective and reliable.

Generally, it is recognised that lexicostatistics is not a highly absolute and precise tool for determining any percentage of lexical similarity, for it is best thought of as an approximate value. However, it is a very useful tool for use in such a diverse linguistic situation involving a wide geographical area, and enables one to make valid comparison of languages, especially when patterns in the matrices are taken into account.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ON CONVERGENCE

4.1 Preamble

This chapter analyses the data collected from the respondents during the field survey using the research instruments of comparative wordlist, recorded text testing

(RTT) and oral interview as they relate to convergence. The data were gathered primarily based on the main goal of establishing whether there is convergence or divergence among the selected Tivoid languages and the specific objectives of determining the extent of the similarities/relatedness of the sampled languages, the potential triggers (linguistic and nonlinguistic) of convergence and divergence of the selected languages, and the possibility of mutual intelligibility between the selected Tivoid languages (Tiv, Utank,

Oliti and Ugare).

The study applies the lexicostatistical model/test as explained earlier in chapter three. Based on lexicostatistics, a 200 item Swadesh wordlist of core or basic vocabulary was used to compare, identify and determine probable lexical cognates as an affirmation of genetic relationship and as well account for possible similarity among the languages.

4.2. Convergence

Language convergence is a type of language contact-induced change whereby languages in contact situations grow increasingly similar in terms of morphological and syntactic features, thus, making their typology more similar (Chang 2007). Therefore, the notion of convergence as used in this study refers to either the process or results of the

processes that lead to increased similarity between languages. In investigating this process, the study focuses basically on the lexico-semantic aspects of the wordlists elicited for the selected Tivoid languages - Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare.

According to Chang (2007), previous research on language attrition distinguished between internally and externally motivated change and between convergent and divergent change, with most literature focusing on speech communities that have undergone either one or the other type of change. This fact has not been clearly established or sufficiently proved as it pertains to the Tivoid languages phylum – a subgroup of Bantu languages mostly found within and around the Nigeria and Cameroun borderlands. These clusters of language bearing lexical similarity with the Tiv around the

Nigeria and Cameroun borderlands have already been classified by some researchers

(Williamson 1971, Blench 1993b) as belonging to the Tivoid languages phylum. The classification has put to rest the question of the genetic relationship of the four selected languages (Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare). However, what remains of concern to this study is whether these Tivoid languages that cluster in and around the border communities of

Nigeria and Cameroun are actually changing by convergence or divergence process. In other words, the concern is to establish whether the selected Tivoid languages are going through convergent or divergent change or both.

This study adopts the synchronic approach in the analyses of data. Unlike the diachronic approach, which attempts to deduce how closely the investigated languages are related by focusing on genetic inheritance or relatedness; synchronic approach is based on phonetic similarity as it affects communication and determines intelligibility

(Sanders 1977). Fundamentally, similarity decisions are based on an analysis of the

morphophonemic structure of the elicited lexical items to isolate the equivalent morphemes in each pair of words. This procedure works well mostly for isolating languages with a monomorphemic word-structure; but for agglutinative or inflecting languages with complex polymorphemic word-structures (such as Tivoid), a morphological analysis is not required (Sanders 1977). Therefore, an alternative approach to the comparison of polymorphemic word-structures that does not require a morphological analysis as suggested by Schooling (1990) in his survey of French

Polynesia is adopted by which pairs of complete words are compared, while reduplication and apparently affixed morphemes occurring in the same position are ignored.

From the foregoing, therefore, the presentation and analysis of the raw data from the field survey in this chapter are based on convergence and other issues related to it.

The data are arranged based on the instrument used for collection. In some cases, this involves using sample features and table matrix to summarise data. The data would help in the realisation of the objectives of the study by providing answers to the main research questions.

The main sources of data are categorised as follows: comparative wordlist, recorded text testing (RTT) and oral interview. While the data from the comparative wordlist and the recorded text testing (RTT) are presented and analysed, the oral interview results are integrated in the discussion of data.

4.2.1 Comparative wordlists

Wordlists of 200 items were collected from Tiv and Utank in Nigeria, Ugare and

Oliti in Cameroun through the assistance of interpreters/translators who are native

speakers of these languages under investigation. The items of the 200 list were transcribed phonetically for each language and checked in order to identify cognates and non-cognates. Each wordlist was gathered with the assistance of at least two native speakers of that language and double-checked with other native speakers of these languages. Given that the purpose of this study is to determine convergence or divergence of the languages under investigation, the wordlists were based on Swadesh (1953) 200 vocabulary items, later reduced in 1953 to 100 items which are supposedly the fundamental vocabulary whose terms are presumed to be more resistant to borrowing.

These terms comprise of body parts and other vocabulary items that are common and available in most languages, thereby vitiating the possibility of borrowing. Another important feature that has made the Swadesh wordlist popular among linguists is its relative simplicity and transparency. In spite of this justification of the wordlist, Kassian, et al (2010), argue that neither Swadesh nor any other linguist has ever offered an empirically or logically grounded explanation of why we are supposed to take this particular group of words and not any other to represent the generally most stable layer of the lexicon in languages world-wide. However, the purpose of the wordlist in this study is to identify cognates; use them to determine the extent of convergence and divergence among the selected languages. Therefore, the selection of cognates with specific meaning that cut across the four languages in this study is guided by the standard procedure and in conformity with the choice of the most stylistically basic, neutral, and umarked word, unencumbered by either pragmatic connotations or strongly emphasised additional,

‘extra’ semantic features as advocated by Kassian, et al (2010). Given that the Swadesh wordlist is often criticised or associated with confusion concerning the phenomenon of

suppletion within a paradigm, this study has as much as possible attempted to determine the most unmarked, morphologically unencumbered stem, which typically corresponds to such morphological values as singular number (for nouns), positive degree of comparison

(for adjectives) etc as proposed by Kassian, et al (2010). The correspondence value (+) and non-correspondence value (_) are used to mark cognates and non-cognates respectively from the core basic vocabulary items. The wordlists of the four selected languages are presented in three different tables (1-3) based on the levels of comparison.

The tone marking convention as applied to the comparative wordlists below is adopted for this study for ease and convenience:

• All tone bearing syllables are marked with the appropriate symbol placed on the

tone bearing unit. Syllables with high tones are marked with the acute symbol (/).

• Syllables with low tones are marked with the grave symbol (\) and

• Syllables with step tones are marked with the hyphen or macron symbol (-)

• Tone bearing consonants i.e syllabic nasals such as (ṁ or ṅ) are marked with a dot

(·)

This convention is proposed by Williamson (1979) and was first used for the Tiv language by Gundu (1990).

Table 1 relates to comparison of Utank, Oliti and Ugare with Tiv as the reference language. Table 2 deals with the second layer of comparison involving Oliti and Ugare with Utank as the reference language. Table 3 deals with the third layer of comparison involving only Oliti and Ugare. The subcategorisation is necessary to compare all the

possible pairs of languages to ascertain their lexical similarity or otherwise. The transcription is based on phonemic transcription as presented below:

Table 1: Comparative wordlist based on Swadesh (1953) 200 basic/core vocabulary

word/ Their expression Correspon- The selected Tivoid languages dence with Tiv

S/No

English Tiv Utank Oliti Ugare Utank Oliti Ugare 1 I mó mùe mê:h mê:h + + + you 2 wé wêh wêh jêh + + + (singular)

3 he ûn ún ó:n vén + + _

4 we sé óus ósu béhè _ _ _

5 they vé ávɔ vó bén _ _ _ 6 this né kwɑɣ kiè ùnán _ _ _ kwáɣ 7 that lá kwáɣ únó _ _ _ ŋù-mò

8 here hê:n hâ:n fá:nè é:nè + + +

9 there hé:rà hɔ/kɔ kósò évenò _ _ _ 10 who áná/án áná úndàh ndí + _ _ 11 what ɲjí kíne: úni ɲjîn + + + 12 where hánà/há:n hâ:n fénà á:nè + + + úkɑmbúru/ 13 when hánmà- ʃie há:ná-hiò índìsè + + _ fánà 14 not ɡá ɡá ɡá úɡbé-e + + _ 15 all ʧî:r/ ʧîtsá ìmíem tsétsá kwâɣmbà _ + _ 16 many kpìʃì/gbín gbín tsénɣ gbín ɣ + _ +

a/u/ma/ki/ 17 some áɡénêv jéndîv ikékên + + _ -génêv 18 few kpúâɣ kebénè tsɔ:r kpéké _ _ _ a/u/ki/ma/ 19 other áɡénêv véndì ékékèn + _ _ -ɡénêɣ 20 one môm môm ámɔ: útwám + + _ 21 two úhâ:r hâɣ áfálè ílùkpá + _ _ 22 three útâ:r tâɣ ánál útâ:rén + + + 23 four úɲî:n ɲîn miɲîn bînè + + + 24 five útâ:n tân otâɲén útâ:nè + + + 25 big kéhè kéhè ùbóná kéhè + _ + ùdè:/ 26 long kôkônân ɑlìè ùnè: _ _ _ ùdènèn 27 wide ɡbâŋgé: ɡbâŋgésé ùbúé ùɡbá:lé + _ _ 28 thick ʧívirîɣ áʧívi: ákéndɑ ʧíìn + _ _ 29 heavy júhwa ájùhá ójìfè úlìtí + _ _ 30 small ʧúkú kèbèrè tsóór kpékè _ _ _ 31 short tíɔn ítɔ:nè ékèndè ɡbíndì + _ _ 32 narrow hoɣo: ukòn étéh útéh _ _ _ 33 woman kwásé ókwásé ókjè nálé + _ _ man (as an 34 nomsô: nɔmbós ónembésé ùtàliénél + + _ adult) man (as a 35 òr òr ònul nélé + _ _ human) 36 child wán wán wáne váná + + + 37 wife kwásé òkwásé ùkié nòmùfé + _ _ 38 husband noɱ noɱ ɔoɱ noɱá + + + 39 mother ṅɡɔ ṅɡɔ énɡwæn ṅji + + _ 40 father tê: tîl ʧi: + _

41 animal íɲæm/ɲæm ɲæm éɲæm ɲæm/íɲæm + + + 42 fish íʃù íʃù étsémbé ʃuh + _ + 43 bird ìɲon ìɲɔn énunù nùnù + _ _ 44 dog ìjwá ìwá éwá bìbì + + _ 45 louse íúsu íwú:s íɡúsu íɡuhu-íbí + + + 46 snake íjɔ íjɔ ejôn íjôh + + + 47 worm áɡùndɔ tonɡólé áɡondà úlɑndêɣ _ + _ 48 tree kón úkón étɣe úitéh + _ _ 49 forest íkjɔ íkjɔ ótselenà ìkwɑr + _ _ 50 stick + _ _ kon ùkon ùtéh ùtéh (wood) 51 fruit tjæméɣ átæm-kón átæmè ífíàm-ùtéh + + + 52 ʃám/ ífiɑm/ + + + seeds íʃám ùʃám ásɑngé ùfiam

53 leaf íkjɑ-íkon íkjɑ-úkon ókɑng Íjân + _ _ 54 root ámise-ákon ámise-íkon ésɑlà úɡán-utéh + _ _ 55 bark (tree) ávûɣ ákoɣ áɡûwù úgû _ _ _ ámondo- 56 flower ímondo:n áhu-mondo áhu-mordo + + + utéh 57 grass tóhó útóhó lenjídè ífu: + _ _ 58 rope ko:r ókwɔ: ókwlɔ úkɑl + + _ skin 59 kwav-jóróɣ ʤoró éyulú íɡundù + _ _ (tissue) 60 meat ɲjɑm ɲɑm éɲam ɲɑm + + + 61 blood áwɑmbe ávɔmp áɡɔmbó veʧîn + + _ 62 bone kúhé ákúé íkifé íkúhú + _ _ fat 63 áhɔɱ áhɔɱ áfɔm áfum + + + (substance) 64 egg íjì íe èʤing íwu _ _ _

65 horn kóroȗɣ óko: ókulu ítshohó + _ _ 66 tail tsá óʧá oʧá ɔvíndi + + _ 67 feather ŋɡû: εtɔn ónuŋɡulú úŋɡulú _ + + 68 hair íʧè íʧiè íɲù úfoh + _ _ 69 head tjóuɣ ítoe ítówu íkwɑré + + _ 70 ears áto áto átuŋɡá útolétù + + _ 71 eye íʃé ísé íʃi íʃíe + + + 72 nose áhéŋgá áhéŋgá éféngá íju + + _ 73 mouth zwá úzɔ únoh úzwá + _ + 74 tooth áɲi éɲi áɲi ejin + + _ 75 tongue nómbo:l únémbelêɣ ólefíɡle úném + _ _ 76 fingernail ikjûɣur ókol ákwɑle íkulù _ _ + kpánde - 77 foot úvolo íválá-káse utá-áve _ _ _ ŋuhár 78 leg ŋgúhar úvolo úkáse ávere _ _ _ 79 knee inîu ónu énu ínu + + + 80 hand wêɣ óvok úvuw úkpéndí _ _ _ 81 wing kpélêɣ ákpêɣ ává:le ákpékpá + _ _ 82 belly íja:v úja:v útsolu úvá + _ _ 83 neck món úmén óméne úmé + _ _ 84 back ijìmé ijìmé íjemé íkwón + + _ 85 breast átúmbá átúmbá átúmbá átúmbá + + + 86 gum ikjùà ìkuà èkwo èkuà + _ + 87 heart íʃímá íʃímá ésemá útém + + _ 88 liver ɱtémáɱ átemá étoûɣ ítiem + _ _ 89 to drink ù má:n ámá:n mɔnjwá nú + _ _ 90 to eat ù ja:n ájá:n méjá:n ɲi + _ _ 91 to bite ù ɲíman áɲiman ménemá nóm + _ _

92 to suck ù súsen ámá:n meɲámp ámɡbe _ _ _ 93 to spit ù tá:n átáná mutó tú + _ _ 94 to vomit ù suwán áswáná mɔswá á ne + + _ to blow 95 ù féhén áinɡ méjin du _ _ _ (wind) 96 to breathe ù ɔ:n ìɔén ujenɡenà unyɑnɑ + _ _ 97 to laugh ù sén ásén íʃiŋí kér-ikeré + _ _ 98 to see ù néngén áin métje ndá _ _ _ 99 to hear ù úŋwán átɑmîɣ mɔgwa á lu _ _ _ 100 to know ù fâ:n áfo micíl celé _ _ _ 101 to think ù hénén tés métes ù hé:né _ _ + to smell 102 ù húmân áhumwá íjúŋu ŋur-áfiáne + _ _ (sense) 103 to fear ù ʧiân áʧiá meʧiá ʧiá + + + 104 to sleep ù jávén ù jávén jiám ùnjóm + _ _ moka- 105 to live ù lu:n úmɑ áŋwe-hen mére _ _ _ íkpián 106 to die ù kpe:n ákponó mùkwɔ kpí + _ + 107 to kill ù wúan àwa méyivà éwú _ _ _ ù nɔngún- 108 to fight ánongón ánongó lum-úlum + + _ núm ù hɔnún- némbe- 109 to hunt íkol-ijáe:n úbuu _ _ _ kwar ikoéré 110 to hit ù ɡbídjen ɡbíléné ájísá ù dé-iʃûn + _ _ 111 to cut ù tɔndòn tɔnt keʃ-umán ù ɡbèr + _ _ 112 to split ù pávén á pávén mé-páv páɣ + + + újumé- 113 to stab ù kúmán íkúmàn ùdé-ufán + _ _ esom 114 to scratch ù áɣên áɣ ùwân ùsó-ukwa + _ _ 115 to dig ù tímén ítumén ùtimé ùtím + + _ 63

116 to swim ù ɔ:n ɔ:n ù mulé á:wu-áwun + _ _ 117 to fly ù pulûɣ ímu mevínjɡé pám _ _ _ 118 to walk ù zéndèn áʤint mojìndí sé _ _ _ 119 to come ù vân ová mevá ù vá + + + 120 to lie (as + + _ in lie ù jávén jáviɲà já:vè njómongú down) ùmo- 121 to sit ù temán timá etsáláná + _ _ ázuhu tsoolu- 122 to stand ù tílén tílé ùmêɣ + _ _ éselà 123 to turn ù ɡemán ɡema fi:li-kán kiádêɣ + _ _ 124 to fall ù ɡbán áɡbán mɔɡbà ù vɡbé + + _ 125 to give ù nán ánán menán fá + + _ 126 to hold ù kɔrûn kɔr kɔl kwárêɣ + + _ 127 to squeeze ù kámén áɲil méɲil ùvkìɣîl _ _ _ 128 to rub ù ʃiɣén/ íʃìn ɔs jiʃ kíhi/ ùkíhi _ _ _ 129 to wash ù kilén kilé wú só-ukwa + _ _ 130 to wipe ù óvó: ké: pesáh ùáêɣ/wur _ _ _ 131 to pull ù úrûɣ átunɡ ṁɡbé métimbé ʃîɣí _ _ _ 132 ù nɡbéán/ + _ _ to push ámbáɣán mútús tóng túɣur 133 to throw ù kerén kerén míʃi nòhò + _ _ 134 to tie ù káŋɡén káŋɡén kóndó kâ:n + _ + 135 to sew ù kórón kol kulá kɔr + _ + 136 to count ù ɔrún áɔj vɔl álú + + _ 137 to say ù ɔrún álám mɔkánd tsélé _ _ _

