SLAVERY AND ABOLITION A Journal of Comparative Studies

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· RogerT. Anstey (Kent) Ralph A. Austen (Chicago) Claude Meillassoux (Paris) David Brion Davis (Yale) Domiltique de Menil (Menil ~O'LIlmllllllll Carl N. Degler (Stanford) Suzanne Miers (Ohio) M.1. Finley (Cambridge) Joseph C. Miller (Virginia) Jan Hogendorn (Colby) Orlando Patterson (Harvard) A. G. Hopkins (Birmingham) Edwin Wolf 2nd (Library Co. of Winthrop D. Jordan (Berkeley) Philadelphia) Ion Kenneth Maxwell (Columbia)

Edit"': Associate Ediwr: John Ralph Willis (Princeton) C. Duncan Rice (Hamilton) Volume 2 Number 2 September 1981

.( deceased)

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Published in May, September and December by FRANK CASS & CO. LTD., Gainsborough House, II Gainsborough London Ell IRS, England. \,INGI RAIDS AND SLAVERY 1J5 Ningi Raids and Slavery in Nineteenth Century Sakata Caliphate

Adell Patton, Jr. *

Introduction

Ningi territory is located in (he eastern region of Nigerian Hausaland at the .. nonhernmost end of [he Jos Plateau massif. From remote rimes into the v,' , ..... r .... ,', nineteenth century numerous small scale patrilineal and heterogenous , ,.. ..J.. \ .. ) , , societies scaled into this frontier region; these societies consisted of the ,-- , Butawa, Ningaw3, Chamaw3, Basaw3 , Warjawa, Sirawa and Pa 'awa. By 1846 the population movements into this region occupied the major , ,---- ...... escarpments. Dissident Kana Hausa mallamai (religious practitioners and 0 " ­ teachers) scttled the area last j organized the acephalous non-Muslim moun­ ., taineer societies ima revolt against the Sakata Ca liphate ; and founded the ,: .", Ningi Chi efdom ca. 1847. The N ingi resisted successfull y the of '" " Bauchi, , , and many others. This paper highlights the Ning: v raiding strategy agai nst the imposition of Soko[Q rule in the nineteentl: ce nrury. '

Pre-chiefdom era and Kano Imperialism In the pre-chiefdom era, most of [he stateless societies were the target o! slave raiders. Mixed success marked th e military strategy of the moun­ taineers against centralized forces. With the help of smiths, who made iroa equipmem, provisioning of war materiels became available. And based OIl I­ I observations of plateau ecology, it is possible to extrapolate the reconstruc­ -...... _...-'- ­" , tion of military strategy, which was to set camp in the vi cinity of the mountaineers. In a procedural manner, envoys were sem in the first Sla e­ with tribute demands usually [or sla ves needed in a variety of capacities. 1;'

, ~ the mountaineers deci ded (Q yield to the demands, there was no wa r bur K , ,./,' the cont rary, once the Tsafi chiefs and elders made the decision to fight , t.he hill guerilla contingems met the oncoming mixed forces with showerinE arrows, rocks, and other items of weaponry at the edge of the hills, Wh these materiels ran out, the hill warriors then retreated to the successi,"-:­ wave of hills with pursuing enemy forces where they repeated the strategy Walls of rock served as barriers against enemy penetration, and pebble:.. hun the unshod horses' hoofs. Once the plains cavalrymen climbed dowt. the hills against oncoming boulders and arrows, they were at continui.

I Depanment of History. Howard Universi ty "INGI RAIDS AN D SLAVERY 116 SLAVER Y AND ABOLITIOK 11 7 di sad vantage ag ainst th e mountain eers. Wi rh th ese facto rs in mind, cen· blind suffered in th e household s) but sin ce there were few walls in moumain cu ltures, ra id ers entered easil y. They searched grain bins and sought vari . trali zin g in va ding fo rces ofreo pu rsued a waiting st rategy jn effort s, to s ta~e J the peopl e who would then come down in sub mission. Sometlmes (hu olUS olher ilems. Generall y in the search fo r caplives, lhey killed the aged the infirm, bUl the sla ves mosl preferred were the young and children slralegy worked and al olher limes il did not. The hill dwell ers oflen localed ~d th eir granaries on isolated hill tops, and age d women and children were ~ rn into slaver y and brought up within (he SOCi ety. It is sa id that people twenty· five hidden in hill va ll eys some dislance away from the scenes of ballie. )ver we re most often unsuitable for re tention because of their Evid ence of wa rfare between th e mountaineers and Kana imperia lism ..:mm erous efforts to esca pe, and upon ca pture the raiders sold off persons in :his calegory as Soon as possible.' The slralegy for calching slaves by raiders app ea red as far back as th e founeenth and earl y fi fteenth cemuries. Ya ji wa~ 1lld centrali zed forces aga in st th e mountain people remain ed basica ll y lhe el eventh Sarki who reigned during the years AD 1349-1385. In efforts ar ....oaltered over several centuries. Away from home and und er the captivity consolid ation he moved hi s capital about and reigned at Bunu for twO years , . . Mu slim owners, the mountai neers could onl y hope for th e good treat. in . Yaji moved lat er to Kur whi ch brought him in cl ose contact WILD lO ~ .e m and possibl e manumission en couraged by th e Qur'an . ~ Indeed, slave s [h e Warjawa ("Worjawa ) and other tran shumant m o untai~ ee rs. :h~ 'from Ningi came lO holJ hi gh governmenlal posilions in Kano hislory. The probable acquisilion of horses by Yaji may have lurned th e llde agalns;: =ineteenth cemury, however, introduced yet another dimension of religious dwell ers of dual ecology for he made war wilh Warji and remamed lhere fo: md economi c change onto th e hori zon of Nigerian Hau sa land th at created some time. In time th e praise song abo ut the eleventh Sarki yielded clues (g lIl. even greater demand for raid s and slaves. th e growing power of Kano against th e mount ai n societi es: "Yaj i, con­ queror of th e rocky heigh (s , scatte red hos ts, lord of th e ~ o wn ." Th e . s ~h­ juga tion of San tolo opened the way for cont inua l cont::tc t With t~e~e sOC letla Sako lo Caliphate and Plantalion Slavery

