COLONIALISM AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICAN SOCIETIES: A CASE STUDY OF HADEJIA EMIRATE, NIGERIA (1906-1960)

BY

MOHAMMED ABDULLAHI MOHAMMED

MAH/42421/141/DF

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE COLLEGE OF HIGHER DEGREES AND RESEARCH IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY OF KAMPALA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY

MAY, 2015 DECLARATION This is my original work and has not been presented for a Degree or any other academic award in any university or institution of learning. ~ Signature Date

MOHAMMED ABDULLAHI MOHAMMED APPROVAL I confirm that the work in this dissertation proposal was done by the candidate under my supervision.

Signiture

Supervisor name Date Peter Ssekiswa DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my late mother may her soul rest in perfect peace and my humble brother Yusif Bashir Hekimi and my wife Rahana Mustathha and the entire fimily

In ACKNOWLEDGEMENT lam indeed grateful to my supervisor Peter Ssekiswa , who tirelessly went through my work and inspired me to dig deeper in to the core of the m matter , His kind critism patience and understanding assrted me a great deal Special thanks go to Vice Chancellor prof P Kazinga also a historian for his courage and commitment , however special thanks goes to Dr Kayindu Vicent , the powerful head of department of education (COEDU ) for friendly and academic discourse at different time , the penalist of the viva accorded thanks for observation and scholarly advise , such as Dr SOFU , Dr Tamale , Dr Ijoma My friends Mustafa Ibrahim Garga Sahsu Haliru are worthy mentioning Abubaker Mohd Hamiju Mohd Sallama among other .Adamu ldiris ( Danbaba ) Mallan Hajji must be accorded attention for their at most and constant attention during this study , my friends relatives and specifically my intellectual mentor professer l-laluna Wakili , for the support encouragement he gave me from under graduate up to this level (Allah should reward him , my sister Hajja Yartime Yargata , Gwaggo among others are worthy of respect may God reward , Abubakor Aminu Ustaz , Bellerno , Adamo Toraka Alhaji

Lunan , Vamasallachi , Abdullahu Urey , Adamar Idoras Amar Abuzarri and the staffs of various libraries I visited during the research, I thank you all for your prayers and support

iv ABBREVIATIONS

A.B.U Ahmadu Bello University Zaria

BC.G.A British Cotton’Growing Association

B.U.K FAIS Bayero University, Kano -Faculty of Arts and slamic Studies

N H. R.S Northern History Research Scheme

NAK National Achieves Kaduna

R.N.C Royal Niger Company

S.N .P Secretariat of the Northern Provinces

U.A.C WA.C.B United African Company West African Currency Board

REB Rural Electricity Board

V GLOSSARY S/N Non English Words English Meaning Translafion T~A~iiI~ 2. Dagachi Village head ~ Fadama Marshy areas or swamps 4.. Gandu Estate 5. Gidaje Houses 6 Gayya Communitywoik

, ~iu riirniri Uokr I ne city ot hors~ 8.’ Habe Non Fulani populaUon of the people 9• LHakimi District head ~ 1~ ~~du ~Ei~~ 11. Jangali Tax on cattle

f 12: Jarma , War commander, fio~JizYa on non MLlSl~mS -~ ~ 14. ‘Kadanya Share nuts ~ 1~•. Kame Arresting ~ ~ ‘17 KLIdin daji Levied on hunters 18. Kudingida ‘Tax on house 19. KLidin kasuwa Levied on merchant Kudin ruwa Levied on fishermen 21 JKuka 22 Kudin kasa Tax on land

vi ABSTRACT This historical study was carried out in Hadejia Emirate of Nigeria to assess the establishment of colonialism in Nigeria, to examine the social impact of colonialism on Hadeja Emirate, Nigeria, as well as to analyze the economic impact of colonialism on Hadejia Emirate in Nigeria. Being a historical study, documentary analyses as well as oral interviews were used. The 53 respondents who participated in the study were purposively selected on an assumption that they were knowledgable of the historical events of colonialism in Nigeria, specifically Hadejia Emirate. These were 26 secondary school teachers of 1-listory, six university lecturers of History, ten religious leaders, seven political leaders and four traditional leaders. The study took a cross- sectional descriptive survey design, using qualitative approach. The interviewees revealed that colonialism was introduced in Nigeria in the l9~’~ century A.D by the British as a result of the scramble and partition of Africa. The largest part of northern Nigeria by the 9~ century was part of the Sokoto Caliphate. The Emirates under Sokoto Caliphate covered a substantial area of northern Nigeria as a result of a Jihad led by Uthrnan Dan Fodio. Islam and indigenous African religions were the two religions practiced by the people by the time the British started ruling Nigeria.With the advent of colonialism, social changes were ushered in including the establishment of Christianity, European culture, formal schooling, and hospitals, all of which had both positive and negative impacts. Economically. new cash crops were introduced, textile and industries were introduced, and the mode of pasterolism was changed. The impacts of all these, as perceived by the interviewees, were both positive and negative. It was concluded that given the speed at which the world is moving today in terms of socio-econornic development, the changes brought by the colonial masters in Hadejia Emirate should receive more praises than criticisms and hence be adopted with some changes to suit the current trends in science and technology.

VII TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION APPROVAL DEDICATION ABBREVIATIONS GLOSSARY ABSTRACT TABLE OF CONTENTS viii LISTOFTABLES xi LIST OF FIGURES xii

CHAPTER ONE 1 .0 Introduction I I. I Background of the Study I

I . I . I Historical Perspective I .1 .2 Conceptual Perspective 4 1.1.3 Contextual Perspective 4 1.2 Problem Statement 5 1.3 Purpose of the Study 5 1.4 Objectives of the Study 6 1 .5 Research Questions 6 1.6 Scope of the Study 6 1.6.1 Geographical scope 6 I .6.2 Time scope 6 1 .6.3 Content scope 6 1 .7. Significance of the Study 7

VHI CHAPTER TWO .:8 LITERATURE REVIEW 8 2.0 Introduction 8 2.1 Conceptual framework 8 2.2 Related Literature 9 2.2.1 Establishment of Colonialism in Nigeria 9 2.2.2 Indirect rule 11 2.2.3Traditional leaders 12 2.3. Colonialism and Social Development 14 2.3.I.Religion 14 2.3.2 Formal Education 19 2.4 Colonialism and Economic Development ofNigeria 28 2.4. 1 Infrastructure 28 2.4. 2 Roads 28 2.4.3 Water supply and sanitation 30 2.4.4 Power 30 2.4.5 Information and communications technologies 31 2.5 Cash Crops Production 33

CHAPTER THREE 34 METHODOLOGY 34 3.0 Introduction 34 3.1 Research design 34 3.2 Research Population 34 3.3 Sampling and Sample Size 34 3.4 Sampling Procedure 34 3.5 Study Population 35 3.6 Sample selection 35 3.7 Data Collection 35 3.8 .1 Research Instruments 36 3.8.2. Interview guide 36

ix LIST OF TABLES

Table 5. 1: price of oil and palm kernel between January and August 1931 70 Table 5. 2: showing cost of infrastructures in Hadejia emirate 71

xi LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1: Showing the diagrammatic Representation of the Relationship Between Colonialism and Socio-economic Development in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria 8

XII CHAPTER ONE

1.0 Introduction This chapter entails the background of the study. problem statement, purpose of the study, objectives of the study, research questions, hypothesis, and scope of the study, significance and operational definition of key terms.

1.1 Background of the Study

1.1.1 Historical Perspective

The historical phenomenon of colonization is one that stretches around the globe and across time, including such disparate peoples as the Hittites, the Incas and the British.

Modern state global colonialism, or imperialism, began in the 15th century with the ‘Age of Discovery’, led by Portuguese and Spanish exploration of the Americas, and the coasts of Africa, the Middle East, India, and East Asia. During the 16thi and 17th1 centuries, England, France and the Dutch Republic established their own overseas empires, in direct competition with each other. The end of the 18th and early 19th century saw the first era of decolonization, when most of the European colonies in the Americas gained their independence from their respective metro poles. Spain was irreversibly weakened after the loss of their New World colonies, but the Kingdom of Great Britain (uniting Scotland with England and Wales), France, Portugal, and the Dutch turned their attention to the Old World, particularly South Africa, India, and South East Asia, where coastal enclaves had already been established. The second industrial revolution, in the l9~ century. led to what has been termed the era of New Imperialism, when the pace of colonization rapidly accelerated, the height of which was the Scramble for Africa, in which Belgium was a major and Germany a lesser participant.

The colonization of Africa has a long history, the most important phase being the European

Scramble for Africa during the late I 9th and early 20th century. Africa experienced major culture clashes which derived from the impact of economic, political, social and religious factors on the indigenous societies of Africa. Europeans brought traditions to implement and justify their presence in Africa. In 1446, the Portuguese were the first Europeans to establish settlements, trade posts and ports of call along the oceanic coasts of African continent. Africa seemed attractive to European rulers for economic and racial reasons (Duignan and Gann, 20 13). Africa

1 offered Britain, France, Germany and other countries an open market for trade, a market that bought more from colonial power than it sold overall (Shillington, 201 1). From then on, African territory was randomly divided between European countries that tried to impose elements from their culture.

Colonialism lasted in Africa for only a period of about eighty years. During that time, colonial governments built a substantial infrastructure, introduced a cash crop system of agriculture, and changed the traditional standards of wealth and status (Dwayne, 2006). Education reforms were introduced and in many areas, modern state systems implemented. However, the long ten economic impact of European development held some very negative consequences for Africa also. The infrastructure that was developed was designed to exploit the natural resources of the colonies. Also, the technological and industrial development that had been occurring in Africa was stalled by the imposition of colonialism. For instance colonies such as Nigeria became part of British imperial expansion that focused on exploiting raw materials, minerals, and foodstuffs important to Western industrial development. Britain tried to encourage tropical export crops in Nigeria and to stimulate demand there for British manufactured goods. The colonies built a railroad network between the I 890s and World War 11, and constructed roads at an accelerating rate after the 1930s. These developments, along with the introduction of the pound sterling as the universal medium of exchange, encouraged export trade in tin, cotton, cocoa, groundnuts, and palm oil. Britain maintained its economic hegemony over the colonies through military power, strategic alliances, and the collaboration of indigenous rulers (Dwayne, 2006).

Colonialism led to imperialism. After 1870, imperialism was necessary because manufacturing and trading supremacy greatly empowered nations of central Europe creating competition among these nations which made more difficult for them to dispose of surplus at a profit. Therefore it was necessary to secure new markets in Africa: with vast populations capable with growing economic needs which European manufacturers and merchants could supply. The safest means of securing and developing such markets was by establishing protectorates or by annexation. This sudden demand for foreign markets was responsible for the adoption of imperialism as a political policy. This needed improvement of methods of production. European governments therefore secured for their particular use some distant underdeveloped countries by annexation and production such was the case for acquisition of Northern Nigeria. Lenin on the

2 other hand defines imperialism as the older term referring to “empire” the term was rapidly taken into other languages to describe the contest between rival European states to secure colonies and spheres of influence in Africa and Asia: Contest that dominated international politics in the 1880’s to 1914 caused this period to be named the “age of imperialism”. Lenin (1916) in his imperialism: the Highest stage of capitalism, Identified imperialism with the present day capitalism. Cartels, Production, the domination of the financiers and colonial policy. Imperialism was not a “phase” of capitalistic economic development but a “special policy” of capital, which consists in the striving of every industrial capitalistic nation to bring under it’s control or to annex ever bigger areas of agrarian territory, irrespective of what nations inhabit them.

Colonialism in Nigeria is considered to begin in 1807, when Great Britain abolished the slave trade. Generally, historians trace Britain’s increasing involvement through later signing of treaties and arrangement with Nigerian rulers. In 1 865 Britain took a more active role in Nigeria and eventually occupied the Niger area. In 1885 Britain administered Nigeria in separated British protectorates until 1914 when she unified the country, while maintaining considerable regional autonomy among the three major regions (Yusuf~ 2013). British colonialism created Nigeria, joining diverse people, and regions in an artificial entity along the Niger River. The colonial period proper in Nigeria lasted from 1900 to 1960. In 1900, the Niger Coast Protectorate and some territories of the Royal Niger Company were united to form the Southern Nigeria Protectorate, while other Royal Niger Company territories became the Northern Nigeria Protectorate. Hadejia on the other hand was conquered by the British in 1906 which led to the changes in almost everything, especially political system, the economy, taxes, commerce and so on. With the military defeat of Hadjia in April 1906, its independence whether real or assumed was ended. the subsequent installation of Haruna as the new Emir by the British ushered in a new period, an era which increasingly saw a lot of transformation of the pre-existing institutions, the creation of dependent political and economic structure and the distortion of the social setting of pre-colonial Hadej ia (Yakubu. 2012).

Thus the new policy that of the extensions of the policy of the cartels to foreign policy, the phases of”ultraimperialsm” that is to say the peaceful uniting of all the rival finance groups into a single world-wide trust. As a result capitalism grew in a world system of colonial oppression and financial strangulation of the overwhelming majority of the people of the world by a handful

3 of “advanced” countries. And this “booty” is share between two or three powerful world plunders armed to the teeth (America, Great Britain and Japan) who were drawing the whole world into their war over the division of the booty. Imperialism was therefore not to be explained as merely a change in the foreign policies of of government of the advanced countries but as a change in nature of capitalistic relations of production.

1.1.3 Conceptual Perspective Tignor (2005) defines colonialism as the establishment, exploitation, maintenance, acquisition, and expansion of colonies in one territory by people from another territory. It is a set of unequal relationships between the colonial power and the colony and often between the colonists and the indigenous population. Osterhammel (2005) however defines colonialism as a relationship between an indigenous (or forcibly imported) majority and a minority of foreign invaders. The fundamental decisions affecting the lives of the colonized people are made and implemented by the colonial rulers in pursuit of interests that are often defined in a distant metropolis. Rejecting cultural compromises with the colonized population, the colonizers are convinced of their own superiority and their ordained mandate to rule. Colonialism in this study was viewed based on indirect rule exercised by the British who were ruling Nigeria, as well as the colonial administrators. Socio-economic changes introduced by colonial rule included a large scope of developments including infrastructure which is an umbrella term for many activities usually referred to as “social overhead capital” by development economists. Precisely, Socio-economic changes refer to a network of transport, communication and public (social) services — all functioning as a system or as a set of interrelated and mutually beneficial services provided for the improvement of the general well-being of the population (Ogbuozobe, 20l2).Socio-economic development was considered in terms of formal education, infrastructure and cash crops production. Emirate means a political territory which is ruled by a dynastic monarch.

1.1.4 Contextual Perspective Colonialism is the establishment, exploitation, acquisition and expansion of colony in one territory by a political power from another, therefore it is a set of unequal relationship between the colonial power and often between the colonist and the indigenous population.(Collins English dictionary; 201 1). Though colonialism was a system which functioned well in the interests of the metropolis, on the one hand colonial governments did much for the benefit of the

4 Africans in this way colonialism or colonial rule actually developed Africa. Schools were built railroads, schools, hospitals in other words social services were brought to Africa, and the creation with African societies classes i.e., Bourgeoisie and middle classes. The biggest worry today for many Hadejians (the people of Hadejia) is how to escape poverty and hunger. The poor and unemployed are not worried about their political future, but when the economy will become well enough to create employment. The government should focus on providing friendly business climate for economic activities and invest in human capital development, particularly technology, transport network, health and education. Technical and vocational education will help the poorly educated and unskilled citizens to acquire employability skills (soft as well as hard skills) with which to secure paid employment or self-employment and improve their lives. This is impossible without a friendly environment for productive economic activities. This study investigated the impact of colonialism on the socio-economic transformation and development in Hadejia, emirate, Nigeria.

1.2 Problem Statement Colonial rule was not a benevolent political system. A look at the balance sheet of colonial rule in Nigeria shows that it left more negative heritages than positive ones. It left behind a functional bureaucracy, a rudimentary educational system, albeit externally oriented (Olusegun, 2012). The British colonial agricultural and industrial policies in Nigeria have implications for the country economic advancement; the colonial economic policies in Nigeria, for instance, discouraged indigenous industries, but promoted export crop and mineral production to feed the British factories. The British territory of Nigeria served, not only as ready source for raw materials to feed the growing industries in Britain and European states, but also as trading post for the British and European traders and merchants and at the same time supported the importation of end products in order to starve off decline domestic consumption and falling rate of profit at home (David, 2012). Therefore this study investigated the process of the establishment of colonial rule in Hadejia emirate and the socio-economic impact of colonial rule on the lives of the people of Hadejia emirate in general.

1.3 Purpose of the Study

To establish the role of colonialism on socio-economic development of Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria.

5 1.4 Objectives of the Study This study was carried out to:

i. Assess the establishment of colonialism in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria. ii. Examine the social impact of colonialism on Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria. iii. Analyse the economic impact of colonialism on Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria.

1.5 Research Questions i. When and how was colonialism established in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria?

ii What was the social impact of colonialism on Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria?

iii what was the economic impact of colonialism on Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria?

1.6 Scope of the Study

1.6.1 Geographical scope Hadejia is located in the Northern Nigerian Savannah zone. It lies approximately between 10.00’E and 10.45’E of longitude and between 12.00’N and 13.05’N of latitude. It was part of the old Kano province in the 1930’S together with Gumel, Katagun and Daura. It is part of Jigawa state (carved out of the former Kano state in August, 1991). It is bounded to the north and north east by Yobe State (formerly part of the old Borno province), to the east and south east by

Bauchi state, to the west by Gumel emirate (in Jigawa state) and to the south west by Dutse emirate (also in Jigawa state).

1.6.2 Time scope The study looked at a period from 1909 to 1960. This was the period when the British rule gained roots in Nigeria and when many social and economic changes took place in Nigeria before Nigeria gained her political independence.

1.6.3 Content scope This study focused on colonialism (independent variable) and Socio-econorn ic development (dependent variable). Colonialism was limited to indirect rule through traditional rulers, as well as the role f the colonial masters. Socio-economic development was limited to the social and economic activities, and which were introduced in Nigeria during the colonial rule.

6 1.7. Significance of the Study The British colonial economic policies in Nigeria have implications for Nigeria’s development. The findings from this study will help to draw attention to the under-development of Nigeria while taking careful note of the historical antecedent of colonialism.

The colonial economic policies did not lay a solid formation for Nigerian industrial take-off. This study will help policy makers to design policies that will transform the colonial economic structure from external dependence towards an economy that is internally oriented.

This study will help policy makers to review the National Policy on Education to rid the educational system off colonial influences.

It is hoped that the findings of this study will be resourceful to the community members because it will give them the colonial history of their area which they can pass to the next generation.

This study will serve as a source of reference for future researchers who might embark on a similar study

7 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 Introduction This chapter reviews the literature from different scholars and sources to give comprehensive understanding of the objectives of the study, that is, literature on colonialism and socio-economic development of Africa and Nigeria in particular.