138 to sing ù wân/ átum motunmó ji _ _ _ ù ɡberén 139 to play ù númbén íjo melevílí nyɔnɡélé _ _ _ 64

140 to float ù kuán kuán éviŋgé ùfur + _ _ 141 to flow ù kuán kùá éviŋgé ùfur + _ _ 142 ù _ _ _ to freeze ndɔhɔɡbán hián kévulé ùkámêɣ ikpóɣo: ù mulán/u 143 to swell ámulà mémalá mol + _ + molon 144 sun ìjánge ìjáŋg éjánɡé íju + + _ 145 moon we:r úɔ: úvulú útáŋg _ _ _ 146 star ìʃán ísá:n ùkùne ùvu:wú: + _ _ 147 water ṁŋɡéreṁ èʤɔl èʤɔl mɔlé _ _ _ 148 rain wúlá óvelé óvelá úwɔl _ _ _ 149 river wâɣ ìzɔ:lè úsá:le _ _ 150 lake ʤànde ʤànde éʤànde úfémbé + + _ 151 sea tjekù ìtjémbè èlifé mòurvaka: + _ _ 152 stone íjwén iɡón igónd étu _ _ _ vu:lávú/ 153 sand ówɔláwá eʃánáʃá áʃiʃá + _ _ wɑ:láwá 154 dust ìhùndù ìhì:n òvindé ìwuṁburu _ _ _ 155 earth tá:r útáré útáré ikpoon-tá:r + + + 156 cloud ábe:n ákûh ákuwú ífufú: _ _ _ 157 fog î:kpî:ɣ ákû:l okû: ífufûɣ _ _ _ kwáv 158 sky uko:r-óns koogɔr zà:lé _ _ _ áɔndó 159 wind áhuṁbé áhunɡŋg ɔfɔfŋg íjɑlé + _ _ 160 ice ávoûɣ iku:l-ávol ávu:lú áte-za:lé + + _ 161 smoke ṁɲíɱ múɲíɱ méɲímí únjuwú + + _ 162 fire úsú ódzú ɡúsú úɡuhù + + _ 163 ash ṁtwéṁ mútɔṁ mútúmú vatu + + _

164 to burn ù hiân áŋgwe-hián nwáɣ ʧi:lí + _ _ 165 road ɡbéndá íháve úwá: zé _ _ _ 166 mountain wó ugó ikóŋɡu uʧól + _ _ 167 red ɲiân ɲiân òvonga:na íŋɡáhá + _ _ 168 green kwe:r ukwár-pêŋ + 169 yellow áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n + + + 170 white púpu: púpu: púpu: ólú/péŋ + + _ 171 black í:r íjie: éjílenɑ Ijíl + _ + 172 night tûɣ ímé ífé íjiṁ _ _ _ 173 day sév sév ìfe ʤén + _ _ 174 year ɲjom áʧhieór emáŋmáne ɲjom _ _ + 175 warm tsê: áko:rijor oliálev ábenɡéle _ _ _ 176 cold ndɔhor ákɔwuru kevéle ujír _ _ _ 177 full ìv ájìv kejìv ùsûɣin + + _ 178 new hêɣ ùhé keféni ùfé + _ +

179 good do: áʃéjìrì kásevá ùkóm/ _ _ _ ekóm 180 bad béná béná katsó ɡbekóm/ + _ _ úɡbekóm 181 rotten hɔ: àhɔ: kàfo ùfuá + _ _ 182 dirty ile íjilié kejilé íhŋgir + + _ 183 straight ʤi:rîɣ ʤi:lâɣ ʤi:ŋ nɔ:ŋ + + _ vinɡîr/ɡbili 184 round vinɡîl kùlu vinɡîl + _ + tìtì 185 sharp ésè kává bod uva-tsáŋ _ _ _ 186 dull ijo:l kpên kpé ijol ákwáá:-ito kpunduɣ + _ _ 187 wet ndɔho: ndɔho: káeliá jêɣ-jêɣ + _ _ 188 dry umá úmuá úmá:né ùmbúhú + + _ 189 right mimi ùkoŋ tsip jìrjìr _ _ _

(true) ùkwá- 190 near kjuá kóndukón tsùtsù _ _ _ ukwáe 191 far ʧà málem élém í jùjù _ _ _ right úkpénde- 192 ján áʤán ájúmá + _ _ (direction) ìnom left áyúmá- 193 mjésè émés míhè + _ + (direction) kwás 194 at ʃá/ʃín ʃá kó évè:n + _ _ 195 in kê:/ke kê: káteṁ é:ɣ-utem + _ _ 196 with veá veá nè umé/emé + _ _ 197 and mán nè nè éŋlèjá _ _ _ 198 if álue: ébi-ons ébi nèn/yo _ _ _ 199 because ʧìù kpá-ijo éʧîɣ páhá _ + _ 200 name ítí ítjé íté íjólé + + _ Source: Field survey 2014

Table 2: Oliti and Ugare cognacy with Utank

word/ Oliti and Ugare expression The languages compared Correspon-dence with Utank

S/No

English Utank Oliti Ugare Oliti Ugare 1 I mùe mê:h mê:h _ _ you 2 wêh wêh jêh + + (singular)

3 he ún ó:n vén + _

4 we óus ósu béhè + _

5 they ávɔ vó bén _ _ 6 this kwɑɣ kiè ùnán _ _ kwáɣ 7 that kwáɣ ùnó + _ ŋù-mò

8 here hâ:n fá:nè é:nè + +

9 there hɔ/kɔ kósò évenò _ _ 10 who áná undàh ndí + _ 11 what kíne: úni ɲjîn _ _ 12 where hâ:n fénà á:nè + + úkɑmbúru/ 13 when há:ná-hiò índìsè + _ fánà 14 not ɡá ɡá úɡbé-e + _ 15 all ìmíem tsétsá kwâɣmbà _ _ 16 many gbín tsénɣ gbín ɣ _ + 17 some áɡénêv jéndîv ikékên + _ 18 few kebénè tsɔ:r kpéké + _ 19 other áɡénêv véndì ékékèn _ _

20 one môm ámɔ: útwám + _ 21 two hâɣ áfálè ílùkpá _ _ 22 three tâɣ ánál útâ:rén _ + 23 four ɲîn miɲîn bînè + _ 24 five tân ótâɲén útâ:nè + + 25 big kéhè ùbóná kéhè _ + ùdè:/ 26 long ɑlìè ùnè: _ _ ùdènèn 27 wide ɡbâŋgésé ùbúé ùɡbá:lé _ _ 28 thick áʧívi: ákéndɑ ʧíìn _ _ 29 heavy ájùhá ójìfè ùlìtí _ _ 30 small kèbèrè tsóór kpékè _ _ 31 short ítɔ:nè ékèndè ɡbíndì _ _ 32 narrow ùkòn étéh útéh _ _ 33 woman ókwásé ókjè nálé _ _ man (as an 34 nɔmbós ónembésé ùtàliénél + _ adult) man (as a 35 òr ònul nélé + _ human) 36 child wán wáne váná + + 37 wife òkwásé ùkié nòmùfé _ _ 38 husband noɱ ɔoɱ noɱá + + 39 mother ṅɡɔ énɡwæn ṅji + _ 40 father tîl ʧi: + 41 animal ɲæm éɲæm ɲæm/íɲæm + + 42 fish íʃù étsémbé ʃùh _ + 43 bird ìɲɔn énunù nùnù _ _ 44 dog ìwá éwá bìbì + _ 45 louse íwú:s íɡúsu íɡuhu-íbí + +

46 snake íjɔ éjôn íjôh + + 47 worm tonɡólé áɡondà úlɑndêɣ _ _ 48 tree úkón étɣe úitéh _ _ 49 forest íkjɔ ótselenà ìkwɑr _ _ 50 stick _ _ úkón útéh útéh (wood) 51 fruit átæm-kón átæmè ífíàm- útéh + _ 52 ífiɑm/ + + seeds íʃám úʃám úfiam

53 leaf íkjɑ-úkón ókɑng íjân _ _ 54 root ámise-íkón ésɑlà úɡán- útéh _ _ 55 bark (tree) ákoɣ áɡûwù úgû _ _ ámondo- 56 flower áhu-mondo áhu-mordo + + utéh 57 grass útóhó lenjídè ífu: _ _ 58 rope ókwɔ: ókwlɔ úkɑl + _ skin 59 ʤoró éyulú íɡundù _ _ (tissue) 60 meat ɲɑm éɲam ɲɑm + + 61 blood ávɔmp áɡɔmbó veʧîn + _ 62 bone ákúé íkifé íkúhú _ _ fat 63 áhɔɱ áfɔm áfum + + (substance) 64 egg íe èʤing íwu _ _ 65 horn óko: ókulu ítshohó + _ 66 tail óʧá óʧá ɔvíndi + _ 67 feather εtɔn ónuŋɡulú úŋɡulú _ _ 68 hair íʧíè íɲù úfoh _ _ 69 head ítoe ítówu íkwɑré + _

70 ears áto átuŋɡá útolétù + _ 71 eye ísé íʃi íʃíe + + 72 nose áhéŋgá éféngá íju + _ 73 mouth úzɔ únoh úzwá _ + 74 tooth éɲi áɲi éjin + _ 75 tongue únémbelêɣ ólefíɡle ùném _ _ 76 fingernail ókol ákwɑle íkulù _ _ 77 foot úvolo íválá-káse útá-áve _ _ 78 leg úvolo úkáse ávere _ _ 79 knee ónu énu ínu + + 80 hand óvok úvuw úkpéndí _ _ 81 wing ákpêɣ ává:le ákpékpá _ + 82 belly úja:v útsolu úvá _ _ 83 neck úmen óméne úmé + + 84 back ijìmé íjemé íkwón + _ 85 breast átúmbá átúmbá átúmbá + + 86 gum ìkuà èkwo èkuà _ + 87 heart íʃímá ésemá étém + _ 88 liver átemá étoûɣ ítiem _ _ 89 to drink ámá:n mɔnjwá nú _ _ 90 to eat ájá:n méjá:n ɲí + _ 91 to bite áɲiman ménémá nóm + _ 92 to suck ámá:n meɲámp ámɡbe _ _ 93 to spit átáná mutó tú _ _ 94 to vomit áswáná mɔswá áne + _ to blow 95 áinɡ méjin du _ _ (wind) 96 to breathe ìɔén ujenɡenà unyɑnɑ _ _

97 to laugh ásén íʃiŋí kér-ikeré _ _ 98 to see áin métje ndá _ _ 99 to hear átɑmîɣ mɔgwa álu _ _ 100 to know áfo micíl celé _ _ 101 to think tés métés ùhé:né + _ to smell 102 áhúmwɑ íjúŋu ŋúr-áfiáne _ _ (sense) 103 to fear áʧiá meʧiá ʧiá + + 104 to sleep ù jávén jiám ùnjóm _ _ moka- 105 to live áŋwe-hen mére _ _ íkpián 106 to die ákponó mùkwɔ kpí _ _ 107 to kill àwa méyivà éwú _ _ 108 to fight ánongón ánongó lum-úlum + _ némbe- 109 to hunt íkol-ijáe:n úbuu _ _ ikoéré 110 to hit ɡbíléné ájísá ùdé-iʃûn _ _ 111 to cut tɔnt keʃ-umán ùɡbèr _ _ 112 to split á pávén mé-páv páɣ + + újumé- 113 to stab íkúmàn ùdé-ufán _ _ esom 114 to scratch áɣ ùwân ùsó- ùkwa _ _ 115 to dig ítumén ùtimé ù tím + + 116 to swim ɔ:n ùmulé á:wu-áwun _ _ 117 to fly ímu mevínjɡé pám _ _ 118 to walk áʤint mojìndí sé _ _ 119 to come óvá mévá ùvá + + 120 to lie (as + _ in lie jáviɲà já:vè njómongú down)

121 to sit tímá étsáláná ùmo-ázuhu _ _ tsoolu- 122 to stand tílé ùmêɣ _ _ éselà 123 to turn ɡèmà fi:li-kán kiádêɣ _ _ 124 to fall áɡbán mɔɡbà uvɡbé + _ 125 to give ánán ménán fá + _ 126 to hold kɔr kɔl kwárêɣ + _ 127 to squeeze áɲil méɲil uvkìɣîl + _ 128 to rub ɔs jíʃ kíhi/ukíhi _ _ 129 to wash kilé wú só-ukwa _ _ 130 to wipe ké: pèsáh uáêɣ/wur _ _ 131 to pull átunɡ ṁɡbé métimbé ʃîɣí _ _ 132 to push ámbáɣán mutús tóng _ _ 133 to throw kerén míʃi nòhò _ _ 134 to tie káŋɡén kóndó kâ:n _ + 135 to sew kol kulá kɔr _ + 136 to count áɔj vɔl álú + _ 137 to say álám mɔkánd tselé _ _ 138 to sing átum mótunmó ji _ _ 139 to play íjo mélevílí nyɔnɡélé _ _ 140 to float kuán éviŋgé ùfur _ _ 141 to flow kùá éviŋgé ùfur _ _ 142 to freeze hián kévulé ùkámêɣ _ _ 143 ámulà/ _ + to swell mémalá ù mól ù mólon 144 sun ìjáŋg éjánɡé ìju + _ 145 moon uɔ: úvulú útáŋg _ _ 146 star ísá:n ùkùne ùvu:wú: _ _

147 water èʤɔl èʤɔl mɔlé + _ 148 rain óvelé óvelá úwɔl + _ 149 river ìzɔ:lè úsá:le + 150 lake ʤànde éʤànde úfémbé + _ 151 sea ìtjémbè èlífé mòurvaka: _ _ 152 stone íɡón ígónd étu + _ 153 sand ówɔláwá éʃánáʃá áʃiʃá _ _ 154 dust ìhì:n òvindé ìwuṁburu _ _ 155 earth útáré útáré íkpoon-tá:r + + 156 cloud ákûh ákuwú ífufú: + _ 157 fog ákû:l ókû: ífufûɣ + _ 158 sky uko:r-óns koogɔr zà:lé _ _ 159 wind áhúnɡŋg ɔfɔfŋg íjɑlé _ _ 160 ice iku:l-ávol ávu:lú áte-za:lé + _ 161 smoke muɲíɱ meɲímí unjuwú + _ 162 fire ódzú ɡúsú úɡuhù + + 163 ash mútɔṁ mútumú vátu + _ 164 to burn áŋgwe-hián nwáɣ ʧi:lí _ _ 165 road íháve úwá: zé _ _ 166 mountain úgó íkóŋɡu úʧól _ _ 167 red ɲiân òvonga:na íŋɡáhá _ _ 168 green ukwár-pêŋ + 169 yellow áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n + + 170 white púpu: púpu: ólú/péŋ + _ 171 black íjie: éjílenɑ íjíl + + 172 night ímé ífé íjiṁ + _ 173 day sév ìfe ʤén _ _ 174 year áʧhieór emáŋmáne ɲjom _ _

175 warm áko:rijor oliálev ábenɡéle _ _ 176 cold ákɔwuru kévéle ùjír _ _ 177 full ajiv kejiv ùsûɣin + _ 178 new uhé keféni ùfé _ +

179 good áʃejiri kásevá ùkóm/ _ _ èkóm 180 bad béná katsó ɡbekóm/ _ _ úɡbekóm 181 rotten àhɔ: kàfo ùfuá _ _ 182 dirty íjilié kejilé íhŋgir + _ 183 straight ʤi:lâɣ ʤi:ŋ nɔ:ŋ + _ 184 round vinɡîl kùlu vinɡîl _ + 185 sharp kává bod uva-tsáŋ _ _ 186 dull kpé ijol ákwáá:-ito kpunduɣ _ _ 187 wet ndɔho: káeliá jêɣ-jêɣ _ _ 188 dry úmuá úmá:né ùmbúhú + _ right 189 ùkoŋ tsip jìrjìr _ _ (true) ùkwá- 190 near kóndukón tsùtsù _ _ ukwáe 191 far málem élém ìjùjù + _ right úkpénde- 192 áʤán ájúmá _ _ (direction) ìnom left áyúmá- 193 émés míhè _ _ (direction) kwás 194 at ʃá kó evè:n _ _ 195 in kê: káteṁ é:ɣ-utem _ _ 196 with veá nè umé/emé _ _ 197 and nè nè éŋlèjá + _ 198 if ébi-ons ébi nèn/yo + _

199 because kpá-ijo éʧîɣ páhá _ _ 200 name ítje íte íjolé + _ Source: Field survey 2014

