The Adventurous Women: Female Images in Xu Fenpeng's Commentary Editions of Xixiang Ji

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Authors Li, Xiaoxuan

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THE ADVENTUROUS WOMEN: FEMALE IMAGES IN XU FENPENG’S

COMMENTARY EDITIONS OF XIXIANG JI

by

Xiaoxuan Li

______Copyright © Xiaoxuan Li 2020

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2020 2

2

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE

As members of the Master’s Committee, we certify that we have read the thesis prepared by Xiaoxuan Li, titled The Adventurous Women: Female Images in Xu Fenpeng’s Commentary Editions of Xixiang Ji and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Master’s Degree.

Jun 10, 2020 ______Date: ______Scott Gregory

Da L Jun 10, 2020 ______Date: ______Dian Li

Jun 22, 2020 ______Date: ______Heng Du

Final approval and acceptance of this thesis is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the thesis to the Graduate College.

I hereby certify that I have read this thesis prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the Master’s requirement.

Jun 10, 2020 ______Date: ______Scott Gregory Master’s Thesis Committee Chair East Asian Studies

3

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... 4

Introduction ...... 5

Panke shuoren as Xu Fenpeng’s Sobriquet ...... 8

The Cult of Qing and Women’s Culture ...... 11

The Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji ...... 16

The Image of Hongniang Shaped by The Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji ...... 22

The Image of Madam Cui Shaped by the Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji ...... 29

The Image of Cui Yingying Shaped by the Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji ...... 34

The Bitong xiansheng Edition of Xixiang Ji ...... 40

Conclusion ...... 50

Bibliography ...... 54

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Abstract

This thesis will examine two commentary editions of Xixiang Ji attributed to a late Ming literatus, Xu Fenpeng. The first one is The Augmented and Revised Edition of Xixiang Ji by

Panke Shuoren. This is an augmented and revised edition as the title suggested. Under the construction of the added text, female images of this edition display themselves bolder than other editions. This change is closely connected with the social trend of the late Ming. Under the influence of the rise of merchant culture, a considerable number of women were able to get access to education and thus formed a special culture for themselves at the time. Education also gave those women chances to show their abilities in the literary field. The cult of qing refers to a group of literati during the mid-to-late Ming period who valorize desire and emotion as essential to humans. Furthermore, some literati of this group believe that women are more talent in expressing their emotions. Correspond with this trend, the Cui Yingying in this commentary edition expresses her feelings towards Zhang Sheng in a more direct way. Also, added text to

Hongniang and Madam Cui enables audiences to learn their motives behind their actions instead of seeing them only as tools that push forward the plot. However, the thesis argues that these bolder female images shaped by Xu were not meant to challenge the established gender system but to solidify it. The second commentary that attributed to Xu’s name is Xinke Xu Bitong xiansheng Pidian Xixiang Ji. Though possibly a false contribution, the edition was a product of the print culture of the late Ming. This edition still contributed to the spread of the philosophy of

Xu and thus served to reinforce the established gender system.

Keywords: cult of qing; print culture; women’s culture; Xu Fenpeng; commentary editions of

Xixiang Ji

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Introduction

With a basic storyline of a talented young scholar and a young beauty having a secret affair against the will of the beauty’s mother, the token of patriarchy order, the play Story of the

Western Chamber (Xixiang Ji 西廂記) written by Wang Shifu 王實甫 (1260 – 1336) embodies a spirit of encouraging free love. Yingying’s Story (Yingying Zhuan 鶯鶯傳), source text of the play, the illicit romance turns into a tragedy as the scholar abandons the beauty at the end of the story. As a drama adaptation of Yingying Zhuan, Xixiang Ji became a household play not long after it came out and was performed in both private and public spaces as zaju (雜劇). It was later adapted into many other genres, including both performing and reading venues. 1 It was so popular during the Ming and Qing dynasties that over 150 editions of the story appeared2 Jin

Shengtan ⾦聖嘆 (1608-1661) wrote in his commentary edition of Xixiang Ji, probably the most popular commentary edition,3 “Story of the Western Chamber is defiantly not a curiosa but

1 Patricia Sieber, Theaters of Desire: Authors, Readers, and the Reproduction of Early Chinese Song- Drama, 1300–2000 (New York, 2003),25. 2 It is a regret that no record of any edition of the Xixiang Ji published during Yuan dynasty was preserved. The first record of Xixiang Ji is recorded in the one collected by Yongle Dadian 永樂⼤典 from early Ming. However, we could not find this copy anymore. For information of the earliest copy of Xixiang Ji, see Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜 “Xin Faixian de Zuizao de Xixiang Ji Canye” 新發現的最早的西廂 記殘葉, in Xixiang Ji de Wenxianxue Yanjiu 西廂記的⽂獻學研究 (Shanghai, 1997), pp.25-30; Duan Miheng 段洣恒 “Xinbian Jiaozheng Xixiang Ji Canye de Faxian” 新編校正西廂記殘葉的發現 in Xiju Yanjiu 戲劇研究 1982:7, pp.261-168. 3 This edition of Jin’s is commonly known as the Diliu Caizi Shu 第六才⼦書. Though there are many editions circulated before the publish of this edition, and Jin has made many slight changes to the plots for the purpose of propriety. Jin’s edition became the most popular and recognized one after it published.

6 definitely a wonderful work” (西廂記斷斷不是淫書，斷斷是妙⽂). Jin’s comment implies the situation of Xixiang Ji had the reputation of curiosa at the time of the Ming and Qing dynasties.

Through providing their understandings in the commentaries of the work, many literati have put efforts to legitimize Xixiang Ji as a worthy work within the structure of propriety (li 禮), one of the pillars of Confucian thought. Not only Jin stated the drama is nothing like a curiosa he also suggested readers to treat the story the same way as they would treat classics. To make the story more in accordance with the propriety as he understands within classics, he altered some content, deleting texts mostly.

Contrary to Jin’s treatment of this text, The Augmented and Revised Edition of Xixiang Ji by Panke Shuoren 槃薖碩⼈增改定本西廂記 (hereby referred to this edition as the Panke shuoren edition) adds text to Xixiang Ji while claiming the work should be treated the same way as classics.4 This edition is commented and adapted by a late Ming literatus, Xu Fenpeng 徐奮鵬

(ca. 1560 – 1642) published just a few decades before Jin’s edition.5 Since the play encourages pursuing free love and contains erotic description, its popularity during the Ming and Qing dynasties contradicted with the idea of propriety by the standard of Confucianism. The contradiction represents a trend of incongruity between the idealized hierarchical Confucian orthodox and the realities in the mobile and fluid social environment of late Ming.6 Jin’s

4 Panke shuoren 槃薖碩⼈, “Zenggai dingben Xixiang ji” 增改定本西廂記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965). 5 Jin’s commentary edition published in 1656 while Panke shuoren’s commentary edition published in 1621. 6 Zhou Zuyan, Androgyny in Late Ming and Early Qing Literature (University of Hawaii Press, 2003), 3; Ko Dorothy, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeenth-century China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), 34.

7 treatment of Xixiang Ji, deleting text, limits readers from exploring more on characters while this

Panke shuoren edition gives readers the chance. However, judging from the language of these commentators, whether they provided commentaries, or made textual changes to Xixiang Ji, the ultimate goal of their actions was to legitimize the work as well as their commentary editions so that they can assume a didactic position of promoting propriety. There is another commentary edition that attributed to Xu’s name, Xinke Xu Bitong xiansheng Pidian Xixiang Ji 新刻徐筆峒

先⽣批點西廂記 (hereby refers to this edition as the Bitong xiansheng edition). This edition is only attached with commentaries without large-scale textual changes.

This thesis intends to exam the changes to female characters made by Xu in his Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji and to situate this edition within its particular historical period.

During the mid-to-late Ming, more and more women got the chance to educate and thus lead to the formation of women’s culture, especially in the Jiangnan region. Those educated women were constantly fighting and negotiating for more living space with the mainstream lead by males. This thesis tries to explore how Xu Fenpeng as a male literatus from late Ming exemplified the society of late Ming and how the female images shaped by Xu interacted with the social trend. Also, this thesis intends to arrive at a possible answer to the question of why there are two editions attributed to Xu’s name. Furthermore, can the Bitong xiansheng edition be interpreted under the same logic, namely that no matter what strategy these two editions applied, they were both the product of the women’s culture of late Ming.

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Panke shuoren as Xu Fenpeng’s Sobriquet

There is no information on the real name of who edited the Panke Shuoren edition of

Xixiang Ji in its content. In a philological study of this edition done by Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜,

Jiang identified Panke Shuoren as a rarely used sobriquet of a late Ming scholar, Xu Fenpeng. In a commercial print named Bitong Sheng xinwu 筆峒⽣新悟 that published in 1613, a line of inscription, “The work of a broad-minded hermit Xu Fenpeng” (碩⼈薖中徐奮鵬⾃溟甫著), indicates that Panke shuoren is one of the sobriquets of Xu.7 However, even though this edition could be traced back to Xu, we could only find three small passages about his personal experience. The passage in Jiangxi tongzhi 江西通志 is basically a shorter version of the passage in Fuzhou fuzhi 撫州府志. The following is the passage in Fuzhou fuzhi:

徐奮鵬，字⾃溟，臨川⼈。⽗國墀，嘉靖間明經選。鵬年⼗⼋，每試冠軍，湯顯祖 為之稱譽，⼈爭延為師。時苦⽑詩朱傳繁簡不⿑，學者昧⽐興之旨，乃訂為刪補⼀ 書。⾔者議其擅改經傳，請治罪，⽐達御神廟，閱之，謂此書不悖朱注，有功⽑ 傳，事遂寢。部儀欲征鵬⼊內校書，以忌者沮抑不果。然⾃是名益顯，著有古今治 統⼆⼗卷、古今道胍⼆⼗卷、辨俗⼗卷、怡偲集⼗卷。提學駱⽇聲、陳懋德欲上其 書於朝，⽽鵬春秋⾼，無當世意。年⼋⼗⼆卒，學者稱為筆峒先⽣。

Xu Fenpeng, whose courtesy name is Ziming, was born at Linchuan, Jiangxi. His father’s name was Guochi, and he participated in the civil services examination during the Jiajing period. Peng was eighteen when he obtained the first place at every level of the civil

7 For more information about how textual research identifies Panke Shuoren as another alias of Xu Fenpeng in Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜 “Xu Fenpeng Jiaokan de Pingzhuben Xixiang Ji he Yanchuben Xixiangji” 徐奮鵬校刊的評注本西廂記和演出本西廂記 in Xixiang Ji de Wenxianxue Yanjiu 西廂記的 ⽂獻學研究 (Shanghai, 1997), pp.242-253.