2.1 Conceptual framework

Figure 2.1: Showing the diagrammatic Representation of the Relationship Between Colonialism and Socio-economic Development in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria Independent variable Dependent Variable 4 Colonialism Socio-economic development

o Indirect rule through o Social development

traditional rulers o Economic development

e Colonial administrators

Intervei ing Variable

o Culture

o Religion

o Donor influence

Figure 1 shows the relationship between the variables of the study. It shows that, colonialism, which was looked at in terms of the indirect rule which the British people who colonized Nigeria used in administering Nigeria through the local rulers such as the traditional rulers, as well as the role played by the colonizers themselves in the administration of Nigeria. This method of indirect role which the British used had an impact on the socio-economic development of

8 different areas of Nigeria, as some areas developed highly yet others did not develop much. This was, to some extent related to the role of the traditional rulers and how they related to the colonial masters. The intervening variables namely religion, culture and donor influence mean that those factors also contributed either positively, negatively or both positively and negatively to the level of socio-economic development in different parts of Nigeria, specifically, Hadejia Emirate. The current study however did not address those variables.

2.2 Related Literature

2.2.1. Establishment of Colonialism in Nigeria Colonialism is not a modern phenomenon. World history is full of examples of one society gradually expanding by incorporating adjacent territory and settling its people on newly conquered territory. The ancient Greeks set up colonies as did the Romans, the Moors, and the Ottomans, to name just a few of the most famous examples. Colonialism, then, is not restricted to a specific time or place (Marx, 1972). Nevertheless, in the sixteenth century, colonialism changed decisively because of technological developments in navigation that began to connect more remote parts of the world. Fast sailing ships made it possible to reach distant ports and to sustain close ties between the center and colonies. Thus, the modern European colonial project emerged when it became possible to move large numbers of people across the ocean and to maintain political sovereignty in spite of geographical dispersion. This entry uses the term colonialism to describe the process of European settlement and political control over the rest of the world, including the Americas, Australia, and parts of Africa and Asia (Marx, 1972).

The difficulty of defining colonialism stems from the fact that the term is often used as a synonym for imperialism. Both colonialism and imperialism were forms of conquest that were expected to benefit Europe economically and strategically. The term colonialism is frequently used to describe the settlement of North America, Australia, New Zealand, Algeria, and Brazil, places that were controlled by a large population of permanent European residents. The term imperialism often describes cases in which a foreign government administers a territory without significant settlement; typical examples include the scramble for Africa in the late nineteenth century and the American domination of the Philippines and Puerto Rico. The distinction between the two, however, is not entirely consistent in the literature.

9 Some scholars distinguish between colonies for settlement and colonies for economic exploitation. Others use the term colonialism to describe dependencies that are directly governed by a foreign nation and contrast this with imperialism, which involves indirect forms of domination (Pitts, 2005).

The confusion about the meaning of the term imperialism reflects the way that the concept has changed over time. Although the English word imperialism was not commonly used before the nineteenth century, Elizabethans already described the United Kingdom as “the British Empire.” (Burke, 2000). As Britain began to acquire overseas dependencies. the concept of empire was employed more frequently. Imperialism was understood as a system of military domination and sovereignty over territories. The day to day work of government might be exercised indirectly through local assemblies or indigenous rulers who paid tribute, but sovereignty rested with the British (Getz & 1-leather, 2010). The shift away from this traditional understanding of empire was influenced by the Leninist analysis of imperialism as a system oriented towards economic exploitation. According to Lenin, imperialism was the necessary and inevitable result of the logic of accumulation in late capitalism. Thus, for Lenin and subsequent Marxists, imperialism described a historical stage of capitalism rather than a trans-historical practice of political and military domination. The lasting impact of the Marxist approach is apparent in contemporary debates about American imperialism, a term which usually means American economic hegemony, regardless of whether such power is exercised directly or indirectly (Young 2001).

Given the difficulty of consistently distinguishing between the two terms, this entry will use colonialism as a broad concept that refers to the project of European political domination from the sixteenth to the twentieth century that ended with the national liberation movements of the 1960s. Post-colonialism will be used to describe the political and theoretical struggles of societies that experienced the transition from political dependence to sovereignty. This entry will use imperialism as a broad term that refers to economic, military, political domination that is achieved without significant permanent European settlement. Colonialism introduced administrative changes in African

10 an Indirect rule

Indirect rule is a tenn used by historians and political scientists to describe a system of governance that was developed in certain British non-colonial dependencies (particularly in parts of Africa and Asia) often called “Protectorate? or “Trucial states”. By this system, the day-to day government and administration of areas both small and large was left in the hands of traditional rulers, who gained prestige and the stability and protection afforded by the Pax Britannica, at the cost of losing control of their external afihirs, and often of taxation, communications, and other matters, usually with a small number of European “advisors” effectively overseeing the government of large numbers of people spread over extensive areas (Lakshmi, 2010).

Britain governed Nigeria via indirect rule, a system in which native leaders continued to rule their traditional lands so long as they collected taxes and performed other duties ensuring British prosperity. Uncooperative or ineffective leaders were easily replaced by others who were more compliant or competent, and usually more than willing to enjoy the perks of government Britain was thus saved the huge economic and political cost of running and militarily securing a day-to day government (Adiele, I 972).

Indirect rule operated relatively smoothly in the north, where the British worked with the Fulani aristocracy, who had long governed the Sokoto caliphate and who were able to administer traditional Islamic law alongside British civil law. In the south, however, traditions were less accommodating. In Yoruba land indirect rule disrupted historical checks and balances, increasing the power of some chiefs at the expense of others. Moreover, although the Yoruba kings had long been powerful, few had collected taxes. and citizens resisted their right to do so under British mandate. In the southeast, particularly in Igbo land, many of the societies had never had chiefs or for that matter organized states. Consequentiy, the chiefs appointed by Britain received little or no respect. In Nigeria’s culturally fragmented middle belt, small groups were forcefully incorporated into larger political units and often ruled by “foreign” Fulani, who brought with them alien institutions such as Islamic law (Crowder, 1964).

The British carried out a fbw reforms, including the gradual elimination of domestic slavery, which had been a central feature of the Sokoto caliphate. They also provided Western education U for some of Nigeria’s elite; however, in the main Britain limited schooling as much as feasible (Adiele, 1972).

Britain redirected almost all of Nigeria’s trade away from Africa and toward itself, a move that undermined the northern region’s large, centuries-old trade across the Sahara. Britain further changed the economy by introducing new crops and expanding old ones, such as oil palm, cotton, groundnuts, and cacao, almost all of which were sold for export. Iron and tin were also mined, and railroads were built to transport products. Because Britain required Nigerians to pay taxes in cash rather than goods, most Nigerians had little choice but to grow cash-yielding export crops or to migrate seasonally to areas where paying jobs could be found (Flint, 1960).

2.2.3 Traditional leaders Traditional leadership is an important relic of the precolonial and colonial political orders that poses a special challenge to postcolonial State-makers. Over time, the institution of traditional leadership underwent many changes: in its procedures and rules of appointment, in its roles and functions and in its jurisdictions and powers. Some of these changes resulted from the natural evolution of the institution whereas others resulted from outside interference (especially during the colonial period) (Aborisade, 1985).

Nigerian traditional rulers often derive their titles from the rulers of independent states or communities that existed before the formation of modern Nigeria. Although they do not have formal political power, in many cases they continue to command respect from their people and have considerable influence (Oma and Oke, 2003).

Modern Nigeria encompasses lands traditionally occupied by highly diverse ethnic groups with very different languages and traditions. In broad terms, the southeast including the Niger Delta was occupied mainly by lgbos and related peoples, the southwest by Yoruba and related peoples and the north by Hausa and Fulani people, with a complex intermingling of different ethnic groups in the Middle Belt between north and south. In total there were (and are) more than 200 distinct ethnic groups (Oma and Oke, 2003).

Before the arrival of the British in the late 19tT~ century. the history of the area was turbulent, with periods when empires such as those of Oyo, Kanem-Bornu and Sokoto gained control over large

12 areas, and other periods when the states were more fragmented (Thornton, 1999). Although political structures differed widely between different ethnic groups, it was common for each town or collection of towns to have a recognized ruler, who might in turn be subordinate to the ruler of a larger polity. Thus the Sokoto caliphate was divided into emirates, with the emirs loosely subordinate to the Sultan of Sokoto, although at times acting as independent rulers (Johnston, 1967).

Europeans had long traded with the coastal states, primarily exchanging cotton and other manufactured goods for slaves and palm oil products at centers such as Calabar, Bonny and Lagos. The Niger Coast Protectorate was established in 1891 holding a small area along the coast. During the period 1879-1900 the Royal Niger Company made a concerted effort to take control of the interior, using disciplined troops armed with the Maxim gun, and making treaties of “protection” with the local rulers. The companfl territory was sold to the British government in 1900, with the southern region merged with the Niger Coast Protectorate to become the Southern Nigeria Protectorate and the Northern Nigeria Protectorate remaining separate. In 1914 the two were merged into the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria, with roughly the same boundaries as the modern state ofNigeria (Thomas 1991; Olayemi 2002).

The first British High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria, Frederick Lugard, tried to rule through the traditional rulers, and this approach was later extended to the south. Lugard’s successor Hugh Clifford left this system in place in the north, where the emirate system had long traditions, but introduced a legislative council with some elected members in the south, relegating the traditional rulers to mainly symbolic roles (Billy, 1968). Over time, the relationship between the colonial administration and the traditional rulers evolved. For example, the Tiv people, the fourth largest ethnic group, had always been extremely decentralized with no single ruler. The British created the office of Tor Tiv in 1947, appointing Makere Dzakpe as the first holder of this title, in order to have a “traditional ruler” to speak for the Tiv people (Billy, 1968).

With independence in 1960, followed by alternating democratic and military governments, the status of the traditional rulers evolved even further. In the north, the emirs finally lost power to the government administration, though said administration was often staffed by traditional

13 notables. Where rulers had previously acquired office strictly through inheritance or through appointment by a council of elders, the government now increasingly became involved in the succession. Thus, in May 1994, the military ruler General Sani Abacha deposed Awwal lbrahim, Sarkin Zazzau of the Suleja Emirate, although he was subsequently reinstated in January 2000 (Orilade, 2000).

In some cases, the government has merged or split traditional domains. For example, there had been two rulers of the Efik people in the area around Calabar, but in December 1970 it was agreed to combine the office into a single one that was to be held by a ruler known as the Obong (Creek Town (Iboku Esit Edik) Foundation, 2010).

Traditional rulers today are still highly respected in many communities, and have considerable political and economic influence. Although they have no formal role in the democratic structure, there is intense competition for royal seats amongst the finite pool of eligible dynasts. The rulers can also award honorary titles for positions in their “administrationst’, and wealthy businessmen or politicians often place great value on acquiring such titles (Ewokor, 2007).

The rulers play useful roles in brokering between the people and the state, enhancing national identity, resolving minor conflicts and providing an institutional safety-valve for often inadequate state bureaucracies (William, 1993). One reason for their influence may be that the people of many ethnic groups have limited ability to communicate in the official English language, so the traditional ruler serves as an interpreter and spokesperson Louis, B. (1996).

2,3. Colonialism and Social Development

Colonialism led to social development in Nigeria. This development was, among other forms, in terms of religion and education.

2.3.]. Religion

The incursion of white men into the entity known as Nigeria can be attributed into two phases. The first phase was in fifteen century, in the wake of geographical discoveries and when the European explorers were set on the sea seeking the route to India. The Portuguese reached Benin in about 1477 (Erivwo, 2012). As early as 1472, says Fafunwa (2002), Portuguese merchants

14 reached Lagos and Benin. In 1485, the merchants have engaged the people of Benin in pepper trading and Oba (King) of Benin sent an envoy to the Portuguese royal court. Perhaps, the Portuguese were initially concerned with the trade but they conceived that Africans had to be civilized so as to become a good customer. To be civilized, according to them, is to be Christianised and have rudiment Western education. The missionary activities started in Benin in 1515 by Catholics Missionaries and established a school for converted princes and children of notable chiefs in Oba’s palace (Ibid).

In the same year, Gasper, the bishop of the Diocese of Sao tome sent Augustinian monks to visit Warn. Consequently, a son of Olu of Warn was baptized with given name Sebastian. Afterward, Sebastian succeeded his father and gave Portuguese missionaries enormous support and his son Dorningos was sent to Portugal to be trained for the priesthood. Despite all these, there were other obstacles that outweighed the favour and which led to the abandonment of the project. Second phase and the beginning of everlasting impacts began in September 1842 when the first British Christian mission landed at Badagry. The librated slave from Sierra lone had been engaged in trading with Yoruba region and spreading Christianity and the first established church was dominated by those ex-slaves. The missionaries, however, were the custodian of education which was a tool for conversion. Because education by then aimed at producing Christians who could read Bible and perform services. William Boyd is quoted~ it must be kept in mind that the church undertook the business of education not because it regarded education as good in itself. but because it found that it could not do its own proper work without giving its adherents, and especially its clergy, as much of the formal learning as was required for the study of the sacred writings and for the performance of their religious duties. (Fafunwa, 2002:70).

It can be deduced from this segment that the advent of colonial masters led to the introduction of new religion, Christianity. which is added to the two available religions, Yoruba traditional religion and Islam. Like\vise, the western type of education crept in through the coming of Christianity. Obviously and without exaggeration, all these had impacts positively or negatively on religions on the ground. As it could be inferred from earlier discussion, the notion of religion in this paper does not limited to rituals only but also includes culture, economic, politics and other aspects of human endeavours as Islam claimed it. However, the economical and political

15 aspects, For instance, will be investigated from religious perspective not from the economist or political scientist perception.

It can be deduced from this segment that the advent of colonial masters led to the introduction of new religion, Christianity, which is added to the two available religions, Yoruba traditional religion and Islam. Likewise~ the western type of education crept in through the coming of Christianity~ Obviously and without exaggeration, all these had impacts positively or negatively on religions on the ground. As it could be inferred from earlier discussion, the notion of religion in this paper does not limited to rituals only but also includes culture, economic, politics and other aspects of human endeavors as Islam claimed it However, the economical and political aspects, for instance, will be investigated from religious perspective not from the economist or political scientist perception.

Colonialism brought negative impacts into the existing religions through the introduction of new religion (Christianity), both Yoruba traditional religion personnel and Muslim felt threatened. Missionaries were converting many traditionalists and Muslims into the new religion, while these actions caused havoc among the followers of the same religion. Yoruba rulers who were the custodian of the traditional religion and Muslim clergies did not IbId their arms and allowed their religion respectively to be castrated. They put efforts to resist the conversion. However, both the Colonialists and Missionaries worked together to subdue the existing religions. This could be inferred in the Paflinwa’s statement (2002:71). “The missionaries depended on the Europeans Ibr help to in keeping the rebellious African Chieft in their place, while the European authorities hoped to conquer by religious persuasion what they fhiled to achieve by force of arm.” Perhaps, it could also be comprehended from this statement that the introduction of the Christianity by the Colonial master was not for the religious sake —not fir their love for tither or son or holy spirit- but to achieve the hegemony.

Colonialism brought negative impacts into the existing religions through the introduction of new religion (Christianity), both Yoruba traditional religion personnel and Muslims felt threatened. Missionaries were converting many traditionalists and Muslims into the new religion, while these actions caused havoc among the followers of the same religion. Yoruba rulers who were the custodian of the traditional religion and Muslim clergies did not fold their arms and allowed

16 their religion respectively to be castrated. They put effbrts to resist the conversion. However, both the Colonialists and Missionaries worked together to subdue the existing religions. This could be inferred in the Fafunwa (2002) who claimed that~ “The missionaries depended on the Europeans for help to in keeping the rebellious African Chiefs in their place, while the European authorities hoped to conquer by religious persuasion what they filled to achieve by force of arm.” Perhaps, it could also be comprehended from this statement that the introduction of the Christianity by the Colonial master was not for the religious sake —not for their love for tither or son or holy spirit- but to achieve the hegemony.

It is mentioned earlier that Colonialism and Christianity brought in Western education and civilization. However, it is now proved that negative side of it preponderates the positive side in the sense that (I) the school was used as an instrument of conversion, that is, to convert the beneficiaries into Christianity. (2) It seems that Western education and its religion focused on spiritual and some aspect of social life. Therefore, little or no emphasis was laid on other human endervours such as interpersonal morality and societal norms. Likewise, the concept of Western religion concentrated on belief than practice. (3) Western or Colonial education was fundamentally literary, which based on reading writing, arithmetic, Bible knowledge, Christian literature and so on, which all aimed to produce Christians who could read the Bible and serve as clerks, agents and interpreters for Colonial masters and facilitate their trade. (4) Western/Colonial education relegated the existing education into the oblivion. For instance, before the advent of Western education, Arabic/Islamic Education was flourished and the Yoruba language was written in Arabic alphabets known as ajamL This was raped off and substituted with Roman alphabets that is been used till today. Traditional education system also paved way for moral and other form of education available outside school while in Western education, the system of boarding accommodation denied them such golden opportunity. (Omotosho 1998 and Ogunbado 2011).

It is also claimed that slave trade helped to spread the Yoruba traditional religion beyond the locality and boosted the economy. It is argued that those slaves who were taken to the foreign land were forcibly transported so as to work on their masters’ firm. They were not even allowed to practice their religion they were been converted to Christianity. Only few of them remained in their religion and were able to practice it after their freedom. Most of them died on the way and

17 were thrown into the ocean. Apart from that, the departure of the slaves from their home was disastrous to their family and community because they were the pillars and able bodies (working force) in their community. It was only the economic status of the collaborators that were boosted and they were minority while the majority suffered the consequence.

Although, it is mentioned that social amenities were introduced by the colonial administration. Scrutinizing this claim showed that they are all for selfish intentions. For instance, in transportation network, the train were built to easily convey the raw materials from the source to the coast where they will be shipped to Europe. The area connected were major cities, markets and coasts. Likewise, the roads were built not for the people’s convenience but to allow the British officers to move in the interior land to supervise toll and taxes collection. Roads were also built to serve as feeder to the railway terminus. In other words, the roads were constructed to ease the carrying of raw materials from interior land to the railheads, since rail did not cover the whole interior. It is even alleged that most of the early roads were based on the old foot-path that linked villages with farms and market. The colonial masters just widened and straightened them; some of them were not even tarred (Omotosho, 1998).

The colonial government at initial stage even opposed the construction of the rail because of its expenses. However, the money spent on the project was raised through taxes. The element of religion enslavement can also be seen in the aim of the project, as one of the exponents of the network uttered and quoted in Coleman (1977: 55): “Think of the benefit that it would be to England in increasing markets for manufactured goods and receiving additional produce in return,.., it would civilize the savage and prepare him for the missionary”.