Table 3: Ugare cognacy with Oliti

word/ Ugare expression The languages compared Correspondence with Oliti

S/No

English Oliti Ugare 1 I mê:h mê:h + you 2 wêh jêh + (singular) 3 he ó:n vén _ 4 we ósu béhè _ 5 they vó bén _ 6 this kiè ùnán _ 7 that kwáɣ únó _ 8 here fá:nè é:nè + 9 there kósò évenò _ 10 who úndàh ndí _ 11 what úni ɲjîn + 12 where fénà á:nè + 13 when úkɑmbúru/fánà índìsè _ 14 not ɡá úɡbé-e _ 15 all tsétsá kwâɣmbà _ 16 many tsénɣ gbín ɣ _ 17 some jéndîv ikékên _ 18 few tsɔ:r kpéké _ 19 other véndì ékékèn _ 20 one ámɔ: útwám _ 21 two áfálè ílùkpá _

22 three ánál útâ:rén _ 23 four miɲîn bînè + 24 five otâɲén utâ:nè + 25 big ùbóná kéhè _ 26 long ùnè: ùdè:/ ùdènèn + 27 wide ùbúé ùɡbá:lé _ 28 thick ákéndɑ ʧíìn _ 29 heavy ójìfè úlìtí _ 30 small tsóór kpékè _ 31 short ékèndè ɡbíndì _ 32 narrow étéh útéh + 33 woman ókjè nálé _ man (as an 34 ónembésé ùtàliénél _ adult) man (as a 35 ònul nélé _ human) 36 child wáne váná + 37 wife ùkié nòmùfé _ 38 husband ɔoɱ noɱá + 39 mother énɡwæn ṅji _ 40 father ʧi: _ 41 animal éɲæm ɲæm/íɲæm + 42 fish étsémbé ʃuh _ 43 bird énunù nùnù + 44 dog éwá bìbì _ 45 louse íɡúsu íɡuhu-íbí + 46 snake ejôn íjôh + 47 worm áɡondà úlɑndêɣ _

48 tree étɣe ùitéh _ 49 forest ótselenà ìkwɑr _ stick 50 ùtéh ùtéh + (wood) 51 fruit átæmè ífíàm-ùtéh _ 52 ífiɑm/ + seeds úʃám úfiam

53 leaf ókɑng íjân _ 54 root ésɑlà úɡán-utéh _ 55 bark (tree) áɡûwù úgû + 56 flower áhu-mordo ámondo-utéh + 57 grass lenjídè ífu: _ 58 rope ókwlɔ úkɑl _ skin 59 éyulú íɡundù _ (tissue) 60 meat éɲam ɲɑm + 61 blood áɡɔmbó veʧîn _ 62 bone íkifé íkúhú + fat 63 áfɔm áfum + (substance) 64 egg èʤing íwu _ 65 horn ókulu ítshohó _ 66 tail oʧá ɔvíndi _ 67 feather ónuŋɡulú úŋɡulú + 68 hair íɲù úfoh _ 69 head ítówu íkwɑré _ 70 ears átuŋɡá útolétù _ 71 eye íʃi íʃíe +

72 nose éféngá íju _ 73 mouth únoh úzwá _ 74 tooth áɲi éjin _ 75 tongue ólefíɡle ùném _ 76 fingernail ákwɑle íkulù _ 77 foot íválá-káse utá-áve _ 78 leg úkáse ávere _ 79 knee enu ínu + 80 hand úvuw úkpéndí _ 81 wing ává:le ákpékpá _ 82 belly útsolu úvá _ 83 neck óméne úmé + 84 back íjemé íkwón _ 85 breast átúmbá átúmbá + 86 gum èkwo èkuà + 87 heart ésemá útém _ 88 liver étoûɣ ítiem _ 89 to drink mɔnjwá nú _ 90 to eat méjá:n ɲí _ 91 to bite ménema nóm _ 92 to suck meɲámp ámɡbe _ 93 to spit mutó tú _ 94 to vomit mɔswá áne _ to blow 95 méjin du _ (wind) 96 to breathe ujenɡenà unyɑnɑ _ 97 to laugh íʃiŋí kér-ikeré _ 98 to see métje ndá _

99 to hear mɔgwa álu _ 100 to know micíl celé _ 101 to think métes ùhé:né _ to smell 102 íjúŋu ŋur-áfiáne _ (sense) 103 to fear meʧiá ʧiá + 104 to sleep jiám ùnjóm _ 105 to live mére moka-íkpián _ 106 to die mùkwɔ kpí _ 107 to kill méyivà éwú _ 108 to fight ánongó lum-úlum _ némbe- 109 to hunt úbuu _ íkoéré 110 to hit ájísá ùdé-iʃûn _ 111 to cut keʃ-umán ùɡbèr _ 112 to split mé-páv páɣ + 113 to stab ùjumé-esom ùdé-ufán _ 114 to scratch ùwân ùsó-ukwa _ 115 to dig ùtimé ùʧím + 116 to swim ùmulé á:wu-áwun _ 117 to fly mevínjɡé pám _ 118 to walk mojìndí sé _ 119 to come mevá ùvá + 120 to lie (as _ in lie yá:vè njómongú down) 121 to sit etsáláná ùmo-ázuhu _ 122 to stand tsoolu-éselà ùmêɣ _ 123 to turn fi:li-kán kiádêɣ _

124 to fall mɔɡbà uvɡbé _ 125 to give menán fá _ 126 to hold kɔl kwárêɣ _ 127 to squeeze méɲil uvkìɣîl _ 128 to rub jiʃ kíhi/ukíhi _ 129 to wash wú só-ukwa _ 130 to wipe pesáh uáêɣ/wur _ 131 to pull métimbé ʃîɣí _ 132 to push mutús tóng _ 133 to throw míʃi nòhò _ 134 to tie kóndó kâ:n _ 135 to sew kulá kɔr _ 136 to count vɔl álú _ 137 to say mɔkánd tselé _ 138 to sing motunmó ji _ 139 to play melevílí nyɔnɡélé _ 140 to float éviŋgé ùfur _ 141 to flow éviŋgé ùfur _ 142 to freeze kévulé ùkámêɣ _ 143 to swell mémalá mol _ 144 sun éjánɡé ìju _ 145 moon úvulú útáŋg _ 146 star ùkùne ùvu:wú: _ 147 water èʤɔl mɔlé _ 148 rain óvelá úwɔl _ 149 river úsá:le _ 150 lake éʤànde úfémbé _ 151 sea èlifé mòurvaka: _

152 stone ígónd étu _ 153 sand eʃánáʃá áʃiʃá + 154 dust òvindé ìwuṁburu + 155 earth útáré íkpoon-tár + 156 cloud ákuwú ífufú: _ 157 fog okû: ífufûɣ _ 158 sky koogɔr zà:lé _ 159 wind ɔfɔfŋg íjɑlé _ 160 ice ávu:lú áte-za:lé _ 161 smoke meɲímí ùnjuwú _ 162 fire ɡúsú úɡuhù _ 163 ash mútumú vátù _ 164 to burn nwáɣ ʧi:lí _ 165 road úwá: zé _ 166 mountain ikóŋɡu úʧól _ 167 red òvonga:na íŋɡáhá _ 168 green ukwár-kpêŋ _ 169 yellow áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n + 170 white púpu: ólú/péŋ _ 171 black éjílenɑ íjíl + 172 night ífé íjiṁ _ 173 day ìfe ʤén _ 174 year emáŋmáne ɲjom _ 175 warm óliálev ábenɡéle _ 176 cold kevéle újír _ 177 full kejiv usûɣin _ 178 new keféni ùfé + 179 good kásevá úkóm/ _

ekóm 180 bad katsó ɡbekóm/ _ úɡbekóm 181 rotten kàfo ufuá _ 182 dirty kejilé íhŋgir + 183 straight ʤi:ŋ nɔ:ŋ + 184 round kùlu vinɡîl + 185 sharp bod va-tsáŋ _ 186 dull ákwáá:-ito kpunduɣ _ 187 wet káeliá jêɣ-jêɣ _ 188 dry úmá:né ùmbúhú + right 189 tsip jìrjìr _ (true) 190 near tsùtsù ùkwá-ukwáe _ 191 far élém ìjùjù _ right úkpénde- 192 ájúmá _ (direction) ìnom left 193 áyúmá-kwás míhè + (direction) 194 at kó evè:n _ 195 in káteṁ é:ɣ-utem + 196 with nè umé/emé + 197 and nè é ŋlèjá _ 198 if ébi nèn/yo _ 199 because éʧîɣ páhá _ 200 name íte íjolé _ Source: Field survey 2014

4.3 Selection of cognates

The selection of probable cognates for analysing the similarity or dissimilarity on the wordlists is done using the ‘inspection method’. Inspection method basically means that lexical items are compared phonetically (Lindfors, Woodward & Nagler 2009). The phonetically similar segments, which occur in the same position in a three or more word pairs are analysed and referred to as exact matches, as proposed by Blair (1990). A number of principles are applied to determine regular phonetic similarities or differences.

If, for example, the phonetic sound X in language A generally corresponds to the phonetic sound Y (in the same phonetic surroundings) in language B, and a regular phonological change from X to Y or vice versa is possible or even likely, therefore, X and Y can be counted as phonetically similar. This study explains the additional principles or criteria adopted for determining phonetic similarity as was also applied in

Lindfors, Woodward & Nagler, (2009:19-21).

4.3.1 Exact matches

This category relates to phonetically similar segments which occur consistently in the same position in three or more word pairs. Examples of such correspondences from the four languages are presented in table 4 below:

Table 4: showing a sample of cognates selected based on exact matches Gloss Tiv Utank Oliti Ugare yellow áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n áɡbedá:n breast átúmbá átúmbá Átúmbá átúmbá

Table 4 above contains a sample of exact matches from the 200 wordlist items.

This shows that a number of cognates were decided based on exact matches. Within this category, very minimal or no cases of variation were found across the selected languages.

4.3.2 Adjectives

It is commonly assumed that there are few true adjectives in the Bantu languages.

Adjectival concepts can be expressed in several other ways. Therefore, the adjectives in the wordlist display more variety than other word classes. For instance, adjectival concepts are often expressed with nouns as well as verbs. Similarly, adjectives here are verbalised, by using prefixes and suffixes as supported by Schadeberg (2003:84) and shown in table 5. These forms have been counted as probable cognates.

Table 5: showing a sample of cognates selected based on adjectives

Tiv ímondo:n flower

Utank áhu-mondo flower

Oliti áhu-mordo flower

Ugare ámondo-ùtéh flower

In Table 5 above, the prefix [áhu-] which is a common feature among Bantu languages is noticeable. This describes the kind of “flower” in Utank and Oliti; while the suffix [-utéh] in Ugare also describes the kind of flower. Forms that follow this pattern have been counted as probable cognates also in line with Labroussi (1998:338).

4.3.3 Derivational suffixes

Derivational suffixes were found in some of the forms collated in the wordlists.

Derivational suffixes refer to the forms of nouns derived by addition of morphemes in the noun class. This is different from the adjectives because, here, it is only the roots that were identified and only the roots were regarded when counting probable cognates as shown in table 6 below. This agrees with Schadeberg (2003:73).

Table 6: showing a sample of cognates selected on the bases of derivational suffixes

Tiv íkjɑ-íkon leaf (of tree)

Utank íkjɑ-úkon leaf (of tree)

Tiv ámise-ákon root (of tree)

Utank ámise-íkon root (of tree)

In Table 6 above, the basis for determining the probable cognate was the root of the words. Therefore, [íkjɑ] having been identified in Utank was regarded as a probable cognate. The same consideration applies to [ámise] in Tiv and [ámise-íkon] also in

Utank.

4.3.4 Extra syllable(s)

In some cases, two forms differ only by one or two extra syllables of unknown origin, but the root is clearly the same. These forms have been counted as probable cognates as shown in table 7 below:

Table 7: showing a sample of cognates selected with extra syllable

Tiv ŋɡû: Feather

Oliti ónuŋɡulú Feather

Ugare úŋɡulú Feather

In Table 7, [ŋɡu:] differ from [onuŋɡulu] in Oliti and [uŋɡulu] in Ugare by one or two extra syllables, but the same meaning.

4.3.5 Minor phonetic differences

Some lexical items are counted as probable cognates if the phonetic differences were minor and few. A minor phonetic difference is defined as one where the sounds in question only differ in one feature; for example, place of articulation or manner of articulation, but not both (Lindfors, Woodward, & Nagler, 2009). See table 8 below.

Table 8a & b: showing a sample of cognates selected based on minor phonetic differences A Tiv áhúṁbé Wind

Utank áhúnɡŋg Wind

B Tiv ṁɲíɱ Smoke

Utank múɲíɱ Smoke

Oliti méɲímí Smoke

In Table 8, few phonetic differences relate to a situation where not more than two sounds differ in any given lexical item. Vowel length, prenasalisation, labialisation and palatalisation were considered minor phonetic differences. The process of deciding what counts as probable cognates has been clearly explained as being consistent with Sanders

(1977), Blair (1990), Labroussi (1998), Schadeberg (2003), Hyman (2003).

From the 200 wordlists items collated and categorised as table 1; 140 items representing 70% in Utank correspond or are cognate with Tiv; while 60 items representing 30% do not correspond or are non-cognate with the Tiv language. For Tiv and Oliti, the data show that 68 items representing 34% are cognates while 132 items representing 66% are non-cognates. Tiv and Ugare have 43 items or 21.5% cognates and

157 or 78% non-cognates.

Table 2 is a subcategorisation of Table 1; in the sense that it compares only the lexical items from Oliti and Ugare with Utank as the reference language. Though it makes use of the same lexical items, it is different from Table 1, because it excludes the

Tiv language and it Utank as the reference language. From table 2 therefore, the lexical similarity between Utank and Oliti stands at 81 items which represents 40.5%. Utank and

Ugare is 40 items or 20%.

Table 3 is another subcategorisation of table 2. This Table compares the lexical items from Ugare with Oliti as the reference language. In this comparison, 45 items which represents 22.5% are cognates. The lexical similarity of the items of the wordlists from Tables 1-3 are tabulated and the percentage of similar glosses between each wordlist is calculated and put into a matrix as shown in Table 7 below:

Table 9: Lexical similarity or cognate percentage matrix between Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare

Tiv 70 Utank

34 40.5 Oliti

21.5 20 22.5 Ugare

Source: Field survey 2014

Table 9 above shows Utank has more lexical similarity to Tiv than Oliti and

Ugare. The lexical similarity or cognate percentage of 70%, between Tiv and Utank coincides with Lewis (2009) contained in the 16th edition of the Ethnologue. This is propably because of the geographical proximity, but most importantly, the closer relationship between these two groups throughout their histories. To date, Tiv is one the dominat ethnic groups are within and around the Utank’s area. The Utank speakers Mary from Tiv, they attend the same church and their children attend the same schools.

The lexical similarity between Oliti and Tiv was 34%. Oliti is linguistic group are located on the Cameroun fringes of Nigeria – Cameroun border. Apart from the ancestral links they have with the Tiv people, the major points where the Oliti meet with the Tiv,

Utank and other language groups are markets and worship centres.

The lexical similarity between Tiv and Ugare is 21.5%. This is inspite of the social ties between the Tiv Ugare also called “Iyon” by the Tiv people. Utank and Oliti is

40.5%, while Utank and Ugare is 20%. That of Ugare and Oliti is 22.5%.

The implication of the above cognate percentage matrix based on the principles of lexicostatistics is that the higher the percentage, the more the similarity and conversely; the lower the cognate percentage the less the similarity or convergent. Therefore, Utank and Tiv are the most similarity; while Tiv and Ugare are the most distant of divergent among the selected languages.

4.4 Recorded Text Testing (RTT)

Recorded text testing method was used with the intention of directly measuring the intelligibility or comprehension of the speech groups by testing how well the speakers of one language understand a recorded text from another language as modified by Casad

(1974 & 1987). The RTT as modified by (1974 & 1987) is makes it a more effective tool towards prediction the directions and probable limits on trends towards dialect leveling as well as language convergence and divergence. It measures intelligibility among dialects in an area by means of recorded text, which provides the opportunity of cross testing the respondents from each pair of languages. According to Hughes (1987), it is usually found that speech communities with a percentage of lexical similarity of over 80% have mutual intelligibility. This also implies that speech communities with less than 80% cannot have mutual intelligibility. On the other hand, the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) assessment criteria established that if lexical similarity is higher than 70%, intelligibility testing is recommended to assess whether speakers can understand the other speech forms. This however underscores the relationship that intricately exists between lexical similarity and mutual intelligibility.

The intelligibility test conducted for this study consists of a narrative text of three to five minutes in the tested languages - Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare; recorded with the help of competent interpreters and tested across the languages to a group of five subjects in each of the two villages per language group. Each group comprise male (adult and young); female (adult and young) and elderly persons of 50 years and above. Each subject was allowed to attempt a question out of the five questions set in each language.

The tape was played twice before questions and answers and another opportunity for playback (if necessary). On the average, one hour was spent for administering the test in each village. The comprehension questions were answered in the respondents’ first language. Inferences were then made with the help of competent interpreters who are native speakers of the tested speech form. The recorded text in Tiv was tested in two locations/villages each for Utank, Oliti and Ugare respondents. However, the recordings in Utank, Oliti and Ugare were tested in two different local governments/locations with

Tiv respondents. The locations are: Imande-Dura in Kwande and Atsor village in

Vandeikya both in Benue State, Nigeria. These two locations are within the areas widely believed to have been migratory routes for the Tiv into the Benue valley; and they still remain the access routes to the Nigeria – Cameroun border.