south wes terl y of Kana. However J the prowess of these SOCIeti eS causcG h 1804- 1808 , the SOkOlO Caliphale was founded . It was nOl only the mOS l innovalion in K ano armor. K anajeji , th e lhineenth Sarkl AD 1390-1410 :.eveloped horizonlal based Slale in the whole of Wesl Africa in the nine­ was the first Hau sa chi ef to introduce "Lifi di" or gild ed armor to prOl ect the: .zcnth centu ry, but its exis tence ended nea rly a thousand year history of th e horses iron helmels and flexible coals of armor lO prolecl the bod y. H~ Bausa.city states. Paul E. Lovejoy illustrates in his pionee ri ng work on the made inn" ova tions be ca use of heav y losses suffered in the war aga lO. St tG=.­ nomic hislo ry of Sokolo the presence of markel weak forces and a Butaw3 (U mbaw ). It is sa id that Kanaje ji return ed aga in to make wr :=gion al based economy that was labo r·intensive .6 The plantation (rinji, aga in st th e Butawa but wi th out success. Not given to defea t., he came p du, runrde, lwzgazi) was th e major land tenure development with slavery BelU and stayed for tw o year s, and being unabl e to till th e soil , he star \" its dominant form of labor, frequ ently organized in gangs. h s sector wa s oUl the people, and lhey agreed lO his demands of 1,000 male and I , vSl fully developed in the melropolilan region of the Caliphale in such female slaves plus children . Kanajeji granled a lOlal peace when lhey ga'% c::ni rates as Kano, Kat sin a, Za:llau, (h e Za mfara town s of Gu sau and Kaura anolher 2,000 slaves. This sizable demographic loss from th e BUlawa ranb -amoda, and th e capital di stricts of Gwandu and Sokoto; oth er emirates, ca used consid erable stru ctural weaknesses."! . . .. ~ ugh lesser in natu rt:, were also significa nt. These emirates had large The strategy of uncoordinated frontier raid ers aga inst mountalO ~oc l ellO p:!pulatio ns and experienced an unparalleled growth in th e textile industry, contrasted vividl y with raid s of centralized states in effo rt s to ob tam sla\"C5 nln producti on, liv esrock produ ct ion, and leather manufactoring . Between and boo ty, Stanh ope Wh ite provid es an i nt er es ~ing accou ~ t about • .'n and country, there was a sizable commodity movement in such items effect ive ness of thi s general strategy for re constru cti on. T he ral ~e rs campa:. cotton , ind igo, grain and other product s.7 with their horses some di stance away fr om the plann ed area of ptll age on tht Sakata's acquisition of slaves occurred in rh e process of terri torial ex pan­ prev ious nighr for th e dawn attack. A co ntingent with horses arri ved at dK. ..m and consolidali on froru dar al- Islam (lerrilory of Islam) into dar al­ fOO L-hill shorlly before dawn . Then, rhe foolmen moved forward = b (lerritory of war). Under the ideology ofjihad or H oly War, war and surrounded as many of th e lowest situated houses as possible; the horse­ ve raiding beca me the mec hanisms for rhe mobili zation of labor and for men who were lefl behind, would come charging forward al day break • produ ction of output. /I Since th e Ningi territory lay in dar al- H arb, it carr; away ca pti ves and co ver th e retreat. The perfec tion of thi s pla.n oft!:! ripe for ji~ ad in all of it s guises . failed because of a barking dog or a sleepless man and before lhey IOV<£:­ Islamic law regard ing "spoi ls of war ," according to Majid Khadduri, galed all the compounds, the villagers gave the al arm and n ed from thelmam either to enslave conquered populations refusing to convert danger lO the higher hillsides. From the vanlage POlOl , the refugees asses;e;! Islam or require lhal lhey work and pay Kharaj. The policy foll owed in the si tu afi on and th e young men would return 10 fight. The unalarmt:d 0:. 118 SLAVERY AND ABOLITION NINGI RAIDS AND SLAVERY 119 the case of the non-Muslim population of Ningi is not entirely clear. observed that small caravans carried the largest number to Borno and Nupe H owever I oral ve rsions of the mountaineers hold that the Caliphate applied rather than 10 Ghat and F ezzan ." But the successful Ning i rebellion cut off the "spoils of war" policy 10 them . To the contrary, from their point of the supply of slaves from that region which had figured so prominently in view, they defined this idiomatically as Kila KWQlIdo, a process of being lspects of increased internal revenue to rhe Caliphate . forced to do an undesired ac(. Zazzau lore described it as Bani-Balli . The Pa'awa say that they left Bauchi because the Emir Ya'qub used to send his Resistance aod P olitical Change retainers (fadawa) to raid their homes and enslave members of their fa milies; cattle and animals were also spoils in these raids. Boys wefe often In ca. ] 847 the rise of the Ningi predatory state altered the existing tributary required t Q come [Q Bauchi and repair the wa ll s of the city. There is a relationships among the mountain people and Cali p hate. Changes in politi. consensus all over N ingi today that Kila Kwando was a reality in the period ""I scale brought more people into a closer relationship. In the absence of under stu dy .!~ abundant natural resources fo r possible control by the mallamai , cleavages In 185 5 , forexamplc, Dr Eduard Vogel was in Bauchi and witnessed the m status and wealth were slow to emerge, and the indigenous hierarchy of exploitative practices, which supports the oral tradition. In a long letter, Dr ;ijffu sed roles offered the mallamai new opportunities for leadership. Vogel described the system of catching slaves. The non-Muslims affected _\lthough dissident Muslims later joined them from adjacent emirates, resided in the frontier regions of Bauchi and Zazzau, and located their llong with o ther outcasts and soldiers of fortune, they did so only after the vi llages on lOp of the highest rocks. With a large military force the Sultan ~·enture's success on the frontier was evideD(. Any opportunities Ihar arose occupied the fields in the va ll eys; his horses trampled the green harvest; and ere by·products of changes in Caliphate administration and Islamic ideol­ in fear of star va tion, the inhabitanrs sent down the number of boys :gy. demanded . Within three weeks, two hundred slaves in excellent conditior: The resistance against the Caliphate lOok on a variety of forms and stages: went to Sokoro for sa le. Since the Butawa ofDua agreed to tribute demands. Hausa mal/arnoi at Tsakuwa vis-a-vis the K ano ; H ausa mallamai in Kifa Kwa"do did not affect them. '" ~ueat and vis-a-vis the mountaineers of Ningi and the united effort of the Although future research may lead to the contrary, presently one is ::.:cple led by the mallamai vis-a-vis Bauchi Emirate and in self-defensc. As without success in attempting to establi sh a chronology for slave raid5 tters turned Out, two types of resistance developed: resistance to aggres­ against the Ningi. This difficulty may be due to the widespread use of slave; lion and, further) resistance to established rule. In Ningi resistance to in the economic Structure of Kano and the d irection of the export trade_ - koto, the Hausa mallamai were outside the Community of Islam and in

These con:)iderati ons explai n in part why K oell e's linguisti c inventory of «'lhodox terminology, they were apostates. lfI However, the mallamai them­ 1849 in Sierra Leone contains no refere nces to narrations of slaves from selves did not reject Islam, and rhey continued to perform their religious ll Ningi and does not provide clues to thc timing of the raids. It must not bt: ~ ligations even in resistance. ruled out that Ningi slaves were present but K oell e did not interview the.lll­ The mallamai experienced a number of internal and external changes In Hausaland clan leaders or princes gained power through the control r1. _mng their efforts at consolidation in Ningi, and questions of survival and the trade in captives during the course of the nineteenth cemury, whicia selection of leadership in the developing tradition of resistance to em pire came to form a sizable investment. Slaves performed various functi ons,U acrupied them . Several wars and numerOus incursions followed in the r and according to Barth, they al most equaled the free populari on in K ano. : ermath of reorganization against Muslims and non-Muslims alike. The The Kano aristocracy employed some slaves as domestics; o thers worked in Ciliphate's concern about these raids was shown by its united retaliatory the agricultural estates,ld two of which were between K ano and Ning:t ~ .&:tion against Ningi. A reconstruction of some Ningi raids reflects changing Lajawal ( Easr oLK ano near Gaya), Nafara (East of Kano near ) ani Q"ategy and military innovation in the growth of offices . The far flung Gurjiya (South of Kano) ;15 still more slaves went as p resents to marrie.: rnetration of the forays indicates the role of external alliances with lllgi, d aughters, wives, sons or less fortunate relations; and others were E>d Ningi leaders' increased confidence. exchanged for financial considerations. The strategy of the Ningi raiding style began during the reign of Malam During the course of the century, the inflation of the cowrie currency rose u bakar 'Dan Maje (1855- 1870). His predecessors - Malam Hamza ca. to a poi nt which made fo r difficult transport as a medium of trade. Captives '-17-1 849 and Malam Ahmadu ca. 1850-1 855 - made forays into Bauchi were highly valued and by being mobile they carried other items; in thi> Emirate but these incursions lacked frequency and intensity. But ' Dan role, they served as multiple currencies. III Barth noted the difficulty t!: je raided far and wid e, and became famous for these raids. F or the determining the number of slaves exported in the slave-trade but h= 'iiJ"I,Uegy of the Ningi r ai ders was never to strike the same place con­ 120 SLAV ERY AN D ABOLITION :-lING! RAID S AND SLA VER Y 121

secutivelYl as an element of surprise , and ' Dan M aje may have raided in different directions away from Bauchi territory.l!i The new regime needed to raid in order to recruit slaves into its ranks. z: -<.--'-- Fatalities of the Tabela war against Bauchi from c. 1850·1857 diminished the number of mountaineers eligible for war. T he fr ontier ofZazzau border­ mg Bauchi and Kana emirates contained a large population of non­ '" ------.., .\iuslims. In the absence of remembered conflicts between Zazzau and the ',------\ \ \ mallanzai , few in Zazzau would expect the mountaineers to attack them. \ r The mountaineers) therefore) could take revenge against a number of ,r ,, , settlements en route who had aided Bauchi directly or indirectl y against , them. Distant raids usually required a month away from the capital, and ,r ,I , , involved other fa ctors. M. G. Smith states that Ningi raiders came to Zazzau , , , ,I in the dry season. ~o The seasonal timing of the raid was not just determined , by the fact that the dry season was the best harvest period and abundant in , .:ommodities for the take. The type of terrain was also a factor. The rivers r " r c.nd streams are numerous in the los co mplex bordering the Zazzau frontier,