Under the pretext of civilisation, the British disarrayed traditional institutions and religious culture. They rubbed Obas (Kings) of their rights; relegated them and made them to be subordinates to the white dominance. An artificial boundary was introduced to replace the natural and cultural one. Hence, the Yorubas were divided between the British dominance in Nigeria and French Imperialism in Benin. Christianity was introduced at Benin in the fifteenth century by Portuguese Roman Catholic priests who accompanied traders and officials to the West African coast. Several churches were built to serve the Portuguese community and a small number of African converts. When direct Portuguese contacts in the region were withdrawn,

18 however, the influence of the Catholic missionaries waned and by the eighteenth century had disappeared.

2.3.2 Formal Education

Education may be defined as a sustained process of developing the human mind, potentials and behavior through continuous teaching and learning processes presumably in appropriate environments. Likewise Fafunwa (1970) believes that education holds the key to human development. Education helps members of the society to acquire suitable appreciation of their cultural heritage and to live a fully more satisfying life. This includes the acquisition of desirable skills, knowledge, habits and value for people living in the society. It equips the members of the society with the capabilities of personal survival in and contributing to other group’s survival in the wider world (Akule, 2006). It is a treasure in which every human kind should heavily invest in earthly pursue to its indefinite end. It is central to development; because it is an instrument for acquisition of appropriate skills, ability and competence both mental and physical as equipment for individuals to live in and contribute to the development of the society. Education should seek to fit the ordinary individual to fill a useful part in his environment and to ensure that exceptional individual shall use their capabilities for the development of the community.

Pre-colonial Nigerian Education

Pre — colonial education represents the type of education offered in the preliterate era, within the community by community members who possessed specialized skills or abilities in various fields of human endeavor. In most communities in Nigeria, prior to the introduction of formal education, boys were brought up to take to whatever occupation their fathers engaged in, in some cases, they were sent to other masters as apprentices to learn various vocations. Mkpa. (2012) noted that the traditional education offered by the community was comprehensive such that it provided training in physical, character intellectual, social and vocational development. Joseph (2007) observed that Nigerian pre-colonial education was progressive because of its emphasis on functionalism, and its relevance to Nigerians.

Although occupations varied according to the geographical areas, the major ones were farming. trading, craft, fishing, cattle rearing, traditional medicine and blacksmithing. The boys also

19 engaged in other training activities such as archery, tree climbing and wrestling. Intellectual training consisted of them sitting quietly beside their fathers at meetings and listening attentively to learn the process of such tasks and skills such as proverbs and the use of wise sayings, oratory among others. All these stimulated their sense of rationality. The girls were expected to stay back at home to learn domestic and other chores such as cooking, sweeping, hair weaving, decorations of the body, dye production, weeding of farmland among other things from their mothers. Therefore the pre-colonial education in most parts of Nigeria trained individuals to fit usefully into their society by learning and producing economic skills for self sustenance, adapting to the role expectations and contribution to the development of the society (Mkpa, 2012). The problem of unemployment was minimal. The limitation of this type of education was the absence of writing and learners depended on their memories to facilitate retention and the transmission of all learned ideas to the next generation.

Islamic education started in Nigeria before the introduction of western education. Fafunwa

(1974) noted that Islam was first accepted by a kanem ruler named umme Jilmi (1085 — 1097) and later Dunama I and Dunama II in the 13th century. Islam came to Hausa land by the traders and scholars from Wangarawa. Islam brought with it Arabic education and was therefore perceived as having great spiritual value. Mkpa (2012) observed that as a result of the political and social influence which islam and Quaranic learning conferred on those who possess it, many rulers employed Islamic scholars as administrators”.

The jihad of Usman Danfodio in 1804 helped to revive, spread and consolidate Islamic studies and extended access to education also to women. Support for Islamic education came from some leaders for example Abdullahi Bayero (emir of kano) who built an Islamic school which continued to grow and expanded in scope and eventually became Bayero college kano and later the present day Bayero university kano. Many institutions have sprung up over the years in many parts of the country for the purpose of Islamic education and practices. 1-lowever the limitation of this education is the focus on Arabic which in many part of Nigeria is not the language of literature and communication (Fafunwa, 1974).

The Nature qfColonial Education in Nigeria

20 The first form of western education came to Nigeria with the Christian missionaries in the mid nineteenth century. The church missionary society (CMS) and the Methodist missionary society were the first British Christian organizations to set up schools in Nigeria (Nnamdi 2002). Most of their works were conducted in the southern part of Nigeria, where it was deemed safer. The colonial education aimed at creating a small class of skilled technical and administration functional and agricultural raw materials plantation farmers, possibly perpetuating the continued domination of the society by the offspring of members of the overthrown ruling autocracy. The emphasis of the western education was on the 4rs (Reading, Writing, Arithmetic and Religion) this new education prepared the recipient for the job opportunities as teacher, church evangelists, clerks and interpreters.

The colonial brand of education was essentialist by orientation (Joseph, 2007). They viewed education as a central body of essential knowledge that must be transmitted to all who came to school for this reason they established a proper code of conduct for the localities. Most of the schools set up by these missions were boarding schools because they believed that if children were to be developed along civilized lines their daily life must be supervised controlled and directed along proper lines. Education was meant to purify the mind of the learner. This is because of their belief that man was born evil in an unsuitable and sinful world.

The colonialists expected Nigerian teacher to be a strict disciplinarian and well behaved to the extent that he was to be a model worthy of emulation. In imparting knowledge to the learners, the teacher was expected to use lecture method, play way and Socratic teaching strategy. The Nigerian learner was expected to keep mute by sitting and looking up. He memorized all that emanate from the teacher’s mouth with the hope of reproducing same on examination day.

Turaki (1993) observed that the colonial educational policy in Nigeria was a policy of separate development of the Muslim areas and the non-Muslim areas. The fundamental basis of this administrative policy was religious and political. Lord Lugard promised the northern rulers of religious non interference and the policy of the exclusion of Christian missions from the Muslim areas. The Muslim areas were to be protected and preserved, while the non Muslim areas were to be opened to western education. Colonial administration in Nigeria therefore, developed two types of educational programs, thus; one for the Muslim areas and another for the non Muslim areas. In the I 950s, because of the spread of mission schools, the southern parties were

21 committed to policies that would benefit the south, while in the north, the emirs intended to maintain firm control to policies on economic and political change. Any activity in the north that might include participation by the Federal government or southern civil servants was regarded as a challenge to the privacy of the emirates (Wikipedia 2012). Broaden, educational opportunities and other social services were seen as threats to the status quo. Lugard’s goal was secular education free from any religious propaganda, but due to lack of manpower he was forced to rely upon Christian missionaries for the development of educational programs.

Lord Lugard established government schools for the sons of chiefs and mallams in 1904. He wanted these mallams to be taught English, reading and writing of Hausa in Roman characters, without prejudice to their religion. Turaki (1993) noted that the colonial policy permitted a joint educational program between the government and the native administration, but did not destroy the Quranic schools, but allowed them to exist side by side with the new schools. This scheme was not well received by the Muslim teachers, religious prejudices came up to the present, prevented considerable expansion of their scheme. The policy of ‘protective or conservative’ of the northern Nigeria helps to explain the educational backwardness of the north in general and account for the gab in the level of educational development between the north and the south (Martins, 2005).

In the non Muslim areas the first government school was established in 1929 and the second was established in 1932. These schools were established for the purpose of producing elementary school teachers who after the training would establish elementary schools in their areas. Thus (Turaki 1993) observed that by the early I 930s, there were no elementary schools comparable to those in the Muslim areas. The colonial administration by policy abandoned the non-Muslim areas to Christian mission who were concerned with the training of pastors, evangelists, teachers and communicants. The focus of education was thus theological and not secular. The aim was not for any advance education but just enough to enable converts to read and write so that they could effectively use the scriptures for evangelistic purpose and not for any social change. Mkpa (2012), observed that fromI882, the government began to make bold intervention by promulgating codes and regulations, guidelines and policies on organization of schools. The government also began to appoint inspectors and to give grants to schools to ensure quality in

22 various parts of the nation. These served as the basis for the modem day educational policies in Nigeria (Martins, 2005).

The Efficts ofColonialism on Nigerian Education

The colonial brand of education was essentialist by orientation which viewed with reference, an aim of education that sought the spiritual purification of the learner. This essentialist aim of education is upheld in Nigerian education, thus it is clearly stated in the national policy on education (2004) that Nigerian education is meant to develop the child spiritually. The colonial education system focused strongly on examinations. Most points given to a school’s performance went to the numbers and rankings of its examination results. This emphasis on examination is still in use today to judge educational results, performance and to obtain qualification for jobs in government and private sectors perhaps this might explain why many of Nigerian students are involved in examination malpractices which make it possible for undeserving candidates to obtain high grades and certificates that they cannot defend.

Colonial education also affected Nigerian indigenous system of education. This was because the missionaries were after formal training of the mind, for this reason they encouraged boarding accommodation so as to supervise, control and direct the learner along proper lines (Nnamdi 2002). This deprived the Nigerian child from learning moral and other forms of education he was used to. Pajana (1978) in (Nnamdi 2002) observed the difference between colonialist and traditional education and stated that while the traditional system of education made it possible for children to learn both moral and other forms of education at the same time, the colonialist system which involved boarding accommodation deprived them of such opportunities because the colonial education was material oriented, the children missed other forms of training available outside the school. These Nigerian children could not offer their parents services which were often needed and accepted as a necessary part of their preparation for future life. This particular weakness together with other considerations such as; political, ideological and economic interests inculcated into educational program are the genesis of the legacy inherited from the colonial education.

Again in its efforts to lay basic foundation, for hard work and material gain the colonial authorities introduced various means which in their view were the only way to survival.

23 Omotosho (1998) observed that among the vestiges of the colonial education are materialism and individualism. Both constitute the main roots from which many ideas were originated. While Nduka (1975) observed that the greatest legacy from the colonial past is western materialism. According to him, the most striking difference, as it appeared to the indigenous Nigeria, between the indigenous culture and dominant western culture was the wealth and power associated with the latter as compared with the material poverty and weakness of the former.

On the contrary, western education created a dichotomy in the status of the people. The difference between the rich and the poor became clear. The colonial system as observed by Ornotosho (1998) was designed in such a way that the educated person will not have any priorities but to work hard and acquire all these because much importance has been attached to their acquisition as they are recognized as a status, symbol and the only means of enjoying life. Rodney (1972) stated that ‘the colonizers introduced a new set of formal education institution which partly supplemented and partly replaced those which were there before’. The colonial system also stimulated values and practices which amounted to new informal education. According to Rodney, it was not an educational system that grew out of the African environment or the one that was designed to promote the most rational use of material and social resources for development, nor an educational system designed to give young people confidence and pride as members of the society, but the one that sought to instill the sense of difference in the society.

Furthermore, the British used education as a tool to cultivate religion and cultural hegemony in Nigeria. Nnamdi (2002) observed that “the colonialists oppressed the inhabitants by subjecting them to ... foreign values.” Such subjugation led to the domination of people. Further still, the aim of colonial education made the colonialists to use various means to control and retard the educational aspirations and development of the colonies. This affected the quality of education provided, the number of the recipients and the social class and flirnily background of these recipients, this resulted in the poor educational attainment of the people.

On the other hand. colonialists left behind desirable impact on Nigeria. For example, the colonialists enacted educational ordinances in 1882, 1887, 1916. 1926, and 1946 which were used as guidelines to administer education. These served as the basis for the modern day educational policies, education laws and techniques of educational administration in Nigeria today (Martins, 2005). However, most of the policies had the short comings of not taken into

24 consideration or account local peculiarities. Even though progress in education was slow, but it was steady throughout the colonial era, and on the eve of independence, Nigeria had gone through a decade of exceptional educational growth leading to a movement for universal primary education in the Western Region and in the north, primary school enrolments went from 66,000 in 1947 to 206,000 in the West from 240,000 to 983,000 in the same period. Secondary level enrolment also went up.

The products of those schools and colleges were truly solid in learning in every aspect, and in character. They became the society’s role models, and expectedly the nucleus of Nigerian pre and post-independent administrations. These colonial educators with indigenous support team inculcated in their students and staff so much discipline, good behaviour and deep sense of commitment to which in turn impacted high moral values on the Nigerian society of those good old days when crime was an abomination, and crookedness a taboo. The colonial era was surely the golden age of education in Nigeria; the beneficiaries of that incredibly high quality education will continue to hold their heads high forever. The colonial educators instilled in their learners the spirit of competitive learning and dogged reading habit and the mandatory discipline that actually activated the latent potentials in their scholars. The colonial standard six school learning certificate for instance can compare favorably with present-day Bachelors Degree, while the revered Senior Cambridge University School Certificate has no parity with today’s levels.

Learners then were forced to study and absorb, digest and assimilate their lessons. Fortunately parents in colonial times played a booster role in the huge success of education in Nigeria as they, though generally illiterate, encouraged the teachers by approving those strict and punitive measures applied on the learners as part of the learning process (Obomanu, 2011). Surprisingly too the illiterate parents and guardians appreciated the illuminating role education play in the development of their children/wards and society backed up by strict parental discipline imposed on their children. Onyejiaka (1992) stressed the role of the family as being primary both in shaping the child’s personality and conduct, providing his basic socialization traits, skills and ideas.

The colonial education came to the Hadejia District around the year 1924, before the coming of western education; the people were engaged in Islamic Education as the town was one of the important centre of Islamic Education in Northern Nigeria (Tijjani, 1999). With the coming of

25 colonial education in that period, it became unaccepted by the majority of the people of the district and even some of the traditional rulers saw it as a way of deviating or way of converting into Christianity; so they refused to enrolled their children in to schools for that fear, instead they used to send their sons to the rural areas in order to keep them away from the new system of colonial education.

No sooner the British authorities handed over the reins of power to Nigerians in 1960 than education started fading away like the rainbow into oblivion. Oluyede and Daramola (1993) observed that the fears of not gaining employment or admission into the University immediately after the Nigerian civil war in 1970 engendered large scale indiscipline in schools. In fact the real plunge of education actually commenced in 1970 as the Nigerian civil war ended, resulting from a catalogue of failures on the part of Nigerian political leadership and society at large as listed below: (1) Greed and selfishness distracted the focus and set goals of the corrupt Nigerian pioneer political leaders. As a result these leaders resorted to falsehood and deceit while sector budgets could hardly be implemented; (2) The obnoxious wind of corruption being a legacy of Nigerian pioneer leaders that rapidly swept across the land, soaking up all and sundry also dealt a devastating blow to education among other sectors of the economy.

Ayi (2011) maintained that corruption is inimical to any development, and that it has become pandemic in Nigeria. Learning environment are not yet made conducive for both the teacher and the learner as funds allocated to educational institutions for infrastructural development, etc are regularly misappropriated, and related records falsified. Most heads of tertiary institutions rather resort to providing sub-standard infrastructure that cannot meet the growing need of improving educational facilities. The deadly fume of corruption is also seriously chocking the Nigerian learner with a variety of extortions within the campuses. including primary and secondary schools. Cumbersome financial demands including frequent increases in all manner of fees and unapproved arbitrary levies have increasingly frustrated the learner and dampened his spirit. It has become customary to pay thousands of naira worth of bribe to gain admission into elementary and secondary schools, and universities as well; (3) The latent tribal and ethnic fervour that is so genetic in Nigerians is also taking its disgusting toll on the willing learner through ill-motivated admission hurdles and constraints designed to accord undue preferences and favour to fellow kinsmen to the detriment of the more credible candidates. Today’s learners

26 are so scared of learning, believing only in pleasure hoping that manner must come from hook or crook, and not from committed studies.

Manical (1984) pointed that student’s interest is an important factor that makes the student perform well since interest is a stimulant. (4) Moral decadence as the collapse of discipline steadily engulfed this nation as soon as the colonial masters left the shores of Nigeria as confirmed by Ayi (2001). The strict traditional discipline that was in vogue in pre-colonial era rapidly waned to today’s abysmal level. This ill wind seriously impacted negatively on the teacher, but much more on the learner. Our young learners are totally devoid of that competitive and enquiring spirit of learning, repulsive to good advice, impervious to discipline, and scornful of hard work. This present generation of Nigerian learners are indolent and loathful of reading as they strongly believe in achieving some result through various available methods of examination malpractices as was also observed by Oluyede and Daramola (1993).

In order to enforce this hideous alternative to hard work of reading, this indolent learners get involved in cultism and other violent practices to have their way. Odunze (1986) rightly pointed out that our education is steadily decaying because our young people prefer getting their certificates and degrees through clandestine means. (5) Societal worship of materialism in Nigeria is chiefly responsible for the total erosion of discipline, moral and educational standards, collapse of social justice, prevalence of corruption and a catalogue of other social vices as confirmed by Ayi (2011), all of which contributed to the demise of education. (6) Parents are also culpable in more ways than one in the demolition of education as stressed by Onyejiaka (1992).

There will be light at the end of the dark tunnel of Nigeria education if only certain imperatives for the resurrection of education are conscientiously applied. These include parental obligation to enforce strict home discipline in their children/wards as of old, and seriously discourage every act of crookedness. Education administrators will have to endeavour to expose the realities of this phenomenon rather than paying lip service to such dysfunction for obvious interests. The federal and state governments will be compelled by the deteriorating state of education to take a critical and frank review of the entire education system maybe along the lines of the Japanese, South Korean, etc whose socio-economic advancement is powered by high quality education. Unless education is restored to the colonial standard, education will continue to diminish to the

27 ridiculous point where Nigerians would not want to be identified with ‘empty” certificates. The propensity to proliferate Universities in Nigeria is not the solution to the present education paralysis, but will further aggregate its dilution.

If this piteous trend is not reversed public school system will crash while private schools will explode in number and patronage to the detriment of majority low class parents/family. This has the tendency of polarizing the present and future generations of learners.

2.4 Colonialism and Economic Development of Nigeria The economic development of Nigeria as related to colonialism was, among other things, in terms of infrastructural development, cash crop production.

2.4.1 Infrastructure Infrastructure is the basic physical and organizational structure needed for the operation of a society or enterprise, or the services and facilities necessary for an economy to function Sullivan and Steven. (2003). It can be generally defined as the set of interconnected structural elements that provide a framework supporting an entire structure of development. It is an important term for judging a country or region’s development. The term typically refers to the technical structures that support a society, such as roads, bridges, water supply, sewers. electrical grids, telecommunications, and so forth, and can be defined as the physical components of interrelated systems providing commodities and services essential to enable, sustain, or enhance societal living conditions Fulmer (2009).

2.4. 2 Roads Nigeria has developed an extensive national road network. Both paved and unpaved road network densities are more than twice as high as those for the peer group of resource-rich African countries, although still only half of the levels found in Africa’s middle-income countries. Traffic volumes on Nigeria’s paved and unpaved networks are also relatively high compared with those of similar countries, and indicate that networks are being utilized Vivien and Nataliya (2011).