The respondents at each test site were categorised based on gender and age group as follows: male young (15-25 years), male old (35 years and above), female young (15-

25 years), female old (35 years and above). Also, for ease of understanding, the RTT scores were arranged in batches from batch “1 – 3” as follows:

• Batch 1 A (i), B (i) & C (i): RTT from Tiv administered on Utank, Oliti and

Ugare respondents.

• Batch 1 A (ii), B (ii) C (ii): Reversed RTT from Utank, Oliti and Ugare to Tiv

respondents.

• Batch 2 A (i) & B (i): RTT from Utank administered on Oliti and Ugare

respondents.

• Batch 2 A (ii) & B (ii): Reversed RTT from Oliti and Ugare to Utank respondents.

• Batch 3 A (i): RTT from Oliti administered on Ugare respondents.

• Batch 3 A (ii): RTT Reversed from Ugare to Oliti respondents.

4.4.1 Batch 1 A (i), B (i) & C (i): RTT from Tiv administered on Utank, Oliti and

Ugare respondents (Table 10 - 12)

RTT was first conducted from Tiv, which is the base language to Utank, Oliti and

Ugare respondents. The result is as shown below:

Table 10: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores by Category/Village from

Tiv – Utank Subjects

Category No. of No. of Total Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects No. of site from from subject Amana Kundeve Amana Kundeve s Male young 2 3 5 50 60 55 31.81981 Male old 2 3 5 80 80 80 14.14214 Female 3 2 5 60 40 50 35.35534 young Female old 4 1 5 80 50 65 24.744874 Total & 11 9 20 67.5 57.5 62.5 26.5165 Averages

From the result in Table 10, we can observe the following:

(i) The average score of 62.5 percent or 26.5165 standard deviation value indicates

relatively high level of comprehension. The male old and female old category

scored 80% each. This raises doubts as to whether this is an indication of

inherent intelligibility or acquired intelligibility. Inherent intelligibility refer

the kind of comprehension that is predicated on lexical similarity between the

two languages devoid of borrowing or prior exposure to the reference

language. On the other hand, acquired intelligibility is the kind of

comprehension that results from borrowing or prior exposure to the reference

language. The doubts are reasonable because both the young male and the

female young scored below 60%. This significant difference in score is a

reflection of greater contact that the male old and the female old have had with

the Tiv language in their neighbourhood, markets and other social networks of

interaction.

(ii) The Utank in Kundeve did not understand the Tiv text as much as the Utank in

Amana, hence, the average score of 57.5. However, the differential in score in

favour of the Utank in Amana could be as a result of contact with the Tiv

people being neighbours in Nigeria (Tiv in Benue and Utank in Cross River

States); they attend the same markets and interact freely with each other. In

other words, Amana is somewhat an international market, in the sense that its

location near the Cameroun border attracts high traffic of persons from both

countries especially, the Tiv neighbours from Vandeikya and Kwande in

Benue. It is a multilingual community where exposure to other languages is

unavoidable.

(iii) The subject scores show a significant relationship especially, when compared

with the comprehension of the young and old. The slightly lower scores of the

young age groups may be an indication of limited contact compared to the

older ages. The scores of the young may be a better reflection of inherent

intelligibility, while the old may be a reflection of acquired intelligibility.

(iv) Also, on the basis of sex, one can see the male young score of 55% against

female young score of 50%. Meanwhile, the male old score is 80% and female

old has 65% intelligibility rating. The general outlook is that male groups

individually and collectively have higher percentages of intelligibility

compared to the females. This may be explained in the context of gender

differences or class differences as Milroy (1980) discovered; it is how closely

or loosely knit a social group a person belongs to that determined their use of

the local dialect forms. It was observed that in most of the communities

surveyed, the male section of the research population were more forthcoming

in responses to questions while the females were more or less reserved.

Table 11: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores by Category/Village from

Tiv – Oliti Subjects

Category No. of No. of Total No. Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects of site from from subjects Ngali Mavas Ngali Mavas Male young 3 2 5 20 20 20 56.56854 Male old 2 3 5 60 40 50 35.35534 Female 2 3 5 50 30 40 42.42641 young Female old 3 2 5 40 20 30 49.49747 Total & 10 10 20 42.5 27.5 35 45.96194 Averages

From table 11, the following can observed:

i. The Oliti in Ngali understands the Tiv texts relatively higher with 42.5% than

the Oliti in Mavas with the score of 27.5%. The Oliti in Ngali constitutes part of

the border community on the side of Cameroun, where also the access route into

Cameroun from Nigeria passes through. Due to the geographical proximity, the

people have intermarried with the Tiv and have lived together sharing the

markets in the neighbourhood with the Utank people in Amana in Cross River

State – Nigeria.

ii. In the course of the interview, we inferred that the Oliti subjects did not

understand Tiv as much as they claimed.

iii. The average mean score of 35% has significant relationship with the percentage

34% score of Tiv – Oliti cognates indicating similarity and relatedness. This is

an indication that the Tiv and Oliti are genetically related but not mutually

intelligible.

iv. That considering the category mean score, the young male has the least mean

score of 20%; while the highest is from the male old with 50% indicating that

intelligibility is due to exposure to the Tiv language.

Table 12: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing scores by category/village from Tiv

– Ugare Subjects

Category No. of No. of Total Text scores per site Mean SD Subjects Subjects No. of from from subjects Ballin Igundipa Ballin Igundipa Male young 2 3 5 60 30 45 38.89087 Male old 3 2 5 80 60 70 21.2132 Female 2 3 5 50 20 35 45.96194 young Female old 3 2 5 60 50 55 31.81981 Total & 10 10 20 62.5 40 51.25 34.47146 Averages

From Table 12, the following were observed: i. The percentage scores showed a significant difference between the scores in Ballin

(62.5%) and that of Igundipa (40%). Ballin, being the district head quarters of

Massaka Ikor, is exposed to contact more than Igundipa which is completely a rural

setting with less contact possibilities. ii. It is also observed that the male young and female young’s score in Igundipa was

relatively lower (30% and 20% respectively) compared to that of the male young and

female young groups in Ballin (60% and 50%). Mr. Joe Asue Aka, the interpreter

and a native speaker of Ugare indicated that Ballin had closer contact with the Tiv

compared to Igundipa. According to Mr Aka, Ballin is an exposed community

through market and other commercial activities as well as intermarriage and

schooling with the Tiv among others. iii. Through personal interaction, it was observed that there is no intelligibility between

the Tiv and Ugare. The comprehension mean percentage of 51.25% is not an

indication of inherent intelligibility; it is more of acquired intelligibility, hence, the

low average score from Igundipa, a more remote area less susceptible to contact. The

wordlist cognate percentage score of 21% is a further confirmation of the non-

intelligibility of the two languages.

4.4.2 Batch 1 A (ii), B (ii) and B (ii): Reversed RTT from Utank, Oliti and Ugare to

Tiv respondents (Table 13 - 15)

The purpose of sub-section (ii) was to cross match the RTT from sub-section (i) in the languages earlier tested to Tiv respondents to examine the possibility of reciprocal intelligibility.

Table 13: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing scores by category/village from

Utank –Tiv subjects.

Category No.of No. of Total Scores per site Mean SD subjects subjects No.of Imande from from subjects Dura Atsor- Imande- Atsor- V/Ikya Dura V/Ikya Male 2 3 5 10 20 15 60.10408 young Male old 2 3 5 20 40 30 49.49747 Female 3 2 5 10 20 15 60.10408 young Female 4 1 5 20 60 40 42.42641 old Total & 11 9 20 15 35 25 53.03301 Averages

From Table 13, the following observations were made: i. It is clear that in spite of the 70% lexical cognates shown on the wordlist between

Tiv and Utank, the intelligibility level indicated on the RTT between the two

languages is low. While the total averages mean scores RTT from Tiv to Utank

respondents was 62.5%, the total averages mean scores for Utank to Tiv

respondents is 25%. This implies that Utank subjects understand the Tiv language

more, while the Tiv subjects do not understand Utank hence the 25% mean score. In

other words, this sociolinguistic situation could be described as nonreciprocal

intelligibility. Nonreciprocal intelligibility is a situation whereby speakers of one

language are able to acquire intelligibility in another language, usually through

borrowing or prior exposure to a more dominant language with higher prestige and

better socio-economic prospects; without a corresponding acquisition from the

other. In this case, the Utanga people are proud to speak the Tiv language and

consciously learn to speak it because much of the socio-economic prospects

attached it. However, it is not the same with the Tiv people, hence their apparent

low interest in the learning and use of Utank. ii. In actual sense, Utank is a separate language from Tiv, though the high lexical

cognate between them (70%) suggests a genetic affinity in line with the widely held

views by oral tradition that they are from one ancestry. It is widely believed that

certain sections of the “Utange”, who hail from Ushongo Local Government area of

Benue State, are relations of the Utanga people from Cross River State, hence, the

belief that Utank and Tiv are one language. Ethnolinguistic data obtained through

oral interview supports the belief that Tiv and the Utanga were one family prior to

their migration from the Swem hills. The 70% lexical cognate percentage is an

affirmation of this relationship. However, the very low percentage mean score of

25% or 53.03301 standard deviation on the RTT is an indication of divergence of

the two languages after migration consequently, separation. iii. Looking closely at the two locations/villages chosen for this sample, the scores

from Imande-Dura are relatively lower (15%) than the score from Atsor (30%).

This significant difference is for the fact that Atsor village and Utanga communities

are closer to each other compared to Imande-Dura, which is closer to Ugare.

However, despite the proximity with Utank, the subjects from Atsor have a very

low mean score, thus suggesting that there is no inherent intelligibility.

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Table 14: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores by Category/Village from

Oliti –Tiv Subjects

Category No.of No. of Total Scores per site Mean SD subjects subjects No.of Imande Atsor- from from subjects Dura V/Ikya Imande- Atsor- Dura V/Ikya Male 2 3 5 10 10 10 63.63961 young Male old 2 3 5 30 40 35 45.96194 Female 3 2 5 10 20 15 60.10408 young Female 4 1 5 40 30 35 45.96194 old Total & 11 9 20 22.5 25 23.75 53.91689 Averages

From Table 14, the observations include:

i. There is a significant relationship between the percentage cognate score (34%) of

the wordlist between the Tiv and Oliti and the RTT mean score (23.75). It is an

indication of low comprehension among the Tiv respondents.

ii. The subject scores per category show a significant difference between male and

female young (10% - 20%) and male and female old (30% - 40%) from Imande-

Dura and Atsor villages. This is an indication that the slightly higher score by the

male and female old from both villages may be connected with contact, since the

movement by children is more restricted compared to the adults. There is

therefore no significant difference between the male young and female young. On

the other hand, there is significant difference between the male young (10%) and

the male old (35%), and also between the female young (15%) and the female old

with an average mean score of 35%. This shows that male old and female old 101

respondents score relatively higher than male young and female young because of

contact and more exposure to the Tiv language.

iii. The Oliti subjects mean score which showed 35% comprehension of Tiv is

proportional to 34% cognate score from the wordlist. These data collectively

indicate that Oliti is not intelligible with Tiv given the fact that the ideal total

average mean percentage to guarantee intelligibility by the bench mark of this

study is 60%, while lexical cognates is 70%. Thus, 35% comprehension and 34%

lexical cognates only showed how low the similarity or relatedness of the two

languages is.

Table 15: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Scores by Category/Village from

Ugare –Tiv Subjects

Category No.of No. of Total Scores per site Mean SD subjects subjects No.of Imande Atsor- from from subjects Dura V/Ikya Imande- Atsor- Dura V/Ikya Male 2 3 5 50 10 30 49.49747 young Male old 2 3 5 60 20 40 42.42641 Female 3 2 5 40 20 30 49.49747 young Female 4 1 5 70 40 55 31.81981 old Total & 11 9 20 57.5 22.5 40 42.42641 Averages

From table 15, the following observations are made:

i. That the RTT comprehension scores for both Ugare subjects (51.25%) in table 7

above and Tiv subject (40%) is relatively low. The lexical cognate score also stands 102

at 28%. From the lexical cognates, Ugare is the most distant language from Tiv

compared to, Utank and Oliti which have 70% and 34% cognate relationship

respectively. However, in social network interaction, Ugare is the closest of all the

ethnic groups to the Tiv people. Apart from the fact that a section of the Ugare lives

in Kwande local government area of Benue State, known as “Iyon”; there is a higher

rate of intermarriage between the Tiv and Ugare compared to the other Tivoid

languages. ii. There is a significant difference when the mean scores from the two test sites

(Imande-Dura and Atsor villages) are compared. However, there is no significant

difference between both villages/locations on the basis of category (male young, male

old, female young and female old) percentage score. There is a relationship between

the higher score at Imande-Dura (57.5) and the very low score at Atsor village, given

that Imande-Dura enjoys closer proximity with Ugare. Apart from Imande-Dura

being a border route, one can also find a large population of the Ugare related

indigenous people (Iyon) in Kwande Local government of Benue State; they have a

close contact with the Tiv through schooling, commercial activities and

intermarriages.

4.4.3 Batch 3 A(i) & B (i): RTT from Utank to Oliti and Ugare (Table 16 - 17)

Batch 3 A (i) and B (i) administered the RTT from Utank to Oliti and Ugare respondents. The purpose was to examine the mutual intelligibility among them. The scores are as presented below:

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Table 16: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Utank – Oliti

Category No. of No. of Total No. Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects of site from from subjects Ngali Mavas Ngali Mavas Male young 2 3 5 20 20 20 42.42641 Male old 2 3 5 40 30 35 21.2132 Female 3 2 5 30 20 25 35.35534 young Female old 3 2 5 40 40 40 14.14214 Total & 10 10 20 32.5 27.5 30 28.28427 Averages

From the Table 16 the following observations were made:

(i) The lexical cognate count on the wordlists between Utank and Oliti is 34%;

mutual intelligibility test between the two languages is 30% (total mean

averages). This puts the standard deviation value at 28.28427, which is an

indication of significant distance between languages.

(ii) The Oliti respondents in Ngali understand Utank relatively better (32.5%)

than those in Mavas (27.5%). The reason is that Ngali is a border village on

the side of Cameroun as Utanga is on the border side of Nigeria. The

geographical proximity with Utanga makes for easier contact between the

Oliti and Utanga people because the Utanga and Amana markets which are the

major commercial centres at the border area. In spite of this, there is a low

lexical cognate count between The Oliti and Utank, as well as low

intelligibility. Though the people of these border communities are mostly

bilingual - at least they speak their vernacular and either Camerounian pidgin

or Tiv. The Swedish core vocabulary minimised the inclusion of easily 104

borrowed words in the comparative wordlists. Furthermore, the manner in

which respondents were chosen helped to eliminate the selection of

respondents who were highly exposed to contact languages.

(iii) The category scores show that there is no significant difference between the

score of “male young” and “male old”, “female young” and “female old”.

This may be an affirmation of the true level of comprehension of Utank by the

Oliti people across age and social stratification.

Table 17: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Utank – Ugare

Category No. of No. of Total Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects No. of site from from subjects Ballin Igundipa Ballin Igundipa Male young 2 3 5 15 15 15 49.49747 Male old 3 2 5 20 20 20 42.42641 Female 3 2 5 20 0 10 56.56854 young Female old 2 3 5 30 20 25 35.35534 Total & 10 10 20 21.25 13.75 17.5 45.96193 Averages

For table 17, it was observed as follows:

(i) The total average mean score of 17.5 is much lower compared to the 30%

score of the same test from Utank to Oliti. The reason could be that Oliti and

Utank are closer neighbouring border communities than Utank is with Ugare.

Due to this geographical proximity, there is a closer tie between the Utanga

and the Oliti than there is with the Ugare.

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(ii) The score for “female young” respondents from Igundipa was 0% in the RTT.

This is probably due to the fact that Igundipa is a remote community with

limited contact or social network. Therefore, the only 15% intelligibility score

by the “male young” and 0% by the “female young” shows that Utank was not

commonly used in the Ugare villages and that it was not also learnt, except as

a second language (L2).

4.4.4 Batch 2 A (ii) & 2 B (ii): RTT from Oliti and Ugare to Utank (Table 18 - 19)

Batch 2 A (ii) and 2 B (ii) are reverse intelligibility test from Oliti and Ugare to

Utank respondents. The purpose is to examine if there is reciprocal intelligibility. The results are as presented in tables 16 and 17 below:

Table 18: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Oliti – Utank

Category No. of No. of Total Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects No. of site from from subjects Amana Kundeve Amana Kundeve Male young 2 3 5 20 15 17.5 45.96194 Male old 2 3 5 30 25 27.5 31.81981 Female 3 2 5 20 15 17.5 45.96194 young Female old 3 2 5 40 20 30 28.28427 Total & 10 9 20 27.5 18.75 23.13 38.00699 Averages

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In Table 18 the following were observed: (i) The reverse intelligibility test from Oliti to Utank shows a close relationship

in terms of the total average mean score. The total average mean score is 30%

from Utank to Oliti, while that of Oliti to Utank above is 23.13%. The

possible reason is that comparing the two languages, Utank is a more

dominant language and more strategic in terms of social and economic

considerations. For the Oliti people, Amana market in Utanga community in

Nigeria is a gateway market where they throng for business and other

commercial activities.