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services examination. His talent was praised by Tang Xianzu. People vied to be his student. At the time, he was troubled by the uneven quality of the circulating Zhu Xi’s commentary editions of The Book of Songs that some scholars were going against the objective of bi and xing. So, he published his own edited edition of The Book of Songs. There were some people who present a petition to the emperor that Peng altered classics without authorization and should be punished. The petition was received by the emperor. After reading Peng’s edition, the emperor deemed this edition is not opposed to Zhu Xi’s commentary and is actually beneficial to The Book of Songs. Then this petition against Peng was ended. The court had the intention of summoning Peng to serve as a secretary for the crown prince. But failed as to avoid the dejected and depressed emotion of Peng. Thus, since then, the reputation of Peng’s talent became more and more prominent. His works include twenty volumes of Gujin zhitong, twenty volumes of Gujin daogu, ten volumes of Biansu, and ten volumes of Yisi ji. Luo Risheng and Chen Maode, who were chief examiners of the civil service examination, intend to present his works to the court. But Peng was too old to be interested in taking up an official position. He died at the age of eighty-two and is addressed as Bitong xiansheng by literati.8

From this passage, we could ascertain several aspects. First, Xu was a competent scholar who was talented in both traditional civil services examinations and writing commentaries on literary works. Secondly, he was a prolific author and commentator. His ability, especially literary ability, was highly recognized by the emperor, court officials, contemporaneous literati, and students of his time. Thirdly, even though his talent was appreciated by the emperor and court officials, he did not take any official positions. The reason he voluntarily gave up the chance of being an official is that he almost experienced political persecution himself. The locus classicus of the sobriquet “Panke shuoren” is Book of Songs (Shijing 詩經). Xu states that “as a hermit lives along at the wooden and mountain house, the name of my house comes from ‘He has reared his hut in the bend of the mound, That large man, with such an air of indifference’ (居⼠獨處槃

8 Volume 59, Renwuzhi Wenyuanzhuan ⼈物誌·⽂苑傳 of Fuzhou Fuzhi 撫州府志. I provide both the English translation and the punctuation of this passage. I provided all English translations of selections of this edition are done by me in this paper unless addressed otherwise.

10

阿館，蓋取考槃在阿，碩⼈之薖。獨寐寤歌，永⽮弗過.)9 This sentence comes from the

“Kaopan” 考槃 of the Odes of Wei in Shijing. “Kaopan” is a poem that describes the happiness of a hermit. The fact that Xu chose Panke shuoren as his sobriquet could be seen as evidence that he had no intention of becoming an official.

Among these details of Xu’s life, his association with Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 (1550 –

1616) is especially intriguing and worth a closer look. Tang Xianzu, whose hometown was also the Linchuan county of Jiangxi, is believed to be a close friend of Xu.10 Moreover, the third record about Xu’s personal life comes from a preface (bianyan 弁⾔) that Tang composed for

Xu’s Gujin zhitong. In this preface, Tang gives a detailed description of the circumstance that students would come all the way across the county when Xu was lecturing at the Bitong mountain of Linchuan.11 This preface also attests to Tang’s appreciation of Xu’s talent. Indeed, we need more evidence to come to the conclusion that Tang’s literary and political opinions had a profound influence on Xu’s. But based on the fact that Tang is the most mentioned person in all the information we could find about Xu and both people who compiled Fuzhou fuzhi and Xu himself considered Tang’s appreciation important, otherwise, Xu wouldn’t ask Tang to write a

9 Here, I adopted the translation of James Legge concerning the part of shijing. James Legge, translator, The Book of Poetry. (New York, 1967). 10 For more about the relationship between Xu Fenpeng and Tangxianzu, see Zhu Wanzhu 朱萬曙. “ Panke Shuoren Xu Fenpeng yu bojie dingben.” 槃薖碩⼈徐奮鵬與《伯喈定本》in Wenxian ⽂獻, 2000:3, pp.178-189; Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜 “Xu Fenpeng Jiaokan de Pingzhuben Xixiang Ji he Yanchuben Xixiangji” 徐奮鵬校刊的評注本西廂記和演出本西廂記 in Xixiang Ji de Wenxianxue Yanjiu 西廂記的⽂獻學研究 (Shanghai, 1997), pp.242-253. 11 To consult the full passage of this preface, see bianyan 弁⾔ in Gujin Zhitong 古今治統.

11 preface for his book and agree to print it. Tang was clearly a person who had a great influence on

Xu.

The Cult of Qing and Women’s Culture

This chapter is going to discuss the social background of the late Ming when Xu Fenpeng was commentating on Xixiang Ji. Because Xu’s close connection with Tang Xianzu who was a leading figure of the cult of qing, the chapter starts with the discussion of what is the cult of qing.

When it comes to the question of finding equivalence in English for the Chinese character qing

情, there are several available choices such as, “feelings,” “love,” and “passion.” But none of the above words is the exact equivalence. The situation of the character during translating implies the ambiguity of the character. Due to the ambiguous nature of this character, the concept of qing was discussed intensively during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130 –

1200) expressed a pessimistic view towards the concept of qing that the idea starts to become more sophisticated in being harmful.12 Zhu Xi was concerned about the pernicious consequence brought by extreme qing or excessive desire, implying the possibility of the rise of evil as long as qing exists. By the time of the late Ming, some scholars began to feel the need to revalorize qing.

The group of scholars who advocated the concept of qing became to be known by the name of

“the cult of qing.”13 Among all the scholars who promoted the idea of qing, Tang Xianzu was a

12 Martin Huang, Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001); “Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature” in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), 1998: 20, pp. 153- 184. 13 For more information about the cult of qing, see Martin Huang, Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001); “Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature” in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), 1998:

12 prominent figure. Tang’s argument towards qing could be summarized as, in C.T. Hsia’s words,

“love as the primary and essential condition of life,” and “love as the distinguishing feature of human existence”.14 This recognition of qing of Tang was closely related to Taizhou school, one of the most influential intellectual movement in mid-to-late Ming.15 Taizhou school placed great emphasis on ideas of human feelings, self-expression, and the vitality of life. Most importantly,

Taizhou school advocated the idea that desire, whether it is material desire or sexual desire, arose from the true nature of human, and thus should be recognized. As a student of Luo Rufang 羅汝

芳 (1515 – 1588), a Taizhou master, Tang’s advocacy inherited the school’s positive attitude towards each individual’s inborn nature and qing as the natural expression of that nature.16 One fact that needs to be pointed out here is that it was a common phenomenon for literati-officials to turn to writings plays after being forced to resign from their official positions.17 Xu’s situation

20; Patrick Hanan, The Chinese Vernacular Stories (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 79- 80 and 95-97; Wai-yee Li, Enchantment and Disenchantment: Love and Illusion in Chinese Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), Hua-yuan Li Mowry, Chinese Love Stories from Ch'ing- shih (Hamden, Connecticut: Archon Books, 1983), Kang-i Sun Chang, The Late-Ming Poet Ch'en Tzu- lung: Crises in Love And Loyalism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991); Anthony Yu, Rereading the Stone: Desire and the Making of Fiction in Dream of the Red Chamber (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997). 14 C.T. Hsia, “Time and Human Condition in the Plays of T’ang Hsien-tsu” in The Classic Chinese Novel: A Critical Introduction (Hong Kong, 2016), pp. 102-132. 15 For more information about Taizhou school, see C.T. Hsia, “Time and Human Condition in the Plays of T’ang Hsien-tsu” in The Classic Chinese Novel: A Critical Introduction (Hong Kong, 2016), pp. 102-132; Tina Lu, Persons, Roles, and Minds: Identity in Peony Pavilion and Peach Blossom Fan (San Francisco, 2001), pp. 14; Martin Huang, “Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature,” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), 20 (December 1998), 157; idem, Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, 2001), p. 35; Richard G. Wang, “The Cult of Qing: Romanticism in the Late Ming Period and in the Novel Jiao Hong Ji” in Ming Studies, 1994: 1, pp. 12-55. 16 Yu-Yin Cheng, “Tang Xianzu’s (1550-1616) Peony Pavilion and Taizhou Philosophy: A Perspective from Intellectual History.” In Ming Studies, 2013:67, pp. 3-29. 17 Huang, Martin. Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, 2001); “Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature” in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), 1998: 20, pp. 153- 184.

13 was a bit different. According to the biography of Xu Fenpeng, he seems to actively refuse the opportunity to become a governmental official and he made comments to drama works instead of writing plays and fiction himself. But it is still highly possible that Xu’s commentary works were composed under the influence of Tang Xianzu. Xu had only composed two commentary works to drama and these two commentary editions published after Tang Xianzu’s Peony Pavilion

(Mudan Ting 牡丹亭) while the reason why Tang decided to write Mudan Ting has a lot to do with his frustration as a governmental official.

Other than the discussion of qing itself, Li Zhi’s 李贄 (1527-1602) concepts of authenticity (zhen 真) and childlike heart-mind (tongxin 童⼼) are believed to have had a substantial impact on the movement of qing.18 Rivi Handler-Spitz summarizes the claims of Li

Zhi as “the single criterion of all literary genres is the emotional authenticity” and “true literature must flow from the heart and reveal the author’s sincere emotions and genuine ethical convictions.”19 Li Zhi has endorsed Xixiang Ji as a form of authenticity in one of his literary essays, “Explanation of the Childlike Heart-Mind” (Tongxin shuo 童⼼說). Li says, “In the concluding remarks to his preface for The Story of the Western Wing, the Mountain Farmer of

Dragon Cave stated, ‘It is acceptable that those who know may not say that I still possess a

18 See Huang, Martin. Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, 2001); “Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature” in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), 1998: 20, pp. 153- 184; Patricia Sieber, Theaters of Desire: Authors, Readers, and the Reproduction of Early Chinese Song-Drama, 1300–2000 (New York, 2003). 19 Rivi Handler-Spitz, Symptoms of An Unruly Age: Li Zhi and Cultures of Early Modernity (Seattle, 2017).

14 childlike heart-mind.’” 20 Some literati during the late Ming believed that women are more talented in expressing their authenticity due to women’s exclusion from the examination system.

For example, Wu Guofu 吴国辅 ( ?-1637)stated in his preface to a poetry collection of a women writer Wang Duanshu 王端淑 (1621-1706) that talented women have no interest in fame thus have a more pure heart.21 Thus, the cult of qing provided significant fuel for the flourishing of women’s culture22 in late Ming society.

On the one hand, the rise of a commercialized society during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries gave opportunities to the booming of both the publishing industry and the number of educated women. On the other hand, those gentry women who had the opportunity to receive education took this chance to fulfill their own aspiration outside their inner chambers and to create literature as an expression of her true self, “as readers, writers, and editors, they emerged from their supposed cloistered anonymity to assume a visible place in literature.” 23

Xiaorong Li and Hua Wei also argued that under the turmoil of the late Ming, some women were forced to walk out of their inner chamber to make a living for themselves using their talents in poetry, even supporting the whole family.24 Therefore, the cult of qing stimulated male literati to recognize women as competent intellectual beings. Moreover, since women were believed to be

20 The English translation for Li Zhi’s text I used here is translated by Rebecca Handler-Spitz. Rebecca Handler-Spitz, translator, A Book to Burn and A Book to Keep. by Li Zhi. Edited by Pauline C. Lee, and Haun Saussy’s (New York, 2016). 21 Wu Guofu 吴国辅, “Preface” in Yinhong Ji 吟紅集 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2009). 22 For more information on women’s culture at the time period, see Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeeth-century China (Stanford, 1994). 23 Ibid., 94. 24 Li, Xiaorong, Women's Poetry of Late Imperial China: Transforming the Inner Chambers (Seattle, 2012); Hua Wei 华玮. Mingqing fu’nv zhi xiqu chuangzuo yu piping 明清婦⼥之戲曲創作與批評 (Taibei, 2004).