Nigeria has established a federal road maintenance agency (FERMA) as a stopgap before undertaking more substantive sector reforms, but continues to rely on traditional budget allocations to fund road maintenance and rehabilitation. In recent years a substantial number of

28 African countries have taken measures to establish road-user charges or fuel levies of various kinds Vivien and Nataliya (2011). These feed into a ring-fenced road fund, with the aim of providing a stable source of revenue for road maintenance. In many cases, the establishment of a road fund has been accompanied by the creation of a road agency, an autonomous entity charged with the implementation of road maintenance and rehabilitation works Briceño-Garmendia,et a!, (2009). In Nigeria’s case, FERMA is responsible for the federal (or primary) network, but continues to rely on general budget resources for the funding of road maintenance. Its governance structures and procedures (Ii uman resource management, operational decision making, and so on) are still overshadowed by public service norms, presenting an obstacle to institutional independence, efficiency, and accountability. Considering these issues, the current arrangement would require review even if adequate funds for road maintenance were being secured through the budgetary process. Sadly. however, road maintenance remains underfunded Vivien and Nataliya (2011).

Nigeria has been allocating ample resources to federal road rehabilitation, but does not appear to have reserved enough of these resources for preventive maintenance Gwillliam (2009). In the years between 2001 and 2006, Nigeria spent just over $700 million on the federal network per year. Network simulations indicate that a yearly budget of around $580 million should be adequate both to maintain the federal network and to complete pending rehabilitation works within a five-year horizon. Higher spending may simply indicate a more accelerated rehabilitation program, or relatively high unit costs; in any case, recent spending levels are nearing the right levels. The problem lies in the fact that only $50 million per year has been allocated to preventive maintenance, compared to a benchmark requirement of $240 million. The amount currently being allocated to maintenance is just about adequate for routine maintenance, but does not cover periodic, preventive activities. Thus, while the overall allocation is adequate, there appears to be a marked bias toward capital expenditure. This finding is borne out by the fact that only 75 percent of the federal network is in good or fair condition Gwill!iam (2009).

Problems of road maintenance are apparently much more severe at the subnational level. Road condition indicators for the entire national network are much worse than for the federal network Vivien and Nataliya (2011). Only 67 percent of paved roads are in good or fair condition. Even more worrisome is the fact that only 33 percent of unpaved roads are in good or fair condition.

29 These indicators are themselves evidence that maintenance activities are not being adequately funded or implemented at the sub national level.

2.4.3 Water supply and sanitation Nigeria’s performance in sanitation is somewhat better than that of the resource-rich country peer group. Access to flush toilets, at 23 percent, is twice the average for resource-rich countries in Africa, even if still half that in middle-income countries. More than one-third of Nigerians rely on improved latrines as their main source of sanitation, a level comparable to other resource-rich countries. Access to traditional latrines, at 13 percent of the population, is below the level of resource-rich countries. But one in three Nigerians continues to practice open defecation (AICD, 2008).

Relative to its neighbors, Nigeria’s water performance scores are significantly worse than its sanitation. According to the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) 2008. only 5 percent of the population have access to a private tap and only 8 percent to a public standpost (AICD, 2008). By contrast, about 12 percent of the population have access to each of these modalities in Africa’s resource-rich countries, and in Africa’s middle-income countries more than 60 percent have access to piped water. By far the most important sources of water are wells and boreholes, which serve 63 percent of Nigeria’s population. But as many as one in four Nigerians continue to rely on surface water, without access to any better alternative.

2.4.4 Power Nigeria has achieved relatively high rates of electrification, particularly in urban areas, and access is expanding rapidly. As of 2003, Nigeria had electrified over 50 percent of its population, just slightly ahead of the peer group of resource-rich countries (Abosedra and Ghosh, 2009). Power coverage in urban areas, at 84 percent, was well ahead of the resource-rich peer group, and on par with Africa’s middle-income countries. Even rural electrification, at almost 35 percent, represents strong performance. Not only does Nigeria have high access to power, but electrification expanded relatively rapidly between the mid-l990s and the mid-2000s. The pace of electrification seems to have slowed subsequently Abosedra and Ghosh (2009).

Despite high levels of electrification, Nigeria’s power sector has struggled to provide an adequate supply of reliable power. The country’s installed power capacity, at around 42

30 megawatts (MW) per million people. is typical of the resource-rich peer group, but it is only about 5 percent of the installed capacity of 800 MW per million people found in Africa’s middle- income group. Moreover, in Nigeria’s case as much as 35 percent of this capacity is not in functioning order. As a result, the country was able to meet only 67 percent of peak demand as of 2007, and the power system was able to supply only 55 percent of total estimated demand as of 2008. Indeed, electricity generated in 2007 was actually lower than in 2002. As a result, indicators such as generation capacity per million population and power consumption per capita actually deteriorated slightly between the mid- and late 2000s Iwayemi (2008).

The economic impacts of Nigeria~s power deficit are substantial. According to enterprise surveys, Nigeria is affected by power outages more than 320 days a year, a level many times higher than that found in other African countries. As a result, the percentage of Nigerian firms owning their own backstop generators is 60 percent, again substantially higher than elsewhere in Africa. Formal private sector revenues lost as a result of power outages come close to 10 percent Iwayemi (2008).

2.4.5 Information and communications technologies In common with the rest of Africa, Nigeria has made good progress in expanding GSM signal coverage. The percentage of Nigeria’s population living within range of a GSM signal has expanded rapidly, reaching some 60 percent in 2006 and nearly 70 percent in 2009. Nigeria has attracted over half the $28 billion in private capital that has gone into the development of new mobile networks across Africa (Pyramid Research, 2010).

Nigeria stands out among African countries for its creation of a competitive fixed-line sector. The key reason for this is market liberalization: there were 30 active, fixed-wireless operators as of December 2009 ~NCC, 2010). Most are providing service using fixed-wireless technology (with four fixed-wireless operators competing head on with GSM operators by providing full mobility functionality). As a result, only a minority of fixed-line subscribers are associated with the stagnating national incumbent Nigerian Telecommunications Limited (NITEL). which, as of 2009, remained unprivatized (IHS Global Insight, 2008).

Nigeria has also made great progress in the development of a national fiber-optic network by harnessing private sector investment (Business Day, 2010). Many African countries have

31 pursued publicly sponsored national fiber-optic backbone networks, some of them quite expensive and of relatively low quality. Nigeria, on the other hand, has taken full advantage of the scale of its market. By liberalizing the market for fiber-optic infrastructure, the country has seen substantial private sector investment in this area, leading to the development of a solid backbone network interconnecting the major cities (Business Day, 2010).

Nigeria still faces a substantial market-efficiency gap in the mobile market. While Nigeria’s existing level of GSM signal coverage is impressive—practically all urban areas are fully covered and around half of the rural population is within reach of a signal—simulations suggest that the GSM signal might profitably be extended to 1 00 percent of the national population (Mayer 2010). It is puzzling that coverage is not greater, given that with nine mobile operators, Nigeria arguably has the most competitive mobile market on the continent. But the price of mobile licenses, coupled with the challenge of extending infrastructure in a large country, pushes up operators’ costs. Another bottleneck is a lack of electricity in rural areas, which further inflates the costs of network rollout (Mayer 2010). Only around one-third of rural households had electricity in 2008, about the same fraction as rural households with a mobile telephone (NPC and ICF Macro 2009).

The price of Internet access remains high, but can be expected to fall with the arrival of new submarine cables. Internet access is relatively expensive considering that Nigeria has access to the SAT-3 submarine cable. But NITEL has had a de facto monopoly over the international gateway. The launch of the Main One undersea fiber-optic cable in 2010, with landing stations in Nigeria and Ghana, was forecast to reduce wholesale prices by 50 percent (Trade Invest Nigeria 2010). As of 2010, the imminent arrival of additional submarine cable projects along the West African coast has already placed downward pressure on costs. If costs effectively fall, Nigeria could emerge as a leading regional bandwidth supplier. Evidence from across Africa suggests that only when there is competitive access to submarine cable infi’astructure are the full cost advantages felt by consumers (Business Day 201 0).

32 2.5 Cash Crops Production Forced cultivation of crops To meet the primary demand for colonization of Africa, cash crop growing had to be boosted. Some crops were grown traditionally like rubber at start, some by whites such as pyrethrum while others by Africans, for example coffee and cotton at supervision of whites. These crops were important to boss the industrial revolution that was at climax by 1 880 in Europe. It should be noted however that no attempts were made by Europeans to encourage the production of food crops and forced labor undermined the production of food crops and this led to famine in African societies which traditionally had been self sufficient in terms of food. The African economies were developed as producer of raw materials in form of cash crops plus minerals and consumer of European manufactured goods. (Dodo M 1995) Even cash crops production has suffered from severe problems. The fall in world cocoa prices in the I 950s and I 960s undermined Ghana’s economic progress. When cocoa prices rose again under Acheampong in the 1 970s Ghana was unable to take that advantage of the situation because crops were small, tress were ageing and above all, because Ghana’s currency was officially overvalued. As a result, enormous quantities of cocoa were smuggled to neighboring Ivory Coast and Togo. Where it fetched higher prices in a more valuable currency, The CFA franc. Neglect all type of farming led ton Nigeria have to import groundnuts and palm oil from the late I 970s, whereas these crops had been principled exports in I 960s. President Shagari (1979— 83) tried to carry out ‘Green Revolution’ to boost agricultural production in Nigeria. Gaps identified Different scholars have much written on the historical aspect of Hadejia Emirate Among them Wakali 1-laruna (1985 ) in his work Attempt to reject the imposition of colonial rule ,Hadejia revolt of 1906

He asserted the British conquest of Hadejia was bloody , brutal and inhuman

Musa Musteph (1989) provided evidence on the Pre—colonial socio - economic setting of Hadeija Emirate and its religion with the neighbors Dodo m (1995 ) discusses in detail the evolution of railway and the enhancements of economic activities in the area.Several scholars documents alots on the history of the area.

33 CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.0 IntroductIon This chapter describes the methodology that was used in addressing the set objectives. The chapter is organized under the following subsections: research design, research instruments, data analysis, ethical considerations and limitations ofthe study.

3.1 Research design This study used cross-sectional descriptive survey design design. The study was mainly descriptive in nature, because of its heavy reliance on description, interpretation of the various views and ideas of the respondents. It was cross-sectional since the data was collected from the informers once at a time.

3.2 Research Population The study population comprised of political leaders, religious leaders, traditional leaders secondary school teachers of History, as well as the university lectutrers of History, some of these people lived at the time ofcolonial administration in Nigeria. Others who were not living at the time of colonial rule were perceived to be knowledgable about colonial rule since they read about it in books and other communication channels.

3.3 SamplIng and Sample Size

Putting into consideration that unlike questionnaires which require a large sample, oral interviews do not require a large sample since indepth or detailed views are collected from the informants (Amin, 2005), a sample of 53 oral informants was selected randomly from the religious leaders, politicians, traditional leaders, university lecturers of History. as well as the secondary school teachers of History.

3.4 Sampling Procedure The study used purposive sampling to select those to participate in the study. that is, the political leaders, religious leaders, secondary school teachers of History, university lecturers of History and traditional leaders. According to Amin (2005), purposive sampling is preferred in selecting people holding positions that allow them to be more knowledgeable with issues in their areas.

34 Simple random sampling was used to select the oral informants from those categories of the population.

3.5 Study Population

The study population comprised the people in Hadejia emirate who were perceived by the researcher to be highly knowlegable about the history of colonial rule in Nigeria, specifically in Hadejia Emirate. These included political leaders, religious leaders, traditional leaders, secondary school teachers of History, and university lecturers of History.

3.6 Sample selection A sample of 53 respondents was chosen to participate in the study. The sample was not very large since only oral interviews were the ones used to collect data. The researcher used the purposive sampling technique. Only educated adults above 25 years of age were selected. These included 30 secondary school teachers of History, six university lecturers of History, 10 religious leaders, and 17 politicians. All these were subjected to oral interviews.

3.7 Data Collection (a) Primary Sources Data for the study was generated from formal and informal interviewing of respondents. In-depth interviews with key informants, such as former officials of Hadejia Emirate were conducted. This strategy helped in generating in-depth information with respect to socio-economic development in Nigeria as related to colonialism.

(b) Secondary Sources Information was generated from the use of the library, by using joumals. articles, books, periodicals and conference papers.

Libraries used include the Ahrnadu Bello University Main Library, History

Departmental Library. Aharnadu Bello , Zaria Museum Library,

35 There was also the use of archival data from the national achieves of Nigeria, the government achieves Zaria. The above sources of information enabled documentary analysis of colonial policies and the review of literature.

3.8 .1 Research Instruments The study being historical, the researcher used only an interview guide to get detailed information from those who were perceived to be knowledgable about the history of colonialism in Nigeria.

3.8.2. Interview guide This was the guideline to oral interviews used in the field for in-depth information and views. This also targeted knowledgable men and women about the colonial history in Nigeria, specifically Hadejia Emirate. Some of these people lived at the time of colonial rule, yet many others lived after colonial rule but they can make an assessment of that colonial rule since they are educated. They can read historical documents and analyse the situation.

3.8.3 Internet surfing This was used to establish whether previous research, seminar/conference reports adequately addressed the information gathered from the study. In other words information neded to be collaborated for clarity.

3.8.4 Documentary analysis This was also used to establish whether previous research, text books and seminar/conference reports addressed the information gathered from the study. The researcher in this case applied the technique of content analysis of Documentary evidence, as regards the various literatures of colonial government documents in addition to textbooks.

3.9 Data analysis The qualitative data generated from the interview schedules, interview guides as well as from documentary reviews was transcribed and grouped or categorized into coding frames indicative of the themes that emerged. These were then linked to the objectives of the study and were later generalized and argued out in the thesis.

36 3.10 Ethical Considerations To ensure confidentiality of the information provided by the respondents, the following was done by the researcher: 1. The respondents were not required to disclose their names. 2. Permission was sought from the Emirate officials to conduct the study from the population. 3. The authors cited in the work were acknowledged in the reference section.

3.11 Limitations of the Study In view of the following threats to validity, the researcher claimed an allowance of 5% margin of error at 0.05 level of significance. Thus, the following were the threats to the validity of the findings of the study. 1. Extraeneous variables which were beyond the researcher’s control such as the respondents’ honesty and personal biases. 2. Inconsistencies in some of the information provided by the interviewees, claiming that different authors report different things that happened during the period of colonialism in Nigeria. 3. Many of the interviewees lived after colonialism in Nigeria, hence whatever they provided was based on what they read in the written literature of History, thus if the authors of those works were biased or if they exaggerated issues, even the informants who may have read such works could have either given biased views or exaggerated views.

37 CHAPTER FOUR

PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA

4.0 Introduction This chapter presents the findings of the study, objective by objective, makes an analysis of the findings and gives an interpretation of the findings.

4.1 Research objective 1: The Establishment of Colonialism in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria Basically, the information on this research objective was got through documentary analysis. This was because, many of the interviewees were giving less information, and thus, many of them reffered the researcher to the books of History for further information. The documents read indicated that, like other emirates in Hausa land, Kasar Hadejia (the land of Hadejia) gets its name from the capital Hadejia. The land of Hadejia is located on the North-East wards between the former Bomo emirate and sokoto Caliphate. The area shares a common border with Gurnel to the North West Borno and Bedde to East, Katagum to the South and Kano to the West. Presently, the emirate of Hadejia occupies the north-eastern corner of former Kano State and was one of the four emirates making up the state. It lies between latitude 12N and 13 N .The area of Hadejia emirate is the second largest emirate after Kano emirate in terms of population and land mass. It has an area of 6963sqkm and a population of 1,321,442 (2006 census).The emirate comprises of eight districts namely:Auyo, Bulangu, Briniwa, Gun, Kaugama, kafin, 1-lausa, Kirikasamma and Malam Maduri districts. Wakili .H (1985).

British conquest ofHadejia The larger part of northern Nigeria in the nineteenth century was part or the Sokoto Caliphate (the emirates under Sokoto caliphate covered a substantial area of Northern Nigeria, including Sokoto. Gwandu. Dauna, Katsina. Kano, Zania, Kebbi, Yauni, Nupe, Ilorin, Adarnawa, Muri, Gombe, Kazaure, Katagum and Jarna’arc,

Misau. Kontagora Agaie, Lapai, Pategi, Lafiagi, Kefli, Nassarawa. Lafin, Jerna’a and Wase) (Yahaya, 2005:23 1) created as a result or the Jihad led by Sheikh Usman Dan Fadio. Islam, which became the official religion of the Caliphate, influenced to a great extent the relations

38 between it and the Europeans since Islamic law provided for how such relations were to be regulated Ikime 0. (1977).

In the first half of the nineteenth century European activities in Northern Nigeria produced a political repercussion. These activities arose mostly from the quest from the Niger.

During this period contact between the Caliphate and Europeans were few and infrequent. These contacts were established by European travelers, practically all of whom were British citizens or other nationals sponsored by the British government Adeleye R A (1971).

Thus the travels of people like Clapperton and Barth who sought to reach the Niger using his caravan trade routes across the Sahara. In 1 824 for example, Clapperton visited Sokoto and the Caliph Muhammad granted him a commercial treaty which was essentially a commercial one. The caliph granted Clapperton and his entourage a safe conduct trough his domains unaware of the political complications that European activities could involve. While Clapperton’s reception in 1 824 was decidedly friendly, his reception during a second visit in 1 826-7 was noticeably cold. This coldness arose from the fact that Clappcrton had, on the second occasion, first gone to T3orno where he had not only entered into a commercial agreement hut had also, as part of the ideal, made a present bf arms and ammunition to the ruler of that state. As Borno was regarded s an enemy by the Cliphate Clapperton’s activities there made him suspect in Sokoto. In fact, it began to be put abroad that Clapperton might well be a spy.

The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed an intensification of European activities in Northern Nigeria. This period of intensive and regularized Coding by the British opened with the expedition led by Dr Baikie in 1857.

As a result of Dr Baikie’s expedition. Lokoa became the base of British activities. In 1 867 a British Consulate did not in any way represent a waning of the interest of commercial houses even if it can he said to have represented a change in official thinking in British.

Consequently when the scramble for territories in Africa began British influence was among European nations, dominant in the Caliphate. Relation between the Caliphate and Europeans during this period of sporadic contacts were many commercial. British commercial at establishments began with the founding of the Inland Commercial Company in 1 833 and the

39 expedition which that company sent to the Niger-Benue confluence in that year. The venture was pioneered by McGregor Laird with the assistance of the British government. Thenceforth British enterprise within caliphate was confirmed to the Niger-Benue water ways, Nupe Emirate became the main base of British activities.