(ii) The category/location test score shows that the category of “female old” in

Amana scored higher (40%) in the intelligibility test which is supposedly the

outcome of contact through market and other social network of activities. On

the whole, this intelligibility result is not significantly different from what is

obtained on the wordlist cognate percentage matrix (34%).

Table 19: Test sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Ugare - Utank

Category No. of No. of Total Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects No. of site from from subjects Amana Kundeve Amana Kundeve Male young 2 3 5 15 15 15 49.49747 Male old 2 3 5 30 20 25 35.35534 Female 3 2 5 20 20 20 42.42641 young Female old 3 2 5 20 15 17.5 45.96194 Total & 10 10 20 21.25 17.5 19.38 43.31029 Averages

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In Table 19 above, the observations include:

(i) The intelligibility test scores from Ugare to Utank show 19.38% total average

mean score. And earlier in table 15, the test score from Utank to Ugare is

17.5% total average mean. This figure is too low to warrant intelligibility. The

lexical cognate percentage of 26% only reaffirms the genetic relatedness of

the two languages, which have over time diverged to different languages.

(ii) In both villages/locations tested (Amana and Kundeve), there was no

significant difference between the mean score of the various categories (male

young, male old, female young and female old). Their score which is within

the same range (15 – 20%) mostly does not suggest extensive contact as in the

case of Tiv and Ugare. Even though Amana was much exposed to contact

compared to Kundeve, their mean score was essentially the same.

4.4.5 Batch 3 A (i): RTT from Oliti - Ugare (Table 20) The RTT in this batch, like the others, was carried out in a reciprocal manner so as to confirm the possible case of reciprocal intelligibility. Therefore, the same text that was translated and recorded in Oliti was administered to the Ugare respondents and vice versa.

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Table 20: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Oliti – Ugare

Category No. of No. of Total Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects No. of site from from subjects Ballin Igundipa Ballin Igundipa Male 2 3 5 15 15 15 49.49747 young Male old 3 2 5 20 20 20 42.42641 Female 2 3 5 15 10 12.5 45.9694 young Female old 3 2 5 30 15 22.5 38.89087 Total & 10 10 20 20 15 17.5 44.19417 Averages

The observations from table 20 include:

(i) Generally, 17.5% total averages mean score recorded was quite low. It shows

that Ugare speakers did not understand Oliti.

(ii) The category score involving “male young” and “female young” in both

locations (Ballin and Igundipa) was relatively the same, (10 - 15%) mean

score. Compared to the 15 -30% mean range for “male old” and “female old”,

it is an indication that there was some minimal level of contact between the

Ugare respondents with the Oliti; especially, “the male old” category.

(iii) It is important to note that the the Ugare and Oliti communities were distance

apart coupled with rough terrains; therefore, both communities were not in

contact like the Tiv and Utanga people. This is probably the reason for the

very low intelligibility scores as the influence on both languages was

minimised. This is more so that even in terms of language boundaries, the

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Ugare and Oliti were intersected by the other languages group thereby

limiting their chances of contact.

4.4.6 Batch 3 A (ii): RTT Reversed from Ugare – Oliti (Table 21)

Table 21: Test Sites and Recorded Text Testing Results from Ugare - Oliti

Category No. of No. of Total Text scores per Mean SD Subjects Subjects No. of site from from subjects Ngali Mavas Ngali Mavas Male young 2 3 5 10 10 10 56.56854 Male old 3 2 5 20 10 15 49.49747 Female 3 2 5 10 0 5 63.63961 young Female old 2 3 5 20 20 20 42.42641 Total & 10 10 20 15 10 12.5 53.03300 Averages

Table 21 was a reciprocal test from Ugare to Oliti. The observations include:

(i) The Oliti respondents scored relatively lower (12.5%) in the total averages

mean compared to the Ugare respondents who scored 17.5% for the same test.

This suggests that the Ugare respondents understood Oliti slightly more than

the Oliti respondents understood Ugare.

(ii) The category mean score has shown a lower score for both the “male young”

and the “female young” in relation to their older counterparts. On the whole,

the RTT total mean score in these tests are significantly different from the

lexical cognate percentage. Therefore, both were cases of low level of

similarity, which resulted to unintelligibility of the tested languages.

On the whole, the summary of the RTT results is as shown below:

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4.4.7 Summary of RTT (intelligibility test) Average percentage for Batch 1 – 3

Batch 1 A (i), B (i) & C (i): RTT from Tiv to Utank, Oliti and Ugare A (ii), B (ii) & C (ii): Reversed RTT from Utank, Oliti and Ugare to Tiv

A (i): Tiv – Utank = 62.5% A (ii): Utank – Tiv = 25%

B (i): Tiv – Oliti = 35% B (ii): Oliti – Tiv = 23%

C (i): Tiv – Ugare = 51.25% C (ii): Ugare – Tiv = 40%

Batch 2 A (i) & B (i): RTT from Utank to Oliti and Ugare

A (ii) & B (ii): Reversed RTT from Oliti and Ugare to Utank

A (i): Utank – Oliti = 30% A (ii): Oliti - Utank = 23.13%

B (i): Utank – Ugare = 17.5% B (ii): Ugare – Utank = 19.38%

Batch 3 A (i): RTT from Oliti – Ugare

A (ii): Reversed RTT from Ugare – Oliti

A (i): Oliti – Ugare = 17.5% A (ii): Ugare – Oliti = 12.5%

The above data is a summary of the result of the RTT conducted across the selected languages. The RTT results in batch 1 A (i) showed a close relationship with the lexical cognate percentages in the wordlists in respect of Tiv and Utank. While Utank has

70% lexical similarity with Tiv, the RTT score is 62.5% for intelligibility. However, this type of intelligibility cannot be described as “mutual intelligibility” because mutual intelligibility is normally reciprocal. However, the high percentage scores by the Utank speakers indicating high comprehension are not reciprocated by their Tiv counterparts.

The Tiv respondents in Batch 1 A (ii) scored only 25% in the intelligibility test for Utank.

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This is probably because Tiv is a dominant language; so, naturally, minor languages usually converge more or shift towards the dominant one as advanced by Agbedo (2007).

The interpretation in this case is that the Utanga people understand Tiv much more than the Tiv people understand Utank. Under this kind of scenario, even if convergence is to be considered, it is safer to say that Utank is rather converging towards the Tiv language.

This is also in consideration of the fact that there is heavy borrowing of ordinary vocabulary items from Tiv to Utank. This might possibly account for the higher percentage of intelligibility on the side of Utanga people and less by the Tiv.

In the case of Tiv and Oliti, the data in Batch 1 B (i) showed that 35% intelligibility score for the text from Tiv to Oliti reconciles with the 34% lexical similarity between the two languages. This result cannot be interpreted as a case of convergence, obviously because of the low percentages both in the wordlists and the

RTT; however, a diachronic study is needed to ascertain developments in the languages then and now.

Between Tiv and Ugare, a scenario has emerged as reflected in Batch 1 C (i) by which the intelligibility scores stand at 51.25%; while from Ugare to Tiv in batch 1 C (ii) was 40%. This shows a significant difference in terms of comprehension of the Tiv language by the Ugare and vice versa. Compared to the wordlist, Tiv had the lowest lexical cognates with Ugare among the selected languages. However, in terms of intelligibility, the Tiv have exhibited better understanding of Ugare compared to Utank and Oliti. The sociolinguistic information obtained through the oral interview revealed that the Tiv have closer socio-cultural ties with the Ugare than the Utanga and Oliti. This is reflected in the higher population of the Ugare kits and kin who live in Nyiev-ya and

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Shangev-ya communities in Kwande LGA in Benue State, Nigeria and are accorded indigene-ship status. On the other hand, the researcher observed through personal interview and interaction with the Ugare that the respondents were more interested to be identified with the Tiv as brothers, though still asserting their identity as Ugare. It could also be that the high social network between the Tiv and Ugare is a possible factor for the high comprehension in the intelligibility test.

In effect, the extensive social contact might have given rise to lexical borrowing.

It is in consideration of this possibility that the wordlist was based on what Swadesh refer to as core vocabulary (which is more resistant to borrowing). This may be the probable explanation for the very low lexical similarity between the Tiv and Ugare as against the high intelligibility in the RTT. This is for the fact that the core or basic vocabulary is based on items such as body parts, which are commonly shared by languages and therefore less susceptible to borrowing. The general tendency is that languages tend to borrow more easily concepts that are not in existence in their own vocabulary. In any case, there are high prospects of these languages converging or a case of shifting may be gradually taking place as the Ugare in Nigeria called Iyon are more Tiv than Ugare in every respect. These data reaffirm Bossong (2007), who describes genealogical tree as a biological metaphor; emphasising that biological consanguinity is different from linguistic connectedness. This infers that language varieties can drift apart when separated, but they will meet again and influence each other when reunited. This perhaps may be the case in process between Tiv and Ugare. However, more studies are needed in this direction.

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The next level of analysis involves total averages mean scores from Batch 2 A –

B. This reveals that from Utank to Oliti, in batch 2 A (i), the score stood at 30%; from

Oliti to Utank in batch 2 A (ii), the score is 23.13%. This has shown a higher comprehension of Utank by the Oliti, and less of Oliti by the Utank respondents. By comparison, Utank is a more dominant language in terms of numbers of speakers and is strategically located around the Obudu hill complex, which is also another gateway into

Nigeria from Cameroun. The Oliti are also another gateway community from the opposite side of the border into Cameroun from Nigeria, but less endowed such that most of their commercial activities are carried out in Nigeria within the Utanga markets especially Amana located on the border route to Cameroun. This has encouraged the phenomenon of bilingualism among speakers of the two languages; though the selection of respondents was purposively done to eliminate speakers from both communities

(Utanga and Oliti) exposed to bilingualism.

From Utank to Ugare, the total average scores in batch 2 B (i) is 17.5%; while the reverse test from Ugare to Utank in Batch 2 B (ii) is 19.38%. The closeness of these scores is a reflection of the actual comprehension level of these languages. The 26% lexical cognate percentage is also within the same range. Actually, Ugare and Utank do not share close ties. In terms of location, while the Utanga community is around the

Obudu hill complex, the Ugare are found around the other flank northeast of the Nigerian border with Cameroun around the Abande hill axis. The lexical cognate percentage

(20%) is more of an attestation of genetic relationship. This also presupposes that the two languages diverged from a common stock.

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Batch 3 A (i) and Batch 3 A (ii) are RTT scores involving Oliti and Ugare. The result of the RTT from Oliti to Ugare in Batch 3 A (i), is 17.5% total average mean, which showed that Oliti and Ugare were untelligible. However, from Ugare to Oliti in

Batch 3 (ii) (on the reverse), the test score is 12.5%. Oliti and Ugare are both languages within Cameroun; however, they are intersected by other communities and languages group and therefore do not closely relate like the case of Oliti verses Utank, Utank verses

Tiv and Tiv verses Ugare. Oliti and Ugare linguistically and socially appear to be the farthest of all the selected languages investigated. The lexical cognate relationship between them is as well the least on the wordlist matrix. This invariably suggests that

Oliti and Ugare are most divergent of the Tivoid languages under investigation.

4.5 Discussion and findings on convergence

This sub-section discusses the data analysed in 4.2 above. The data include wordlists and recorded text testing (RTT). The target is to provide answers to two of the research questions simultaneously. This is for convenience and ease of understanding.

Convergence among these selected languages (Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare) is measured at the lexical and phonetic level. In order to determine how these linguistic levels can predict convergence, the researcher correlated the wordlist’s similarity percentages with the RTT (intelligibility) scores. Generally, the discussion is guided by the research question(s) with a view of proffering answers to them. The research questions tackled simultaneously in this subsection are:

(i) How convergent or similar are the selected Tivoid languages?

(ii) How mutually intelligible or unintelligible are the selected Tivoid languages?

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The sub-unit 4.3.1 below is deliberately targeted towards tackling this question. In doing so, inferences are drawn from both the primary and the secondary data.

4.5.1 Convergence among the selected Tivoid languages

Language convergence simply refers to the increase of similarities between languages beyond a certain measure. Language convergence manifests in increasing similarities between a pair of languages. According to Le Page and Tabouret-Keller

(1985), dialect convergence involves linguistic unification and focusing. The synchronic approach adopted for this study enabled the researcher to investigate only the state of the selected Tivoid languages at the present point in time. The major instruments of data collection used to achieve this were the comparative wordlist and recorded text testing

(RTT). Another vital source of data for this study was the oral interview. This involved face to face interaction or interview with the selected respondents (in this case, adults of over 50 years and above) one each from the twenty villages surveyed in this study. This translates to five respondents from each linguistic group. The oral interview, which is incorporated in this discussion of findings, is based on a wide range of linguistic and ethnographic issues relevant to the realisation of the objectives of this research. The three sources of information discussed together would help to strengthen the findings of this study.

4.5.1.1 Tiv and Utank

From the wordlist of 200 vocabulary items, Utank has the highest number of lexical cognates with the Tiv language (140 items representing 70%). Judging from

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lexical correspondences or cognates, then, it is appropriate to assume that Utank is in convergence with Tiv. The assumption is based on the fact that the more words of one language or variety are similar to another, the more likely it is that speakers of these varieties recognise these words and understand each other (Mitterhofer 2013). This is for the fact that to understand one another, speakers have to recognise the words the other speakers are using, since “as long as the listener correctly recognises words, he will be able to piece the speaker’s message together” (Heuven 2008:43). However, apart from the wordlist the RTT was conducted across the selected languages to ascertain whether the lexical correspondences had any correlation with comprehension or mutual intelligibility among these languages.

Based on the results of the RTT, there was a significant correlation with the wordlists. The result of the intelligibility test showed that only Utank and Tiv met the required score of 60% in line with Grimes (1988) to be judged as convergent languages.

Tiv and Utank have 70% lexical similarity and 62.5% non-reciprocal intelligibility in favour of Tiv. This is because the 25% RTT from Utank to Tiv was not commensurable to the 62.5% average mean score of the same test from Tiv to Utank. These clearly show that the high lexical cognates between Tiv and Utank (70%) were indeed a reflection of convergence; hence it had influenced or enhanced intelligibility in very close proportion.

The fact that the high intelligibility from Tiv to Utank is not reciprocated by the

Tiv is a clear indication that Utank is rather converging towards the Tiv being the reference and also the dominant language. The point is that when languages are judged to have converged, the obvious evidence is intelligibility. However, the intelligibility may or may not be necessarily reciprocal because change might have occurred as a result of

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external influence from the dominant language (Chang 2007). Either way, it may sometimes reflect as inherent intelligibility: intelligibility of the reference speech variety among speakers of the test speech variety which is based on only their knowledge of the test variety; or as acquired intelligibility: past exposure to the reference speech variety can increase participants’ comprehension scores. In the case of Tiv and Utank, both scenarios are applicable. The oral tradition supports the fact that Utank and Tiv were one language prior to their migration and consequent separation at Ulanga hills. The separation significantly reduced the intensity of contact between Utank and Tiv, which attendant consequences on both languages. For instance, the 62.5% RTT score of Tiv by the Utank respondent on one hand and 25% of Utank by Tiv respondents were deemed to be a direct outcome of separation despite of the ties that both linguistic groups have maintained over the years. Given that the Tiv are a more dominant ethnic group, an

Utanga person naturally group up speaking the Tiv language as informed by Chief Joseph

Shuhumba (the District head of Utanga). A more critical examination of this situation would reveal that this type of intelligibility between Tiv and Utank can only be described as acquired intelligibility because the high percentage score (62.5%) from Tiv to Utank is not shared by both languages; as the Tiv language group score only 25% in the intelligibility test done in the reverse order. This outcome is however not unusual as Tiv is a dominant language, so, naturally minor languages normally converge more or shift towards the dominant one (Agbedo 2007).

From the foregoing discussion therefore, the data clearly show that between Tiv and Utank, the percentage of lexical similarity is high enough to prove a possible case of convergence. However, it is a case of Utank converging towards the Tiv; which was

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exemplified by the RTT result with 62.5% average mean score for the text from the Tiv to Utank and only 25% from Utank to Tiv.

4.5.1.2 Tiv and Oliti

The lexical similarity or cognate percentage matrix (table 6 above) shows that the convergence or similarity level between Tiv and Oliti is 34%. The purpose of the wordlist in this study is to help to determine the closeness or distance between the selected languages. It is based on the axiom that the higher the lexical similarity, the closer the languages; conversely, the lower the lexical similarity, the further distant the languages.

Also, according to Jackson (2011), when lexical similarity is less than 70%, it is a strong indication of mutual unintelligibility. Generally, the wordlist only indicates unintelligibility; it does not indicate what level of similarity that guarantees intelligibility.

It is based on this understanding that RTT was administered to help determine the level of intelligibility among the selected languages.