I \ r' ind raiders could easily be cut off from their base in hostile territory by , r , , swollen flood plains, rivers and St reams in their wake. Reports on the terrain , r ,, ...... 1 , r.\·ere considered in the strategy of raids during the wet season . Further, the r I _ _ .J, mountaineers consulted the quadratic plan (Djadwal) of divination to r , determine whether the raid would be successful or not. The Ningi ulama I r \ r-elieved that secret relationships existed between the various components ,, I r of: Solomon's seal (sab'a Kkawatim), Qur'anic consonants (sawakic, Sura I : '" _,_~~~I-,_----~~ r . '" , - , , 3j, the names of God, the names of the seven spirits, the names of the seven 8 I I ", r , , - , kings of the djinns, the names of the days of the week, and those of the r , , I r " \ planets. These heterogenous elements are correlated with the Djadwal. ,I I , --- <-, I Hence, the Ningi raids were not undertaken haphazardly but had a well \ , , riefined logic of their own. An oral version in Ningi describes this practi ce as , ~ ,'. E E , , __,Ir ...... \ -- => u 0 me "common sense of our ancestors. ":2l , I \, <.!l 0 0 , I - I 0 N \, r ..... M While the chronology of the raids remains uncertain, it appears that 'Dan , I , ' "-, 0 I , ' , .\\aje advanced in the direction of the eastern districts of Zazzau during the , , , I, ..... 0 I '-___('-, I-­ 0 ;.3te 1850s onward. First, he conquered Marra and Turkuniya in Bauchi . In r => N 0 , ,r " , , <.!l 0 lboUl 1858, he attacked the Hausa immigrants at Liruie- N Delmar. These , r ~ I 0 ..mmigrants had developed an indigenous technology of tin-ore smelting. I 0 ,, , ~ They erected furnaces, and obtained the rin-ore from alluvial deposits in , , \, , ,I , 0 0 :.earby and disranr creeks. T in rods in bundles of 100 each were sold for \ , ,, , I , .800 to 2000 cowries. According to Trevor Roberts in 19 18, 1500 cowries , / '''ere equivalent to one shilling, and in English currency, the price of 100 ,,,ds varied from Is. 2d to Is. 4d. The immigrants made profits through . ca l and long-distance trade. T raders arrived from various places; some ..::arne from Borno; others came from I bi; and even a few came from as far as present-day Ghana. T in was used to produce decorati ve ornaments, spear :.eads, and swords. The reason for ' Dan Maje's attacks on Lirui-N Delmar .ife not clear. But the immigrants probably refused to pay tribute to him, 122 SLAVER Y AN D ABOLITION :-;INGI RAIDS AND SLA VERY 123 and in order to resist 'Dan Maje's demands, rhey may have traded rods with to Emir Ibrahim. Bauchi-Misau relations extend as far back as to the the surrounding population - for use as weapons against them. In response foundation of Misau. Fulata Borno seuled Misau, and the Caliph Bello the Hausa smelters sought refuge in nearby Badico in 1864 , and remained 181 7-1836) granted them extra-territorial concessions in tax collection unlillhe British took over their tin indusu-y during the twentieth cenmry. from [he Fula[a Barno grazing in Bauchi. Gombe also ca me LO be linked Much of Robens' account is supponed by the oral traditions. " with Bauchi and Misa u. This explains the continuous exchange of Corres­ During the reign of ( 1856-1870) ofZazzau, 'Dan Maje pi llaged pondence between these emirates. Saleh's leuer does nO( mention the the vassal district of Lere. This area lying between Bauchi and Zazzau specific name of the Ningi leader, but since larer Ningi lea ders were contained a number of old and new settlements. Gunn identifies at least remembered in these parts, it is possible that this group ofralders was led by fourteen distinct groups li ving in Lere and Kauru Districts, and disputants 'Dan Maje who was less known . Saleh wrote to inform Ibrahim about the of various kinds of both Zazzau and Kana emirates often resenJed in this ·'Devils from the hills" who had raided the land of Shira. Apparently, they frontier zone. 'Dan Maje sacked ' Dan AI-haji and took many slaves from the crossed over into Misau's territory and captured seventy people. When the Kauru mountainous area. Abdullahi's early reign was a favorab le time for news of this episode reached Saleh, he mustered his forces and rode to the attacking Lere in the East. Zazzau garrisons were probably redeployed to scene of the raid. Not finding the mountaineers present, he followed their southern Zaria. Abu Kwakwa ( 1851- 1877) of Abuja carried out numerous acks until night fall and finall y located their camp at Chufi (or Chafai, incursions against trade caravans and caplUred many slaves. Abdullahi Chifi) . Misau forces refrained from allacking them that night and waited responded to 'Dan Maje's repeated anacks by levying more taxes in Zazzau .uuil morning . But while they prepared for attack, the mountaineers in order to support additional troops in the Lere region . It is not known departed either during the night or at dawn. Misau forces followed their whether 'Dan Maje confronted the Lere garrison , but it appears likely that cracks again for a long distance, and once they were discovered, Saleh he divened his raiding activities elsewhere.:l:1 :outed the mountaineers. Misau took horses, captured fifty men, including In ca. 1860 ' Dan Maje conquered the Warjawa in Ningi. Warji land lay .a few Muslims, and presumably freed the Misau captives. Misa u's non­ along the raiding rOUle. Since the Warjawa were so close to the Ningi _\luslim captives were Warjawa, and it appears that the defeat of the raiders moumainous cluster, 'Dan Maje wondered why the Warjawa paid tribute (0 took place in the viciruty of Warji land. Saleh arrived at a town called Kano and not to him . He probably dem anded that the tribute to Kano be .\lalaguya in the midst of Warji, but he realized that the distance between discontinued, and when the Warjawa refused , 'Dan Maje allacked and rus forces and the source of water waS too great. The horses had weakened; conquered them. For the first time since the ar ri val of Kana mal/amai the tlms, he moved hi s forces from Malaguya and headed for a water SOurce Warjawa entered the Ningi fold, but not totally. Tributary allowance toward Misau. It appears that 'Dan Maje and the Warji people regrouped in remained the basis of N iugi -Warji relations. The War;i people never der to regain booty and kinsmen. They pursued the Misau forces and stopped paying tribute to Kano. While this dual relationship wou ld bring were defeated for the second time. According to Emir Saleh: down the gauntlet of Kano against Warji and 'Dan Maje later, 'Dan Maje We rose against them and my soldiers wrought great slaughter had in Warji now a useful ally en route to Katagum.'M amongst them and they did not follow us after that. So we returned Katagum had long endured hostile relations with Hadejia , especially home sa fely laden with magnificence. And this is what I am writing to since Buhari's (ca. 1848-1863) revolt against Sokoto, and much of its you Ibrahim about. Peace.:lS anention wa s directed toward the Hadejia-Machina frontier . Katagum was further plagued by changing deposition of princes in the southern fiefdoms Subsequently) 'Dan Maje made forays deep into Kano territory. Gira, the of Shira, Chinade, and Yaiyu . The Jafunawa (Fulani) revolted and a special