15 blessed with a talent of being more emotional, some of these male scholars who advocate qing argue women to be more talented in literary creation. However, Dorothy Ko also pointed out that the claim that only women had the ability to create authentic literary works reflecting their pure hearts because women did not participate in political matters was actually reinforcing the antagonism between genders, and further enhanced the Thrice Following (sancong 三從) as one of the twin pillars of Confucian gender ethics.25

Despite these Ming literati’s efforts in advocating qing, which seems to be the opposite of one of the pillars of Confucian ideas, there is noticeable ambiguity embodied by this concept. As

Martin Huang argues,

On the one hand, when emphasized as ‘personal emotions’ or ‘passions’ that defied the

logic of reason/principle, qing often carried the potential to subvert social order, or, as

Zhu Xi graphically warned, qing could become ‘violent waves’ that would damage the

dam to cause a flood; on the other hand, when emphasized as ‘reality,’ ‘virtue’ or as what

was in perfect accordance with xing (here xing is one's moral nature as understood in

Neo-Confucianism), qing could mean what would contribute to the maintenance of moral

order and social hierarchy or the raison d'être of such order or hierarchy, the precise

opposite of what this same concept seemed to mean in the previous context.26

Though the valorization of qing facilitated the emergence of bolder emotional expressions, the concept did not serve to overturn the social hierarchy but to reinforce it. Both the valorization of women expressing themselves and qing that flourished during the mid-to-late Ming indeed

25 Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeeth-century China (Stanford, 1994). 26 Huang, Martin. Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, 2001); “Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature” in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), 1998: 20, pp. 153- 184.

16 provided more space in society for women, but both ultimately strengthened the Confucian hierarchy and the separation between male and female.

The Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji

As I mentioned above, the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji is an augmented and substantially revised commentary edition published by a late Ming scholar under his rarely used sobriquet, Panke Shuoren. This edition was published in 1621, the first year of Tianqi 天啓.

Notwithstanding, this edition has been a much neglected one overshadowed by many others. At the beginning of the main content, there is a title that writes “The Curio of The Literary World”

(citan qingwan 詞壇清玩) in the upper side and “The Augmented and Revised Edition by Panke shuoren” (槃薖碩⼈增蓋定本) in the lower side. The upper title reveals the intention of Xu in composing such an edition, which is for the purpose of performing. Xu further explains his own editing work as “mounting the stage to practice and play” (dengtan xiwan 登壇細玩). 27

As a representative of zaju, a dramatic genre that popular in the northern part China from the middle of the thirteenth century to the beginning of the fifteenth century, Wang Shifu’s

Xixiang Ji is constituted with twenty scenes in total. For the purpose of adapting the story to

27 Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜 Ming kanben Xixiang ji yanjiu 明刊本西廂記研究 (Beijing, 1982), pp. 222-223; Li-ling Hsiao, “The Allusive Mode of Production: Text, Commentary, and Illustration in the Tianzhang ge Edition of Xixiang Ji (The Story of the Western Wing)” in Reading China: Fiction, History and the Dynamics of Discourse: Essays in Honour of Professor Glen Dudbridge, edited by Glen Dudbridge and Daria Berg (Leiden; Boston, 2007), pp.37-73.

17 better suit the stage performance of southern dramas, Xu expanded the play into one that contains thirty scenes. “Elegance” is the guideline of Xu when deciding where and how to make changes to the plot of the Xixiang Ji. In “Guide to the Reader” (ke Xixiang dingben fanli 刻《西

廂定本》凡例)28 part, Xu summarized all the situation that he makes changes, among them the most frequently appeared situation is “to complete elegance” (yi chengquan ya 以成全雅). Not much information is available on how the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji was received during the Ming and Qing periods. However, Xu’s adjustments to the Xixiang Ji were criticized by modern scholars of being the opposite of elegance. Previous scholarship concerning this revised version mainly focused on questioning the literary value of added contents. They suggested that all plots added are only belittling every character of this important work of

Chinese literary history.29 But it does not make any sense if comparing the negative comments

28 One available copy of the augmented edition by Panke Shuoren is stored at the National Library of China. In 1963, Zhonghua Shuju 中華書局 published a photocopy version of this edition. However, in this version, there is lots of content missing. Some characters are missing, the content is incomplete, or blanks are left between characters in the first few pages. According to the research by Chen Yaoxu, there is another copy of this Shuoren edition collected by Miyahara Minpei personally. This copy has been lost now, but it has been photocopied by several researchers and research institutes. Some of the content of the qingwan Xixiang Ji xu part is missing in the copy at the National Library of China but are in complete condition in the photocopy now stored at the Chinese philosophy and literature research office of the Literature department of University of Tokyo. Here in this research, I see these two copies to be of the same origin. Thus, here I also followed the way of Chen Yaoxu by completing the missing context using the University of Tokyo copy as reference. Most of the quotations used in this research come from the copy version republished in 1963. A footnote will be provided every time if the source of quotation is otherwise. 29 For more information on this debate, see Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜 “Xixiang Dingben de Yishu chengjiu yu Wenxian Jiazhi” 西廂定本的藝術成就與⽂獻價值 in Yishu Baijia 藝術百家 2004:5; Jiang Xingyu 蔣星 煜 “Ping Panke Shuoren dui Xixiang Dingben de Jiaoding he Zengding”評槃薖碩⼈對西廂定本的校訂 和增訂 in Xixiang Ji de Wenxianxue Yanjiu 西廂記的⽂獻學研究 (Shanghai, 1997), pp.37-45; Chen Xuyao 陳旭耀“Lun Xixiang Dingben de Wenxian Jiazhi” 論西廂定本的⽂獻價值 in Yishu Baijia 藝術

18 modern scholars with the favorable comments of Xu’s contemporaries this thesis mentioned above. Though there is no record of how his contemporaries comment on this edition, according to the only information we have of him, he was highly regarded at his time and his literary talent was openly praised by Tang Xianzu.30 There is the possibility that his sense of elegance is just different from modern perspectives.

It seems that there was no sole edition used by Xu as the master copy for he claims to have consulted some of the most popular existing edition circulating at his time.31 It would be hard to trace exactly which editions have been consulted by him when he was editing Xixiang Ji since many of the Ming editions have been lost. But the first preface written by someone named

The Master of Chaojie Xuan 巢睫軒主⼈ for the edition, “Preface of The Curio of The Literary

World” (citan qingwan Xixiang Ji xu《詞壇清玩西廂記》敘),32 could give us some hints about the editions consulted by Xu. It states that “within the lyrics, there are too many useless words inside. Different connecting words appeared in the Jing edition, Min edition, Hui edition, Bei edition, and Yuan edition. Some of these connection words make sense, while others not. These words should be changed” (曲中虛字斡旋，京本、閩本、徽本、北本，以及元本，於各句

百家 2004:2, pp.25-30; Chen Xuyao 陳旭耀“Shixi Panke Shuoren dui Xixiang Dingben de Gaibian” 試 析槃薖碩⼈對西廂定本的改編 in Xiju 戲劇 2006:1, pp.05-11. 30 “Renwuzhi Wenyuanzhuan” ⼈物誌·⽂苑傳. Fuzhou Fuzhi 撫州府志, 1729, Vol. 59. 31 In marginal area, Xu not only comments on the plot that exist in other editions of his time, he also makes note on those plots added by himself, stating that “the plot is not included in any other editions” 此 ⽩諸本皆無. 32 The “qingwan Xixiang Ji xu” part is of the same situation with the “Guide to the Use” part. See footnote 28 for more information.

19

應接不同，或通或礙，可改也).33 Though neither the Jing edition nor the Min edition identifies with how we address commentaries editions of Xixiang Ji now (they are usually addressed after their commentator or year of publishing), it is still clear that Xu consulted at least five editions circulating at the time.

Different from the treatment of Jin Shengtan that he tried to make changes to the “source text,”34 Xu did not silently alter the text (it might be just because he made too many changes in his Panke Shuoren edition). He provided a “Guide to the Reader” and explained in detail the standards he set when making changes. Moreover, Xu left his own comments in the margins indicating the changes he made to this augmented version and comparing them to all other editions, as well as his attitude towards them. He made it much easier for researchers to tell his writing apart from other editions.

Though there is still not enough evidence for us to associate Xu Fenpeng with his fellow villager, Tang Xianzu. The philosophy expressed by the Panke shuoren edition did share a lot in common with Tang’s. Take a close look at the “General Comment of the Revised Xixiang Ji”

(wan Xixiang Ji ping 玩《西廂記》評) attached to the Panke shuoren edition, Xu compared

Xixiang Ji with Zhuangzi 莊⼦, which he refers to as the Daoist scripture The Scripture of the

Southern Bloom (Nanhua jin 南華經). He states here that “the wonderful emotion is then present to the audience, hard for the audience to fathom. Then we could see that it (Xixiang Ji) is truly

33 Panke shuoren 槃薖碩⼈, “Zenggai dingben Xixiang ji” 增改定本西廂記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965). 34 The reason why I put the phrase source text into quotation marks is that it is really hard to determine which edition or editions have used by Xu fenpeng.

20 similar to Nanhua” (令⼈觀其奇情，不可捉摸，則⾒真與《南華》似).35 Not only did he argue that Xixiang Ji is similar to Nanhua, but he also endorsed the natural flow of emotion that should not be considered as erotic. In addition, he applied Buddhist concepts of emptiness and form in writing a comment stating that the play should have ended where Zhang Sheng dreams of Yingying, implying all the story between them is, in fact, a dream. C.T. Hsia pointed out

Tang’s inclination to traditional wisdom of Buddhism and Taoism at Tang’s old age and he especially discussed Tang’s association with a Chan Buddhist by the name of Daguan 達觀禪師

(1543-1603). 36 Tang’s interest in Buddhism and Taoism was showed in his works too. It would be safe to say that at least Tang’s literary thought influenced Xu a lot.

Moreover, as mentioned above, Panke shuoren is the less commonly used sobriquet of

Xu. In fact, Xu only used this sobriquet twice (according to the record we have), which were in his commentary works of two plays, his commentary edition of Xixiang Ji and his commentary edition of Pipa Ji (The Lute Song 琵琶記). Both of the commentary works have the same subtitle of “The Curio of The Literary World.” It is possible that the two works were published together at the time.37 There is no clear and direct evidence on why Xu chose to use Panke shuoren when he was commentating on drama works. But it is possible that with the implied meaning of a hermit, the sobriquet Panke shuoren was actually a shelter for Xu that provided a secret place for

35 Panke shuoren 槃薖碩⼈, “Zenggai dingben Xixiang ji” 增改定本西廂記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965). 36 C.T. Hsia, “Time and Human Condition in the Plays of T’ang Hsien-tsu” in The Classic Chinese Novel: A Critical Introduction (Hong Kong, 2016), pp. 102-132. 37 Yu Weimin 俞為民 “Panke shuore zenggai dingben citan qingwan Pipa Ji kaoshu” 槃薖硕⼈增改定本 《词坛清玩琵琶记》考述 in Wenxian ⽂獻, 2016:2 , pp.39-49.

21 him to express his genuine emotion. Also, it was a custom for literati who experienced injustice in pursuing official positions to turn to write drama works as a consolation. In other words, he was well aware that the opinion he wishes to express through this boldly adjusted edition of

Xixiang Ji might not be well received by the outside world. Therefore, even though he altered much of the plot of Xixiang Ji to make the female figure bolder, he still did not mean to reshape these characters to violate the established order of the world, the Confucian gender system, outside his literary realm.