The result of the RTT presented in batch A (ii) and B (ii) above show a correlation with the wordlist. The test’s average mean scores from Tiv to Oliti show the intelligibility level at 35%. Meanwhile, the reciprocal test from Oliti to Tiv has 23% average mean score. This means that the intelligibility level of 34% was proportional to the lexical similarity of 34%. Unlike the Utanga people who share a common boundary with the Tiv around the Shangev-ya axis in Kwande LGA of Benue State, the Oliti are found only in Cameroun along the border with Nigeria close to the Obudu hill complex.

The distance allows for limited contact with Tiv, except for other social network of

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interactions (market and other commercial activities). These largely accounted for the low lexical similarity and consequently low intelligibility level.

The Oliti people claim to be direct descendants of ‘Ikyor’, a sub-clan of the Tiv tribe which directly descended from the Ipusu mega-clan. The Oliti people similarly claim their origin and migration from Swem hills. They generally believe to have been part of the mass movement of the Tiv people from the Swem hill. There was no clear evidence as to why they ended in their present location. However, according to Pa Achia

Agule, the Oliti, Utank, Bagga and Becheve came to settle on the Noonge hill on their arrival from Swem. Noonge is a sister hill found in Akwaya sub-division of Manyu division, South-west Cameroun. Another name for Noonge hill is the Undir hill.

Therefore, the Oliti hold strong allegiance to Ekol or Ekotemgba – a common name for all the tribes found around the region where Swem hill is located. According to Pa Esham

Johnson, the eldest man of Ekemawa kindred, the Patriach Oliti was part of the Tiv family that left the Swem hill and journeyed towards the West; and on getting to the

Ngale area, Oliti became sick and so was left behind while the group crossed the river

Moon into the Obudu complex. To date, the Oliti trace their genealogical lineage to a mini clan called ‘Ikyor’, the same with the Utank people as discussed above.

4.5.1.3 Tiv and Ugare

The Ugare – Chika (as it is commonly known among the indigenes) like the

Utanga and Oliti, claim to have originated from the Swem hill. According to Pa Achuna

Boloko, it is common knowledge to the Ugare people that they migrated from the Swem hill to their present location (on the hill) called Chika, where the Baptist Church is

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presently situated in Ballin - Cameroun. Pa Achuna held the strong view that the Ugare and Tiv people were brothers. Other elders like Pa Atem Akungu (age 69) of Bagundu,

Pa Anum Gamba also of Bagundu, Pa Igyom Atinga of Bakinjaw, who were the grand priests of all the Ugare shrines aligned with Pa Achuna that, their parents handed to them the knowledge that the Tiv people were their brothers.

From the wordlists, the lexical similarity or convergence level between Tiv and

Ugare was 21.5%. This percentage is the lowest among the languages compared with the

Tiv language. In comparing the lexical similarity with intelligibility, the RTT results show that the Ugare respondents in Batch A (iii) understand Tiv by 51.25% total average mean; while the Tiv respondents in Batch B (iii) understand Ugare by only 40% total average mean. This figure is clearly higher than what the wordlist (21.5%) predicts.

The relatively higher comprehension over and above the lexical similarity relates to the general language situation around the Nigerian – Cameroun border area. The languages mostly in use at the border area were pidgin or broken English and most times and places Tiv was used across the borders along side with various indigenous languages.

However, the use of pidgin or broken English and Tiv was restricted to social domains such as market and other social cultural activities. In school, English was the official language as south-west Cameroun is within the Anglophone area; while the various vernaculars were used at the home front without prejudice. In this kind of situation the purpose and domain determined the choice of language at any giving point in time.

Considering the high social network and contact between the Tivoid in Cameroun and their counterpart in Nigeria, bilingualism was a common feature among the people.

The inter-border relations required necessarily that a person must speak more than one

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form of language to operate effectively in the different socio-economic domains. On the average one must be able to speak a given vernacular and pidgin or broken English and

Tiv or vice versa. In particular, Tiv and Ugare people maintained very close ties over the years. A section of the Ugare are found in Nigeria in Kwande LGA; precisely, in

Ikyurav-ya and Shangev-ya communities. The Ugare indigenes in Nigeria are called

“Iyon”, and their variety of Ugare language is also known as “Iyon”. An average Ugare

Person is bilingual (speaks Tiv, Ugare or at least broken or Pidgin English). It is important to note that, though most Ugare people speak Tiv, they maintain the distinctiveness of their own language. It was quite difficult to avoid selecting Ugare respondents that have one form of exposure or the other to the Tiv language, during the screening and selection of the respondents. The Tiv respondents on the other hand were relatively exposed to “Iyon” due to intermarriages and other social networks. Therefore, the low lexical similarity as against higher comprehension was a consequence of bilingualism, which was a common feature around the border communities.

4.5.1.4 Utank and Oliti

The lexical similarity between Utank and Oliti which stands at 39.5% is considerably higher than the intelligibility total average mean score. The RTT score of

30% from Utank to Oliti respondents and 23.13% from Oliti to Utank respondents underscores the fact that lexical similarity and intelligibility did not necessarily have a one to one correspondence. Utank and Oliti enjoyed communal relations over the years, such that the low lexical similarity and comprehension was not ordinarily expected. It was earlier noted that the people of the linguistic groups under investigation related to

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one another on the basis of brotherhood, given their common ancestral history. This same attitude transcended language. Pa Atam Akungu (69) of Bagundu, Pa Anum Gamba (89) also of Bagundu, Pa Igyom Atinge (83) of Bakinjaw and Pa Achuna Boloko (77) of

Ballin; strongly believed that Tiv, Utank, Ugare and Oliti were brothers. For this reason, they exhibited the spirit of brotherliness towards the people and their languages. The four elders who were the Priests of the shrines in their various domains informed the research team that they grew up to share common fraternity with the Tiv people dating back from the days of their parents and grandparents until the colonial administration of Lord

Lugard and the Germans and later the French systems (plebiscite 1961) that brought about political and administrative separation between the Tiv and the rest of the Tivoid languages. This was in the sense that after the plebiscite, there was official delimitation of territorial, political and administrative boundaries. Thus, Tiv in their larger numbers were caught up in Nigeria, while the rest fell within the Cameroun boundary or administrative control. The four elders mentioned above further reaffirmed that in the fifties prior to the plebiscite, the then reigning Chief of Ugare, Igula Adah of Bagundu even attended the regional conference of Chiefs in Enugu, now south-eastern Nigeria. These were clear evidence of the affinity and close ties that the Tivoid in Cameroun had with their counterparts in Nigeria.

4.5.1.5 Utank and Ugare

The lexical similarity matrix (Table 9 above) showed 20% lexical correspondence between Utank and Ugare. This is an affirmation of genetic relationship. However, the intelligibility test (RTT) score across both languages reveal low intelligibility total

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average mean. The result of RTT from Utank to Ugare in Batch 3 A (i) only 17.5% total average mean score. Then Ugare to Utank in Batch 2 B (ii) showed 19.38% intelligibility level. Apart from the genetic relationship, there is generally very low social network of interaction between Utanga people who speak Utank and the Ugare. The reasons are not too farfetched. Apart from Ugare being on the northwest axis of Cameroun and, therefore, separated from Utank in southeast Nigeria by distance, the two languages had almost equal status (both were not standardised and were endangered); as such, there was no any attraction for a shift either way.

4.5.1.6 Oliti and Ugare

Though both Oliti and Ugare are languages in Cameroun, they are quite a distance apart from each other in terms of space and social network. Geographically, Oliti is in the southwest, while Ugare is in the northwest. The mountainous terrain between these speech communities did not encourage social network. Largely, the wordlist records

22.5% lexical similarity between Oliti and Ugare; thus, confirming their genetic relationship.

The intelligibility test result shows that mutual intelligibility from Oliti to Ugare was 17.5% total mean score, while 12.5% is the test score from Ugare to Oliti.

4.6 Findings in relation to convergence

The findings reveal among other issues that of the four Tivoid languages compared, only Tiv and Utank showed indications of convergence. This is for the fact that, between Tiv and Utank, the wordlists correspondence or similarity percentage was

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70%. This result is substantial enough to judge these languages as convergent languages.

However, the direction of convergence is clearly in favour of the Tiv language. This is in view of the fact that the intelligibility test (RTT) result shows 62.2% comprehension of the text in Tiv by Utank respondents; whereas, only 25% comprehension of the same

Text in Utank by Tiv respondents.

The correspondence or cognate percentage between Tiv and Oliti is 34%. This result is too low to consider both languages as convergent. Rather, 34% is a proof of genetic relationship, considering that both languages are deemed to have come from a common source (the Bantu language family).

The study shows that the lexical similarity between Tiv and Ugare is the least among four selected languages with only 21.5%. This is in spite of the socio-cultural ties that the ethnic groups share. Ugare and the Tiv people have close ties dating back to the pre-colonial era. The larger population of Ugare is found in Cameroun and a smaller population is in Shangev-ya and Ikyurav-ya, both in Kwande LGA of Benue State (North

Central Nigeria).

Between Utank and Oliti, the data reveal a 40.5% lexical similarity. This is also too low to conclude that the languages are converging.

The study shows that Oliti and Ugare have the cognate percentage of 22.5%. This is in spite of the fact that both are Camerounian languages. However, they do not share close ties as the Tiv people do with the Utanga people on the Nigerian side. Therefore, the correspondence percentage was only a reflection of their genetic affinity.

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4.7 Findings in relation to mutual intelligibility

Generally, the study reveals that despite the varying degrees of lexical similarity reflected above, there is no clear case of mutual intelligibility established involving any pair of the Tivoid languages under study. Specifically, the result of the intelligibility test conducted using recorded text testing (RTT) reveal as follows:

The study reveals that there is non-reciprocal intelligibility between Utank and

Tiv. Non-reciprocal intelligibility in the sense that the test score from Tiv to Utank respondents had 62.5% total average. Though 62.5% total average mean is not significant enough to conclude that there is intelligibility; it is close to the threshold recommended by Bergman (1990) to establish a case of intelligibility. On the other hand, the 25% RTT result from Tiv to Utank reveals non-reciprocal intelligibility.

The RTT result from Tiv to Oliti reveals 35% total average mean, which shows no case of intelligibility. The reverse test from Oliti to Tiv shows only 23% intelligibility.

The RTT result from Tiv to Ugare shows 51.21% intelligibility, while the result from Ugare to Tiv is 40%. Though the score between this pair of languages is on the average; especially from Tiv to Ugare, the percentage lexical similarity was too low

(21.5%) to warrant intelligibility. The study also shows that the RTT result from Utank to

Oliti is 30% intelligibility; while from Oliti to Utank is 23.13 % intelligibility.

The RTT from Oliti and Ugare, reveals 17.5% intelligibility; while from Ugare to

Oliti is 12.5%. This is the least intelligibility score of the pairs of languages selected for this study. Though both Oliti and Ugare are from Cameroun, were no close relationship or social contact between the people of these two language groups; therefore, the 22.5% lexical cognates between these languages suffice as evidence of their genetic affinity.

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CHAPTER FIVE

DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ON DIVERGENCE

5.1 Preamble

This chapter discusses in part the data earlier presented in chapter four above; especially, as it relates to divergence in the languages under study. The purpose is to ascertain the possibility of divergence among the selected Tivoid languages (Tiv, Utank,

Oliti and Ugare) and thereafter account for the possible factors of convergence and divergence among them. This is consistent with the cardinal objectives of this study. This arrangement has taken cognisance of the third research question addressed here; which is:

(iii) How divergent or dissimilar are the selected Tivoid languages?

5.2. Divergence among the selected Tivoid languages

The data discussed in this sub-section were largely presented in chapter four under convergence. However, convergence and divergence are like two sides of the same coin; therefore, the same data are used here for analysis and discussion on divergence.

The data were drawn from the comparative wordlists and recorded test testing (RTT).

The notion of divergence as used in this study relates to the process of dialect or language change in which the dialects or languages become less like each other. In historical linguistics, the role of divergence seems to have received more emphasis as part of the development of languages than convergence. However, both are the most dynamic manifestations of language change. However, divergence among the selected Tivoid

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languages is more clearly revealed through the analysis of the data from the various research instruments below.

5.2.1 Comparative Wordlists

The analysis of the wordlists shows that there was very low lexical cognate percentage among the selected languages, except for Tiv and Utank which had 70%. Tiv and Oliti was 34% cognate while Tiv and Ugare had 21.5% cognates. The same data from the wordlists were calculated using standard deviation to show the concentration or deviation from the mean, which was the expected point of convergence. Therefore, except for Tiv and Utank, the data show that the other selected Tivoid languages were rather divergent based on the 70% lexical similarity bench mark adopted for this study.

During the oral interview, the respondents across these linguistic groups attested to the fact that in the time past, there was higher level of understanding and comprehension among the people. Some informants over age 50 confirmed that between their grandparents and now, they observe a kind of declining similarity or comprehension; especially following the French plebiscite of 1961, which brought about administrative and geographical separation between Nigeria and Cameroun.

The 70% lexical similarity bench mark set for the determination of similarity is in accordance with the Summer Institute of Linguistics’s (SIL) ‘Language assessment criteria’12 (Bergman 1990:2) for interpretation of word-list results. The criteria recommended among other things that,

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[When the word-list analysis results] indicate a lexical similarity between two speech forms of less than about 70% (at the upper confidence limit of the calculation), this generally indicates that these are different languages. ... If the similarity is more than 70%, dialect intelligibility testing is needed to determine how well people can understand the other speech form.

This recommendation, therefore, forms the bench mark for deciding convergence as applied in this study.

Considering these guidelines, it is only Tiv and Utank with 70% lexical similarity that stood a chance of mutually understanding each other’s speech form; they may be considered converging languages. Furthermore, the data reveal that between Utank and

Oliti, the lexical similarity percentage was 34%; Utank and Ugare was 20% while Oliti and Ugare stood at 22.5%.

The lexical similarity matrix and RTT in chapter four proved that though these languages were phonologically similar, they were not mutually intelligible as they appeared on the face value. This is in the sense that the relative similarity of the vocabulary items was only an indication of genetic relationship proving that the languages descended from a common stock or ancestry. Convergence is not proven by mere phonological similarity alone; it is expected that convergent languages would also be mutually intelligible. On the contrary, Grimes (1988) opines that intelligibility is unlikely when lexical similarity is below 60%. On the other hand, Hughes (1987) proposed 80% lexical similarity to warrant any chance of mutual intelligibility. Though these opinions are varied, this study adopted rather a middle line position of 70% lexical similarity in line with Bergman (1990:2) and 60% intelligibility in line with Grimes

(1988) to establish a case of convergence; anything less is regarded as divergence.

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Considering whether there is convergence or divergence among the selected

Tivoid languages; the data obtained from the field show a clear disparity between the perceived similarity and the actual state of the languages which was far from being similar or convergent, except for Tiv and Utank as shown below in the non-cognates percentages or lexical dissimilarity matrix. The non-cognate percentage matrix was arrived at by counting and calculating all the non-cognate items for each pair of languages in comparative wordlists. The purpose is to the show dissimilarity as obtained in the comparative wordlists in clear-cut figures as reflected below:

Table 22: Lexical dissimilarity or non-cognates percentage matrix among Tiv,

Utank, Oliti and Ugare

Tiv 30 Utank

66 59.5 Oliti

78.5 80 77.5 Ugare

Source: Field survey 2014

Table 22 shows the percentages of non-cognates between Tiv, Utank, Oliti and

Ugare. Based on the lexicostatistical model, the non-cognates items on the wordlist were calculated using percentages and standard deviation. The data show that only 60 items which represent 30% of the 200 item wordlist were non-cognates between Tiv and Utank.

It is important to note that Utank apart from being a Nigerian language along side with

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Tiv, the members of both linguistic groups have cultural ties and share a common border along Kwande axis. Despite the high percentage of lexical cognates, the intelligibility was non-reciprocal. This means that only the Utanga people substantially understood the

Tiv language, but Tiv people did not understand Utank.

Between Tiv and Oliti, the percentage of lexical dissimilarity was 66%, while

Ugare was 78.5%. Utank and Oliti have 59.5% dissimilarity percentage, Utank and Ugare has 80%. And finally, Oliti and Ugare have 77.5% non-cognate percentage. Judging by the 70% lexical similarity bench mark adopted by this study; the wordlist has shown clear cases of divergence as there is no measure of closeness among the selected languages, except for Tiv and Utank. The degree of divergence is also shown in the Standard deviation divergence/dissimilarity matrix below:

Table 23: Divergence/dissimilarity or non-cognate matrix showing standard

deviation among Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare

Tiv 42.42641 Utank

93.3381 84.14571 Oliti

111.0158 113.1371 109.6016 Ugare

Source: Field survey 2014

The standard deviation (henceforth, StDev) matrix above shows that there is

42.42641 values between Tiv and Utank. Based on the wordlist result alone, Tiv and

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Utank would be considered as converging languages as the measure of deviation between them is minimal. Between Tiv and Oliti, the standard deviation (StDev) measured

93.3381 values indicating wide disparity between them. The widest disparity in terms of lexical similarity is between Tiv and Ugare with 111.0158 StDev values.