They waited to intercept those coming for water, and hoped to Iu.re others .puberty stage to shoot it with a bow and arrow. He shot the crocodile at the into alarm who would come outside in the search, The strategy faIled. The case of the ear, and rhe crocodile died. The malam replied that: " 'Dan Maje Madaki saw 'Dan Maje moving under a nearby tree, and ordered the doors IS now as good as dead." On that same day the Emir received news of 'Dan .\iaje's death. 37 closed and allowed no one to go outside. 'Dan Maje's lieutenants came directly to the town wall and tore away a few of the logs preparing to enter. The ecology ofToro was equally as important in 'Dan Maje's death as the But one of the Madaki)s servants covered the hole with part of his body, killing of the crocodile totem. Toro is surrounded by escarpments and deep However, the Madaki realized that this expediency would not suffice; :avines with connecting tributaries to the Delimi River. 'Dan Maje's forces hence he ordered his men to bring dried thatch which was set on fire and were pushed backward near the bank of a deep tributary in the Salaram throw~ blazing from the top of the wall down on 'Dan Maje's people. They ','alley. Some fell over the cliff to their death; others managed to escape; 'Dan Maje, who was shot behind the ear as the moved quickly away and angrily departed. The people from the surroun~~ :nany became captives; and ing forest came out of hiding with their animals, weakened and starved<5 :.:rocodile, lost his life along with Malam Baau, the sarkinyaki. 'Dan Maje 'Dan Maje had nearly 3,000 horsemen under his command when hIS ·;.'as buried secretly between Badico and Wuno in the Kwandon Nkaya forces passed the ribat of Lame undetected and headed for southern Bauchl ~· icinity. It is said that a Fulani man saw the burial take place while hiding in ca. 1870. The sarkin yaki, Malam Haruna Baba, was killed in war at behind a tree, and later showed thesarkinyaki where 'Dan Maje was huried. Wono, and 'Dan Maje appointed Malam Baau as the new sarkin yaki. They identified the exhumed corpse as that of 'Dan Maje, cut off his head, a.nd took it to the Bauchi Emir. 38 According to James Morrison's research on the Jos Plateau, the moun­ taineers came as far South towards Jos as 10°20'-25' north and 8°50'-55' By 1870, however, Ningi had become a micro-power to be reckoned with. east. This region lies between Toro and Bauchi City. The Chokobo and the Internally, the mountaineers were secure in their new capital, and the d.evelopment of offices- though not yet complete - enabled them to stabilize Limoro people are located in this region of Jere District. The raids on ~he Chokobo began around 1870 and continued up to about 1890. The raIds cheir administration. Externally, they had won some battles against the against the Limoro may have occurred as early as the late 1860s. Inefforts to mrrounding emirates and had lost some too. Frontier violence was in ~ \'idence, for all of their leaders up till then had died in battle. However, escape the Ningi raiders, for nearly twenty years, ~asonkalll. le~ t~e Chokobo from Kajong to Kapene, and finally to Shmkafi. Nmgl still through constar:.t raids on the frontier, the name "Ningi" spread; and managed to capture many of the Chokobo people in these settlements. Then ippeared even in documentation for the first time. The mountaineers the Chokobo moved away among the Jere people; they were beyond the ~ii! nerally began to develop a consciousness of a collective territorial iden­ tity, despite the continued existence of segmentation in the respective reach ofNingi. The Limoro people lived originally in the Kwandon Nkaya 39 hills north of Panshanu Pass. During the time of Saguji, Ningi attacked wcieties. There was even a changing strategy in the raids, and some mternal revenue was obtained through the ransoming of captives taken the~ in order to take slaves, but the Jere people helped the Limore people 36 .:lu ring the raids. against Ningi. . Malam Haruna Karami (ca. 1870-1886) was selected next as leader of 'Dan Maje met his ultimate fate at Toro. Bauchi heard abou~ 'Dan MaJe's Xingi, and he created a number of offices during his reign that reflected the forays into southern Bauchi. In returning to Ningi, 'Dan MaJe had to pass tXi gencies of the raids. The office of sarkin yaki was instituted by his through Toro in order to take the road leading northward by way of Gumo, p r~ decessor. Both holders of this office were killed in the previous reign. Tutu, Sabon Gari, Marra, and finally to Ningi. The other no.rt~ward rou~es Haruna named Malaika, a slave from Marra, as sarkinyaki , and went on to were ruled out because they led to Lame (ribal) and Bauchl City. IbrahIm :astitutionalize the office of barde. First, Haruna consolidated all the sepa­ assembled his mallamai and sarkin yaki. The strategy was to block the malll o.te barde compounds under a single head, and since Dan Yaya had been road leading out of Toro toward Gumo. Another aspect of this strategy. is reared in a strong warrior tradition, he was a natural choice for the office. expressed in Bauchi lore. An oral tradition holds.t~at a mal.am to~d IbrahlI? 11embers of this office formed the front infantry ranks in battle. The office that 'Dan Maje had a crocodile as a totem, and if It was kIlled, Dan MaJe :=u..rther functioned as a distributor of the booty which was divided into five would also die. The crocodile lived in Jingis River at the eastern part of rurts. The malam leader, participants in the raids outside of Ningi, the old Kafin Madaki. Ibrahim went to Bago, and assigned skillful divers to search People in the capital, the small ulama, and the barde themselves all received for the crocodile. Besides being good swimmers, these divers possessed t~e one part each. Through the dispensing of booty, the holder of this office special ability to communicate with animals and reptiles. After a sea~ch m ..:ould gain a large number of followers and hold widespread support against the Jingis, they found the "red crocodile" that belonged to 'Dan MaJ.e and !fie ruling family. The power of this office could be decreased by the brought it out front for the Emir to see. The malam asked a small boy III the 128 SLAVERY AND ABOLITION :\INGI RAIDS AND SLAVERY 129 discontinuance of the raids or through a negotiated peace (aman ). This was a Csman chiroma of Bauchi. The forces met, but the Bauchi forces scattered. trend that the office holder might not wish 10 incur. It is important to keep The chiroma was left alone, and faced the Ningi warriors by himself. His this in mind for later developments. In time Dan Yaya came lO be powerful, ~splay of courage brought no challengers from Haruna's forces who iudeed , by virtue of holding this office. ~eparted wi th the chiroma in full control of the battleground. Slaves also held offices. Mohammed Yayo, who was a slave seized in a raid Emirate vigilance reJa xed somewhat during the emirs' and their officials' at Maganni in Kano, headed the office ofmaga-yaki. This office grew out of L'lIlual trips to Sokoto. Haruna took advantage of this between 1876 and the need for surveillance and scouting in pre-raid strategy. Although 'Dan 1878. During the second reign of Abdullah b. Hammada ( 1873-1 878) of Maje made numerous forays, Haruna increased the raids, and much of the Z.azzau , Uthman, the son of Abdullahi b. commander of the army, wrote a success of these raids was without doubt due to this office. The scouring !etter to the Abdullahi b. Gidado, the Waziri of Sokoto ( l876-l881). Uth­ repons of the maga-yaki came directly to the barde, and much of the annual :nan had returned from Sokoto and found the people of Zazzau in a fearful tribute destined for SokolO fell into the barde hands. During the reign oi crate. He wrote that a battle had taken place between his people and the 'Dan Maje, a small boy called Idi was caught in one of the raids. Idi grew up "tyrant of Ningi," Haruna. From Farada to Saye Haruna had come and in the palace and later held the office ofshamaki. Shamaki Idi was in charge captured many people; killed numerous others; and destroyed their prop­ of all the palace slaves, who were numerouS in Haruna's time, and this office !1"ty. Remember that eastern Zazzau was fortified against Ningi incursions was influential in later power politics. Slaves did the maintenance work~ ":uring 'Dan Maje's time, and in spite of being garrisoned Haruna still made 42 some farming and served in the Haruna's large army. ~ o ::Jrays into the area. The Galadima Yusufu of Kano (1860-1877) inflicted a major defeat upon :.lacuna in the later l870s. Takai (ribal) was Yusufu's headquarters, and he The Raids and Changing Strategy cd it as a base LO organize counter-raids against N ingi. Kano's overall 4 Haruna Karami also changed the raiding strategy remarkably. In 'Dan «rategy of containing Ningi was formulated from Takai. :t Both Groom's Maje's time mostly isolated vi llages and un garrisoned fiefs were raided. The ..::-al account and the Ka7w Chronicle concur on the confrontation at Kasuan mountaineers usually raided together as a single unit. In contrast the growth Jambo. Haruna suffered a humiliating defeat. Most of the mountaineers ran and consolidation of offices suggest greater pillaging scope and latitude: nrny, and Yusufu captured nearly 900 less fortunate men along with some especially during Haruna's reign. He attacked large towns and sent moun­ ~ rses. Haruna fled to Ningi and stayed in seclusion for the remainder of the