Most importantly, when commenting on the play, propriety was a substantial aspect he would consider. For example, when Zhang Sheng is leaving for the capital to join civil service examination, “Yingying and Zhang Sheng sing out their lingering affection towards each other in front of Madam Cui and other monks. Where is the place for prosperity?” (鶯⽣共於夫⼈、僧

⼈之前，直唱出許多綣戀私情，其於禮體安在).38 The fact that Xu used propriety as a standard when he was changing and commenting on the story of Xixiang Ji shows that no matter how bold he reshaped these characters; propriety is the limit that he would not go beyond.

Let’s turn to the discussion of what is the purpose of Xu publishing this Panke Shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji. In the “General Comment” section, before the main body of the edition, Xu stated his general comment to the story and each character, then, at the end of this comment, he points out his intention of composing such edition, “this editorial and revised work with the name of ‘The Curio of The Literary World’ is my own dream talk. It is a work that I composed

38 Panke shuoren 槃薖碩⼈, “Guide to the Reader” 刻《西廂定本》凡例 in Zenggai dingben Xixiang ji 增改定本西廂記 (Beijing, 1965).

22 after I obtained enlightenment” (所改著《詞壇清玩》，蓋寐歌也，乃悟⽽歌詠及之也).39

Here Xu described the work as his “dream talk” suggests this work to be the flow of his most genuine heart since dream often refers to places where we hide our deepest emotion and desire.

Through the construction, though Xu presented to us disparate images of each character, he was also following the trend of articulating the true heart of his time and presenting his inner world to us. Also, as David Rolston introduced, publishing commentary works of previous literature developed into a tradition for literati with the flourishing of printing technology.40 There are many reasons why scholars published commentary editions, using it as a way to articulate their own emotions is one. As a result, commentary tradition brought up by the flourishing printing culture enabled editors space to merge their own voice with literary works from the previous times.

The Image of Hongniang Shaped by The Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji

Among all the characters of Xixiang Ji, not only female characters, Xu Fenpeng added the most plot to Hongniang in his Panke shuoren edition. In most of the added text, Hongniang is flirting with male characters, including Zhang Sheng, and the Lute boy (qintong 琴童). These texts enable readers to learn more about Hongniang while Hongniang is merely a tool to push forward the plot between Yingying and Zhang Sheng in all other editions. Under the construction

39 Panke shuoren 槃薖碩⼈, “General Comment of the Revised Xixiang Ji”玩《西廂記》評 in Zenggai dingben Xixiang ji 增改定本西廂記 (Beijing, 1965). 40 David L. Rolston, Traditional Chinese Fiction and Fiction Commentary: Reading and Writing Between the Lines (Stanford, 1997).

23 of Xu, Hongniang courageously asks Zhang Sheng to take her as his concubine directly. Both

Yingying and Zhang Sheng do not express any objections to this request. Jiang Xiangyu cited this added plot for diminishing the great love between Yingying and Zhang Sheng, and also betrays his own comment of awarding Hongniang as the swordswoman-figure. Xu described

Hongniang as one that comes back and forth for the purpose of the “millennial love” between her mistress and the young scholar in his preface:

看西廂者，⼈但知覌⽣莺，⽽不知覌紅娘。紅固⼥中之俠也，⽣鶯開合難易之 機，實操於紅⼿，⽽⽣鶯不知也。倘紅⽽帶冠佩劍之⼠，則不為荆諸，即為儀 秦。 Among those who appreciate Xixiang, people only know to appreciate Zhang Sheng and Yingying, but they don’t know to appreciate Hongniang. Hongniang is the female swordsman figure. The key to whether Zhang Sheng and Yingying could be together and how difficult the process would be held on the hand of Hongniang. However, both Yingying and Zhangsheng do not know that. If Hongniang is a scholar who can wear hats and sword, she would be either Jing Ke, Zhuan Zhu, or Su Qin, Zhang Yi.41

Scholars criticized those plot for the Hongniang image present by Xu is not a thorough altruist but an image that not only holds the happiness of her mistress in the heart but also her own affections to Zhang Sheng.42 As I discussed earlier, it is possible that modern moral standards are different from the late Ming. Moreover, this thesis does not intend to evaluate the Panke shuoren edition but to situate it into its own social background.

41 Panke shuoren 槃薖碩⼈, “General Comment” 玩《西廂記》評 in Zenggai dingben Xixiang ji 增改定 本西廂記 (Beijing, 1965). 42 For detailed analysis of this belittling Hongniang argument, see previously mentioned Jiang Xingyu’s works in footnote five. Other than mentioning Hongniang’s image in the discussion of literary achievements of Panke Shuoren’s edition, other scholarly works also mentioned it, see more information in Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜 “Hua Shenqi Wei Fuxiu de Xixiang Dingben” 化神奇為腐朽的西廂定本 in Xixiang Ji Yanjiu yu Shangxi 西廂記研究與賞析 (Shanghai, 2000), pp. 134-156.; Lin Zongyi 林宗毅 Xixiang Ji Erlun 西廂記⼆論 (Taibei, 1998).

24

This much-debated plot is added in Scene twenty-one, the “Lovers’ Rendezvous beneath the Moon” (yuexia jiaqi ⽉下佳期), Hongniang asks Zhang Sheng directly in person to take her as his concubine with Yingying standing right by their side:

（紅）……只是從今紅娘置⾝無地，尚望⼩姐共靠所天。 （⽣）紅娘所⾔有理有情，⼩姐以為何如？ （鶯）這事都易得處也，且⾃暫回去。

Hongniang: It is only that now in this situation, I, Hongniang have no place to go to anymore, still wish to rely on the same heaven as you, my mistress.

Zhang Sheng: What is said by Hongniang is rather reasonable and sensible. What is your opinion, my lady?

Yingying: These things are all easy to deal with. Let’s all go back for now.

This selection is often used by scholars criticizing the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji to be the exact opposite of the “swords-women” figure Xu praised Hongniang to be. In his comment,

Xu equated Hongniang’s function the same as two assassins and two wandering persuaders from the Warring States period, Jing Ke 荆轲, Zhuan Zhu 專諸, Su Qin 蘇秦, and Zhang Yi 張儀.

Some argue that if Xu uses those four who are famous for their talent in strategy to praise

Hongniang, it would be too vulgar for Hongniang to waste her talent in getting benefit for herself, that is asking to be Zhang Sheng’s concubine. Hongniang’s request here is seen as her wish of being the third party of the pure love between Yingying and Zhang Sheng. Afterall the four figures were strategists who fight for the orthodox order in their heart and patriotic assassins who pledged to serve for the benefit of their country.43 However, during the late Ming, it was

43 Huang Jihong ⿈季鴻, “Ming Qing Xixiang ji yanjiu” 明清西廂記研究 (Changchun, 2006).

25 still a convention for men to have concubines. And male literati often saw the concubinage as essential to the maintenance of hierarchy in the family.44 Therefore, I argue here that while the four strategists are examples of maintaining the hierarchy of a country, Hongniang’s action here could be seen as one to maintain the hierarchy in the family. Even though the added text contradicts the theme of Xixiang Ji, the genuine love between Yingying and Zhang Sheng, it would be better not to judge from a modern moral perspective.

There is another trend needs to be included when discussing the plot that Zhang Sheng shows his agreement to this request by saying it to be “reasonable and sensible” and Yingying even acquiesces to it by saying it is “easy to deal with” is reasonable. The trend is the disagreement of male literati to jealous wife. The story of Xiaoqing ⼩青, who was a concubine of a son of a high official in Hangzhou and probably the most celebrated reader of Mudan Ting,45 is the perfect example for the trend. While Xiaoqing was a concubine and not accepted by the wife, it was arranged for her to stay alone at a villa by the West Lake. In this situation, Xiaoqing was recognized by the literati society as the quintessential suffering heroine, the victim of the jealous wife, and the true companion for male devotees of qing. From this perspective,

Yingying’s acquiescence makes much more sense. Nonetheless, standing from a male perspective, whether Hongniang is holding romantic feelings towards Zhang Sheng or not would not violate Xu’s intention and standards in making this edition. In other words, the added plot did not violate the established hierarchy order as well as the advocation of qing.

44 Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeeth-century China (Stanford, 1994). 45 For more about Xiaoqing’s tale, see Ellen Widmer, “Xiaoqing's Literary Legacy and the Place of the Woman Writer” in Late Imperial China, 1992:13, pp. 111- 155; Wai-yee Li, Enchantment and Disenchantment Love and Illusion in Chinese Literature (Princeton, 1993).

26

Jiang Xingyu argued that this added plot was vulgar. However, if paying more attention to this selection, we can see that some content was omitted at the beginning of this selection.

Also, the plural form (these things are all 這事都) Yingying uses when she replies to Hongniang and Zhang Sheng suggests that she is not only replying to the request of “wish to rely on the same heaven as you (Yingying).” In order to have a comprehensive understanding of this plot, let’s take a look at the content that has been omitted before jumping to any conclusions:

⽣：狎態堪歸画，嬌顏可療饑。正是連蒂好，即為并頭奇。只是此事恐⽼夫 ⼈或知，望⼩姐勿以母命⽽棄⼩⽣。 鶯：妾既以⼼許君。义必以⾝抗母，實處兩難之地。 紅：美⼈之⼼堅似⽯，必不忘卻綢繆。紅娘之⾆鉗如鋒，尚能僥倖解免。你 倆個但當永締歡情，不宜先慮愁阻。

Zhang Sheng: The intimate looking can be included in a painting; the loveable face can treat my hunger. Exactly, the joint stem is good; that is the beauty of combined of two heads. It is just I am afraid this might be known by Madam Cui, hope that you, my lady, won’t abandon me because of your mother’s order.

Yingying: Since my heart has already promised to you, I must fight my mother for righteousness. This is indeed a dilemma for me.

Hongniang: The heart of beauty is as hard as a rock; she must not forget the intimate affection you two have. I, Hongniang, have the tongue that is sharp as the edge of the sword, could still luckily clearly explain this. The two of you only need to form the merry love of yours forever. It is not suitable to worry about obstacles first.

This plot here shows that the request of Hongniang is asked under an understandable situation that Zhang Sheng and Yingying were previously talking about concerns they are facing. She first comforts her mistress and then provides her own solution to the dilemma faced by the couple.

And then touches by the gloomy atmosphere of their conversation, Hongniang thinks of her own dilemma in life, which is she has no place to go if she couldn’t follow her mistress. As a result,

27 after Yingying’s unite with Zhang Sheng, Hongniang will be left in a place of “having no place to go.” Therefore, instead of perceiving this request of her to be sabotaging the love between

Yingying and Zhang Sheng, it is more like a natural reaction of Hongniang expressing her own embarrassment in worrying about her destiny.

Moreover, since there are two focuses in Hongniang’s word, it is hard to identify whether

Zhang Sheng and Yingying are replying to the part where Hongniang offers her help or the part where Hongniang asks to be the concubine of Zhang Sheng, or to both parts of Hongniang’s reply. In the margin, Xu wrote his comments indicating that the plot is original and commenting on how good the paragraph is:

此⽩諸本所無。今新增之鶯⽣所慮甚是，紅所解亦有理。⽽又致⾃薦之⾔。何等曲 尽。

This dialogue is not included in any other editions, and now I added it here. Indeed, Yingying and Zhang Sheng should be worried about their situation. Hongniang’s solution also makes much sense here. This solution further leads Hongniang to her articulation of recommending herself. What a sorrow and a subtle way of expression.