In the second stream of languages compared, the the StDev values between Utank and Oliti reveals 84.14571values, while Utank and Ugare is 113.1371values. The third stream of comparison is between Oliti and Ugare with 109.6016 StDev values.

Accordingly, the interpretation of the standard deviation values is based on the mean which stands at 50.00 in each pair of data or languages. This implies that the closer/smaller or more concentrated the StDev value is to the mean, the more the similarity or convergence. Conversely, the larger the standard deviation values, the more the distance or divergence between the pair of languages. In other words, the more words of one language are similar to another, the likelier it is that speakers of these languages will recognise these words and understand each other and vice versa.

From the foregoing, therefore, only Utank and Tiv’s StDev values (38.18) were close enough based on the wordlist to be regarded as convergent languages.

5.2.2 Recorded Text Testing (RTT)

In this study, RTT was used as a research tool to test the mutual intelligibility of the selected Tivoid languages. It is important to note that the more languages are lexically similar the more the likelihood of their mutually intelligibility and vice versa. It is against this backdrop that RTT was conducted to confirm the varying percentages of lexical similarity exhibited by the selected Tivoid languages. The RTT results were substantial

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enough to agree with the outcome of the comparative wordlists. That is, the pairs of languages that have low lexical similarity percentages also scored low in the intelligibility test. The total averages percentage unintelligibility deduced from the RTT score sheet earlier reflected in chapter four.

5.2.3 RTT Total average percentage indicating unintelligibility.

Batch 1 A (i), B (i) & C (i): RTT fraction from Tiv to Utank, Oliti and Ugare A (ii), B (ii) C (ii): Reversed RTT from Utank, Oliti and Ugare to Tiv

A (i): Tiv – Utank = 37.5% A (ii): Utank – Tiv = 75%

B (i): Tiv – Oliti = 65% B (ii): Oliti – Tiv = 77%

C (i): Tiv – Ugare = 48.75% C (ii): Ugare – Tiv = 60%

Batch 2 A (i) & B (i): RTT from Utank to Oliti and Ugare A (ii) & B (ii): Reversed RTT from Oliti and Ugare to Utank

A (i): Utank – Oliti = 70% A (ii) Oliti - Utank = 76.87%

B (i): Utank – Ugare = 86.5% B (ii) Ugare – Utank = 80.62%

Batch 3 A (i): RTT from Oliti – Ugare A (ii): RTT from Ugare – Oliti

A (i): Oliti – Ugare = 82.5% A (ii): Ugare – Oliti = 87.5%

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The unintelligibility score were obtained or deduced as a fraction of RTT result earlier presented in 4.2.2. It was arrived at by subtracting the actual intelligibility mean percentage and the remainder is regarded as unintelligibility percentage. This method was devised to ease analysis and understanding of issues involved, considering the fact that intelligibility and unintelligibility are both sides of the same coin. More so, that intelligibility and unintelligibility are discussed in this study in the context of convergence and divergence, which are equally two sides of the same coin.

This data therefore, revealed that from Tiv to Oliti, the deduced unintelligibility percentage stood at 65%, while Oliti to Tiv was 77%. Tiv to Ugare was 48.75% and

Ugare to Tiv was 60%. Among the other selected Tivoid languages; from Utank to Oliti, the test recorded 70% unintelligibility total averages percentage score; while Oliti to

Utank has 76.87%. Meanwhile, Utank to Ugare is 86.5% unintelligibility and Ugare to

Utank is 80.62%. The last pair of languages that was tested is from Oliti to Ugare with

82.5% total averages; while Ugare to Oliti is 87.5%.

5.3 Discussion and findings on divergence

In this subsection, attempt has been made to relate the result of the comparative wordlists with the recorded text testing (RTT). This is to clearly show whether there is convergence or divergence among the Tivoid languages under study.

5.3.1 Divergence among the selected Tivoid languages

Subsections 5.2.1 and 5.2.2 have analysed the data obtained from the comparative wordlists and RTT respectively. In this subsection, the discussion takes cognisance also 134

of the different historical and contemporary social issues resulting in divergence among the selected Tivoid languages. The information relating to the different historical and contemporary social issues were obtained from the oral interview with native speakers of concerned languages and their historical sources and archival documents. These languages are therefore considered in pairs for clarity and ease of understanding.

5.3.1.1 Tiv and Utank

The lexical similarity between Tiv and Utank is the highest (70%) among all the languages compared thereby making Utank the least divergent with Tiv in this study. The intelligibility between the two languages also has the highest percentage total averages score of 62.5% for the recorded text testing (RTT) from Tiv to Utank. Based on historical and social evidence, Utank and Tiv are the closest of the four languages examined. To date, the Utanga people trace their origin through the Tiv lineage. The Utanga people generally believe that they separated from their brothers during the sporadic migration of the Tiv race out of Swem. The high percentages of lexical similarity between Tiv and

Utank however, attest to this fact. Another issue to consider is the one way intelligibility; the situation whereby Utank respondents understand Tiv more than the Tiv respondents understand the Utank language. The language information obtained through the oral interview reveals that an Utanga child grows to understand how to speak Tiv fluently.

According to HRH Chief Joseph Suhumba, the Utanga person only sings in the Tiv language, he explained further that Utanga language is not yet developed so they use the

Tiv Bible in church. The people believe that Utanga and Tiv people are one homogeneous ethnic group, with different dialects of the same language. Socially,

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marriage and love affairs are forbidden between Tiv and Utanga people because of family ties widely recognised by their customs and traditions.

The actual language situation by available linguistic and sociolinguistic evidence indicates that an average Utanga person is bilingual in Utank and Tiv and almost equally proficient in both. However, this does not apply to the Tiv people because Tiv is a dominant language with superior vitality. The socio-cultural ties have made the Utanga people to exhibit positive attitude of accommodation towards the Tiv language; for which the resultant effect is increasing lexical similarity and comprehension by the Utanga people. The geographical proximity between Tiv and Utank has encouraged regular contact as both are not only Nigerian languages, but they also share common border at

Vande-Ikya and Kwande axis bordering Benue and Cross River States. Besides, a vast section of the Utanga population of Utanga (known as Utange) have coexisted with the

Tiv around the Ushongo hill area for decades and have become a large community of people.

5.3.1.2 Tiv and Oliti

Tiv and Oliti are divergent languages based on the comparative wordlists obtained by this study and confirmed by the mutual intelligibility test results. The wordlist cognate percentage of 34% between Tiv and Oliti; and RTT total mean score of 35% from Tiv to

Oliti and 23.75% from Oliti to Tiv are valid evidences of divergence. They are considered divergent at this stage because of the low lexical cognates between them and the apparent lack of intelligibility despite the fact that they are genetically related. In addition, it was observed during the conduct of the RTT that the category of children

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selected from Mavas test site must have had very limited exposure to the Tiv language if at all; yet they scored 20% for comprehension of the Tiv language. Also, given that the

Tiv respondents in Tsor village in Vande-Ikya and their counterparts in Imande-Dura have little or no exposure at all to Oliti, but collectively scored 23.75% for the text from

Oliti to Tiv based on lexical similarity is a clear indication that they are of a common descent. On the other hand, the present high unintelligibility score of 65% (from Tiv to

Oliti) and 77% (from Oliti to Tiv) clearly shows that the two languages may have become divergent.

5.3.1.3 Tiv and Ugare

The Tiv and Ugare languages have the least lexical similarity percentage (21.5%) with relatively higher comprehension; especially for the text from Tiv to Ugare (40%).

The data set reveals a significant improvement in the intelligibility total average mean score of the text from Tiv to Ugare. 40% intelligibility as against 21.5% lexical correspondence or cognates is due to exposure to the Tiv language. When the intelligibility percentage appears to be higher than the lexical cognate percentage, then, it is an indication of either borrowing of contact between the two languages.

The Ugare also lay claim to ancestral ties with the Tiv, on the basis of common ancestry as the Utanga and the Oliti who trace their genealogical lineage to Ikyor (Utanga

Ikyor and Oliti Ikyor), a sub-clan on the Tiv lineage. The Ugare also claim to be related to the Tiv through the Ikyor sub-clan of the Tiv family. That is why there is a chunk of their population (Iyon) living in Nigeria from Ikyurav-ya and Ishangev-ya both in

Kwande LGA in Benue State.

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5.3.1.4 Utank and Oliti

Utank and Oliti are divergent languages despite the fact that both they are neighbouring languages. Utank is on the Nigerian side of the border, around the Obudu plateau and Oliti is around Ngale and Mavas communities close to the border between

Cameroun and Nigeria. It is believed that Nigale was one of the migration routes from

Swem hills in Cameroun into Nigeria and through Utanga or Obudu hills, before the final departure to the present Benue valley by the Tiv people.

Despite this connection and proximity, Utank and Oliti languages are divergent considering the low lexical cognates which stand at 40.5% (Utank and Oliti) and intelligibility average score of 30% (Utank to Oliti), 23.13% Oliti to Utank. The possible factor is due the administrative and geographical separation brought about by the French plebiscite of 1961. From then onwards, administrative and territorial boundaries were demarcated and restrictions were imposed. This development also initiated some security issues relating to border skirmishes and the likes which consequently affected trans- border relations between these once close linguistic groups. The natural barrier created by river Moon and the attendant lack of access road compounded the problem of social interaction between Utanga and Oliti communities. It took the prolonged neglect of these border communities by both the Nigerian and Camerounian governments for these communities to recreate ways of reestablishing the ties that they had prior to the plebiscite for their mutual economic benefits. This has been done through the proliferation of illegal routes across the Nigerian – Cameroun border linking markets in

Nigeria (Amana) and Cameroun (Ngale) etc. The importance of these illegal routes markets, schools and churches have become so useful that the governments of the two

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countries have to set up immigration posts at both sides of the border to regulate security and migrant activities. This administrative separation is capable of affecting the attitude of the Oliti and Utank caught up on both sides of the divide towards each other’s language.

5.3.1.5 Utank and Ugare

Apart from the genetic relationship that Utank share with Ugare, there is limited social relations between them in terms of network of interaction. The low level of contact between these two linguistic groups is reflected in only 20% lexical cognates, which attest to their genetic relationship. The mutual intelligibility between Utank and Ugare is also as low as 17.5% (from Utank to Ugare) and 19.38% for the text from Ugare to

Utank. One of the informants Joe Aka who himself is Ugare, revealed that because of the distance and administration (Utank being in Nigeria and Ugare in Cameroun), they don’t have much to do with each other, hence the divergence of their tongues and loss of intelligibility.

5.3.1.6 Oliti and Ugare

Oliti and Ugare are languages in Cameroun. Apart from the genetic relationship that lexical similarity of 22.5% affirms, they are the least intelligibile of the selected languages. The text from Oliti to Ugare has 17.5% average mean score. The reverse test from Ugare to Oliti has 12%. Both linguistic groups are naturally separated by distance and difficult terrain. Besides, intermarriages between them are not a common occurrence, even as there are no indications of long standing hostilities between them.

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5.3.1.7 Findings in relation to divergence

One of the important concerns of this study was to ascertain the level of divergence among the selected Tivoid languages. Based on the analyses of the comparative wordlist and the RTT, the data reveal among other issues that only Utank and Tiv have relative evidence of convergence. The rest of the languages (Tiv, Oliti, are

Ugare) have shown evidence of divergence.

Specifically, based on the results of the comparative wordlists, the fraction of the similarity percentages were calculated to arrive at the percentages indicating the level of divergence among the selected languages. Therefore, Tiv and Oliti was 66% while between Tiv and Ugare, the divergence was 78.5%. The divergence between Utank and

Oliti is 59.5%, Utank and Ugare is 80% - thus, been the most divergent pair among the selected languages. On the other hand, the divergence between Oliti and Ugare was

77.5%.

The comparative wordlists showed that in the process of diverging, except Utank that maintained the class marker prefixes, Oliti, Ugare and most especially Tiv have lost a substantial number of them. For example, in words like seed: Tiv has /ʃám/, while Utank has retained the class prefix (marked in bold) /íʃám/. For grass Tiv has /tóhó/ and Utank still maintain /útóhó/. It is clear, therefore, that Utank still holds onto the class marker prefixes, while the rest have jettisoned some of them.

5.4 Factors responsible for convergence and divergence among the Tivoid languages

The research question (iv) is: What are the possible factors responsible for convergence and divergence among the selected Tivoid languages?

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Generally, different historical, contemporary and sociolinguistic processes result to language convergence and divergence. The crucial point to note is that convergence and divergence, which are different sides of the same coin, are complex to aggregate in terms of the factors responsible in each individual case. The situation is such that the same occurrence or process could develop and result in either convergence or divergence and sometimes both. The data available suggest that the possible factors responsible for convergence and divergence stem from two broad sources namely; sociolinguistic and linguistic factors. These factors are in turn discussed below:

Due to the complex and dynamic nature of the human society in which language is used, language is bound to continuously change or at least vary to reflect the changes or new experiences of man in his society. Millar (2007:334) maintains, “no language is totally homogenous”. Even the same language normally exhibits varying types of variations (regional and social class). For this, credit is due to the American linguist

William Labov, for the advancement of linguistic knowledge especially, in the area of variation and social stratification through his studies in 1963 and 1964.

The factors of language divergence in the Tivoid language phylum are quite an intriguing process to discuss. This is for the fact that there are no clear-cut starting point and no clear-cut boundaries. The process, factors and dimensions of language divergence are quite arbitrary depending on the language in question and the circumstances that gave rise to their divergence. In other words, the triggers of language divergence between languages “A” and “B” may not be exactly the same with those between languages “C”

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and “D”. Therefore, each case requires independent investigation in order to ascertain its parametric features.

5.4.1 Sociolinguistic factors

The fact of language as a living organism has remained a puzzle to many scholars, given that it is an intangible and subconscious joint possession of the speakers and the speech communities that share the same repertoire and as well regulate the norms for its use. Though language is an inalienable right of an individual by nature, it is not an exclusive right. The social norms or forces and historical developments in the human society in general and the speech community in particular, have their mark in determining the direction of change in language against the consent and control of the individual speaker.

Sociolinguistic factors as used in this study refer to issues, practices, traditions, events and historical developments that affect man and the use of language in society.

This is against the backdrop that language is an integral part of human culture. Therefore, any fundamental changes in the society usually have corresponding impact on language.

In the course the survey, sociolinguistic and linguistic information were obtained to complement the data from the wordlists and the RTT. This information was obtained through oral interview and personal interaction with village chiefs, oracular priests and other informants of ages 50 years and above.

The oral interview/discussion covers a wide range of issues including origin of the people from their own point of view, linguistic/ethnic identity, social interaction, general language use, language attitudes, bilingual situation and socio-cultural beliefs of the

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people. From all of these, it is clear that the Tivoid languages sub-family in general have a rich historical antecedent that predisposes them to both convergence and divergence, some of which are captured in the proceeding discussion.

5.4.2 Migration

Human history is a constantly recurring set of movement, collision, settlement, and more movement. Throughout history, people have chosen to uproot themselves and move to explore their world. Sometimes, they migrate in search of new opportunities.

Other times, migration is a desperate attempt to find a place to survive or to live in peace.

As an important pattern in human culture, migrations have influenced world history from its onset. Migration refers to permanent or temporal movement from one country or region to another. The movement of a people to and from a particular location may be caused by environmental, economic and political factors.

Environmental factors refer to unfavourable weather, climatic conditions and prevalence of natural disasters etc. Economic factors have to do with the movement of people triggered by the quest for better conditions of living or search for means of livelihood, for example, as the world became more industrialised many people moved to cities where jobs were available in factories. Political factors are in reference to the quest to acquire and exercise authority and control; for instance, in the 15th century, Ottomans’ drive for power pushed them all over the ancient world to create a massive empire.

Migration affects both the society and language in very many ways including: redistribution of the population, thereby causing population density in some areas; cultural blending of languages or ways of life may occur etc. That is why language is a

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veritable tool used by experts in tracing the patterns of movement of people over time. It is through this process that the Bantu language family was studied and classified under

Niger-Congo with Tivoid as its sub-language phylum. The Bantu like other language families spread across Africa through migration.

The wave of migration experienced by the Tivoid languages phylum cannot be isolated from the general events that triggered the Bantu migration, expansion and dispersal. The Tivoid sub-family of Bantu languages also has a rich history of migration all traceable to the Swem hills South-West province, Manyu sub-division of Akwaya district in Cameroun. Though the factors that triggered the migration of the Tivoid languages group from Swem hills are a subject of another research; the obvious implications of migration on any linguistic group is separation.

5.4.3 Geographical separation

This relates to the geographical distribution of a people or a section of them in a vast area of land by natural features such as mountains, hills, valleys and difficult terrain.

These natural causes also contribute to language divergence in the sense that the close interaction needed for effective maintenance the speech form among members of the language group is hindered by these natural obstacles, thereby encouraging discordant growth or variation in the language. Separation first leads to regional variation which at first is essentially dialectal. In a matter of time, regional variation could lead to different languages. Human factors of separation are often caused by migration, wars, political and communal skirmishes and attainment of political independence or self determination. All these incidents at various times played out and consequently facilitated the displacement

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of the Tivoid population from the Swem hill to other areas around the Nigerian –

Cameroun border region.