taineers to raid in different directions simultaneously in the early 1870s ...I! year. It is said that he made two fleeting raids into Kana the following year, For example, H aruna gave Abduraman of Burra a separate raiding con tin­ lDd in revenge for previous losses he engaged in ruthless slaughter. Perhaps gen t. The B u tawa made forays as far as Anchau in eastern Z azzau. Since the Clough time had elapsed for full recovery, and Haruna made overtures for hills and mountains are their natural habitat, they stood a better chance of ;:nce (aman ).44 This was the origin of diplomatic relations between Ningi being successful against the hill dwellers of the Kauru. Also going it alone, .lnd Sokoto. the sarkin yaki Malaika destroyed Zuntu in Zazzau and took numerom The Islamic institution of peace (aman) came into being through time. It slaves. Malaika al so attempted incursions against Gimba and Turawa but ~. a stated pledge of security granting protection (Scripturary or polytheist, the inhabitants drove him away. He went on to Faki, near Zozo, and seized J harb ) to the non-Muslim upon request. With the cessation of war, the cattle and donkeys before going back to N ingi. Malaika returned to ZOla ~ hi is secured (musw'min). The aman is granted for less than one year; if again, but the people were prepared and fought a winning battle agains[ :;te harbi request more time, he must agree to pay the poll tax and enter into him . Haruna all owed Dan Yaya to attack and burn DUlsin Gari, a town :5e status ofdhimmi. An official aman can be given either by the Imam or his belonging to the sarkin yaki of Kano. Cattle, slaves and about forty-five :epresentatives through truce (muhadana or muwada~a) or by individual horses were taken. By engaging the eastern emirates on several fronts~ .Mus lim s.4~ AI-Mawardi stated that a woman, a free man, and even a slave Haruna kept them guessing about his moves. :3n all grant an unofficial aman, but the role of the slave in aman has Haruna learned from the fate of 'Dan Maje and avoided being trapped in fImitations. He must have received authorization to fight in jihad before the mountainous Jos complex. Instead of raiding Bauchi territory by way of ",joying full privileges of granting aman. One who profits from granting the ribals, Haruna went to the eastern side ofBauchi toward ~ n is declared an enemy.41l and circled around Bauchi's backside. He took numerouS goods and slaves The procedure for granting aman is that the harbi must first req uest it. at Bulun on one such occasion. Groom reports that Haruna destroyed Once the intention is known, the harbi merely has to make a sign or say a Kundun Habe in Bauchi, and during this time Haruna was challenged by oord in any language and aman is granted. If the believer did not intend to 130 SLAVER Y AND ABOLITION XING! RAIDS AND SLAVERY 131 give an amGll bur by inferenceaman is underslOod" G1natl is valid. The Q1~all is usually granted with conditions attached. HaTh,. messengers that carned ;rcy.!)~ The mountaineers had recovered during the prevailing intervals of requests for amall to (he Imam were allowed to enter in(od~r al-/ slam under peace from their numerous defeats by Caliphate forces. diplomatic immunity. Without proper letters of credentials, messengers Zazzau administration wa s marred by internal struggle. In 1878 Emir wert: li i:lb le to be killed ..n Through [he institution of amall, Haruna made 5ambo distributed key offices to dynastic ri va ls, and sought to maximize his peace with Sokoto. .).wn power through the creation of new units under his control. He invested True [0 [he style ofNingi hi slOry, the peace did not last long. Apparently, :wo offices to his client Suleimanu, which placed him in charge of the the mountaineers broke the peace (ci aman) between 1874 and 1878. The .::apital. Since Suleimanu did not have other backing, Sambo thought that he request [or peace was renewed again at Kana. During the years 1877·l878, 'iiIOQu ld have full control over both of Suleimanu's titles, the sarki11ruwa and the Amir al-Muminin Mu'adh ( 1877 -1 881 ) wrote the Emir Ibrahim that the galadima. The combined power of these offices was enormous indeed. "tyrant of the hills" Har una had dispatched his messe ngers to Abdullahl at Unfortunately, Sambo soon discovered that he could not make appoint­ Kana requesting amaTl , but Abdullahi had driven them away. The messen­ :::Dents or dismissals without his new galadima's consent . Through bargains ge rs had returned 10 him a second time , which imp~ie s tha~ Haruna ma~ ith the Emir and the transferral of officers' fiefs to his domain. Suleimanu have suffered a severe defeat on the frontier. On this occaSIOn Abdullahi made the Emir increasingly dependent upon him. Even the capi tal became sent Ningi's letter to Sokoto. l\1u 'adh agreed to the peace on condition thai :tis lief. Suleimanu watched carefully the Emir's attempts to whittle away the mountaineers desist from fighting Muslims in the East , West, South, - power. According to M. G. Smith, Suleimanu wasofHausa descent, and and North.48 This indicates that Ningi had taken on all of the eastern rltis factor voided any ethnic commitment to Fulani rule. Conditions were Emirates a( one time or the other. iivorable for the seizure of power. Suleimanu realized that the Fulani of This lette r fill s signjficant gaps in Ningi-Sokoto relations and several Zaria and nearby emirates would unite against him, but he could expect inferences of practical importance can be drawn. First, (h e reason for JOIIle help from foreign allies. He recruited Ningi. Suleimanu and Haruna addressing the Kano letters to the Waziri of Sokoto wa s that most of the .::ad something to gain in the overthrow of Sambo. Suleimanu would eastern emirates were in his charge..~9 The letters further suggest that <>:aped with his life, and Haruna seized the standard flag presented to him by devastating the area surrounding Zaria City. It is believed that he put 6 1 ::;- the Caliph as a prize of war. This was a day of disaster for Katagum. . 5,000 of Sambo's subjects into slavery or execution. The royal Bornawi The emirates united against Ningi, and even Borno pitched in. Since suffered heavily. Haruna enslaved nine children of the Anu. Roya. Madaki !l!runa had seized [he [rib ute [0 Soko[o, the Caliph excused Haji from the families later ransomed their slaves probably in cowries, and others of Iesser :cnual trip. Borno and the surrounding emirates sent fresh horses, armor, nobility with substantial means followed suit. 59 .&!!d gowns to Katagum officials in efforts to replace losses. Sometime later This episode had broad ramifications for the history of Zazzau and its. !l..! ji enlisted the support of emirs from Hadejia and Jema'are in a gigantic foreign participants. Sokoto looked unfavorably upon Zazzau's administra-. dort in retaliation. But to their dismay, Haruna defeated them again just tion. The military weakness of Zazzau encouraged the resistance state 02 lith of Shira. The emirate's forces fell into disarray during the ensuing Maradi to invade its northern districts. A buja pillaged the caravan rou tes i:.. y irmishes, and only the intervention by yenman Chinade saved Haji and the South. Ningi incursions continued to the somh and center of Zazza =:tn from capture or death, for they had fallen into an ambush. 64 60 reaching Kacia, 'Dan , Soba, Dutsen Wai, and Makarfi. Despite the fact (hat Haruna had won major victories, he sought peace Haruna led the mountaineers in forays against Bauchi during the e:;rir .:man) with [he Kana Emir Muhammed Bello c. 1883. Bello wrote a lener, 1880s and met defeat at Inki!. The galadima and madaki of Bauchi kill«l -.:ruch now appears incomplete, to the Amir al-Muminin 'Umar b. 'Ali several of his men, captured horses, and took numerous spoils. Not to be­ 1881-1891). He had made an earlier request for permission to invade the outdone Haruna returned to battle and destroyed the small towns of GUbl_ -unbelievers of the mountains" in retaliation, and thanked Caliph 'Umar Durum,'and Sammo. During the interregnum of investiture at Sokoto, in. 3lr his letter granting Kano permission. The Caliph also wished them 1881 Bauchi was without an Emir. Haruna's forces made camp at the tory. But just as Kano was preparing to call its commander of the army, Shad~wanka hill just outside the site of the later British government statim:. ~ messenger of Haruna arrived at the court. Bello writes that: "He in Bauchi City. Haruna almost encircled the palace walls, but Bauchi held ~eaded with us to beg the Amir a1 Mu'minin to conclude a compact and a up inside and refused to come out to fight. Not being strong enough to sack ~venant aman with him, Haruna, all his life." Further, Bello explained [he [own Haruna went elsewhere. In 1914 J. F. Fi[zpa[rick observed [hat I ~ :at Haruna had gone to Kano representatives in the vicinity of Ningi ridge of s~ones crossing the road from the government state t~ Bauchi City ~ 2.rritory and asked them to request a messenger from Kano to negotiate right angles might well have been the remains of a wall bUllt by Haruna-t "trith him. Kano refused Haruna's request and insisted that if Haruna forces. III ~ ted peace he would have to come to them. During this particular Haruna invaded Rano District during the installation of Emir '~asion, Haruna did just that, and the peace was granted. 65 Muhammed Bello of Kana in 1882. His forces pillaged [he Bono village arAuyo :he palace for royal protection, Ningi was not seriously challenged by in Hadejia , and used it as a base for pillaging. He sacked Kayiel, Sugudi, ..:.avalry operating under the traditional mode of warfare. But these new Gireti, Gabati, and Zigam in Katagum . In Kano, he raided Abdullahi, uquisitions minimized the N ingi threat agains t others, despite the fact that Garu, Kuka, and Yayari, where he killed Tukur the chief. Many slaves were Dan Ya ya continued to terrify the surrounding Kano villagers. Numerous taken at Kangiri near . He also attacked and numer­ ~ornplaints came to Emir Muhammed Bello demanding that something be ous other rownsin Kana. In Bauchi at Kafin MadakiMalam Na Tando went done about D an Yaya. to Ningi and made a deal with D an Yaya. Tando promised to inform him Muhammed Bello knew that Dan Yay a had contempt for him. Once about the most appropriate time to attack Kafin Madaki. By chance the iuring the time when Haruna had requested a peace, Dan Yaya had Madaki received a warning in lime and closed the doors. The mountaineers .anacked Bello's messengers at Ningi; this had not only created a rift were thus unsuccessful in their attempt. T ando- the plotmaker - was found 'between Haruna and Dan Yaya, but was in violation of diplomatic immun­ an d executed by Bauchi officials. Other raids took place in this vicinity but .ty which Ningi messengers o brained during their sojourns in Kano and it appears that no further direct attacks took place against Kafin Madaki. 5oI