Here Xu points out that Hongniang’s request is an “articulation of recommending herself,” then it would be evident enough to say that Xu here did intend to create a romantic relationship between Hongniang and Zhang Sheng. But Xu himself does not see this request of Hongniang’s as an attempt to get involved in the relationship between Yingying and Zhang Sheng to be inappropriate. Moreover, the reason why this request of Hongniang is perceived as asking to be

Zhang Sheng’s concubine instead of expressing her will of following Yingying as a maid has a lot to do with other stories between Hongniang and Zhang Sheng added in this revised edition by

Xu Fenpeng. In Xu’s added text, Hongniang is constantly flirting with Zhang Sheng. Instead of

28 seeing her action as outrageous, he justified the action as “sorrow and subtle,” suggesting

Hongniang’s position as the vulnerable party.

Within the scope of all other editions of Xixiang Ji, especially the much more popular edition composed by Jin Shengtan, none of Hongniang’s story concerning her inner thought or emotion was explored. Hongniang has always been treated as the tool of pushing forward the relationship between Yingying and Zhang Sheng. Jin even treated Hongniang as “the other” of

Yingying by saying that “Xixiang Ji only writes about one person, and that person is Yingying”

(《西廂記》亦⽌為寫得⼀個⼈，⼀個⼈者，雙⽂是也), and “any descriptions concerning

Hongniang in Xixiang Ji, readers should be aware they serve for the purpose of depicting

Yingying” (《西廂記》寫紅娘，當知是出⼒寫雙⽂).46 But under Xu’s construction,

Hongniang is allowed to be seen as an independent person, to have her own emotion and desire other than just being a tool or the other side of the female protagonist. Xu here presented to readers a more mundane image of her, a person with her own feelings and concerns. Put aside whether Xu’s writing diminished the central meaning of Yingying and Zhang Sheng’s love affair. His writing about Hongniang reflects his concern for her and offers the reader a chance to know her as a separate person.

Under the construction of Xu Fenpeng, Hongniang becomes a much braver character who is strong and smart enough to express her own needs and desire. The perspective Xu took towards Hongniang reminds me that much of Taizhou school and its emphasis on personal desire and advocation of each individual’s right to self-expression and self-fulfillment. However, I

46 Jin Shengtan ⾦聖嘆, “Guanhua tang diliu caizi shu Xixiang ji” 貫華堂第六才⼦書西廂記 (Beijing, 1769).

29 would still argue here that this affirming of Hongniang can have her own desire offers the

Hongniang shaped by Xu more space and possibilities on one hand. On the other hand,

Hongniang’s self-fulfillment, as she has already been confined within the scope of the basic story structure of Xixiang Ji, could only be a good marriage relatively speaking to her identity as a maid. Therefore, this image of Hongniang shaped by Xu still does not go beyond the scope of social roles assigned to women. A role that takes care of all family-related affairs by the

Confucian gender system.

The Image of Madam Cui Shaped by the Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji

There are other evidence that Taizhou school and the cult of qing have greatly influenced the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji in Xu’s added text. Other than Hongniang, texts are also added to comparably non-significant characters, such as the Lute Boy, Madam Cui ⽼夫⼈, and even Zheng Heng 鄭恆. The traditional social rank of scholar, farmer, artisan, and merchant (shi, nong, gong, shang ⼠農⼯商) was greatly challenged by the booming of merchant culture. The merchant class, the lowest one of imperial society, started to accumulate wealth and using their fortune as a way to gain access to actual power or authority. Therefore, the line between fortune and power was becoming more and more blurry since the development of the market economy.

Jiangnan region was the first area of China to value the trading culture. Big families with great fortune of Jiangnan also paid much attention to education. Under the influence of such economic booming, many literati migrated from creating literary works for the highly educated elite class to creating works for more general access, for classes that were previously neglected. Dramas

30 and novels, literary genres that were previously neglected by literati, became more and more popular, especially among literati whose political career was not so successful. The rise of the merchant class was also closely related to Taizhou school’s emphasis on the concept of “self.”

The image of Madam Cui shaped by Xu in his Panke shuoren edition could be seen as the embodiment of the concept “self.”

Just as Hongniang often serves as the tool to move the plot forward, these trivial characters are often shaped as symbols. Their background and emotion were never included in the story. In the Panke shuoren edition, texts added to trivial characters allow audiences a chance to notice them and view them as humans with emotions. Stories added to trivial characters allow us to see a resemblance between this Panke Shuoren edition to the social transition that took place in late Ming society. If Hongniang could still be considered as a rather important character within the story, the Panke shuoren edition gives us readers a chance to see into the emotional world of Madam Cui. Yingying’s mother, Madam Cui, has been seen as the embodiment of parental power, male hierarchy order. For example, the reason or motivation of her opposing the marriage between Yingying and Zhang Sheng is never stated clearly if at all. It seems just natural that Madam Cui holds negative opinions towards this marriage that she would rather choose to be a dishonest person to sabotage it. The transition between Madam Cui’s attitude from promise marry Yingying to whoever saves their family from predicament to break it is too rigid.

Especially when the transition of Madam Cui’s attitude is comparing with Zhang Sheng’s. A fully developed description of Zhang Sheng’s emotional transition from rapturous when he thought he will be married to Yingying to depressed when he found out that Madam Cui had broken her promise is showed to readers in other editions. Therefore, Madam Cui stands for the obstacle between the genuine affection of Yingying and Zhang Sheng, the image of pure evil.

31

But Xu added some plot in his Panke Shuoren edition, expressing the inner struggle of

Madam Cui, for readers to have a chance to see her as an actual person with feelings. As the added text, Madam Cui is no longer a symbol representing the hierarchy order but a real person with her own difficulties and concerns when making a decision. In this Panke Shuoren edition, at the beginning of scene twenty-three, “Holding a Banquet” (kaiyan qingfu 開筵請赴), Madam

Cui does not merely ask Hongniang to take Zhang Sheng to a banquet host by her, but also reveals her in-between situation:

⽼夫⼈上：⼥孩兒⾒這場親事，先奉後夫之命，已許了鄭恆，今⽇退賊之 功，又許了張⽣，兩下輾轉難處。我想起來，鄭恆倘到，教他寘⾝何地，張 ⽣此時，尚可另結良緣。今⽇且備⼩酒，著紅娘去請他來，表明我⼼，免掛 他懷。

Madam Cui (goes on the stage): My daughter was previously betrothed to Zheng Heng under the order of my dead husband. But now, for Zhang Sheng has the contribution to us of repulsing the bandit for our family, she was betrothed to Zhang Sheng later. Yingying’s marriage has been passing through these two situations, and it is indeed difficult to decide. Now, as I recalled, where am I going to place Zheng Heng if he arrives? At this moment, Zhang Sheng could still find himself a good match. Let me just prepare some ale and ask Hongniang to invite him to the banquet. I would state my intention to him so as to avoid him being concerned about this.

In the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji, Madam Cui first summarizes the situation of

Yingying previously betrothed to Zheng Heng and then to Zhang Sheng. The sentence seems to be unnecessary since this is a piece of information shared by everyone. But what we must pay attention to the fact that Yingying as an unmarried girl does not need to put the family interest before her own happiness. However, as the person who needs to consider everything, especially after the death of her husband, Madam Cui has to be the one who takes all situations into

32 consideration. Thus, the fact that Yingying is now being promised to two men become the dilemma faced by Madam Cui, and Madam Cui alone.

In this plot, the sentence, “Yingying’s marriage has been passing through these two situations, and it is indeed difficult to decide,” indicates that Madam Cui does not hold the intention of merely using Zhang Sheng to get rid of Sun Feihu 孫⾶虎, who tried to kidnap

Yingying. She, just as Yingying and Zhang Sheng, also struggled in this difficult situation (of course not as much as the two protagonists). However, as her husband, the one who should be making decisions for the family, has died, she is now the person in power at the Cui family. She still needs to make a decision and take the responsibility of getting the biggest interest for her family. Without depicting this struggle of her, the image of Madam Cui in other editions of the

Xixiang Ji would be one that intentionally deceiving Zhang Sheng, one pure evil image that discards Zhang Sheng as soon as he resolved the problem for their family.

In the next sentence, Madam Cui compares the situation of Zheng Heng and Zhang

Sheng in her heart. She concludes that it would be harder for Zheng Heng than Zhang Sheng if

Yingying marries to another. This sentence is more like an excuse than consideration. Since both of the two young men had no physical contact with Yingying before, then why Zheng Heng would “has no place to stand” while Zhang Sheng “could still found himself a good match.” But if we take the fact that Zheng Heng is the son of Madam Cui’s sister while Zhang Sheng is just some young man she has never met before. Therefore, in the added plot, Madam Cui also takes the personal relationship between her and Zheng Heng into consideration when making the decision. Upon the time when Madam Cui makes her decision, Zheng Heng, the son of a high official, is indeed a better choice of marriage than Zhang Sheng, who is just a poor scholar. Also, marriage has always been seen as a way to strengthen the relations between families. Dorothy Ko

33 points out that many literary groups of women during late imperial China were bond through the tie of family and region.47 Therefore, it is quite natural for Madam Cui to believe the decision of marring Yingying to Zheng Heng would be a better choice.

Moreover, in the added plot, after making this difficult decision, Madam Cui plans to

“state my intention to him so as to avoid him being concerned about this.” This sentence shows to audiences that though Madam Cui betrayed her own words and sacrificed Zhang Sheng to her selfishness, she does not take it for granted. She still cares about how Zhang Sheng might be affected by her decision and willing to make up to him, as long as she gets to protect the interest of her family, includes both the Cui and Zheng family. Therefore, opposite to the idea that

Madam Cui is holding a conspiratorial banquet, the reason why she wishes to set this banquet for

Zhang Sheng could be read as she is using it as a way to apologize to Zhang Sheng.

Xu’s comment in the marginal space indicates that he believes this added text makes much sense, “Here I added a paragraph of defense argument of Madam Cui, which makes much sense” (此處新增⽼夫⼈⼀段辯議之詞，最為有理). This inner struggle helps the audience to perceive Madam Cui as an actual person instead of a symbol. Without this added plot, this banquet has always been seen as a “Hongmen Banquet” (conspiratorial banquet) that viciously set by Madam Cui to intentionally leave no choice for Yingying and Zhang Sheng but to treat each other as siblings. Under the construction of Xu, he presents to us an emotionally struggling image of Madam Cui that no longer stands as pure evil, the complete opposite of pursuing free love but begins to show her struggles when dealing with difficult situations and her unwillingness to hurt Zhang Sheng. Xu opens a window for readers to explore Madam Cui’s

47 Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeeth-century China (Stanford, 1994).

34 inner world. For example, isn’t the way she thinks of Zheng Heng and Zhang Sheng when she is making decisions reminds you that Zheng Heng is her nephew, a person she trusts much more than Zhang Sheng.