Between 1860 and 1897 a number of British firms established business relations with the Sokoto caliphate, notably with the emirates along the Niger-Benue waterway. The West African Company Ltd, the Company of Merchants Trading to the Upper Niger. Holland Jacques and Miller Brothers-these represent only a selection of more important firms. Indeed the proliferation of companies was such that by 1870s competition resulting in reduced profits led Taubman Goldie to amalgamate the British concerns into’ the United African Company. Later known as National African Company, which in 1886 became a chartered company with the name of the Royal Niger Company

With the formation of the Royal Niger Company, the relation between the Europeans and Sokoto Caliphate entered into a new phase. As the company was formed in the period of the scramble it immediately engaged unofficially, in promoting British imperial interests in the area against the rivalry of other imperialist powers, most especially France and Germany. In this phase, relation between Sokoto Caliphate and Europeans was characterized by attempts of establishing treaty relations aimed at controlling the area. For example, the Royal Niger company was said to have during the period, made a number of treaties with the Sultans of Sokoto and Gwandu which claimed, “give the company right of protectorate over the Fulani Empire”. But up td this time, the company was only making claims for “no European Authority had ever been exercised and had never been any form of European occupation. This claim was not an isolated case but rather it became the general pattern of British approach in the whole of Sokoto Caliphate during the period Mustafa (2009).

During this period of early commercial activities it could be difficult to say with some degree of accuracy when the first European and of which nationality 1-ladejia. In the course of the nineteenth century. European travelers had passed through Hadejia Emirate mostly disguised themselves as Arab Merchants. But the early control had hardly received any recognition from the people of Hadejia. It was only at the beginning of the twentieth century that formal contact was established between Hadejia and the British. The British and Hadejia relation that developed

40 during this period was dictated by the general development within the Sokoto Caliphate especially after the British conquest, and occupation of most Emirates in the Caliphate. The relation can at this time be described as cordial but mixed with suspicion.

The formal direct contact between Hadejia and tile British began after the fall of Kano and Sokoto when they arrived at Katagum a next-door neighbor or Hadejia in October, 1903. When the British arrived at Kutagum the people decided not to light them and so Sarkin Katagum Abdul and his people submitted without fighting. With the submission aid occupation of Katagum, it became a matter of time before the British extended their authority to Hadejia. As a step towards that, soon after the occupation of Katagum, the British constituted a Katagum sub- province. And on 16th December 1903, one Captain Philips visited Hegejia on his way (loin Machina to Katagum. This marked the beginning of the polities of diplomacy and peaceful negotiation with the view of getting the Emirate submits to the British authority. But, the British agent was not well received; in fact he was almost lynched because at the time of his arrival tile activities of British in other emirates were well known to the people of Hedajia. As a result of the unfriendly reception he receives in Hadejia, Captain Philips left the town immediately for Katagum.

In spite of the poor reception he received in Hadejia, Captain Philip returned in the town again early in 1904 to begin yet another round of efforts to facilitate a peaceful occupation of the emirate. This time he was lodged with Zangomu and stayed for about eight days from there he tried to woo Hadejia for British and through the effort of Zangonia, he was able to established contact with many important personalities in Hadejia including the Ernie. It was after this development that, Captain Philips requested and got permission from the Ernir to build residence for the British officials (who often visited the town) outside the town wall. Permission was granted and the first British base in Hadejia was constructed at Tsamiya Hudu just by Mandara Gate on Hadejia Kataguni road.

Captain Philips took his residence there and continues to familiarize himself with the people and territory: lie was said to have become well known to the aristocracy and merchant class of Hadejia to the extent that he used to visit the ernir at his palace on many occasions. Philip’s stay in Hadejia was of dual importance, in that he was collecting intelligent reports on the people and their local politics as well as serving as a link between the provincial government at Kalagum

41 and Hedejia in an effort to incorporate the emirate into colonial slate. It has been claimed that on many occasion officials from Katagum visited Hadejia and using Philips as a contact man summoned a series of meetings with the emir, aimed at getting him to change his inconsistency and accept the British whole heartedly. But all these efforts failed Wakili H, (1985).

In some places the protectorate made very little real difference at first Larymore and the Empire of Hadejia met each other in 1 904 much as two brother potentates would do, As lie crossed the river by Hadejia town the Englishman saw ranged on the other side a spectacle of silent, dignified power, the Ernir and his retinue including hundred of aimed cavalry drawn up to receive the visitor. A message had been sent ahead to pull down the town gates, and this had been clone. Greetings were exchange. The Enir accompanied the Englishman seven miles out on his way to Kano. Larymore asked that the Mallarns pray to Allah for his safe journey. European then disappeared over the horizon and Hadejia relapsed again to virtually complete in dependence.

With the departure of Captain Larymore, one Captain Lewis took over as an Acting Resident. While on the other hand the negotiated diplomacy continued to yield little results, in the other emirates British administration had been taking shape. In Katagum emirate for instance, the district head system and the colonial taxation were in operation as of 1 904. and similarly in Kano emirate British had gone far in the process of establishing its domination over the emirates of the overthrown Sokoto Caliphate.

The British continued with their diplomatic efforts throughout ‘1904 to win Hadejia. For example, during his tour of Kano province, in 1904, F.D. Lugarci prevailed on the Ernir of Kano Muhdrnmad Abbas to write a brotherly letter to the Ernir of Hadejia and plead with him to accept British administration as most of the emirates of the Sokoto Caliphates had already submitted to the British.

In fact, Hadejia/British relations dramatically improved at die beginning of 1905. prompting the British to make a new request to the Emir to allow them to station their garrison in the emirate. The Ernir of I Iadej ia granted the British the permission to station their garrison in the town. On 19th January, 1905, the garrison was established, in Hadejia. The garrison of Hadejia was made

of “B” and “C” companies of the 7(11 garrison of the West African Frontier Force.

42 Unfortunately, the stationing of British garrison in the town introduced a new dimension in HadejialBritish relation in the sense that many people in the town, especially title holders became apprehensive about British activities. The people of Hadejia aware of the British activities in other emirates were now living in constant fear of their attack anytime. What lent more support to the people’s apprehension of the British motives was their new request for permission to construct bridge across River I-{adejia to facilitate the movement of 1%ritish officials from Katagum to Hadejia which they intended to transfer the Headquarters of the Katagum sub province. When the Emir of Hadejia received the request, he convened a meeting of his senior officials to discuss the request. The meeting injected the British request on the ground that if it was granted, it would seriously undermine the defensive system of the emirate. For, it would enable the British to move their troops easily and to get reinforcement from Katagum to Hadejia in case of war.

Some state officials in Hadejia seized the opportunity to request the Emir to make a strong stand against the British. This group of state officials were mostly title holders of servile background. But, another group of state officials lea by Chiroma Haru and Galadima Usman advised the Emir to settle the matter amicably to prevent it from escalating into a serious dispute that would involve force as they pointed opt. that the British were militarily superior to Hadejia. At the end of the day, the last groups advice was upheld and the idea of attacking British officials in Hadejia was dropped.

But in spite of this, a section of Hadejia cavalry in June, 1905 surrounded the British station in Hadejia though they were eventually driven out by the British but not until one of them struck a police man who eventually died. It was -this behavior of Hade4ia cavalrymen coupled with the rejection of their request to construct a bridge across River Hadejia that made the British to come to the conclusion that Hadejia had to 56 militarily conquered and forcefully occupied so that it will serve as a lesson to others who may nurse military against the British.

British power could not conquer Northern Nigeria all at and. For example, the capital of Idah Kingdom, was occupied in 1896, Bida and llorin in 1897, Yola in 1901, Bauchi, Zaria and Gonibe in 1902, Sokoto and Kano in 1903, l3orno in. 1904 and Tiv-land in 1911. The conquest was dramatic, brutal and ruthless. In the process of occupation towns, villages and hamlet were looted and then burnt down. For over 20 years after the conquest, the British used patrols to

43 realize their political and most hnportantly economic goals. The British charges against the rulers in these areas that led to the conquest included slave raiding and slave trade, obstruction of trade, oppression and exploitation of the people, and organized robbery. These charges were in reality trumped up because the main — ofthe British was to export capital and wealth through surplus appropriation. This could only be achieved through the direct control of the political and economic systems ofthe areas conquered, Abdulkadir M S (2009).

The British conquest of the territories that were later amalgamated and renamed Northern Nigeria was indeed a turning point in the history of that geo-polity. This marked the end of centuries of indigenous sovereignty, which the rulers and the subjects were variously and collectively reluctant to compromise, thus leading to fierce resistance, Ashofa A M (2006).

As a result of the Berlin Confarence. Britain had to move fast to bring about efThctive control over the vast region conceded to it as its sphere of influence. This was to keep off other encroaching European powers the French in the l3orgu region and the Germans in the vicinity of Yola. Unfortunately, the task was far too heavy for the Royal Niger Company, whose constabulary, though better armed than the armies of the emirates was in no position to conquer and folly control most of the emirates. This was demonstrated in its conquest of form and Bida in 1897, which did not result in etThctive control so too was Wase, a sub emirate of Bauchi though conquered by the RNC in 1898, was never brought under its firm authority. Obviously, the company by the 1890’s had became a liability to its home government as it had tilled to keep off European rivals or to translate Britain’s sphere of influence over the emirates into effective dependency. By 1900 the charter of the company was revoked and it reverted to it mere trading outfit since a Protectorate was promulgated over the areas it, previously ovemed’s Thus Captain Lugard then head of the company’s constabulary, was appointed High Commissioner with the task of extending British authority over all the territories within the new protectorate. The overthrow of the emirates was accomplished within a period ofjust five years; in 1901 control was restored over Nupe and llorin which were conquered way back in 1897. next was Yola, which fell to superior British force also in 1 901 and then Mui followed peacefully. Next, Kontagora was defeated. lana capitulated and Bauchi occupied without resistance, all in 1902.

In 1903 the emirates were struck a major blow when Kano a strong and iowerfiil commercial hub of the Caliphate, gave up and was occupied by the British then Katsina, an equally strong

44 economic beacon, submitted peacefully British strategies in its confrontation with the Caliph was to first attack and defeat the emirates that were likely to hearken to Sokoto’s assistance. Therefore, the fall of Zaria, Kano and Katsina opened the way for military taking up the Caliph alone in his capital by Kemball on 15th March 1903. With the subsequent hijra of caliph Attahiru to the Holy land the story’ of the caliphate as an independent Islamic polity in central Bilad-al Sudan was finally closed. Certainly, the defeat of Sokoto in 1903 marked a new beginning for the Caliphate and its emirates, which become part of a British Protectorate. With the fall of Kano katsina and Sokoto many other northern emirates such as Katagurn, Jama’aare and Misau easily succumbed without as much as raising a finger.

By 1903 almost all the emirates had fallen to the British. The odd brie out among the far northern emirates was Hadejia whose emir, Muhammadu. though fully aware of the fall or Kano, the conquest of Sokoto and the surrender of the other neighbouring sister emirates, chose not to follow their footsteps by simply bowing to the wishes of the infidels. Of the it Century emirates in the Sokoto Caliphate Hadejia was among a few emirates that stood out as the most belligerent, combative and warlike. It certainly would have been surprising, and against the norm for an emir of Hadejia to chicken out in the face of grave danger. So early, in 1906 an emissary of Governor Lugard called into Hadejia to request for its surrender. But on arriving at the court of the emit he received a good slap on the face for his audacity in asking the emir to surrender. Then, in the melee that followed the slapping one of the soldiers that escorted the emissary was killed. For Britain, the bellicose attitude of the emirate was indeed a declaration of war, which they answered by a British military attack on April 25th 1906.26

Two rulers, however seized upon the embarrassment are the authorities to make trouble. These were the Emir of Gando and the Ernir of Hadejia. The former was removed, but the later chose to fight instead. Little difficulty was experienced in defeating him. He was killed resisting the British troops and a successor was speedily chosen and installed in his place. Arthur N (1964).

The emit’ and three of his sons were among the heroic causalities. Thus, the fall of Hadejia finally closed the chapter of British conquest of the emirates in Northern Nigeria Abubakar S (1999).

45 Establishment ofColonial Ride In Hadejia

The imposition of British Colonial rule in Nigeria led to the emergence of a new political arrangement with the incorporation of the Sokoto Caliphate and the Borno Empire into the protectorate ofNorthern Nigeria. Hitherto, the Sokoto emirate was the most prominent of all the other emirates of the Sokoto Caliphate. Sokoto’s eminence derived from its leading role in the Jihad movement under Shaykh Usman Dan Fodio: The status of the Sultan of Sokoto as the Sharkin Musulmi (Commander of the Faithful) and the most senior of all the emirs in Northern Nigeria however was reaffirmed The Sultan of Sokoto remains the most senior emir and the Sarkin Muusulnu until today.

Under British colonial rule, emirates were also derived from the old Borno Empire. But the Sarkin Musulmi took precedence over the Shehu of Borno Hogben and Kirk-Greene classified the emirates into four groups. The first group originated from the Nausa states. These were listed as Daiwa, Katsina, Kano, Zaria, Kebbi e.tc. The second group originated from the Sokoto Caliphate. The group of emirates from the Brno Empire constituted the third group. The fourth group identified as independent, were Abuja, Biu and l3orgu. Thus, empires and territories that were autonomous and political independent were unified under the British colonial administration Yahaya A D (2005).

There is no doubt that the full of emirates to the British marked their exit from the Islamic worid of the time, it also signaled the beginning of their forceful incorporation into the orbit of the capitalist world. Obviously therefore most of the aforementioned functions bad to be completely jettisoned or drastically modified to suit British sensitivities and interests. After all, as Lugard succinctly declared in 1903.

During the first decade of British colonial rule, new political structure fashioned out by the British did not provide a special place to the emirates. Of the four Nen provinces by 1906, apart from ibm and Kontagora no emirate was left on its own as a provincial unit In some cases a number of large emirates were lumped together in a province, such as Katsin, Daura, Kano, Kazaure, Hadejia, Katagun, Misau and Jama’are all within Kano province. Sokoto and Gwandu in Sokoto province, Bauchi and Gombe within Bauchi province. Also, while some sub-emirates,

46 such as Nasarawa, Keff ended up forming Nasarawa province, others were lumped together with non-emirate units to form provinces, such as Yola and Muri.

The Protectorate was divided into provinces each under a British Resident responsible to the Nigh Commissioner, The provinces were in turn divided into Districts each under a British District Officer responsible to the Resident. Most of the emirates became divisions on their own. The District officer’s main roles in their divisions were to ‘educate and discipline’, they also supplied the initiative and the continuing pressure over local government matters. Thus, the District officers pushed everyone, from the emir down to the Jakadu (messengers). and like a master over his houseboy; they watched and directed the administration of the emirates. The residents, being provincial ‘rulers’ were in the words of Lugard to advise and help, but able with full statutory over to control and command”. It is clearly therefore that the Residents and the District officers were superiors of the emir and chiefs, and were to act as watchdogs directly reforms and reporting developments in their respective areas to the 111gb Commissioner. The Power of the Residents in each province was supported by military presence in the capitals,

A new order of precedence was defined, new political relations informed the process of governance and new demands, were made on the emirate system. Thu outcome of this reality led to the transformation of the emirate system to the colonial Native Authority (NA) system of local government. The emirates under the British were widespread in scope and as stated above they were derived not only from the Sokoto but from old Burno Empire and other outlying territories. The Emirates under the Sokoto Caliphate, wi ich covered a substantial area of Northern Nigeria include Sokoto, Owandu, Daura. Katsina,Kano, Zaria, Kcbhi, Yauri, Nupe, Ilorin, Adawawa, Muri, Bauchi, Gombe. Kazaure, Katagum, lladejia, Jama’are, Misau, Kontagora, Agaic, Lapai, Pategi, policies as cotton growing. veterinary work. etc “in the shape of rules under the Native Authority oldinanee, to be enforced by the Emirs Judicial Council”.

In connection with forced labour it was reported “that in practice the powers to call out labout~ would be exercised through the Native Authority an important point in. this connection”. It was the enforcement of these ‘various legislations through the Native Authority that was to effect the subordination of the merchants and the productive classes, Abubakar S (1999).

47 In October 1903 Katagurn, Hadejia immediate neighbour, submitted to the British rule without a fight. Consequently, Katagum province was constituted, which included Katagum, Gumel, Misau and Iladejia.42 In 1906 the emirates of Katsina, Daunt, Kano, Kazaure, Hadejia. Katagum, Misau and Jama’are were lumped togethd within Kan & province, With the new administrative arraAgernent, Hadcjia was merged with (Jumel, Maeina,Dambam, Misau, Jama’are and Katagum into what wth called Katagum Division of Kano province, Katagum was made the administrative headquarters of the Division until 1910 when the composition of the Kano province was reorganized. In September, 1915 Hadejia division was created comprising Hade~ia and Gumel emirates (Hadejia was hitherto under Katagum Division of Bauchi province). Gurnel was made the administrative headquarters of the Division until the collapse of the District officer and clerks’ houses on the October 14, 1916. Thereafter, die headquarters was moved to Hadejia The creation of Hadejia Division necessitated changes in die other Divisions of’ Kano ‘Province. Daura Emirate was placed under Katsina Division (comprising Katsina and Daura emirates) and Kazaure emirate is placed under lçdno Division (comprising Kano and Kazaure emirates). The organization of the division remained unchanged until January 24, 1927 when Daura and Kazaure emirates were merged with Hadejia Division together called Northern Division of Kano province. Following the reorganization of Lafiagi, Keth, Nasarawa, Laha, Jema’a and Wase. The Emirates from Borno Empire were Borno, Dikwa, Fika and Bedde.

After the conquest and subjugation of the slates and communities of the Northern protectorate of Nigeria, the British set out to rule the territories through the indigenous rulers. This type of administration is generally referred to as “indirect rule”.Throughout the North change was coming in more positive and less dramatic ways. Native authorities (NAs) - the initials originally referred to the chiefs themselves and soon came to mean the whole machine of local administration were developing into financial and judicial bodies more akin to European institutions and where moving away from traditional forms and activities.

The Native Authority was the local level tier concerned with the day to day administration of the province. The actual position of the Native Authority was explicitly stated in the political memoranda.

o The Native chiefs thus recognized were not to be regarded as independent rulers. They were the delegates of the Governor whose representative was Resident, the central

48 government reserved to itself the sole right to raise and control armed forces, to impose taxation of any kind, to make laws and to dispose of such lands as are under native law and custom vested in the paramount power. These limitations were specifically set out in the letter of appointment under which each chief of the higher grades held his office.

The essential functions of the Native Authority were the collection of taxes, maintenance of law and order as well as the marshalling of forced labour. It had no connection whatsoever with policy or legislation, Bello S (2011).

According to Lugard, “the Native Authority is the executive power, as distinct from the native courts (The judicial power). The Ernir was to draft as orders such colonial Kano province in 1933-1934 the northern division was reduced in size by merger of Kazaure emirate into Kano Division and Daura emirate with Kalsina cillirate fonhing Katsinâ Division within Zaria province.