From the oral evidence, there is some level of consensus that the Tivoid language family was in actual sense one large family and possibly moved in clusters from an unidentified location to a well known Swem hill in Cameroun. These elders and oracular priests, Pa Atam Akungu (69 years), of Bagundu; Pa Anum Gamba (89) also of Bagundu;

Pa Igyom Atinge (83) of Bakinjaw and Pa Achuna Boloko (77) of Ballin (representing

Ugare); Pa Achia (89) – oracular priest of Eyong: Ngali and Oliti, Pa Esham Johnson (85) from Ekemewa (representing Oliti); Pa Abena (84), Pa Akahar Ukwane (81) Mama

Rebecca Abena (70) and Chief Joseph Shuhumba (the kindred head of Utanga) representing the Utanga; Chief Itado (78), John Washi (59) representing Becheve all attested that their ancestors migrated from an unspecified place to the Swem hill, widely believed to be the cradle of the Tivoid migration.

Apart from oral tradition, Tiv scholars (Iyo (2007), Varvar (2008), Mgbanyi

(2010), Waapera (2011), Ndera (2013), etc supports the notion of Swem hill as the cradle of migration; the consensus in the oral history and the preponderance of sociological, anthropological, archeological and most importantly linguistic evidence have reinforced this conclusion.

The information gleaned through the village heads and oracular priests from the selected Tivoid linguistic groups during the oral interview supports the fact that the

Tivoid had been one big family living together in pre-historical times. Therefore, even to date, the Utank, Oliti and Ugare people look at the Tiv people as their big brother. The general belief held by the elders is that the Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare are members of

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one large family, who have been separated by migration, time and space. That is why they still make very conscious efforts to speak the Tiv language as a proof of this family ties.

5.4.4 The French plebiscite of 1961

The study revealed that the Tivoid population from Swem hill and within the

Nigeria – Cameroun boarder were living together and operating as one large family or community prior to the French plebiscite of 1961, when a large chunk of the Tiv related tribe and the land were conceded to the Republic of Cameroun. The French plebiscite was a legal option or framework that availed or allowed the people especially, at the fringes of Nigeria - Cameroun borders the opportunity to decide through a referendum whether to belong and be governed under the Federal Republic of Nigeria or Cameroun.

It was then that the majority opted for Cameroun and the territorial border was so established.

In the bid to show the unity and oneness of the Tivoid in Nigeria and their counterpart in Cameroun prior to the plebiscite, the elders and oracular priests, Pa Atam

Akungu (69 years) of Bagundu, Pa Anum Gamba (89) also of Bagundu, Pa Igyom Atinge

(83) of Bakinjaw and Pa Achuna Boloko (77) of Ballin collectively affirmed that in the nineteen fifties (1950s), the then reigning Chief of Ugare, Igula Adah of Bagundu attended the regional conference of Chiefs in Enugu, now eastern Nigeria. Migration, as it affects language, could be a double-edged sword in the sense that it facilitates contact between two or more linguistic groups, which over time could unite or lead to

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convergence and as well separation or cause divergence as in the case of the selected

Tivoid languages.

5.5.1 Linguistic factors

Essentially, linguistic factors relate to the kind of change which occurs due to variation within a language - a situation whereby linguistic elements undergo change. As earlier stated, it cannot be convincing enough to draw a clear-cut dichotomy between sociolinguistic or external factors and linguistic or internal factors of language convergence and divergence. The most fundamental trigger of language change is

‘behaviour of speakers’, which is motivated both internally and externally. There is a complex and intricate relationship between how speakers act linguistically in their community or society and the postulated abstract structure of the language which provides the basis for the speakers’ behaviour. From this view point, Dorian (1993: 131) asserts that linguistic reality is too complex to be captured entirely by a simple binary classification of change types into internal and external factors.

Against this backdrop, the preponderance of sociolinguistic data from the selected

Tivoid languages reveal that divergence was triggered mostly by external factors ranging from migration, geographical separation, social network to language contact among others. These triggers however serve as catalysts for internal factors of convergence and divergence. An understanding of the differential interaction of these triggers is essential in accounting for the process of language convergence and divergence. For instance, the combined effects of migration and geographical separation are largely responsible for the divergence of the selected Tivoid languages, which until then were one homogenous

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language family or at least much more similar than they are at present. To further buttress this fact, the comparative wordlists revealed 73% lexical cognates between Tiv and

Utank – both of which are Nigerian languages that share common borders with high a network of interaction. Meanwhile, Oliti and Ugare have 22.5% lexical cognates in spite of the fact that both are languages in Cameroun, they lack the geographical proximity which Tiv and Utank enjoy. Oliti and Ugare are separated between them by a vast hilly area of land occupied by other tribes, thereby making the chances of their contact and social interaction not only remote but also restricted.

Usually, migration and geographical separation often result in regional variation at the dialectal level. Dialect variation is a very intriguing concept to discuss. However, it is worthy to note that it serves as a precursor in the process of language change, which may ultimately result in a new language. It sometimes begins seamlessly an idiolect, then; it transcends a speech community to the larger society. Language convergence and divergence are not processes that occur instantaneously. It takes a long time and it is also gradual and usually unnoticeable. Language divergence may first become noticeable as new dialects, which may over time grow into different languages. For example, a section of the Utanga people who migrated further from Obudu hills in Cross River State to

Ushongo hills in Benue State over time had their dialect diverge from their other variations. At present, their dialect known as Utange has grown into a separate language, which is closer to Tiv in terms of similarity, but distinct in many ways from both Tiv and

Utank. Another instance is that of Ugare in Ballin – Cameroun and Iyon in Kwande LGA

– Nigeria, where due to migration and geographical separation have grown into different dialects of the Ugare language.

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Although internal triggers of convergence and divergence do not preclude social class variation, the data available to this study have nothing to suggest that social class has played any role in the situation involving any of the selected Tivoid languages.

Rather, it is the overbearing influence of the sociolinguistic factors that have been brought to the fore. Though, Labov did not show concerted interest in geographical or better still regional variation as he did to social class or social stratification, both are crucial factors of linguistic change and in most cases are intertwined. Kurah (1939) points out that social differences intersected with settlement history and geographical differences to account for linguistic variation. The implication of dialectal variation is that it could lead to language divergence, which in turn could result in linguistic diversification, growing diffuseness and heterogenisation; thereby making the dialects which survive it more distinct from each other (Hinskens, Auer and Kerswill 2005).

5.5.2 Language contact

When two or more languages come in contact, especially on a long term basis, there is bound to be the reaction of the speakers to the speech of different linguistic groups. The reaction of the speakers which may first be likely at the level of sounds could either be positive or negative. The reason is that speakers’ pronunciation is usually the aspect of language that is immediately available for assessment by others and hence differences in pronunciation can lead to change across speaker groups, i.e. via accommodation (Trudgill 1986: 1-38) or dissociation (Hickey 2000). Therefore, when languages come into contact, the likelihood of influencing change via accommodation or dissociation entirely depends on the speakers’ attitude, which is in turn could be

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influenced by the prestige and level of vitality which the language(s) possess. In the case of the Tivoid languages investigated in this study, the Tiv language is revealed to be more dominant with more prestige and vitality compared to Utank, Oliti and Ugare, hence, the wide patronage it enjoys across the Cameroun – Nigeria border region.

5.6 Social networks

Milroy (1987) studies the members of the Belfast speech community which are connected to each other in social networks which may be relatively ‘closed’ or ‘open’. He reports that a person whose personal contacts all know each other belong to a closed network. An individual whose contacts tend not to know each other belong to an open network. Closed networks are said to be of high density: open networks are said to be of low density. Moreover, the links between people may be of different kinds: people can relate to each other relatives, neighbours, workmates and or friends. Where individuals are linked in several ways, e.g. by job, family and leisure activities, then the network ties are said to be multiplex. Relatively dense networks, it is claimed, function as norm- enforcement mechanisms. In the case of language, this means that a closely-knit group will have the capacity to enforce linguistic norms. Tiv and Utank are linked in several ways: by commercial activities (markets), religious activities (church) and schools etc. In this connection, Tiv being the dominant language and, therefore, having more prestige, enjoy positive attitude from the Utanga people, thus leading to the accommodation of Tiv speech forms by the Utank speakers. Among the other selected Tivoid languages (Tiv,

Oliti and Ugare), such closely-knit network is not there, hence, the resultant divergence among them.

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5.7 Findings in relation to factors responsible for divergence among the selected

Tivoid languages

The available data suggest that the possible factors responsible for convergence and divergence stem from two broad sources, namely, sociolinguistic and linguistic factors or internal and external factors.

Sociolinguistic or external factors as used in this study refer to issues, practices, attitudes, traditions, events and historical developments that have direct or indirect bearing on man and the use of language in society. This is against the backdrop that language is an integral part of the human culture. Therefore, any fundamental changes in the society usually have corresponding impact on language. More specifically, the sociolinguistic factors involved in this context are: migration, geographical separation, language contact, social networks, and language attitude. The linguistic or internal factors in a nutshell include regional variation and social class variation. All these factors are regulated by the attitude of the speakers and their habitual speech behaviour. Linguistic convergence means the speakers’ adaptation to the verbal register of another in the process of interaction as is the case between Utank speakers and the Tiv. In this case,

Utank speakers have exhibited positive attitude towards Tiv such that an Utanga person does not sing in his own language but Tiv. In other words, there is high level of linguistic accommodation on the part of Utank speakers, which has led to the convergence of the

Utank towards the Tiv, and none on the part of Tiv speakers leading to low intelligibility of Utank in the test conducted.

On the other hand, if the conditions and social frames co-vary with norms and expectation, the speakers of the other language forms may shift away from the reference

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or language of the interactive partners and become more divergent over a given period of time. Such is the case among the other selected Tivoid languages; Tiv verses Oliti, Tiv verses Ugare, Utank verses Oliti, Utank verses Ugare, and Oliti verses Ugare, hence, the varying degrees of divergence among them.

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CHAPTER SIX

FINDINGS, SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Findings

From the foregoing analysis and discussion, the basic findings of this study are summarised below in line with the objectives of this study, which include to ascertain: (i) the possibility of convergence among the selected languages using lexical cognates, (ii) the possibility of mutual intelligibility among the selected languages, (iii) the possibility of divergence among the selected languages and (iv) the possible factors responsible for convergence and divergence among the selected languages.

6.1.1 Findings in relation to convergence

The findings of the study indicate that among the Tiviod languages under study, the case of convergence was revealed between Utank and Tiv. This is in consideration of the 70% lexical cognate shown between Tiv and Utank. In addition, the RTT

(intelligibility test) result of 62.5% (i.e. for the text from Tiv to Utank respondents) was substantial enough to support this conclusion. Meanwhile, the manner of convergence revealed was a one-way convergence. However, the direction of convergence was clearly in favour of the Tiv language. This is because the result showed that Tiv was intelligible to Utank respondents by 62.5% while Utank is not intelligible to the Tiv respondents, hence, the 25% mean score. This situation is not unusual; especially given the fact Tiv is more dominant among the selected languages.

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6.1.2 Findings in relation to mutual intelligibility

The findings in relation to mutual intelligibility showed that apart from the Tiv language which is substantially intelligible (62.5%) to the Utank speakers; there is no other case of mutual intelligibility among the languages investigated. Languages are said to be mutually intelligible when speakers of both languages are able to understand or comprehend each other without difficulties. The case between Tiv and Utank can be described as acquired intelligibility which results from sustained exposure to the Tiv language. The situation here is that of non-reciprocal intelligibility (25%) by the Tiv speakers. However, the 25% comprehension of Utank by the Tiv speakers may be regarded as inherent intelligibility because it is based on genetic relationship. Apart from

Tiv and Utank, all the other languages investigated are far from being mutually intelligible.

6.1.3 Findings in relation to divergence

The findings of this study in respect of divergence revealed that apart from Utank which is converging towards Tiv, the rest of the selected languages are divergent. This is confirmed by the correspondence or cognate percentages as follows: between Tiv and

Oliti - 34%, Tiv and Ugare – 21.5%, Utank and Oliti – 40.5%, Utank and Ugare – 20% and finally, Oliti and Ugare – 22.5%. Also, apart from the Utank speakers who show substantial comprehension of the Tiv text, the rest of the languages are not intelligible.

The relative lexical similarity among them is only indicative of their genetic relationship.

Apart from the result of the comparative wordlists, the recorded text testing

(RTT), which was divided into three batches, also affirms the divergence of the selected

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languages except for Tiv and Utank. This is in view of the fact that only Utank speakers scored 62.5% of the recorded text in Tiv. However, Tiv speakers only scored 25% total average of the text in Utank. Other results of the intelligibility test (RTT) showed that from Tiv to Oliti, the total average score was 35%, while the reverse test (Oliti to Tiv) was 23%. Tiv to Ugare was 51.25%, while for Ugare to Tiv the total average score was

40%.

Batch (B) had to do with the cross-matching of the other selected Tivoid languages using Utank as the reference language in which the results indicate that from

Utank to Oliti, the intelligibility score was 30%; while Oliti to Utank was 23.13%. From

Utank to Ugare the score was 17.5% and Ugare to Utank was 19.38%.

Batch (C) cross-matching related to only Oliti and Utank languages. The study reveals that Oliti was intelligible to the Ugare speakers only by 17.5% while Ugare to

Oliti was 12.5%. These clearly show that there was divergence among the selected languages except for Tiv and Utank.

6.1.4 Findings in relation to factors responsible for convergence and divergence

On the factors responsible for convergence and divergence, it is important to note again that it is difficult to draw a dividing line between factors of convergence and those of divergence. Since convergence and divergence are both sides of the same coin

(manifestations of linguistic change), the same factor depending on the situation and the dynamics of its occurrence could lead to convergence or divergence or even both. As earlier discussed in 5.4, different historical, contemporary and sociolinguistic processes generally result in language convergence and divergence.

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However, the available data suggest that the possible factors responsible for convergence and divergence stemed from two broad sources namely; sociolinguistic and linguistic factors, or external and internal factors respectively.

Sociolinguistic or external factors as used in this study refer to issues, practices, traditions, events and historical developments that affect man and the use of language in society. This is against the backdrop of language being an integral part of the society.

Therefore, any fundamental changes in the society usually have corresponding impact on language. More specifically, the sociolinguistic factors involved in this context are: migration, geographical separation, French plebiscite of 1961, variation due to social stratification, language contact and social networks.

The linguistic or internal factors in a nutshell include bilingualism, borrowing, language vitality and language shift, and language accommodation. All these factors are regulated by the attitude of the speakers and their habitual speech behaviour. Linguistic convergence means the speakers’ adaptation to the verbal register of another in the process of interaction as is the case between Utank speakers and the Tiv. On the other hand, depending on the conditions and social frames, which co-vary with norms and expectation, speakers of other language forms may shift away from the reference or language of the interactive partners and become more divergent over a given period of time.

6.2 Summary and conclusion

Based on the foregoing data analyses, discussions and observations, therefore, the study concludes that, the connection between the Tivoid in Nigeria and their counterpart

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in Cameroun is based on genetic affinity, cultural ties and, probably, common ancestry as both groups regard themselves as brothers and relate mutually as such. The preponderance of linguistic and sociolinguistic evidence to this effect have been discussed in chapters four and five.

There is only one case of convergence revealed (i.e between Utank and Tiv) among the selected Tivoid languages (Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare). Considering the fact that Utank has 70% lexical cognate percentage with Tiv, and the intelligibility test result

62.5% from Tiv to Utank and 25% from Utank to Tiv, it is appropriate to submit that

Utank is converging towards the Tiv language; the process of which is still ongoing.

On mutual intelligibility, the study concludes that the only case established is that of non-reciprocal intelligibility between Tiv and Utank which is clearly in favour of the

Tiv language. This is to say that Utank speakers understand Tiv more (62.5%) while Tiv speakers understand only little (25%) of the Utank speech form.

The low level of lexical similarity between Tiv and Oliti (34%), Tiv and Ugare

(21.5%) are indicative of apparent divergence from the common stock. The extent of divergence/dissimilarities is significant and affirms their listing on the ethnologue as separate languages in spite of the similarities at the morpho-phonological level. The increasing divergence among the selected Tivoid languages has resulted in linguistic diversification, growing diffuseness and heterogenisation.

Divergence was internally and externally triggered, resulting in shift or change in the Tivoid languages. The internally motivated change arises from internal pressure independent of external interference, while the externally motivated change stems from non-linguistic pressures such as migration. The mutual intelligibility test indicates low

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intelligibility among the speakers of the selected Tivoid languages except for Utank and

Tiv. There is a high level of bilingualism involving Tiv, Utank, Oliti and Ugare due to the high social network within these speech communities. Basically, two different kinds of networks are observed: first, there are networks of social interaction based on kinship and communal ties that extend from the household to the community. Second, there are organisations based on ethnic, commercial, professional or religious ties. These migrant networks and organisations have evolved over long period of time prior to the 1961

French plebiscite that eventually led to the separation of territorial boundary between

Nigeria and Cameroun; thus leaving some of these Tiv related tribes under the

Camerounian territory.

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