By giving Madam Cui a chance to defend herself, her image transfers from “the devil” to a normal parent who constantly holds different insights from their children and encourages readers to show more understanding towards her when reading. But what also needs to be stated clearly here is that even though this Madam Cui reflects the phenomenon of emphasizing “self” during late Ming, she still is the embodiment of the power of father within the structure of

Xixiang Ji. The “self” part of Madam is much explored here. However, in this situation, it is hard to separate Madam Cui’s self from her concerns for the Cui family.

The Image of Cui Yingying Shaped by the Panke shuoren Edition of Xixiang Ji

The Panke Shuoren edition valorizes the right of trivial characters to have their own emotion and desire. Moreover, the image of Yingying, the female protagonist, is also able to express herself in a much bolder way compare to other editions. Propriety is a standard that considered by both Xu Fenpeng and Jin Shengtan, except Jin chose to remove almost every interaction between Yingying and Zhang Sheng before Madam Cui promises to marry Yingying to him while Xu chose to present a more active Yingying when showing her affection to Zhang

Sheng.

The affection Yingying holds for Zhang Sheng is a secret known by audiences since she states that in her aria but not known by the other characters in the play, not even Hongniang.

Hongniang has to guess Yingying’s true feelings for herself because Yingying never explicitly

35 admits her feelings to Zhang Sheng; sometimes she even denies it. For example, when Yingying receives a letter from Zhang Sheng, but she acts like despising Zhang Sheng’s action of sending letters to her directly in private. First of all, Yingying is the daughter of the prime minister. So,

Yingying should be communicating with non-related males through her parents. Secondly,

Yingying and Zhang Sheng should be treating each other as siblings by the demand of Madam

Cui. But the letter from Zhang Sheng clearly has an implied meaning other than treating her as his sister. Therefore, she acts like she was offended by Zhang Sheng’s letter in front of

Hongniang even though Hongniang has always been knowing the true intention of Yingying. So,

Hongniang has been seen as the “matchmaker” who constantly push forward Yingying to confront her true inner self.

But in Xu Fenpeng’s adaptation, Yingying takes the initiative herself by confessing her true feeling for Zhang Sheng to Hongniang and further looking for the help of Hongniang actively. Even though before this action, Yingying still hides her emotion from Hongniang, this plot still adds to Yingying’s braveness by frankly stating her heart. While the Yingying reshaped by Xu has already violated Madam Cui’s order, he defended the added text to be evidence of “it appears that Yingying is not a person who indulges in emotional desire” (⾒鶯⾮彼滛與情者).

The contradiction in Xu’s attitude is not an uncommon thing during the late Ming. The concept of qing is already a concept that embodies ambiguity as I discussed earlier. There were several different strategies took by literati of the sixteen and seventeen centuries when it comes to valorize the concept qing. While Tang Xianzu defended qing from the perspective that it is a mysterious power that could not be judged by the usual ethical standards. There were other

36 literati who tried to legitimatize qing as essential to the maintenance of propriety.48 It would be impossible to identify what kind of strategy is recognized by Xu Fenpeng due to the limited record we have on Xu. But it is clear that Xu’s seemed contradictory attitude expressed when reshaping Yingying’s image reflects that trend of the literary society of late Ming.

One dialogue of Yingying revealing her affection towards Zhang Sheng herself to

Hongniang directly, which is a plot that never appeared in any other editions, is added in scene twenty. The plot is added before Yingying asks Hongniang to send Zhang Sheng an invitation of a secret meeting that disguised as a prescription:

（鶯上）西廂⽉冷濛花露，落霞零亂東牆樹。⼀點靈⼼已暗通，⽟環寄恨又 何處。昨夜暗開園⾨以待張⽣，可恨紅娘使他跳牆⽽⼊，成甚事體。我們因 此不悅，遂把佳期悮了。張⽣決不曉得我相待之情，只說我真有背他之意。 此情要親去看他說明，有多少不便處。想起來，我如今抱病在閨房，張⽣抱 病在書館，彼此相隔，邈若⼭河。此事若不直與紅娘商量，終難成就。却不 悮了張⽣錯愛之意，又悮了我仰望英豪之⼼。我今且只說寫個藥⽅⾒呌紅娘 送去。 （紅）⼩姐之情，紅娘知之久矣。⾃古佳⼈才⼦，不媒⽽合者頗多。況張⽣ 又有活命之恩，⽼夫⼈原有許姻之命，倘⼩姐慾成其事，紅娘願通其情。

Yingying goes up onto the platform: Cold moon of the western chamber covered by flower syrup; the evening glow is in disorder on the tree by the eastern wall. One bit of spirit heart has already connected secretly; where can I send my regret to the round moon? I open the door to wait for Zhang Sheng, such regret that Hongniang told him to jump through the wall. How embarrassing! We are displeased because of this, so it delayed our rendezvous. Zhang Sheng certainly does not know how I thought of him in my heart. He would only say that I have the intention of betraying him. If I state this emotion of mine to him in person, there would be much inconvenience. Think of the situation that I am ill in my chamber while Zhang Sheng is ill in the library now, and we are separated, so far away like there are mountains and rivers between us. If I don’t discuss this with

48 Martin Huang, Desire and Fictional Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001); “Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature” in Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), 1998: 20, pp. 153- 184.

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Hongniang, then it is hard to achieve my goal. But not going to see Zhang Sheng hurts his affection and my heart of admiring a hero. Now, I only say that I write a prescription and ask Hongniang to send it to him.

Hongniang: I, Hongniang, have known your affection to Zhang Sheng for a while, my lady. Since ancient times, among beautiful lady and talented scholars, quite a number of them get together without a matchmaker. Let alone Zhang Sheng has the favor of saving our lives to us. Madame originally betrothed the marriage between you and Zhang Sheng. If you, my lady, wish to achieve this, I would love to communicate this love affair.

In the added text, after a poem, Yingying here presents an explanation for why she chooses to deny the fact that she was actually waiting for Zhang Sheng to meet with her previously in the garden. Due to the meddling of Hongniang, Yingying sees the action of Zhang Sheng jumped from the wall instead of using the proper door as inappropriate, a manner that should not be taken by a gentleman. This action of Yingying here in the Panke shuoren edition is crucial in a way that this Yingying chooses to face bad situations instead of turning away from problems until she has to face them. For example, in Jin Shengtan’s commentary edition, Yingying chooses to face her true feeling in the end when Zhang Sheng gets extremely sick out of lovesick.

Xu also deemed the way Yingying turning down Zhang Sheng in the garden as absurd.

He comments that if this aria of Yingying is not added, then Yingying’s sudden change of attitude would be unexpected, “besides, previously (Yingying) has put (Zhang Sheng) in awkward situations for many times. But now, she feels compassion for him. This feels abrupt and lack of tact and delicacy” (且前屢難之，⽽此條然憫其病焉。亦覺突兀⽽少蜿致矣). The next sentence states the negative consequence of her action that Zhang Sheng would come to a conclusion that “Yingying has the intention of betraying him.” Then she chooses to find a solution to address her concern, which is to seek the help of Hongniang. The added text added

38 elaborately described Yingying’s anxiety of being mistaken by Zhang Sheng and the desire to express her affection to Zhang Sheng in person and thus presents to us a Yingying who is wise, calm, and brave.

Xu’s comment provides us with more to read behind her intention of explaining everything to Zhang Sheng:

盡體鶯⾃⼰酌量以當遂⽣之意。彼實⾒得鄭恆⾮⼰之善配。君此處⼀失⽣，則此⾝ 未知置於何處，故增此⼀轉換。

This dialogue shows Yingying’s consideration to its full extent and should satisfy Zhang Sheng’s intention. She truly sees through that Zheng Heng is not a good match for her. If she loses Zhang Sheng at this point, then it is not sure where she could place herself. Thus, this transform action is added.

From this comment, it is clear that Yingying made this choice not only out of her affection but also out of her evaluation. Though from my perspective, it might be a bit obscure to identify this aspect of Yingying in Xu’s added text. Nevertheless, it is clear that Xu intended to portray

Yingying as “one who does not indulge in emotion” (⾒鶯⾮後滛與情者), but one who makes a cleaver choice after taking realistic factors into consideration. According to the added text,

Yingying sees Zhang Sheng as “hero” 英豪. While Xu states that Yingying does not see Zheng

Heng as her “good match” 良配, and further expresses her concern about her life if she had to marry Zheng Heng. Here we could see an interesting distinction between Yingying’s standard of evaluating a “good match” and Madam Cui’s standard. Of course, this distinction is not a feature of this Panke shuoren edition. But this edition’s emphasis on Yingying’s evaluation of the two young men in her heart is different from those editions focus on qing, Yingying’s pure emotional preference of Zhang Sheng.

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The image of Yingying in other editions has always been portraited as a “silent-figure” in a way that she sometimes secretly admits her feelings to Zhang Sheng but never openly expressed it to anyone, including Hongniang, who supposed to be the closest person to her. Then the question of why the plot of Yingying confessing her true feeling for Zhang Sheng to

Hongniang is added at this particular moment comes up. Yingying worries about Zhang Sheng might misunderstand her intention due to her confusing attitude, but “if she states this emotion of mine to him in person, there would be much inconvenience.” This is the moment when Yingying thinks of Hongniang, so she says that “if I don’t discuss this (explain herself to Zhang Sheng) with Hongniang, then it is hard to achieve my goal.” Hongniang here still serves as the one who goes between Yingying and Zhang Sheng and helps to push the development of their love story.

But, the Yingying here in this edition has become the one asks Hongniang to do her the favor of going between her and Zhang Sheng instead of the “silent version” of Yingying, who is pushed by Hongniang. Though this added text is not long, it shows to audiences a very different

Yingying. The added text not only states Yingying’s heart, which turns her from passively accepting Zhang Sheng’s affection to actively present her own. Also, the image of Yingying shaped by Xu in this edition examples herself as one who is capable of evaluating difficult situations calmly, carefully arranging resources she has, and making wise decisions.

In the second half of this added text, Hongniang responses to Yingying’s confession.

Hongniang’s response proves her to be the one who truly understands Yingying that even though

Yingying lied to her before, she still knows the true feeling of her young mistress. But the adventurous figure shaped previously is weakened by her sayings here. She offers three reasons why Yingying’s action does not exceed propriety. First, it is not uncommon for talented scholars and beauties to get together without a matchmaker. Secondly, Zhang Sheng saved their lives.

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And lastly, Madam Cui did promise Yingying to Zhang Sheng before. In the marginal comments, Xu also stated that he tries to legitimize Yingying’s figure as a chaste lady:

即紅兩⾔便⾜以決鶯必遂之志。若張⽣當時無功於崔，又使夫⼈當無許於張，鶯諒 不萌此志。故當以鶯為貞⼥⾮滛⼥。

That several words of Hongniang are enough to affirm Yingying’s will of stating her true heart. If Zhang Sheng did not contribute to the Cui family and then supposed Madam did not promise Yingying to Zhang Sheng. It would be hard to imagine how this will of Yingying appeares. Therefore, Yingying should be treat as a chaste one instead of one indulges in emotion.

Yingying’s image demonstrates through added texts in the Panke Shuoren edition is a bold and smart girl who dares to take the initiative in pushing forward her relationship with Zhang Sheng.

However, Xu would provide reasons why Yingying’s action could still consider as acceptable, and even laudable, within the structure of propriety. The ambiguous attitude of Xu Fenpeng to the relation of emotion and propriety probably has something to do with the blurred distinction between emotion and propriety, the consequence brought by the trend of legitimizing qing as essential to propriety. To conclude, though Xu did present to the audience a more active and adventurous Yingying, his intention of making these changes still lies with the trend of legitimizing qing as essential to the maintenance of propriety.