Duru but wo uld not do so wilhout Bell o's explicit permission. Dan Yaya Kano, who equipped him with swords and arms, and such anti-So koto s l was arremp(ing lO set up a frontier post uf defense in Kana. Bello was nm states as Damagaran, , and Ningi . According to Adamu Fika J gullible, and dic tated to Dan Yaya instead the conditions for the peace. It Yusufu, a Fulani prince, sent Shehu Usman (Emir 191 2- 1926) to negotiate requ ired that D an Yaya discontinue fighting with anyone residing to the an all ia nce with Ningi. Since Shehu Usman's mother was a Warji woman, south-east and west of Ningi, such as Gombc, Misau , Karagum, Dilara, Yusufu no doubt th ought that th e negotiations would run more smoothly, Shira, Hadejia, and Zazzau. Bello explained that emirates other than Kana for the mountaineers remembered hi s wars against them asgaladima under were included because "all Muslims are allies alike." Before a final decision Abdullahi. In return for military support, Shehu Usman promised Dan could be made, he reminded Dan Yaya that he must inform the Amir I Yaya a sizable amount of the war booty85 but apparently guns were not al-Muminin, Caliph 'Umar b. 'Ali (1881-1891), and obtain his approval. offered to Ningi. In efforts 10 maintain parity with the surrounding emi­ Bello warned that without the Caliph's approval the request for peace was rates, Dan Yaya presumably as ked for them but was unsuccessful. not acceptable; furthermore, in any case, he told Dan Yaya th at the raids of Dan Yaya realized, however, that Yusufu's forces had guns when he aggression must be discontinued .82 joined them at Takai. Apparently, neither ally trusted th e other. An oral Dan Ya ya replied to Bell o. And hi s su rviving letter in Arabic indicates his version at Takai recollects how Dan Yaya tame even dUrlng the rainy season understanding ofthe va1idicy of pacts in diplomatic relations. Its clarity can and used to attack them without warning; he often waited until the men be illustrated by examining the full text below: went out to farm before ei th er raiding. their unprotected villages in search of Fulani women or seizing the men On the farms. But this time the conditions From the Khalifa the agent ofNin gi, Usman Dan Yaya, son ofMalam were different. When Dan Yaya settled at Lunari, a small village located H aruna Baba, best greetings, good will and respect 10 the Sultan of · just to the east ofTakai, Y usufu slaughtered cows and rams in honor of D an Kano, Muhammed Bello, son of the late Ibrahim Dabo. Yaya's, which delighted the latter. Festivities went on during th e pre para­ Your letter has reached us and we have read it and understood what tion for attack against Tukur, and all appeared in order until one of Dan is in it completely. And as fo r me, I ask peace ofyou, peace between uS Yaya's praise singers (marok.) composed a song. It suggested to Dan Yaya and vou ,. for peace aman is in the hands of God and HI·s Prophet - that Yusufu was not to be tru sted, and that the mountaineers should break meaning, you cannot avoid making peace because it is God's will. And camp. Dan Yaya heeded th e praise singer's apprehension, and when the if there is recognition of justice between us, send to us one of your Yusufu forces awoke, they discovered that Ningi forces had already servants of whom you approve, and I will make the covenant with him departed during the early dawn. for this aman , which will not be broken if God wills. This is the extent Dan Yaya went on a raiding rampage through Sumaila District. Being a of my desire. This is all . Peace.'" ft!rti le district, a series of roads and trails linked the productiv e villages. Obviously D an Yaya was not sincere in this request for peace and neither ~ ingi followed the lesser used ones in their surprise attacks. Dan Yaya was Bello. But Dan Yaya's request indicates an imerest in N ingi's territorial burned the small villages of Mung u, U ngu wa r Kuka , and U nguwar Mu sa. survival under new unfavorab le circumstan ces. He seized women and animals, and he made forays against Sa rina, and went The Caliph ' acknowledged Bello's letter and expressed sat is- on to Huggu , 10 Unguwar Busau, to Fajewa , and Tarmo. The raiding faction with Dan Yaya's request for peace. He told Bello to inform Dan venture proved a success, and he re turned to Ningi.86 But change in the Yaya that he consented to the peace agreement, to send him gifts, and to emirship of K ano brought aggressive challenge to Ningi's survival. make the stay of Dan Yaya's messengers in Kana a pleasant one. Kano's hospitality apparently surprised the Ningi messengers. They thanked Emir Ningi as Nemesis to Emir Ali b. Abdullahi of Kano Bello and took the numerous gifts to Dan Yaya. Until Bello's reign ended in 1893, no additional wars berween Ningi and Kano occurred nor presum­ The Kano civil war ended in 1894 and a warrior emir came to power. Before ably, based on th e conditions of the pact, with the surrounding emirates Yusufu died at Garko in July 1894, he told his slaves and principal suppor­ either. ri4 ters to give full suppOrt 10 his thirty-six year old brother Aliyu, who But when Bello died in 1893 , a dispute over succession erupted into a civil immediately took up the fight against Emir Tukur. Aliyu's forces showed war that involved Ningi. Cali ph ' Abd ai-Rahman appointed Tukur, the son unflinching strength against Tukur's forces, and Tukur fled to Katsina of Bello, to the emirship, which angered the sonS of Abdullahi b. Ibrahim after his expulsion from the capital. In August 1894, Aliyu entered Kano (1855- 1882). They left Kano for Takai_with Yusufu as a rival claimant to the City, and marched against Tukur at the town of T afashiya, where Tukur throne. Yusufu's large suppOrt included the sympathetic Arab merchants in was slain in March 1895. Circumstan ces forced rh e Amir al- Muminin to 140 SLAVERY AND ABOLITION ~IN G I RAIDS AND SLAVERY 141 recognize Aliyu as the new Emir (1894-1903) . As had hi s father, Abdullahi ( 1855 -1 882), Aliyu stayed on the battlefield and for Ningi this meant under 'Dan Maj e fca. 1855-1870]; he that had talisman fo r war [a type trouble, for he renewed the policy of his father ." of medicine placed around the arm for protection]. In each village that Aliyu took defensive measures against Ningi and made attacks on several he approached, there would be no morning prayers, nor cooked food occasions. He built a number of interlinking towns to guard the Kana nor remains of the previous night ... ant hill, hump of the farm! border. While Dando was rebuilt, he founded Magami , Siti, Kwajali, Wandara, the cow that became a bull by force [In war strategy , he Sansanni, Kanawa, and Kawo Gumbas. These town s were never captured, deceives the enemy; people thought that he was coming in one direc­ which illustrates their success in defending aga inst Ningi." In about 1895, tion but to their surprise he appears someplace else] ... Dan Yaya Aliyu allowedSarkin Gaya D il a to go against Dan Yaya. The tw o forces met even his enemy would not call him a coward! The father of Shaho and at Garwa in the Ningi vicinity, and along with the defeat of the Kano forces, Dada [powerful slaves of Dan Yaya] ... twice the Emir of Kano Dan Yaya sJew Dil a. In order to avenge Dila's death, Ali yu too k perSonal [Aliyu] came [1895, 1898] but he could not win and left the Ningawa alone. charge of his forces and with boldness he invaded N ingi. Aliyu burned the granaries on the Kafin Dan Yaya eState. Shortly after taking office Dan Praise Song of Malam Usman Dan Yaya Yaya had developed this estate by clearing a large tract of land for th e by the Ningi Palace Musicians, Sarkin Jauge" purpose of growing food. In that this sizable land tenure change in Ningi Aliyu did indeed invade Ningi again in 1898. 114 He mad e camp near the used slave labor , this estate appears to be a replica on a smaller scale of the Kojelli River at the base of Dutsin Jerige. The Butawa of Burra were on the plantation structure in the Caliphate. (The Kafin Dan Yaya estate became ~ert, and as he marched toward them the next morning, they ran into the the si te of the present day Ningi Town in 1934 - the present capital of Ningi lUlls at Kurmi. Ali yu entered Burra; killed two blind men left behind; and in the new Bauchi state.)I4' This innovation was apparently in response (0 burned the town. Meanwhile , Majiri , {he BUla leader, mobilized his people the defense measures that Sokoto took against Ningi. In the course of the Dn the hills surrounding Burra and prepared for attack. Realizing how late nineteenth century the Caliphate built armed ca mps or ribats , inten­ effective the guerrill a tactics of the mountaineers cou ld be} Aliyu com­ sified urbanizat ion in southern Kana and northern Zari a, and relocated :nanded his troops to retreat. The Kana forces made camp some distance freemen and slaves into walled settl ements for protection . But as soon as the i way during the evening, and to th eir surprise, the Butawa ran down from alarm was sounded that the raiders were coming, the slaves were often me hills and routed them. The Kanawa fled the scene in haste, and left 90 evacuated; at least the Karo plantation followed this practice. ~ hind many horses, camels, and men. Dan Yaya arrived the next morning} Now in Ningi, Aliyu made repeated attempts to bring havoc to Dan vnly too late to help Majiri; but, when he took the camels and the best horses Yaya's estate, and the two forces clashed at Tiffi, where Turaki Bello, m d returned to Ningi, the Buta people became ex tremely angry. The Aliyu's son, died in battle. In anger , Ali yu went on to destroy th e crops and peopl e pressured Majiri in to sending a message to Dan Yaya stating that invaded Warji . He marched into the Lulu hills, where fa milies took refuge, lhey severed their all egiance to him. Dan Yaya acted quickly because he and captured women and children before returning to Kano. 9 1 realized that Burra was an indispensable ally to him. He sent concili atory The Rev. Charles H . Robinson was in Kano from December 1894 to messages and fony cows to the Buta people in effons to bring them back March 1895 during some ofAliyu's expeditions against Ningi . He observed eto the N ingi fold . The stratagem worked, and resolved th e crisis. that one th ousand slaves were brought to the Kano market during one of But the sporadic encounters with Kana continued . On one of these th ese raids. When Aliyu refused Robinson and his entourage privileges of :xcasions, Aliyu tricked Dan Yaya by ac ting as if he were going to invade bu ying food in th e Kano market, th ey decided to move beyond his influ­ Burra again ; Dan Yaya deployed hi s forces quickly to Burra; but Ali yu, ence. Robinson marched for four days before reaching what appea rs to be instead, invaded Ningi from the North. He stopped his forces in the vicinity Ningi territory. He noted that Aliyu had just completed a raid fo r slaves in ~fTiffi, only to discover that th e Pa 'awa had poisoned the water . The Kana the district, and destroyed the food supply" Robinson'S account supports :orces headed for Warji . Raiding and counter-raiding fo r slaves went on the evidence for th e number of Kano Emirate raid s against Ningi cited in in termittently between Ningi and the surround ing emirates until the com­ the praise song of Dan Yaya : illg of British rule in 1902." Let us ca ll upon Dan Yaya! ... the ant hill , the hump ofthe farm when scattered over th e land , ant hill s give fertility to the soil ; he who is courageous; he th at belongs to Haruna Baba fath er and sark in yak. 142 SLAVERY AND ABOLITIOK " I:-.IGI RAID S AND SLAVERY 143