This arrangement placed Hadcjia and Gumel emirates under one administrative unit called Northern Division and was administered as such up to 1 939 (and even beyond).” One of the immediate results of the Hadcjia revolt as that it delayed, the practical imposition of the colonial rule for some two years due no doubt to the experiences of the bloody encounter.’ There was no apparent attempt to interfere with the rule of Emir blaruna although in the appointment of those who replaced those title holders who died during the revolt attempt must have been made to see that only those who did not oppose colonial rule were appointed or retained. Apart from these appointments compilation of the list of tribute-paying areas of the emirate, and other minor things, no other significant administrative Policy was undertaken by the colonial government in the fist two years of its administration On February, first, 1 909 however, JZmir Haruna died, the l3ritish finally appointed Ahdulkaejjr. an 1 8 year old son of late Ifamna as the New Ernir, It was

after this transition that the British started to extend their system of domination — Indirect Rule. As the system enjoyed tremendous Success whenever: it found very strong existing political structures. it is little wonder then that the system worked so well in. Haclejia, and indeed all other emirates of the old Sokoto Caliphate, where there was in existence a very strong and efficient system of governing.

49 The Emirs of Hadejia after the occupation assumed their offices under these terms. Every Emir was macic to swear allegiance to the l3ritish Crown and. promise u obey the orders of the British High Commissioner or his representatives in all matters (Wakili, 2006:9, Maigida, 2012). This new arrangement seriously changed the pre-colonial scheme of things. The Emir was no longer autonomous, but derived his from and acted under the close supervision of thc British political agents. No longer would he look to Sokoto for guidance in all matters, but Zungeru and later Kaduna. He was now more than a head of a colonial bureaucracy with virtually little o non.- existent powers; he would no longer appoint any state officials without consulting the British officials or nor could he dismisses anyone.

The Emir was now a salaried individual. Each sallah festival he was made, to renew his allegiance to the British Crown by virtually visiting the District officer, a dy after the Sallah where together with his District heads and followers he rode to (lie residence of the D.C. in what was known as Harwan Bariki. Ceremonial as this may look and insignificant as it may appear, this ws a sign of very important transformation. The British officials seized that opportunity to make policy statements both to the Emir, his District heads and to their followers. Sometimes, even ‘erring’ District 1-leads or other agents were publically rebuked seriously warned. This was a clear demonstration of power now lay

As for the duties of the District 1-leads these included the assessment and collection of the Kurdin Kasa and Jagali, carrying out periodic censuses and keeping record of emigration from and immigration into their districts, and helping in arresting thieves and bad characters, and generally in maintaining law and order. Accordingly, in addition to the general loyalty to the British, the basis upon which the British assessed the effectiveness and usefulness of District Heads included “firmness” with which they controlled their districts, “honesty” with the British, the ability to conciliate the people in their districts, vigour in assessing and collecting taxes and executing British projects generally, Tukur (1979).

Analj’sis and Interpretation ofthe Introduction ofBritish Colonialism in Hadejia Emirate

The information provided by different authors regarding when and how colonialism was introduced in Nigeria, according to the researcher reveals the following:

50 1. That the “whites” perceived the Africans to be backward, ignorant and uncivilized. This may explain why they scrambled for Africa and partitioned it among themselves to rule it. Nigeria fell in the hands of the British. To the researcher, that perception was very wrong. Nigeria, Hadejia Emirate in particular for example was a civilized society with decentralized leadership. Some of the traditional leaders were Sarki, Wambai, Turaki, Galadima, Chiroma, Jarma, among others. Although the then leaders may on one hand be considered to have been dictatorial, such as using forced labour, the Masu Sarauta and Atlajirai which comprised peasantry, slaves and servants, they were to a larger extent good and democratic rulers. There was even a belief that a dictatorial ruler would be punished by the Ancestors. Afterall. with the advent of colonialism, the colonizers were more dictatorial. They for example imprisoned and killed chiefs and other people they perceived to be against them, though they used indirect rule whereby they were ruling people through the local chiefs, the local chiefs were made to dance on the tunes of the colonial masters. 2. Though the British claimed that they came to rule and help Nigeria, the fact was that they had interests which they wanted to spearhead. For example they wanted to offer jobs to some of their people who may have become jobless. It should be remembered that prior to colonialism in Nigeria, industrial revolution had taken place in Europe. As a result, some of the Europeans became redundant as much of the work they were doing came to be done by machines. One way of getting jobs for their people was to look for colonies in Africa so that some of their people could work there. No wonder that they moved very long journeys yet the then means of transport were very poor, and came to Africa where they had no relatives.

51 4.2 Research Objective 2: Colonialism and Social Development of Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria

The findings on this research objective from the interviewees revealed that many social changes took place in Hadejia Emirate with the advent of colonialism. These included the establishment of religion such as Christianity religion which had several denominations such as Catholicism, Protestantism, Seventh Day Adventism, Pentecostalism, Orthodoxy, among others. Other social changes were the introduction of hospitals, social services and formal schooling. These social aspects had both positive and negative impacts on the people.

The respondents of the study noted that the British colonizers in Nigeria introduced many social changes such as the issues related to marriage, formal education and hospitals. First, the British law on marriage specified the possession of one wife by a man to the exclusion of others this was an innovation to a society where polygamy was widely practiced.

One 82 year old male interviewee reiterated, “The Europeans are very bad people. Before they came to Nigeria, a man who had only one wife was condemned by the society. It was very prestigious to have as many wives as possible. A polygamist was highly respected in society. He was considered a real man. The Europeans condemned polygamy... they wanted us to have few children so that they could rule us effectively”.

Another change was the establishment of Government schools and colleges where ‘superior’ education was provided by mostly European teachers. One teacher of History in King~s College Lagos said that among such schools were King’s College. in Lagos(founded 1921), College(founded 1921), Queen’s College, Lagos(founded 1927) to mention but a few. These government schools were set up to assist with the supply ofjunior and middle level workers who would assist the colonial administrative apparatus as clerks, messengers. interpreters, sanitary inspectors, inspectors, produce buyers ,factory agents and teachers. The business world was also served as industrial and technical institutes were established to train artisans and technicians. In 1932 the colonial government founded the Yaba Higher College to provide assistants to Europeans in government departments and commercial houses. As part of its education policy the government discouraged the growth of schools where the quality of teaching was poor. After an investigation in 1925, the government passed an Education Ordinance in 1926 which allowed

52 the government to close down schools known to be ill-staffed and ill-equipped. The ordinance also made provision for the establishment of a Board of Education, registration of teachers and inspection of schools. Nevertheless government contribution to education work was very small. This was because government did not wish to spend money on education. Rather it was more interested in the maintenance of law and order and in trade and commercial activities. Secondly, many colonial officials, such as Lord Lugard, were unhappy with the products of mission schools who had began to invoke egalitarian concepts which frequently made colonial officials and traditional rulers uncomfortable. However more government investment in education work came after the Second World War when the University college of Ibadan was established. The institution was founded in 1948. The colonial government also introduced important changes in the areas of health and sanitation. The government built some hospitals to provide medical services, but these were mainly intended for the Europeans rather than African population. There were seventeen hospitals by 1914, the figure rose to 157 in 1951. Registered doctors were also provided. The colonial government did not encourage Nigerian traditional medicine which it suspected and considered as inferior. British rule has been commended fr its educational programmes which provided an educated elite that took over the administration of the country at independence. It is noted that unlike the situation in places such as former Zarie the DRC now where no competent staff existed at independence, Nigeria had well staffed schools, colleges and at least one University college at independence. But British policy has also been criticized. It has been argued that the educational policy only established a literary class of people, ‘pen pushers’, who were not qualified to introduce the much needed scientific, technical and technological changes after independence. The policy has also been criticized for producing too few educated people, thus creating a class too small to make an impact on the vast country of Nigeria.

One important consequence of colonial rule was the growth of some new towns which were active in the trade with the Europeans. and the expansion of the old ones that had years of trade links with the Europeans. These new towns ~~ere given preferential treatment by the colonial administration. In 1917 the Township Ordinance was passed. The ordinance provided for basic amenities for the recognized towns. They were entitled to access roads, water supply, electricity and hospitals. Some of them even public libraries. The result was that towns were made more attractive to live in, as the rural areas were neglected in the distribution of amenities. The result

53 of urbanization and the concentration of amenities in towns was that many people in te villages began to live for cities. Most cities became congested and had a large unemployed population. With the demand for houses came the high rises in rent. As people searched for a living, there arose an increase in vice and crime. Poor sanitation became present as too many people used the few facilities of towns and cities. There were other developments, many of them consciously introduced by the colonial administration. For example Films, newspapers, magazines and books that were introduced made people begin to imitate European styles of living.

Analj’sis and Interpretation ofthe Social impact of Colonialism to Nigeria In the researcher’s view, the social changes in Hadejia Emirate which occurred as a result of colonialism had the following implications: 1. The wrong perception by the British as well as the British people’s undermining of African religion and culture, wrongly thinking for example that Africans did not know God, that they were atheists, that their religion was primitive, that it was a religion of fetishism,.in the researcher’s view, all this was wrong. Regarding religion for example, the people of Hadejia Emirate had their traditional religion which believed in God the Almighty. They were worshipping Him. However, because of the belief that God was omnipotent, omniscient and omnipresent, they believed that it was better to worship him and approach him through their ancestors such as Tsurburbura, Maigeza, among others who were thought to be closer to him. The belief was that such ancestors could easily deliver people’s prayers to God and hence easily get what the people were asking for from God, just as in Christianity people usually make prayers to God through intermediaries such as Jesus Christ, “Virgin” Mary the mother of Jesus (as if she is really virgin yet she had several children fathered from her by Joseph her husband), The Christians who died and are now perceived to be martyrs, and many others. 2. Whereas the British brought formal education to Hadejia Emirate, it is wrong to assume that the African peoples of Hadejia Emirate were not educated. The fact is that they had their education locally called Makarantar Allo and Tsangaya. Though this education was informal since it had no formal curriculum to be followed by all the learners, it had no gazetted places and time where and when to be conducted, and had no specialized trained

54 people to offer it, and as a result, anybody who thought was knowledgeable could teach the young ones at any time he or she wished and from any place of his or her convenience. Thus, this education was relevant since it was based on the needs and culture of the people of a given community and geographical locality. It was also offered for free, thus everybody could be enrolled for it. Though formal education enabled some people in Hadejia Emirate to access formal employment, it was introduced with an idea of promoting class division among the people. For example, the first schools to be built were meant to enroll the sons and daughters of chiefs, not peasants or commoners. Thus, in the view of the researcher, it was not introduced with good intentions.

4.3 Colonialism and Economic Development of of Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria The findings on this research objective from the respondents of the study, all of whom were interviewees revealed that economic development took place in Hadejia Emirate with the advent of colonialists. These economic developments included the introduction of new cash crops to boost the income of the people, after which taxes would be collected from them. Economic development led to both positive and negative effects.

Three university dons in oral interviews which were conducted separately noted that prior to the British conquest of Sokoto Caliphate, the Caliphate had a sophisticated and highly articulated economy. There was a complex agricultural system which produced not only foodstuffs but also raw materials and supplies for industries and international trade. There was an articulate system of markets, taxation, credit, and local and long distance trade. The political and economic structures that had developed for several millennia also lay the basis for the relatively secure and stable situation which enables the region (North) to prosper. Within the Caliphate as a whole there was considerable regional specialization. Certain areas produced grain for export and other areas such as in the tin mining areas and the textile producing centres imported grain while concentrating more on industrial production. Trade in raw materials such as minerals (especially salts, tin and iron), livestock and grain were traded over hundreds and even thousands of kilometers. Much of the North was also famous for finished industrial goods (especially textile and leather work) and these products were also traded far to the east and the West as well as to the North and the South.

Agriculture

55 The economic prosperity of Hadejia Emirate has hitherto depended largely on agriculture since the bulk of the population engaged in farming, the main concern of most farmers has been to secure the products needed to maintain their standard of living. While agriculture is the main occupation throughout Hadejia Emirate, farming is merely for subsistence (only the surplus crops produced were exchange). Farmers cultivated certain crops not only for their own consumption alone, but also for local exchange.

The main farm produce were millet, guinea corn, rice, beans, cotton, maize, groundnut, and wheat. Tobacco, sugarcane, and vegetables are produced through irrigation around the river valley and Fudamu during the dry season. However, as fishing and pastoral is in were the main occupational activities pursued by almost all the entire labour force in the area, the fishing as an industry flourished among the people living along the river banks, settlements South and East of the emirate were known to have large concentration of fishermen and indeed fishing formed one of their basic economic Pre-occupations. Another thing is that there was abundance of honey and beeswax in the waste forest (daji) of the emirate and the sales of it enables other people to earn a living.

Paslorialism

Nine church leaders in the separate oral interviews held with them revealed that though pasterolism was an economic activity before the advent of colonialists in Nigeria, the colonialists boosted it by for example introducing exotic cows, and cross-breed domestic animals. The major ethnic group engaged in this economic activity were the nomadic Fulani and in some cases the Hausas as well. The major form of pastoralism throughout the emirate was the rearing of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, donkeys, and camels. Cattle rearing by the Fulani are the dominant form of pastoral activity but it is closely integrated with the rearing of sheep and poultry. The activity of the nomadic Fulani not only invokes the breeding of the animals but the careful tendering of their health and moving the herds to good pasture form one grazing area to another. It is due to the technicalities involved in nornadism that one university don refered to it as ~one of the most highly specialized forms of economic activity when carried out on a large scale requiring not only full time attention all hours but intimate knowledge of each animal and all features of the natural environment in which animals are reared’’.

56 Hunting

The emirate of Hadejia was endowed with abundant surface water and woodland forest, this made hunting an important occupation in the area. Among the important. and famous woodland zones used as the centre for hunting in the Emirate are Dajin Baluriya and Marke. The woodland forest accommodate a variety of animals and birds such as the lions, the hyenas, the leopards, the elephants, monkeys, and so on, which no doubt gives hunting prominent position n the emirate. The colonialists, according to the interviews held with several politicians, considered hunting a primitive activity. They thus discouraged people from doing it. One interviewee noted,

“In our culture, we traditionally have several gods and spirits. Some of these were responsible for hunting. If any hunter wanted to get a good catch, one had to pray to the gods responsible for hunting, and besides, those gods demanded that hunting be done some times as a way of pleasing them, but with the advent of colonialists. all that was condemned as primitivity”.

craft Manufacture

Industrial production formed another economic activity in the area, although, the bulk of the working populations of the emirate were farmers, some people engaged in local industries and crafts production. Most of the craft producers in the area combined both agricultural activity and industrial/crafts production at the same time. Among the native industries in Hadejia emirate were blacksmiths; weavers, builders, woodworkers and professional butchers who were organized in guild system, But tailor embroiders, leather workers, cloth dyers, mat makers etc. practice as individual crafts.

Textile

In the interviews held with the secondary school History teachers, they said that one of the most important manufacturing industries in the emirate was the clothing industry. Cotton—cloth produced in most of the localities in the emirate. the dominant areas were Kafin Hausa, Auyo, Hadejia and Bulangu. All stages of the manufacturing process-ginning, carding, spinning, dyeing and wearing performed locally. Closely related to the clothing industry is dyeing. Hand woven cloth dyed with colours (mostly blue). Among the most important dye dentures in Hadejia emirate were in Hadejia town, Hadiyin and Auyo.

57 Metal work was another long established craft industry throughout the emirate. Blacksmithing was a very important industry because most of the equipment for all economic activities are made by blacksmiths. The most important centres for blacksrnithing is Kwazalewa in Kafin Hausa district. Among the most important tools manufactured include agricultural implements (hoes, cutlasses and knives), military equipments (swords, chains, spears, etc), and domestic use implements.

Wood Carving

Wood and calabash carving were other old and important industries in the emirates. Calabashes were mainly produced in the eastern part of the emirate, Gun and Kirikasamma being dominant areas. The most important and well known wood carving centres are Kafin 1-lausa (Agurya) and Auyo areas. Equipment such as hoe handle, plates (Akwahi), mortar (turmi), are carved from wood. Other products of this industry include saddles (sirdi) and stool (kujera).

Pottery

Pottery was another important and wide spread craft in Hadejia emirate. This craft provideed the majority of the containers needed for liquids and foodstuff. One of the oldest centres for pottery making was Garko quarters in Haclejia town. Other industries worth mentioning are leather making, ternary and building which are practiced throughout the emirate.

Trade

Commerce, as is common in other places the surplus produce was usually sold out, thus the people of Hadejia engaged in commercial transaction. So trading activities, both petty and long distance formed another feature of pro—colonial economy. In this wise the emirate of Hadejia in the nineteenth century occupied a position of an i I nportant source of supplies and a distributive centre east of Hausaland. The emirate mainly exported food items such as wheat and fish in exchange with kolanut Kano markets and beyond. There is evidence which suggest that Hadejia owing to its location on the transaharan trade routed occupied a position in the trade between Kanawo (Kano traders) on the west and the Barnawa, Arab Fezzan, Azbinawa or Tuaregs from the east and north respectively, These various traders used to meet at Hadejia markets and

58 exchanged their articles. Two important markets exist at Hadejia, one outside the wall with stalls and hostels for the strangers to stay and trade amicably, with a title holder called Zangoda in- charge of it. Inside wall stood another market.

Taxation and labour in Hadejia

The interviewees, mainly the History teachers noted that the taxation system in pre-colonial period was complex and varied within the emirates and in non-Muslim areas. However, the most important tax was on land. In addition, there were religious tithes, taxes on crafts and special taxes on special crops like indigo, sugar, cotton, palm oil, palm kernels and so on. The collection of these taxes was done through several levels of officialdom which appropriated the share of the proceeds which passed through their hands. The process of the commodification of northern

Nigeria was facilitated through a common currency — the cowries shell — the primary medium of exchange. With the conquest and imposition of colonial rule, the British increasingly demanded that taxes being paid in British currency as opposed to the pre-colonial payment kind and cowries shells.

The history of the evolution of the tax system in the emirate is not clear. But liked in most other Hausa states, the system developed essentially in order to service and maintain the Saraula system. Thus, with the proliferation of the state officials, multiple taxes were introduced in order to meet the new demands. It is well known phenomenon that traditionally the ownership of land (the basic means of production) was rested in the hand of the community or family but with the emergence of the kingdom. Sairkin Hiadejia became vested with the control of the lands in the kingdom, just like what happened in other Hausa states. The land tenure system that developed after this development, formed the basis of the system of the kingdom administration and to a large extent the taxation system as well. With the emergence of the Hadejia kingdom later the emirate, the Sarki parceled out the territory into fiefs which were placed under the control of the fief-holders (Hakimai) who resided in the capital but who were represented by their Jakadu with their fiefs on behalf of the Hakimai. One of the primary functions of the Jakadu was the collection of taxes accruing to the colonial state. The evolution of a tax system in the area possibly emerged at the point of time when the institution Sarki developed and came to be recognized as Sarkin Keisa that is when land ceases to be owned by individuals or the community but the Sarki himself. As a result of this development, a new land tenure system

59 came about, whereby people who wanted to use the land had to pay the Sarki gaisuwa or tax in return. Consequently, the main source of the state revenue came to be land as (Kudin Kasa) which was collected from the people for the use of the land as it was the main means of wealth which the tax was based on. It is worth mentioning that there was no standard method of assessing and collecting tax but rather the officials used their discretion in doing so, even though it was supposed to be based on individual wealth.