The Bitong xiansheng Edition of Xixiang Ji

As I mentioned above, there is another commentary edition attributed to Xu Fenpeng by the name of Xinke Xu Bitong xiansheng Pidian Xixiang Ji 新刻徐筆峒先⽣批點西廂記.

Different from the Panke Shuoren edition, at first, not many scholars questioned whether this commentary edition is actually the work of Xu Fenpeng. The reason is obvious. Bitong

41 xiansheng is his commonly-used sobriquet, most of Xu’s works were published under this name.

For example, an essay collection of his own works, Xu Bitong xiansheng shier bu wenji 徐筆峒

先⽣⼗⼆部⽂集, and a commentary work of the Book of Songs, Shijing shanbu 詩經刪補.49

However, both Chen Xuyao and Huang Lin argued that this Bitong xiansheng edition is just a false attribution to Xu Fenpeng, a rather famous literatus at the time, but was forgotten as time passed by. At this part of the thesis, I intend to discuss the question of whether this Bitong xiansheng edition is a false attribution to Xu and why or under what kind of social environment people choose to publish this commentary work under his name?

There are several factors that Xinke Xu Bitong xiansheng Pidian Xixiang Ji is a false attribution to Xu Fenpeng’s name. First of all, this Bitong xiansheng edition is a rather roughly made edition. The Bitong xiansheng edition, stored in the Beijing National Library, was published in an unknown year of the Tianqi period. There is no “Reader’s Guide,” a common feature of commentary works of Ming, nor any illustrations attached. All we could see before the main body of this commentary edition is the title “Xinke Xu Bitong xiansheng Pidian Xixiang Ji: volume one” (新刻徐筆峒先⽣批點西廂記上卷) with a signature of “Gulin Bitong shanren Xu

Fenpeng commented” (古臨 筆筒⼭⼈ 徐奮鵬 評閱). The Bitong xiansheng edition is a rather roughly manufactured edition compared to the Panke shuoren edition. There are overall 15 fine illustrations attached to the Panke shuoren edition. Most of these illustrations were works of

49 Huang Lin 黄霖 “Xu Fenpeng jiqi Shijing yu Xixiang Ji yanjiu.” 徐奮鵬及其《詩經》與《西廂記》 研究 in Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua luncong 中國典籍與⽂化論叢, 2005, pp. 40-51.

42 famous figures in calligraphy and paintings of Ming, for example, Tang Bohu 唐伯虎 (1470 –

1523) and Dong Qichang 董其昌 (1555 – 1636). Moreover, before the main body of the Panke

Shuoren edition, Xu provided first a preface, a general comment, a guide to the reader, a passage of Yingying’s Story by Yuan Zhen, a list of ancient poems associates with Xixiang Ji, and a table of contents of each act. The information provides readers a full background of this commentary works was done and why the commentator intent to compose such a work while the Bitong xiansheng edition provides no such information to readers.

Other than the roughly made appearance of this edition, there is solid evidence that the commentaries of the Bitong xiansheng edition were not original; both marginal comments and general comments of each act of the edition could be traced to other popular commentary editions of Xixiang Ji at the time, for example, the Li Zhuowu xiansheng piping bei Xixiang Ji published by Rongyu tang 李卓吾先⽣批評北西廂記 明容與堂刻本 and the Xinke Wei

Zhongxue xiansheng pidian Xixiang Ji 新刻魏仲雪先⽣批點西廂記. Sometimes these commentaries are similar to the ones from other editions while sometimes are the exact same as other editions.50 Huang Lin has argued that according to the habits of Xu Fenpeng, as he demonstrates at his commentary editions of the Book of Songs and the Four Books, Xu would always state where the source of his comments come from if he was citing from other editions.

Also, take his Panke shuoren edition as an example, Xu would mark where and how he made

50 Huang Lin 黄霖 “Xu Fenpeng jiqi Shijing yu Xixiang Ji yanjiu.” 徐奮鵬及其《詩經》與《西廂記》 研究 in Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua luncong 中國典籍與⽂化論叢, 2005, pp. 40-51; Chen Xuyao 陳旭 耀 Xiancun Mingkan Xixiang Ji zonglu 現存明刊《西廂記》總錄 (Shanghai, 2007).

43 changes to the source texts and how his texts are different from other circulating editions at the time. Therefore, it would be hard to believe that Xu just took the existing comments and used them as his own without any citation to the original source of these comments.51

Most importantly, some of the comments in the Bitong xiansheng edition are the exact opposite of the comments of his Panke shuoren edition. It makes no sense that someone would hold contradictory opinions to the same literary work. Most of the parts that had changed by the

Panke shuoren edition is through adding plots, especially plots changes concerning female characters. I am going to use one example where Xu only did proofread works for the text as an example to support that the Bitong xiansheng edition could not have been done Xu Fenpeng.

Take one aria of Zhang Sheng, “Dragon in A Muddy River” (hunjiang long 混江⿓), at the first act as an example.

The Panke shuoren edition:

向詩書經傳似蠹⿂【諸本似字在蠹⿂之下不順】，先受了雪案螢燈⼆⼗年【諸本作 雪窓螢⽕亦是】，才⾼難對俗⼈⾔【諸本俱才⾼難⼊俗⼈機，機字解不去，惟有眼 字好，⽽韻又差，今改難對俗⼈⾔，似好】，時乖不遂男兒願，空雕蟲刻鵠【諸本 俱雕蟲篆刻，今改刻鵠更⼯】，綴斷簡殘編。 Inclined to the classics just as book worms [all the other editions are putting the word ‘as’ (si 似) after the phrase ‘book worm’ (duyu 蠹⿂), but this is not smooth], at first, I suffer twenty years from studying by using light reflected from snow on my desk and glowworm [all the other editions are using the phrase of using snow light through my window and glowworm fire is not smooth as well], so talented that it is hard for me to talk to normal people [all the other editions phrase the sentence as too talented to fit into the desire of normal people, but it is hard to understand the word ‘desire’ (ji 機) in this sentence. Only the word ‘eye’ (yan 眼) is suitable here, but the word eye is not the

51 Huang Lin 黄霖 “Xu Fenpeng jiqi Shijing yu Xixiang Ji yanjiu.” 徐奮鵬及其《詩經》與《西廂記》 研究 in Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua luncong 中國典籍與⽂化論叢, 2005, pp. 40-51; Chen Xuyao 陳旭 耀 Xiancun Mingkan Xixiang Ji zonglu 現存明刊《西廂記》總錄 (Shanghai, 2007).

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perfect match for the rhyme. Therefore, now I change the phrase into ‘it is hard for me to talk to normal people,’ then the sentence is good], the time is difficult to satisfy my intention, all my literary talent and my ability to learn from the worthy predecessors are in vain [all the other editions use the phrase of all my literary talent, but my literary talent and my ability to learn from the worthy predecessors is more delicate], to decorate the broken bamboo strips and books.

The Bitong xiansheng edition:

向詩書經傳蠹⿂似，先受了雪窓螢⽕，⼗餘年難⼊俗⼈機，時乖不遂男兒硯，空雕 蟲篆刻，綴斷簡殘編。 Inclined to the classics book worms as, at first, I suffer twenty years from studying by using snow light through my window and glowworm fire for more than ten years, my literary works could not fit the desire of normal people, for more than ten years I am too talented to fit into the desire of normal people, the time is difficult to satisfy my intention, all my literary talent is in vain, to decorate the broken bamboo strips and books.

In this aria, the Panke shuoren made many changes to the word use. In the first sentence, inclined to the classics just as book worms, Xu rearranged the word order for the sentence to be more smooth, “all the other editions are putting the word ‘as’ (si 似) after the phrase ‘book worm’

(duyu 蠹⿂), but this is not smooth.” However, in the Bitong xiansheng edition, this sentence is exactly phrased as the way Xu suggested to be not smooth, inclined to the classics book worms as.

Then in the following sentence, the Panke shuoren edition changed the phrase to describe the condition of studying hard from using snow light through my window and glowworm fire to using light reflected from snow on my desk and glowworm. On the contrary to this change, the

Bitong xiansheng edition still uses the phrase of xuechuang yinghuo. Then in the next sentence,

45 so talented that it is hard for me to talk to normal people. Xu commented that in all the other editions, this sentence is composed as “too talented to fit into the desire of normal people,” but it is hard to understand the word ‘desire’ ji 機 in this sentence. Only the word ‘eye’ yan 眼 is suitable here, but the word eye is not the perfect match for the rhyme. Therefore, now I change the phrase into ‘it is hard for me to talk to normal people,’ then the sentence is good. Similar to the other changed parts in this aria, the Bitong xiansheng editions use the words that were changed by the Panke shuoren edition. Here the sentence reads “for more than ten years, my literary works could not fit the desire of normal people.”

There is one more place the Bitong xiansheng edition uses the exact phrase that was criticized by the Panke shuoren edition. The phrase all my literary talent, intend for the meaning of the great literary talent should be used for bigger events, is changed into all my literary talent and my ability to learn from the worthy predecessors are in vain. Xu Fenpeng believed his change to be a clever use of the meaning. Still, the Bitong xiansheng edition goes with the phrase that deemed as not clever enough by Xu Fenpeng.

If the Bitong xiansheng edition uses the part where the plot was drastically changed by the Panke shuoren edition could still be considered as acceptable. After all, the Panke shuoren edition was adapted to the southern drama style for performance use while the Bitong xiansheng might be serving the need for reading purposes (I can only speculate on the purpose of the

Bitong xiansheng edition since the edition provides no additional information other than commentaries.) Nevertheless, it is never understandable that Xu would put aside his already done proofreading work of Xixiang Ji and went on to produce an entirely different edition. Therefore,

46 it is safe to say that the Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji is a false attribution to Xu

Fenpeng’s name.

Then why attribute this edition to Xu’s name? As discussed above, Xu Fenpeng was at the time a famous scholar that students would come to learn from him from all over the country, so his name could help to sell the edition to a wider population. This answer has a lot to do with the publish booming of late Ming. In the sixteenth century, a monetarized society of the Jiangnan area was formed due to the silver imports from the Americas and Japan. Under the impact of the commercialized society, the social bounders between all classes began to blur. Moreover, the monetarized society also provided multiple channels for people to gain access to the gentry world other than the civil service examination, namely through manufacturing and trade.52 As more and more new money entered the gentry world, they seek to maintain that status. Therefore, the demand for more books increased. And this increase further fueled the booming of the commercial publishing industry and the emerging of reading public.53 Under the influence of publishing booming, the publishing industry of the Ming dynasty experienced a shift from quality printing to quantity printing.

The mass printing then further included groups of people that were previously excluded from the reading public, thus formed a new, expanded reading public. According to Chow, there were at least three groups of people involved in the expanded reading public, general urban readers, readers connected to the civil service examination, and female readers.54 Hegel argued that the book market of late Ming was greatly influenced by the intended audience of their

52 Tina Lu, “The literary culture of the late Ming (1573 – 1644)” in The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, edited by Kang-I Sun Chang and Stephen Owen (Cambridge, 2010,) pp.63-151. 53 Cynthia Joanne Brokaw, “Book History in Premodern China: The State of the Discipline” in Book History, 2007:10, pp. 253-290. 54 Kai-wing Chow, “Writing for Success: Printing, Examinations, and Intellectual change” in Late Imperial China, (1996:17), pp. 124.