:.,. Arewa Hous7Collec(ion , K ad~na , Arabie Mss. Uncatalogued . Professor AbduJlahi Smith u'3.n s l~ted thISle ner fo r the Wnter . For ~ allehi-Misanties see Abubakar Yaya Aliyu , "The NO TES E s ta~il s hm enl and Development of Errurale Government in Bauchi - 180S- J903" (Ph 0 TheSIS, Ahmadu BeUo UniversilY, 1973). . . I. The research for lhis paper was funded by lhe Foreign Area Research Program from July - A. W. Groom, "Repo ~t on Ningi Distriet June 18th to August 18th 1910." 1972 \0 January 1974 in nonhern , and based on my dissertation: "The Ningi !t~ Adamu M oh~~ed FIIut, "The Political and Economic Re.Orientalion ofKanoEmirate Chiefdom and the Afril.:an Fronlier : Mountain eers and Resistance to Lh e Sok()(o Northern NIgeria c. 1882- 1940" (Ph.D. Thesis, University of London 1973) p. 52: Cal iphate, ca . 1800·1908" (Ph.D . Thesis, Universil), of Wisconsin-Madison, 1975), and A..W : Groom, "ReiX)f( on Ningi District June 18(h to August ISlh 1910." ' , expressed hence forth as Pauon , Thesis. I express lhe usual disclaimer. - DI st rict Note Boc:> k,.Rano (Nasarawa Local Government Division, Military Governor's 2. Si r H . R. Paimer, S udanese Memoirs ( London : Cass, 1967), pp. l04 , 106-7. 0f!1.ce , Kana); DIStrict NOie Book, Tudlln Wada(Nasarawa Local Governmenl Division 3. Stanhope \'(Ihite, Descent from Ihe Hills ( Llmdon : Fred Murray 1963), pr.35-36; Malam Military Governor's Office , Kano). Yahaya, Age 95 , irHerviewed at Ningi Town on July 27 , 1973 (Tape No.9); Malar& :'l. District NOie Book , Dutse District ( Nasarawa Local Government Division, Military Mohammadu Muht3f1 , Age 49, interviewed 31 Zaria Ci ty on 10 June 1973 (Tape No. 9). Governor's Office, Kano). 4 . C. N. Ubah, "The Polit ical and Economic Administration of Kana , 1900-1940" ( Ph .D. !I Fika (Ph.D . Thesis), pp. 52 , 99. Thesis, Universit y of Ibadan , 1973), p.SS. Lt Palmer, S udanese M l!11UJirs . p. 130. 5. Qur'an , S. XXIV , 32, 33 ; The Encyclopedia of 1$/0," , 1960 , ed. s.\'. " Abd." ;]. ;alm ~r.' S ua'anese Mem. OI·rs , p. 1~O; Ta(p,id al-Akhbar, Mss. 97/53 , 95/56; Katanga-Warji 6. Paul E. Love joy, "Plantations In The Economy of The SokOlo Caliphate;' Joumol of , Musloans of u;e WafJ3Wa playmg ~anou s types of songs), imerviewed al Katanga-Warji African History , XIX , 3 (1 978): 346; Lovejoy, " The Charac(eristics of Caliphate (Islamic on. IS MaY,, 19/3 ( Tape No.8, SIde A) ; and Sarkin Baima, Age 85, interviewed at West Africa)," Th e American Hisumcal Revie-..v, 84, S ( December 1979): 1271,1277. Halma-War!! ( Tape No. 4 , Sid e A). 7. Lovejoy,]IlH ( 1978), 343-4 , 347 ; Lovejoy, IlHR (1979) , 1277 . Taqy>4 al-Ilkhbar, Ms s. 97/53 , 95/54,97/55,97/56 , 97/57. 8. Lovejoy,JAH (1978); 34R-9. 15 . Alhaji Abubakar Gatba and Malam Ibrahim HaJilu ) interviewed at Katin Madaki on 9. Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in tM Law of Islam (Ballimore : Johns Hopkins Press. ~ SePtembe~ 30 ( Tap ~ No. 21 ); Alhaii Abubakar Garba , Tarikin Kafin Madaki . 1955), pp.46-7, 53, 56, 59; Sarkin Turawa Tiffi, et aI , interviewed at Tiffi on 3 ]II!!. Ma lam Dlkko, Tankh Muassas Bauchi Yaqub aJ-A wwal; Malam Yahaya (Field NOles December 1973 (T ape No. 26) ; Madakin Kudu ( Bu), Age 83, interviewed at Ningi Bure~ ucracy ) ; James Morri son, Personal Communications, 10 April 1974 . Town on 7 Augusl 1973 (Tape No. 14) ; M. G. Smilh , Government In Za:=:=au /800-/950 Alha~~ Abubakar Carba and Malam Ibrahim Halilu (Tape No. 21 ) Sides A and B). ( London : Oxford University, 1960), pp.74 , 1S4, 157, 164 . .. ;'\Ihall Abubakar Garba and Ma lam Ibr.thim Halilu (Tape No. 21); Imam Mahmud 10. P. A. BenlOn, The Longuaget and PeaplesofBomu: Belnga CQlIeclion a/the U'lntingso/P.A . ~\1l1ha ~d } Ton,kh,umam Bauchi, p.l78; Alkali Ningi (Salihu Maj, Turare), Age 62 , 8em01l ( London: (ass, 1968), p. 2S4 ;Sarkin Dua, Age 62 , interviewed at N ingiT own on I trllervlewed at N mgl Town on 26 September 1973 (Tape No. 16, Side B). Seplember ]973 (Tape No. 28). Ad.ell :anon, JI' .., ..~he ~ame Ningi and Developing Pre-Colonial Citizenship: A 'Non­ 11. See E. M . Chilver and P. M. Kaherry , NOl es on ,he Precolonial HIStory and Eth nography of Tnbal Perspecuve In Nmeteenth Century Hausaland ," Afrika Und Ubersee LXII 4 the Bome,uJa Grassfields ( Buea : West Cameroon Archives , 1966) j Revd S. W . Kodlc, ; 1979) ,241-5 1. ' , Polyglolla A/ricana ( London: 1854) ; and Philip D . Curtin ,Atlanc1cSIave Trade( Madison: Patton, Thesis, p.2 19 . University nf Wi sconsin Press), 1969, p.255. J- Patlon , Thesis, pp.219-20. 12. Murray La st>"Aspecls of AdministraliolJ and Dissent in Hausaland, 1880-1968 ," A/ n·ca. "!2 Comma~der of.the army ~th m a n ., ~on of tile Emir ofZakzak, Abdullahi ( 1873-78) to Amlr XL , 4 ( 197 0) ,348. al-masalih wa ll aI-na sa Ih ( Wazln of Sokoto) Abdukadiri (1874-1 886) b. Gidado, ca. 13. Heinrich Barth) Travels and DIScoveries in North and Central A/n'ca 184 9- 1955 , Vol. 1873-1 878 , NAK , Zarprof vol. I, Outward Corresrondence , p.17. (London : Cass, 1965), p.Sl7. ~. Fika (Ph .D. Thesis), p. I 14 . 14. C. N . lIbah (Ph .D. Thesis), 1' .55. ...: Palmer,S udant'se Ml!11UJirs , pp. 130-13 1; A. W. Groom, "Repon on N ingi District June 18 IS. Fi eld NOles ( 1973 ), Ningi. to August 18, 19 10." 16. Lasl.A/nca ( 1970) : 348 . Khadduri, War and Peace, p.163 . 17 . Barth, Travell , p.515. Ali b. Muhammad al-Mawardi, us SWillS Gouvernememau.x an notes par E. Fagnan IS . Pallon , Thesis, p.S7. ~ Alg e r : A. Jourdan, 191 5). ' 19 . Pauon, Thesis, p. 196. Map is adapted from Love joy, JAH 1978 : 345 . Khadduri, War and Peace, pp. 165-6. 20. Smith, GO'Vern me,u in Zatzou, pp. S2 , 10 1, 170, 177 , un, 185-7 , 190 for references It' Amir al-Muminin Mu'adh of Sokoto (1877-1881) (0 Emir Bauchi IbraJlim ( 1847- 1878) Ningi. 1 also discussed Ningi-Zazzau rclarions with Ihe aulhor. Arewa House, Kaduna, Arabic MSS Uncatalogued. ' 21. EncyclopedtO 0/ Islam , 1913 ed., s.v. "Djadwal"; Malam Muhammad Mai T samiya Mu.rray Last, !he .SakOtO Caliphau (London: Longmans, 1967), pp. 14 5-149. (Ningi), Sfar Cole,uJar of Divination (ca. 1860)i Field Notes (1973), Ningi. I diSCUSsed thIS with Professors M. A. Alhajj and Abd ullahi Smith, 22. Trevor RobertS, " Report on Tin-Smelting al Lirue-N Delma," S.N .P. 7. 2863/1918, College, Kano , and Arewa House , Kaduna, respectively. NAK ; S.N. Payton, "Ningi District Re-organization of Report on Ningi," 141 , SI4 "1 ," Numelin, Th e Beginnings 0/ Diplomacy, pp. 127-9. NAK/l935; Bawa Bu (Tape No. 26). Khadduri, War and Peace, pp.168-9. 23 . A. W. Groom , "Reponon Ningi District June ISth to August 18th 1910," S.N.P . 76137, Smith, Governmellt in ZazUlu, pp. 178-88 . NAK; Drummond-Hay, " Lere District Assessment Report," Zarpmf 1820 (1 )/1929: C. N. Ubah , " Kano Emirate in (he 19th Century: A Study of Political Developments" NAK; Smith, Govcrnmelll In Zazzau , r. 170; Harold Gunn, Pagan Peoples uf lhe Cemral U..1.A. Thesis, University of Ghana, 1965), p.82. Area 0/ Norfhem Nlgen'QPari Xl! (London: IAI, 1956), pp.3i , 48. Victor Low, Three Nigmoll Emirates : A Study ill Oral History (Evan ston : Northwestern 14 . A. W . Groom, " Report on Ningi District June 18th to August 18th 1910 ." Universily, 1972), pp. 185-S . I S. Malam Dikko, Ton'kh Muassas Bauehi Yaqub al-Awwal , Arabic MS .; Victor N . Low. Smith , Governmenl in ZazZQu. , pp. 180-3. Three NIgerian Emirates: A Study in Oral HistOry (Evanston: North-western Unive rsity, Smi th , Guvcrnmetll in ZazZlJu., p. 183. 1972), rr. I33, 136·140, 182·5. Malam Mohammadu Muhlari, Age 49, interviewed at Zaria City on 10 June 1973 (Tape 144 SLAVERY AND ABOLITIOK "INGT RAID S AND SL AVER Y 145