With the growing complexity of the emirate’s political system, a number of new state officials were appointed for example, Sarkin Ruwa, Sarkin Kakuwa and the rest and to meet the demand of the state revenue, new taxes were introduced. Among the most important ones. were the various occupational taxes such as Kudin ruwa (levied oil fishermen) Kudin daji (levied on hunters) and Kudin kasuwa (levied on merchants). Other means of generating revenue for the state were through the levying of a cattle tax (Jangali), a poll tax (Jiya) paid by non-Muslims and Zakkt (alms) paid by Muslims religious tithe payable on farm produce and livestock by Muslim; Another important one was the indirect taxes which the state collected from the people in form of presents (gatsuwa) which is common practice throughout Hausa land by individuals to their’ immediate seniors in administrative hierarchy.

In the central, the incidence of slavery was in the same order as in western, the largest and most populous state in the central the Sokoto Caliphate had a substantial slave population, even smaller emirates, including Liptako in the far west and Hadejia on the border with Borno in the east, had large number of slaves, throughout the Sokoto Caliphate, the slave population tended to be concentrated near the major towns and along trade routes, and as these developed in the course of the century, the slave population expanded too.

Forced labour is used here to denote a situation when free citizens were compelled. either overtly or covertly, to offer their, labour without due recompense, often by the use of coercive political power it overtly or covertly. In the metropolis, forced labour was by its very nature. appropriated by the aristocracies and such labour was predominantly employed in agricultural production. It was one of the key issues over which Sheik Dantodi ab—initio vehemently excavated the pre Jihad kingdoms prior to their over throw and the subsequent establishment of the Caliphate. This practice was thus one of those ills which the Caliphate state sought to either eradicated or radically reform.

60 In many African societies, it was quite common for several households to pool their labour resources together during peak periods in the agricultural cycle, such as held clearing, planting and harvesting. Among the Hausa, where the household was known as gida, and included in its attenuated form the family clients and slaves. Individual farmers had four main types of work groups, called gaya. First there were work parties organized for bride service by a daughter’s finance; second, those sponsored by a client for his patron; third, those organized by wealthy men; and the compulsory gaya by the ruling class.

The form of labour that generally existed comprised that of the peasantry (Talakawa), slaves (Bayi) and servants (Baron). Peasant form of labour no doubt predominated and enjoyed direct access to the means of its production and reproduction. The ruling class on (lie other hand regulated labour and production of (lie lower classes (peasantry and slaves) through various means due to the advantages of access, monopoly and utilization of political and economic power. The peasantry slaves and craftmen procured their basic means of existence through the utilization of their labour in agriculture, craft production and exchange.

The basic unit of production in Hausaland in general and Hadejia emirate in particular, is the homestead (gida), headed by a senior male member (Mai gida), it is customary for all the members of the family to provide labour under the supervision of the maigida especially during planting and harvesting periods. Among the Mangawa both male and female member of the family were fully engaged in agricultural labour.

AnaI~sis and Inteipretation of the Economic Impact of Colonialism on Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria

Based on the above, the following interpretation can be deduced.

I. Whereas the British introduced new cash crops and methods of farming purportedly to boost the economy of the Emirate and household income, it was done with a hidden agenda of boosting the economy of Britain, the colonisers’ mother country. Since by the time of colonialism in Hadejia Emirate industrial revolution had taken place in Britain, there was need of raw materials which could be used in those industries. Britain could not

61 produce enough raw materials required in the industries, so the colonizers came to Hadejia Emirate and encouraged people to grow crops, rear species of animals whose products could be used in the industries in Britain. This was however good to both parties, the people of Hadejia Emirate and the British, as both gained economically. Britain however gained more since they were buying the products from farmers at a cheaper price, yet when they were taken to Britain and products such as clothes, blankets, shoes, machines, motor vehicles were made from them, they were exported to Africa and to other continents and to buy them, a lot of money was required. Besides, the British colonizers taxed people heavily, thus much of the money the people of Hadejia Emirate had got through the sale of their products was given to the British colonizers in form of compulsory taxes.

62 CHAPTER FIVE

DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATION

5.0 Introduction This chapter presents a discussion of the findings of the study. The discussion is presented objective by objective.

5.1 The Establishment of Colonialism in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria

The imposition of British Colonial rule in Nigeria led to the emergence of a new political arrangement with the incorporation of the Sokoto Caliphate and the Borno Empire into the protectorate of Northern Nigeria. Hitherto, the Sokoto emirate was the most prominent of all the other emirates of the Sokoto Caliphate. Sokoto’s eminence derived from its leading role in the Jihad movement under Shaykh Usman Dan Fodio: The status of the Sultan of Sokoto as the Sharkin Musulmi (Commander of the Faithful) and the most senior of all the emirs in Northern Nigeria however was reaffirmed The Sultan of Sokoto remains the most senior emir and the Sarkin Muusulnu until today.

Under British colonial rule, emirates were also derived from the old Borno Empire. But the Sarkin Musulmi took precedence over the Shehu of Borno Hogben and Kirk-Greene classified the emirates into four groups. The first group originated from the Nausa states. These were listed as Daura, Katsina, Kano, Zaria, Kebbi e.t.c. The second group originated from the Sokoto Caliphate. The group of emirates from the Brno Empire constituted the third group. The fourth group identified as independent, were Abuja, Biu and l3orgu. Thus, empires and territories that were autonomous and political independent were unified under the British colonial administration Yahaya A D (2005).

There is no doubt that the fall of emirates to the British marked their exit from the Islamic world of the time, it also signaled the beginning of their forceful incorporation into the orbit of the capitalist world. Obviously therefore most of the aforementioned functions bad to be completely jettisoned or drastically modified to suit British sensitivities and interests. After all, as Lugard succinctly declared in 1903.

63 During the first decade of British colonial rule, new political structure fashioned out by the British did not provide a special place to the emirates. Of the four Nen provinces by 1906, apart from Ilorin and Kontagora no emirate was left on its own as a provincial unit. In some cases a number of large emirates were lumped together in a province, such as Katsin, Daura, Kano, Kazaure, Hadejia, Katagun, Misau and Jama’are all within Kano province. Sokoto and Gwandu in Sokoto province, Bauchi and Gombe within Bauchi province. Also, while some sub-emirates, such as Nasarawa, Keff ended up forming Nasarawa province, others were lumped together with non-emirate units to form provinces, such as Yola and Muri.

The Protectorate was divided into provinces each under a British Resident responsible to the Nigh Commissioner, The provinces were in turn divided into Districts each under a British District Officer responsible to the Resident. Most of the emirates became divisions on their own. The District officer’s main roles in their divisions were to ‘educate and discipline’, they also supplied the initiative and the continuing pressure over local government matters. Thus, the District officers pushed everyone, from the emir down to the Jakadu (messengers), and like a master over his houseboy; they watched and directed the administration of the emirates. The residents, being provincial ‘rulers’ were in the words of Lugard to advise and help, but able with full statutory over to control and command”. It is clearly therefore that the Residents and the District officers were superiors of the ernir and chiefs, and were to act as watchdogs directly reforms and reporting developments in their respective areas to the Ill gb Commissioner. The Power of the Residents in each province was supported by military presence in the capitals,

5.2 Social Impact of Colonialism on Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria The view and information provided by the interviewees is in agreement and to a lesser extent in disagreement with some of the ideas expressed by several authors as seen bellow. Generally when society finds itself forced to relinquish power entirely to another society that in itself is a form of underdevelopment”( Walter Rodney 1976:245). As early as 1901, the British abolished the legal status of slavery and declared that persons born after 1st April of that year as free. This move was not out of humanitarian considerations. It was clearly designed to economically incapacitate the Emirates because of British jaundiced belief that the ernirs depended on slavery. This in essence destroyed the traditional role of slaves in society. The irony in abolishing slavery

64 was that while on the one hand the emirates were deprived of slave labour on the other the colonial authority turned a blind eye of ‘forced labor’ in all areas of their economic interests. In tin mines, roads and railway construction. Then from 1904 the British land ordinance stripped emirs of their right over taxation and proceeded to abolish most pre-colonial form of taxes, which include tolls on trade routes and markets; occupational taxes as well collection and disbursement of zakat. In their place a novel and more efficient method of tax collection from the people in all emirates was introduced. It became law for all adult male to pay tax annually (kudinkasa) and taxes were also levied on cattle (jangali),the collection of both was vested on village and district heads. Before 1911, all taxes collected were shared equally between government and emirs. But with the creation of Native Authority, which were synonymous with emirates, all persons serving the colonial authority, the emirs inclusive, were placed on salaries and to meet other expenditures profiles of the Native Authorities. From an employer the emir become an employee with a greatly reduced revenue base and subject to the dictates of the District Officer and Resident.

British domination on the economies of the emirates was also manifestation in the introduction of a cash crop economy. British policy regarding the production of crop was very much influenced by British cotton Growing Association (B.C.G.A) which sent agents to prepare for the purchase of the crop in northern Nigerian (Abdulkadir Adamu 1992: 116) The local chiefs actively campaigned for cotton for cotton cultivation in Hadejia District. The Emir of Hadejia clearly instructed farmed that only good seeds provided by the agricultural department to be planted. This was very effective because government propaganda and distribution of seeds by its officers had a moralizing influence on the farmers by creating the impression that government expects cotton and groundnuts to be grows in preference to other crops .Moreover, the village heads of the district cleared farms for the cultivation of cotton and groundnut as a practical demonstration for farmers to follow their example. Local seeds such as groundnuts and cotton were replaced by the foreign variety which fetched higher prices to the colon ialists in the world market. In order to further strengthened cash crop production the British made Emir active participant in the venture. The Emir of Hadejia Usman, for instance by 1918 was made to open two big demonstration farms in Hadejia town.

65 As regards colonial Labour Policy the British colonial administration was opposed to the continuation of slave labour. But the British utilized forced labour Aikin Tilas in the Construction of colonial infrastructure. Colonial labour policy was designed to create abundant cheap wage labour force for the colonial administration. Labour was supplied by the Native Authority through the District village and hamlet heads for colonial projects. The British colonial authority impressed it on the Emir that supply of labour for the colonial projects were mandatory and must be adhere to. Whenever labour required for public works such as construction of roads the Native Authority made demands from district head to supply men.The village head with the assistance of their Masu Unguwanni mobilized member of the several of households in their village until the required number was obtained. Households or Gidaje between two to three adult male members were compelled to give one person. While those households that had many members contribution up to three members (Abdulkadir Adamu 1992) .Peasant labour therefore formed the dominant form of labour in the colonial economy both in terms of its spread among the colonial population as well as in its contribution to the creation of colonial wealth. For over 80 % of the Nigerian colonial population was made up of this class. (Mangvwat.M.Y 1985)

The role of colonial administration in stream ling the economy of Hadejia was also seen in the building of new market places to facilitate the flow of commerce. Colonial made sure that the flow of raw materials was secure. This was the guaranteeing the freedom of movement to traders, in particular those trading in hides and skin and cotton. New markets places in Hadejia by 1912, a new market was built inside the town itself, while the old outside the city-wall was enlarged. It was here-”Katin Waje” as it was called, that foreign companies established their branches and ware houses. Some of the Firms that had branches in 1-ladejia were; London and kano trading company, and Messer W.B.Maclver and Ambrosini company limited. These companies were principally engaged in buying of Groundnuts, 1-lides and skins and cotton(Mangvwat.M.Y1985). Hadejia was estimated to have been growing 700tons of cotton yearly at that material time. These export crops did not only attract foreign firms but also Europe, an agent from kano, who were said to have offered higher prices than the foreign firms. Giving Hadejians producers more incentives to concentrate on these cash crops.(Wakili.H.2006)

66 The building of a new market place at Gun, Bulangu and Kafin Hausa District and the reconstruction of Yalo Market along Kano road and that of Madachi Market in Eastern part of the district in 1922, added a tremendous trading boost for the colonial government. It was estimated that in 1923-24, the colonial government realized revenue to the tune of Pounds 225, a very large sum according to the standard of that time from marker fees alone.

In addition the colonial administration also made change in the currency, new monetary policy was vigorously pursued in order to tie the economy the districts of the world capitalist economy. Some amount of British west African currencies were imported by both the native treasury, and a number of foreign companies, so that the local people would become familiar to them. A proclamation of the British intention to substitute local currencies for these new ones was made at market places in 1917 at both Hadejia and Gumel.(Wakili.H.2006).Thus the money supply in Nigeria become completely dependent on how much foreign firms expected to be spending for exportable produce. The people of Hadejia got Britsh Currency, either by selling cash crops like cotton, groundnuts and among others or wage labour these the ways for getting imperial currency.

Education was another major colonial socio-economic transformation of Hadejian society .This type of education introduced by the colonial administration was western type of education aimed at literacy of the local people basically to teach people how to read, write and arithmetic. Despite the fact that Hadejia in particular had only one primary school and one middle school established. Initially the response to education was not good parent denied their children an opportunity to attain western education. Colonial Education was the integration of both western and European culture in one way of life, but more so performed the role of bringing the indigenous peoples into imperial or colonial structure. Colonial education purposely performed the of transplanting metropolitan culture to Africa. The manipulation of African culture in the favor of the metropolitan culture, creating subservient, submissive African and distorting the influence of African way of life. All in all the education policy adopted by the colonial government aimed at the preservation of national life and strengthening of the authority of” Native Rulers”.

67 Because colonial education was converting northerners Christianity they was little response to this type of education.(Hajiya Uwani 2011). So even the traditional ruler used to enroll they children to school instead sent sons of their servants and subjects (Sarkin wanzamai Muhd 2011) Thus first primary in the region was Abdulkadir Elementary school was established in 1924,and given the name of the Emir and its first head teacher was Mallam Zurkallaini who came from Kano province. The school started with three students. All in all Government schools were setup to assist with the supply of junior and middle level workers who would assist the colonial administrative apparatus as clerks, messengers, interpreters, sanitary inspectors, produce buyers, factory agents and teachers.

As for part of infrastructure the provision of basic services by the colonial administration which were necessary for the development of society. This was the construction of railways, roads, telegraph lines and harbors. Most of the railways were constructed, owned and operated by government or official agencies.(Boahen.A .A I 990).The economic interest of the colonialist also led them to avoid the promotion of industrial activities particularly manufacturing, in order to protect the market for the products from their home country. The colonial administrators understood the importance of infrastructure as the most inefficient mode of colonial exploitation of African resources. Therefore the construction of railways ,roads, telegraph lines and harbors therefore received the attention of the colonial administrators, for minimum infrastructure development was necessary for tapping particular primary products of interest to the metropolis. The Lagos-Minna rail line was started in 1898, it was not until 1908 before the rail line reached Ilorin thereby making it the first city connected in Northern Nigeria. In 1910 work started on the Baro-Kano rail line and in the same year reached Minna. Subsequently the railway reaches Kaduna, Zaria and Kano in 1911. The Zaria-jos line was started in 1912 and reached jos in 1913.In 1927 the railway reached Makurdi, and Kauran-Narnoda off-short took off from Zaria and reached Kauran-Namoda in 1929,while the Nigerian off-short took of from Kano-Mallam Madori(Hadejia) and reached Nguru in 1930 (J.S.Philips 2005) In addition Road construction was carried out by both the colonial administration and Local authorities. The African Chiefs, who become partners in development, mobilized their people to help in the construction of roads, resulting into integrating their economies with the wider world.

68 5.3 Economic Impact of Colonialism in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria The interviewees reported that colonial administration made an impact on the economic life of the country. The British administrators in Nigeria began to exploit tin and coal mines in jos plateau and at Udi hill. The mines brought more revenue to the coffers of the colonial government. It also brought employment to Nigerians who began to serve as laborers miners petty clerks and technicians. This now was the proletarianiastion of the labor force that human resource ceased to produce for subsistence purposes were now employed as wage or salary earners by the colonial administration. This was also the monetarization of all economic activities in the country. Money became the major medium of exchange. The colonial administration also began to encourage the peopleto produce more cocoa, rubber, cotton, palm produce and groundnuts for export. By this act, Nigeria as a whole joined other countries in producing raw material that served the British industries. Through this effort British industries obtained a regular supply of raw materials at prices dictated by the British. On the side of the Nigerians, an opportunity was created for farmers to become rich by hard work.Many farmers took advantages of this opening and became wealthy. They were able to send their children to school in Nigeria and overseas for education. Many farmers also began to own large houses. In a way this system helped in the development of some villages where the farmers lived. It also modified the arrangement which had continued to favor only the urban centers and the educated people. British colonial economic reengineering in Northern Nigeria did not end with the conquest: in many cases the conquest marked the beginning of the transformation of Nigeria in general. For example the British sought to organize. codify, document, and where necessary ,modified the fluid and malleable systems of land tenure, agricultural production, and revenue that existed in the protectorate. Lugard sought to create or created a land tenure system in which ownership was vested in chiefs, a supposed continuity with the pre-colonial past that enabled an agricultural aristocracy and agricultural wage labour emerged that is to say proletarianiastion of the labor force. This in essence led to the emergence of an export-oriented agricultural peasantry. The British Cotton Growers’ Association set out to promote cotton cultivation, and the increasing demand for butter substitutes in Europe transformed groundnut cultivation in Northern Nigeria into an export

69 orientated agricultural system, with the colonial government using a mixture of incentives and coercive measures to promote their cultivation.(Moses E.Ochonu 2009:12). One interesting aspect of economic relation between the British and people of Hadeja was in the realm of price determination. The British firms fixed prices for cash crops produced by the people. The Hadejia like their counterparts elsewhere in Nigeria had n say in the overall determinatIon of the prices of their products as well as European goods. With the depression in trade in the I 930s, the prices of export commodities fell and the middlemen temporarily left the scene in the palm produce trade. Because of the fall in price, palm, oil price slumped from pounds 16.15 to 5.12/- a ton. And in the case palm kernel, prices slumped from pounds 10.2.6 to 5.15 per ton (NAI, Confd.SD.3/1931). The prices fluctuated so much that, producers were never sure of what to get whenever they got the “factories”. The price figure recorded at lvrogbo in 1 93 1 as shown in the table which follows underpinned the above observations.