47 books. Affluent and well-educated readers bought their fiction in fine editions with nice illustrations, and less affluent readers of more modest abilities also purchased fiction, but in lesser editions. Books were available to meet the needs of the segmented market. Therefore, he comes up with a basic typology that fine-quality, expensive editions of fiction appealed to a high-end market, whereas poor quality editions were aimed at the low end.55

Alongside with the booming of the publishing industry and the expanding reading public, the personal reputation of a certain author, editor, or sometimes even publisher raised accordingly. Before, many works of fiction and drama circulated without mentioning an author or editor, but those works became more and more increasingly associated with a particular famous individual. Just as other aspects of a commercial society, the publishing choices were determined by the book market. Brokaw argued, producers print books that they knew would sell. As a result, publishers would often attribute a random edition produced by their own publishing house to a famous literatus as a promotion method. Under such social conduct, piracy was also a serious question during late Ming since a massive number of individuals and groups who participate in the process of publishing blurred the boundaries of book proprietorship.

However, the authors and publishers took different attitudes toward the question of piracy. While most authors deemed piracy of their works as an indication of its popularity, publishers were much frustrated by it.56

As for the specific publishing situation of Xixiang Ji during the late Ming, there were generally three types of editions of Xixiang Ji circulated, “commercial,” “literati,” and “quasi-

55 Robert E.Hegel, “Niche Marketing for Late Imperial Fiction" in Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China (Los Angeles, 2005), pp. 235-266. 56 Kai-wing Chow, “Publishing, Culture, and Power in Early Modern China” (Stanford: Stanford, 2003).

48 literati” editions.57 Among all the edition types, commercial editions of Xixiang Ji were the first type that appeared. Commercial editions borrow heavily from each other, even though each of them claims to be ostensibly claimed to differ from their competitors. The later appeared literati editions, claiming to be the opposite of commercial editions (published for selling), borrow from each other too. Then the rise of quasi-literati editions, which capitalized on the cachet of literati rhetoric for commercial ends, further blurred the boundaries between editorial provenance and implied target audience.58 As a result, it was not an uncommon phenomenon that first of all, publishers borrowed content, mostly comments, from other editions circulating around the time to form their own edition of commentary editions of Xixiang Ji. Secondly, it was a strategy for publishers to attribute some random commentary editions produced by themselves to a famous figure at the time for profit. Most of the time, this type of commentary editions was roughly made, and targeting to less affluent readers. It is not a surprise the roughly made Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji, an edition that was falsely attributed to the popular figure, Xu

Fenpeng, fits into the two features discussed.

Then how is this false attributed edition of Xixiang Ji connected with the Panke shuoren edition and how it might contribute to the female image shaped by the Panke shuoren edition? I argue that this Bitong xiansheng edition helped to promote the Panke shuoren edition by Xu

Fenpeng, thus contribute, though not significantly, to the advocating of Xu’s much more adventurous female figures shaped by his Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji.

57 Patricia Sieber, Theaters of Desire: Authors, Readers, and the Reproduction of Early Chinese Song- Drama, 1300–2000 (New York, 2003). 58 Kai-wing Chow, “Publishing, Culture, and Power in Early Modern China” (Stanford: Stanford, 2003); Patricia Sieber, Theaters of Desire: Authors, Readers, and the Reproduction of Early Chinese Song- Drama, 1300–2000 (New York, 2003).

49

There is no record of when the Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji was published exactly. But according to the Xixiang Ji shanben congkan (西廂記善本叢刊) published by the

China National library, a reprint copy collection of all the Xixiang Ji editions stored in the China

National library, the Bitong xiansheng edition was published at the Tianqi period. Since it is sure that the Panke shuoren edition was published in the first year of Tianqi, then it is highly possible that the Bitong xiansheng edition is a later edition than the Panke shuoren edition. Among all the works attributed to Xu Fenpeng’s name, including all the false attribution, the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji and Pipa Ji, and the Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji was the only three drama commentary works. Xu mainly focused on commentary and editor works of classics.

Moreover, Xu’s reputation was gained through his excellent performance at the civil service examination and his commentary work of the Book of Songs. Therefore, it would be reasonable for publishers to attribute commentary works of classics to his names.59

Why attribute the Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji to Xu’s name? One possible answer to it would be the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji and Pipa Ji had received much reputation after they had been published. Since Xu himself has put much effort into the making of these drama commentary works, the “The Curio of The Literary World” serious were of high quality. The less sophisticated commentary edition of Xixiang Ji, the Bitong xiansheng edition, might be a great supplement of the Panke shuoren edition to the book market that faced low-end population. Nevertheless, the circulating of the Bitong xiansheng edition at the book market helped to the accumulation of the personal reputation of Xu Fenpeng. With the spread of his

59 Lin Huang questioned the authenticity of several of his works in his paper, Huang Lin 黄霖 “Xu Fenpeng jiqi Shijing yu Xixiang Ji yanjiu.” 徐奮鵬及其《詩經》與《西廂記》研究 in Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua luncong 中國典籍與文化論叢, 2005, pp. 40-51.

50 reputation, the other works of Xu then would have the chance to be heard by the great population more. To conclude, even though we can be sure that the Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji is a work falsely attributed to Xu’s name. The edition still served as a promotion to the established name of Xu and helped in the process of advocating his other literary works. It is reasonable that the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji, the work of Xu that has the closest relation with the

Bitong xiansheng edition, benefited the most from the existence of it. It is just speculation here that the image of female characters adapted by Xu was spread to the public further after publishers chose to put the Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji under Xu’s name.

Conclusion

It is difficult to say whether or not the Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji by Xu

Fenpeng actually achieved his goal of presenting the story in a more elegant way since not many commentators had evaluated his edition. Unlike the Jin Shengtan edition, which was well received by both audiences and scholars, the Panke shuoren edition received much debate around its quality. If I am going to use Li Zhi’s opinion to justify this edition, I would say that at least he presented to readers the elegance as he perceives. He even sometimes wrote marginal comments praising his own added text. There is no doubt that he had well followed the prevalent trend of commentary at his time by presenting an understanding of a famous work from his own standing point. According to Carlitz, private individuals "published drama as a way to advertise their own connoisseurship, cleverness, or daring.” 60 I argue here that the philosophy that Xu tried to

60 Katherine Carlitz, “Printing as Performance: Literati Playwright Publishers of the Late Ming” In Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China, (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 2005).

51 express through his Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji is the true articulation of his inner self.

Probably still influenced by the accusations of altering classics without authorization that almost landed him into jail, he chose to publish this much-altered work of drama under his less-known sobriquet, Panke shuoren, and address this work as his “dream talk.”

The Panke shuoren edition presents to the audience three female figures that are much bolder and more adventurous that were reshaped by Xu Fenpeng. These female characters, namely Cui Yingying, Hongniang, and Madam Cui, are the epitome of the trend of the cult of qing and women’s culture of the late Ming. For Hongniang and Mamdam Cui, not only did they serve as tools to push forward the main theme, the romantic relationship between Yingying and

Zhangsheng, their personal desires were explored in the Panke shuoren edition. As supporting characters, their stories and desires were never explored in other editions of Xixiang Ji. Xu

Fenpeng championed the natural flow of personal desires in this edition. However, characters that seemly to have gone beyond the boundaries of propriety still served for strengthening the

Confucian social orders, especially gender order.

Moreover, Xu also showed a convoluted emotion towards the valorization of qing. On the one hand, he gave full support for female characters to have their own emotion and desire. On the other hand, he left instruction for his reader that human desire and emotions are all just empty and meaningless, implying a Buddhist perspective to the concept of qing. Since there is no record concerning whether Xu Fenpeng was a believer of Buddhism, but he did leave many traces of Buddhist concepts in his work. So, it is logical to speculate that Xu was influenced by

Buddhism since many Ming literati were believers of Chan Buddhism. Tang Xianzu was also one of those believers. Xu expressed his concern for qing to be a power that hinders his reader from perceiving life as it is, “Both traditional Buddhism and Taoism scorned qing or emotion for

52 it signified an attachment to this world or jeopardized long life and immortality.”61 Xu agreed with the idea of qing being harmful in his introductory notes to the edition.

In the “Introductory Notes of The Curio of The Literary World” ( citan qingwan xiaoyin

詞壇清玩⼩引)62 listed before the main body of this Panke Shuore edition, Xu suggested that the right way to read “obscene verse and intriguing tunes” (yinci yanqu 淫詞艷曲) is to read them the same way as reading the Four Books and Five Classics. Here he described our world as “the universe is the theater stage of life” (宇宙是⼈⽣⼀⼤戲場), and pointed out directly that both

Yingying and Zhang Sheng are obsessed with their desires, therefore urged his readers to see through this disguise of life and not to indulge in the sensual world:

總之乎，宇宙是⼈⽣⼀⼤戲場也。觀場者或撫掌⽽笑，或點⾸⽽思，或感念⽽泣， 均為戲場迷也。鶯⽣迷於場中，是居夢境，⾄草橋⼀宿夢⽽醒焉。…… 悟宇宙中 為⼀⼤戲場。又何事戀戀營營於其間？讀《西廂》能作是觀，則雖以冶詞艷曲，即 以作之經讀也可。 All in all, the universe is the theater stage of life. Observers may laugh with clapping hands, they may contemplate with a nodding head, or they may cry when recalling with emotion. All those people are enthusiasts of the theater stage. Yingying and Zhang Sheng are lost at this stage. They are living in their dream. All their stories were a dream, and they only wake up from their dream when Zhang Sheng is dreaming about Yingying at the tavern in the countryside. …… What we have to realize is that life is a theater stage in the universe. Then why we feel reluctant to leave the space. If we can read the Xixiang Ji with such an opinion, then even if the drama is full of seductive poems and erotic tunes, we could read it the same way as we read Buddhism scriptures.

61 Richard G. Wang, “The Cult of Qing: Romanticism in the Late Ming Period and in the Novel Jiao Hong Ji” in Ming Studies, 1994 :1, pp.12-55. 62 This “Introductory Notes” is not include in the copy of National Library of China but included in the copy of The University of Tokyo.

53

Xu described the world as a “theater stage” that normal people indulge themselves in it. Though it is natural for people to have desires and to feel reluctant to leave the world, his intention was to urge the audience to see through the fact that there is no distinction between form, appearance, and emptiness. But Xu concluded the correct way to treat curiosa is to treat them as classics.

Therefore, the purpose of employing the Buddhist perspective to the story is actually the same as portraying female characters of the play as adventurous. They all serve to endorse the Confucian propriety.

The Bitong xiansheng edition of Xixiang Ji, another commentary edition of Xixiang Ji that said to be the work of Xu Fenpeng. should be considered as an edition that has falsely attributed to Xu. Some commercial publishers of late Ming saw the opportunity to publish this particular edition through the reputation of Xu in order to make more profit. Nevertheless, this edition may still contribute to the building of Xu’s good reputation and then further promoted the philosophy embodied in Xu Fenpeng’s other works, his Panke shuoren edition of Xixiang Ji included. Therefore, not only it was a product of the flourishing publishing industry, it was a product of the emerging women’s culture.

54

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