Ill. Love joy,AHR ( 1979); 128 5. No.7. Side B); for l ifa, see Rev. G . P. Bargery. A Howa-English Dictionary and Englislt. HOllsa Vocabulary ( London: Oxford Uni versit y, 1934) , p. SOD. 1. Ubah (M.A. TheSIS), p. l l3. AI Ka(anga-Warji. I .....eOlIO Lulu and observed the hiding places during encouOlers with Aliyu. 59. Smith , Govtmme711 in Zazzau, pp. 18S·7. 60. Smilh ,GlnItmmenl in Zazzau , pp. 183, 18S;Malam Ibrahim Steven Audu, Tan"kin /sawa. 92. Rev . Charles H. Robinson, "The Hausa Territories," The GeographicalJenmral, VIII , 3 (September 1892): 205,208. 6 1. Alh aii Abubakar Garba . et. al . (T ape No. 21 , Side A) ; A. W. Groom, " Repan on Ningi ra. Pallon , Thesis, pp. 256-7. Dislricc" ' j J. F . J . Fitzpatrick, ., Assessment Repon on the Ningi District," S.N.r . 1011 Ubah (M.A. Thesis), p. 124 . 11 69/431,191 8 NAK. Panon , Thesis, pp. 271·2. 62. Dislrict Note Book. Rano (Nasarawa Local Government Division , Military Governor'! O[fic.:e). 63. Low, Three Nigerian E mirates, pp.187-188; ] . M. Fremantle. " Hisro ry of the regie& compri sing the Kalagum Division of K ano Province," Jou rnal of African Society. X-X! ( 19 11-12) ; 4J4 . 64 . Low, Three Nlgenan Emiraus, p . 188. 65. Suhan Muhanuned Bello b. Suhan Ibrahim 10 Amir al-M uminin (the Sultan of SOkOl0, tbs: Commander-of-Iht: Faithful) Umar b. Caliph 'Ali (188 1. 189 1), Kanoprof Vol. J Ourwatd Correspondence, NAK, p. 58. 66. Field Notes (Karuba and Sonoma) 6 December 1973; Akali Ningi (SaJihu Mai Turart Age 62 , ioterviewed at Ningi Town on 12 September 1973 (Tape No. 17, Side A); MalaA (Tape No, I). 67. Field Notes (Ningi) , 2 May 1973 ; Field Notcs (Karuba and Sonoma), 7 December 191 68. F or a useful anaJysis of this process see Dennis DaJe Cordell, "The Awlad Suiayman Libya and Chad: A Study of Raiding and Power in the Chad Basin in the Nineteenth Cenlury" (M .A. Thesis, Universi ty ofWisconsin, 1972), pp. 70-90. For Bushman raider't character and rype see John B. Wright, Bushman Raiders 0/ the Drakensberge /840-/8 (Pietermarit lburg: UniversilY of Natal, 197 1), pp.24-46. 69. Smith, GfYr.Jmltnelll in Zazzau , p.82. 70. Field Notes (Karuba and Sonoma), 7 Dcceruber 1973 . For redislribution process ~ Creighton Gabel,Ana/ysu oJ Prehimmc ECtmomicPallerns (New York : Holt , Rjnehart aDo! Winslon , 1%7), pp.56-9. 71. Abubakar Yaya Ali yu , " The Civil War in Bauchi, ca. 1881-2 ," S ava rIno , 2, 2 ( Decembe 197 3) ; 192-3 , 197. 72. Alhaji Abu bakar Garba , C/. al. (Tape No. 21 ). 73. Field Notes (Bureaucracy), 25 July 1973. 74. Paul Lovejoy , "Interregional Monetary Flows in th e Pre-coloniaJ T rade of Nigeria/ JAH , XV, 4 (1974) ; 577-8. 75. A. W . Groom, "Repon on Ningi Distriet June 18th to Augusl IS, 1910." 76. Joseph P. Smaldone, "Firearms in the Central Sud an : A Revolution," JAH, XIII, (1972),595 , 597. 77. Smilh, GO'V~nlln Zazzall , pp. 190- 1. 78. James Morrison, Personal Communica lion, 10 Apr il 1974. 79. Fika (Ph .D . Thesis), p. 117. 80. C.N. Ubah (M.A. Thesis), pp.84·S. 8 1. Ubah (M.A. Thesis), p.86. 82 . Sir Richard Palmer, Palmer Papers Oos Plateau Museum), pp. 7-8. 83. Malam Usman Dan Yaya ( 1890- 1902), son of Malam Haruna Baba to Sultan Muharnm BeUo , son of the late Ibrahim Dabo ( 1883·1 891), ca. 1891, Bauprof, Out wa rd Correspoo­ dence, Vol. 1, p.65, NAK. 84. Palmer, Palmer Papers, pp.7-8. 85. Fika (Ph .D . Thesis), p.117. 86. Ma lam Yusufu Abdulla hi Takai, Age 82 , M. Aliyu Hanua Takai, Age 73 , M. Abdullalt. Ad amu Wakili , Age 37 , interviewed at Taka) on 2 December 1973 (Tape No. 26 , Side A It is interesting to nOte thai this rradition is aJ so fou nd in a coloniaJ document of 1924 F. M. Noad, " Kana Emirale, Sumaila District Re-A!ise5srueOl Repon ," S.N.P. 9 603/1924 . 87. Ubah, " Kana Enurate in the 19th Cemury: A Stud y of Polit ical Developments," pp. 16, 12 3. 88. Noad , " Kano Emiralt:, Sumaila DislriCl Re· Assessment Repon ." 89. Patton, Thesis, p. 225 .