Table 5. 1: price of oil and palm kernel between January and August 1931 Month Palm oil per ton Palm kernel price per ton January £9.l.6d £5.19.6d

February - - March £6.12.6d £6.10.6d April £8.2.6d £6.5.Od May £5.2.6d £6.0.20d June £3.l5.Od £4.2.6d July £6.10.Od £6.0.Od August £5.10.Od £3.17.Od Source: NAI: Cmn, intelligent report on lgbide Clan P.61.

Railways were built assist the movement of crops. From 1895 to 1912 railway construction was carried out between Lagos and Kano. An eastern line from Port Harcourt to the north was also built. In addition to the , railways, roads and waterways were built across the country. Telegraphs and telephones were also development was designed first and foremost to help in the

70 movement of crops to Europeans countries, but it also helped in the movement of crops across the country. Head porterage was no longer necessary as roads became available and Lorries were introduced to the country. The trains also became substitutes for camels and donkeys in transportation work.

A further economic change introduced by the colonial government was the establishment of banks. These provided credit for European traders and businessmen and did not have a very big impact on the Nigerian traders. Later Marking Boards were establishing to regulate purchasing and selling policies. from the above explanation we will come to understand that the colonial taxation and forced labour had made a significate role in building colonial infrastructure in Hadejia. For instance in 1939 the following buildings in Hadehia were value by the colonial government a follows; Table 5. 2: showing cost of infrastructures in iladejia emirate

Government offices and Quarters £2,900 District officers Office (D.O) £1 ,500 Permanent Native Authority Building £8,600 Medical Officers House and Garage £1,000 Rest House £400 Hospital and staff Quarters £5,500 Central office and Treasury and Strong Room £1,500 Workshop and Garage £700 Source: NAK colonial files (1935)

5.4 GENERAL CONCLUSION The research discusses introduction of colonial rule in Hadejia emirate, Nigeria, as well as the social and economic impacts of colonialism on Hadejia Emirates. Having realized that colonialism was introduced in Hadejia Emirates in the ~ century A.D, The British colonizers ushered in many social and economic changes such as the introduction of schools, hospitals, new religions, new methods of farming, new cash crops, industries of various types, among others. Whereas these may have been introduced with hidden agendas, and whereas people reacted

71 world is moving in terms of science and technology, the way forward is for the people ofHadejia Emirate to appreciate the social and economic changes brought in by the colonial masters and make some adjustments to suit the 2l~ century whereby the world has become a global village.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The findings from the study have prompted the researcher to make the following recommendations

The imposition of colonial rule in most African countries was resisted by the metropole as a result it lead to war , revolt and mass migration , this brutality was against the fundamental Human right

The Social Dynamism with broader western outlook , change in culture religion and way of live ,the conquerors should be allowed to practice their alien ways of life ,neglect of traditional form of education should be revised.

The Economic impact was a break through , introcritism of cash crops , Road railways , Banking new currencies are all for the benefit of the conquered and the conqueror.

SUGGESTION FOR FURTHER RESEARCH Further research should be done to investigate the

1. The role of colonialism in political development of rural societies in Nigeria. 2. Colonial Role and Religious transformations. 3. The aspect of Resistance and wars in British colonies of Africa.

72 REFERENCES A.A Boahen (1990) UNESCO general History of West Africa, Under colonial administration 1880-1935 (ED. Caras Press

Aborisade, 0. (Ed.). (1985). Local Government and the traditional rulers in Nigeria. Ile-Ife: University of Ife Press.

Abubakar S (1999) Northern Province under colonial rule 1900-1959 0. (E.Ds) Ground walk of Nigerian History Ibaden Press pp 422

Adeleye R A (1971) power and diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804-1906, Longmen London pp 117

Adiele, E. A. (1972). The Warrant Chie/~’: indirect rule in southeastern Nigeria, 1891-1929 (London: Longman).

Ajayi, F.A. (1967). Christian Missions in iVigeria, 1841-1891: The making of a new elite (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1965); E. Ayandele, The Missionary Impact on Modem Nigeria, 1842-1914: A political and social analysis (New York: Humanities Press).

Akule H. K. (1976). African Cultural Revolution and the Christian Faith (Jos: Baraka Press, l9’76),pp. 13-31.

American Studies. Vol. IV No. 2, 2.

Arthur N C (1964) British Enterpriswe in Nigeria Frank cass and Co ltd. p 165

Ashafa A M (2006) British conquest of Northern Nigeria. A hectograph of military strategy and tactics Unpublished

Bello S(2011) state and economy in Kano 1894-1969 A study of colonial domination Zaria A.B press pp85

Betts, R. (1960). Assimilation and association in French colonial theory, 1890-1914. University of Nebraska press.

Billy J. D. (1968). Parties and politics in northern Nigeria. Routledge. p. 92.

Burke, E. (2000). On Empire, Liberty and Reform: Speeches and Letters, David Brornwich (ed.), New Haven: Yale University Press.

73 Business Day (2010). “Nigeria May Become Leading Supplier of Bandwidth in Sub-Saharan Africa.” July 27. http ://www.businessdayonl ine.com/index.php?option=corn content&view=article&id= 13 108 :nigeria-may-become-leading-supplier-of-bandwidth-in-sub-saharan- africa &catid~1 :latestnews & Itemidz1 8.

Chafe Kas (1999) state and economic in Sokoto Caliphate, policies and practices in metropolis districts 1804-1903 pp183 Ibadan Press ltd

Creek Town (Iboku Esit Edik) Foundation(2010). Culture & Society.

Crowder, M. (1964). Indirect Rule: French and British Style. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 34, No. 3. pp. 197—205.

Daily Independent (2007), “Economy operates at 25% capacity-Soludo.” November 6.

Daily Trust (2009), ‘Yar’adua inaugurates Vision 2020 business support group today,’ February 16.

Dike. V.E (2010). Review of The Challenges Facing The Nigerian Economy: Is National Development Possible Without Technological Capability? Journal ofSustainable Development in Africa (Volume 12, No.5).

Dodo m (1995) a socio economic of Malamadori form 1935-1970 B.A Dissertation BUK unpublished

Erivwo, S. U. (2012). Histoiy of Ghristianity in iVigeria, the Urhobo, the Isoko and the Itsekiri.

Ewokor, C. (2007). ‘Nigerians go crazy for a title”. BBC News.

Fafunwa, Babs. (2002). History ofeducation in iVigeria, Ibadan: NPS Educational Publishers Ltd.

Flint, J. (1960). Sir George Goldie and the Making ofiVigeria. London: Oxford University Press.

Getz, T. R. & Heather, S.eds (20~0). Modern hnperialism and Golonialisni. A Global Perspective.

74 Ghost (2011). Muslim Education in Oyo AlaaJIn: Challenges and developments. Paper presented at International Conference on Islam in Africa: Intellectual Trends, Historical sources and Research Methods. Co-organized by The Federation of the Universities of the Islamic World (FUIW), International Islamic University Malaysia (hUM), and Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO).l9th -2 1st July, 2011.

Gwadabe M. M (2008) land, labour and taxation in Kano nature Authority ABU thesis pp29-3O

Hussler, R (1968) British in northern Nigeria London Oxford University Press Pp32

Ikimi, 0 (1977), the fall of Nigeria ibadani spectrum L.T.D pp62

J S Phillips (2005) Making money in northern Nigeria the colonial currency 1899-1963 EBU publishers.

Jilmi, B. (1996). ‘Beyond the Stream: Islam and Society in a West African Town by Robert Launay”. Journal of the Inlernational African Institute Vol. 66, No. 2, pp. 304 307 (Edinburgh University Press).

Lipton, M. (2007). Why Poor People Stay Poor: A Study of Urban Bias in World Development. London, Temple Smith.

Lovejoy P. E (1983) transformation in slavery: A history of slavery in Africa p 185

Lugard F D Annual report on Northern Nigeria 1900 -1914 pp 247

Macro, T. (2001). ‘Thinking about Developmental States in Africa’. Cambridge Journal of Economics, 25 (3):289-3 14.

Manical, D. (1998): Attitude of School Subject Reporting and Technique. British Journal of Educational Psychology. Vol. 44, Page 45.

Martins F. (2005). Historical ANALYSIS OF Educational Policy formation in Nigeria: Implication for Educational Planners and policy. International Journal ofAfrica and

Marx, K. ( 1972). On Colonialism: Articlesfrom the New York Tribune and other writings, New York: International Publishers.

Mbiti, J. 5. (1969). African Religions and Philosophy’(London: Heinemann), p. 15.

75 Mustafa M.U (2009). A short history of Hadejia, Bench mark Publishers.

Ogbu U. K. (1989). Religions in Nigeria: An overview, In: JA. Atanda et at. (eds.), Nigeria Since Independence: Thefirst twenty-five year.t Vol. IX (Ibadan: Heinemann, 1989), p. II.

Ogbuozobe. (2012). infrastructural Development” in Nigeria. Phillips, A., & Titilola, S. T. (Eds), Nigeria Institute ofSocial and Economic Research (pp.163-193), Ibadan.

Olayemi, A. (2002). The colonial contestfor the Nigerian region, 1884—1900: a history ofthe German partic4pation. LIT Verlag Munster.

Oluyede, N.Y. and Daramola, S.O. (1993). “Incidents and Detection of Examination Malpractices in Nigeria”: Public Examination Malpractice: Causes, Implications and Remedies. Lagos. Longman’s Printing and Publishing Co. Ltd.

Oma. D, and Oke, E. (2003). “Royal Fathers: Their Power, Influence, Relevance...”. BNWNews.

Omotosho A.O. (1988) The Impact of Colonial Education and Culture on the Moslems of Nigeria in Journal ofArabic and Islamic Studies.

Omotosho, A. 0. (1998). The impact of colonial education and culture on the Muslim ofNigeria. Journal ofArabic and Islamic Studies, April/May 1998. Pp52-61.

Onyejiaka, C.C. (1992). Influence of Home Background/Social State of Children on their

Performance at SchooL 1 2th March, Sunday Times.

Orilade, T. (2000). “Suleja Goes Up In Smoke Again”. The News (Lagos).

Osterhammel, J. (2005). Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview. trans. Shelley Frisch. Markus Weiner Publishers. p. 16.

Paul, T Z (2003): A modern economic of history ofAfrican Vol.1 p127 Pins, J. (2005). A Turn To Empire: The Rise ofImperial Liberalism in Britain and France. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.

Shillington, K. (2011). History of Africa: Revised Second Edition. Macmillian Publishers Limited. New York.

76 Steven (2013). Socio-Economic Transformation for Poverty Reduction: Eight Key

Messages for Unlocking Tanzania’s Potential. REPOA’s 17tj~ Annual Research Workshop, White Sands Hotel, Dar es Salaam.

Tignor, R. (2005). Prej2ice to Colonialism: a theoretical overview. Markus Weiner Publishers. p. x.

Toyin, F. and Heaton, M.M. (2008). A Histoiy ofNigeria, Cambridge.

Trimingham, J.S. (1956). The Christian Church and Islam in West Africa (London: SCM Press Ltd), p. 9.

Turkur M M (1979) in Position of British colonial domination on the Sokoto Caliphate, Borno and neighboring states (1897-1942) PHD thesis ABU p.368-9

Turuki (1993) An empirical survey in Sokoto Caliphate pp136 Ibadan Press ltd

Wakili .H.(2006)”The Hadejia Response to the British invasion of 1906 and its Aftermath” Seminar paper. Walter Rodney (1976) How Europe Underdeveloped Africa William F. S. M. (1993). tTraditional rulers and development administration: Chieftaincy in Niger, Nigeria, and Vanuatu’. STUDIES IN COMPARATIVE INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (SCUD,), Volume 28. Number 3, 3 1—50.

World Bank (1989) Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Development. Washington, DC: World Bank.

World Economic Forum (2012). ‘The Global Competitiveness Report (2010-201 1).’ New York: Palgrave, Macmillan.

Yahaya A.D (2005) Tradition Leadership and institution. the Colonial transformation of emirate system Barak Press pp23O.

Yakubu et al (2005). Northern Nigeria. a cenizily of transformation 1905-2005. Arewa House Kaduna.

77 Young, C. (1986). Zaire and Carneroon, in Peter Duignan and Robert H. Jackson eds. Politics and Government in African States 1960—1985, 120-149. Standford/California: Hoover Institute Press.

Young, R. (2001). Postcolonialisin: An Historical Introduction, Oxford: Blackwell.

YusufT. (1993). The British Colonial Legacy in Northern Nigeria: A Social Ethnical Analysis of the Colonial and Post Colonial Society and Politics in Nigeria. Challenge Press, Jos, Nigeria.

Articles/Seminars

Abdulkadir, MS. “Taxation in Hadejia Emirate C,l 909-1 950”. Presented at a 2Day Conference for the Centenary of Hadejia Emirate’s Resistance to I ritish Colonial

Abdullahi M.A “ British Conquest on Northern Nigerian: A Historiography of the Military Strategy andctics”. Presented at a 2Dny Conference for the Centenary of Hadejia Emirate’s Resistance to British Colonial Invasion 1 906-2006 April 2006.

Garha I. “The Morphology and Pattern of Sttlenients in Hadejia Emirate”. 1960-2006 AD. Presented at a 2Day Conference for the Centenary of Hadejia Emirate’s Resistance to British Colonial Invasion 1906-2006. April 2006.

Haruna, W. “The Hadejia Response o the Britain Invasion of 1906 and Its Immediate Aftermath”. Presented at a 2Day Conference for the Centenary of Hadejia Emirate’s Resistance to British Colonial Invasion 1906-2006. April 2006.

Programme of Event: the centenary of l-ladejia emirate’s resistance to British colonial invasion 1 906-2006. April, 2006.

S&ad, A. ~Northern Emirates Under British Colonial Domination, 1903-1960” Presented at a 2Day Conference fbi’ the Centenary of Hadejia Emirate’s Resistance to British Colonial Invasion 1906-2006. April 2006.

78 Sule B. “Identity Independence and Interdependence: Perspectives on Hadejia—Kano Relations in the Pre-Colonial Period”. Presented at a 2Day Conference further Centenary of Hadejia Emirate’s Resistance to I3ritish Colonial Invasion 1906-2006. April 2006.

Umar F.Y. “Perspective and Issues of Development in Hadejia Emirate 1960-2006 AD. .“ Presented at a 2Day Conference for the Centenary of Iladeia Emirate’s Resistance to British Colonial Invasion 1906-2006. April 4D06.

Yakubu M. “Preliminary Survey of Hadejia Borno Relations”. Presented at a 2Day Conference for the Centenary of 1-ladejia Emirate’s Resistance to British., Colonial Invasion 1906- 2006. April 2006.

Journals

Abdulkadir, MS. “Resistance to Colonial Taxation in Northern Nigerian in tc I 930s”— FAIS

Journal of Humanities, Vol 1 , No 2, BUK, Sabo Press, 2000.

MM. Adamu. “ British Colonial Labour Policy and the Provision of Roads and Railway in Katsina Emirates C. 1903-1 960”-ZAI-IIR Journal Vol. 1, No. 1, ABU Press, 2001.

Waziri, Dalha. “The Imposition of Colonial Taxation on Gumel Native Authority. 1903- 1 939”- FAIS Journal of Humanities Vol. 1, No. 3, BUK, Sabo Press, 2003.

Archives

Lugard, F.D annual report on northern Nigeria 1900-19 14. APPENDIX 1: INTERVIEW GUIDE

Appendix : Interview Guide for the secondary school teachers of History, University lecturers of History, Political leaders, Religious leaders and Cultural leaders.

Interviewee’s Age

Interviewee’s Gender

Position held! Vocation

Items:

1. Do you know when and how colonialism was established in Hadejia Emirate, Nigeria? Explain. 2. How did colonialism impact on Hadejia Emirate socially before 1960? Explain 3. How did colonialism impact on Hadejia Emirate economically before 1960? Explain Thank you.

80 APPENDIX II: TRANSMITTAL LETTER

Ggaba Roac$-Kansanga~ 4111 ~NTERNAT~ONAL Fdx +256-414 501974 Ccl +256-7~-25~4 !JI~j%~4Jt~ 1 ~ Webs~te:E~maI: admrn~k~uac.eg,www.kiu~cug

COLLEGE OF HIGHER DEGREES AND RESEARCH DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION

March~ 19. 2015

IN1TtODUCTION LETTER FOR MOHAMMED ABDULLAHI MOHAMMED REG~ MAH/42421/ 141) DF TO CON DUCT RESEARCH IN ‘YOUR ORGAN IZATION

The above mentioned candidate is a student of Kampela international University pu’S~uing a Masber~s of Arts in Historj.

Ho i~ currently conducting a field research for his dissertatiøn titled ‘~Co!onialisin and socio economic Development of African Societies. A case study of Hadejia Emirates, Nigeriafl.

Your orçani~ation has been identlied as valuable source of information pertaining to his research Project. The purpose rir this letto~ then is to request you to avail him with pertinent information he may need.

Any inPorn~ation shared wth him will be used for academic purposes only and shall he kept with utmost confidentali~c

Any assistance rendered to h~m wil: be highly aporeciatec

Yours truly~,

Prof~ Naicibi Mhas Principal, CHDR.

81 APPENDIX III CURRICULUM VITAE

PERSONAL DATA

NAME : MOHAMMED ABDULLAHI MOHAMMED

DATE OF BIRTH : 16/08/1976

SEX : MALE

NATIONALITY : NIGERIAN

MARITAL STATUS : SINGLE

TEL : 07064897093

EMAIL :nabayi14~grnaiI.com

EDUCATION BACKGROUND

YEAR INSTITUTION AWARD 2013-2015 Kampala International University Law master of Arts History 2008-2003 Bayeko Umiu Kano Degree in history 2003-1997 G.S.S M!ALADORI Secondary school certificate 1997-1991 Sambo Primary School Hadejia Primary certificate

INTERESTS Research Reading newspapers

LANGUAGES English Arabic

82 APPENDIX IV: HADEJIA AND ITS NEIGHBOURS AS PER 1900

~ /‘j~1D HET~ ~~Ei’~E

I—

I

/ -, -~---- I / / / I ~.. — -1

I - / I / / I /A D E M I —-I’ / ) / --I \\\

N \~

/ 1/

/ I I ~ ~L;~.;r / / /

I)’ •:-~- I, jjI\

- I’.;-.

~~~)ct

I ~

83 APPENDIX V: MAP HADEJIA DISTRICT AS PER 1909

J[V~ VV VVV: [P~. V (V))

V /

/ V V VVVVV~ I

V V. V V -

V V,V ~ VV~

V V

V tVc/~1 V V V ~VV~ I 1

V ~VjV. / VI

Hi. / 1~., (~(‘ ~ ~~ )

84 APPENDIX VI: COLONIAL MAP

Northern Region

• Hadejia

I K~duri~i

ibath~ne Western Region 4 •l~nugu Eastern Region 1954

85