PRISM
women, peace & inclusive security
a journal of the center for complex operations PRISM VOL. 6, NO. 1 2016
Editor Michael Miklaucic About PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners on complex Contributing Editors and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; relevant policy Jacqueline O’Neill and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform Cathleen Pearl America’s security and development.
Deputy Editor Jacqueline Page Communications Editorial Assistants Jessica Kowal Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct communications to: Shawn McFall Editor, PRISM Riley Perkins 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Tamara Tanso Fort Lesley J. McNair Oliver Vaughn Washington, DC 20319 Cherish Zinn Telephone: (202) 685-3442 Email: [email protected] Copy Editors Dale Erickson Rebecca Harper Alexandra Kerr Contributions Hilary Matfess PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Nathaniel White and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to [email protected] Design Director with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Carib Mendez
This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Any Advisory Board Dr. Gordon Adams copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted without permission of the copyright proprietors. PRISM should be acknowledged whenever material is quoted Dr. Pauline Baker from or based on its content. Ambassador Rick Barton Dr. Alain Bauer The opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are those of Dr. Hans Binnendijk the contributors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Defense or Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) any other agency of the Federal Government, or any other organization associated with this Ambassador James Dobbins publication. Ambassador John Herbst Dr. David Kilcullen Ambassador Jacques Paul Klein Subscriptions Dr. Roger B. Myerson Dr. Moisés Naím PRISM is an educational public service. If you would like to receive a copy of PRISM, please visit: http://cco.ndu.edu/contact/subscriptions.aspx MG William L. Nash, USA (Ret.) Ambassador Thomas Pickering Dr. William Reno LtGen John F. Sattler, USMC (Ret.) Dr. James A. Schear Dr. Joanna Spear Dr. Ruth Wedgwood
Publisher Dr. Joseph J. Collins ISSN 2157–0663 `
FEATURES 2 All the Elements of National Power By Michael Miklaucic and Cathleen Pearl 6 Inclusive Security: NATO Adapts and Adopts By Swanee Hunt and Douglas Lute 20 Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies: Exploring the Evidence By Marie O’Reilly 34 Integrating Gender Perspectives within the Department of Defense www.ndu.edu By Anne Witkowsky ndupress.ndu.edu 46 Female Citizen Soldiers and Airmen: Key Contributors to Worldwide Peace and Security By Frank Grass 58 Inclusive Security for the Muslim World By Husain Haqqani 72 Gender Perspectives and Military Effectiveness: Implementing UNSCR 1325 and the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security By Robert Egnell 90 Women Warriors: Why the Robotics Revolution Changes the Combat Equation By Linell Letendre 104 Women as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram’s Terror By Mia Bloom and Hilary Matfess 122 We Are Not Helpless: Addressing Structural Gender Inequality in Post-Conflict Societies By Valerie M. Hudson, Donna Lee Bowen, and Perpetua Lynne Nielsen FROM THE FIELD 140 The Secret Driving Force Behind Mongolia’s Successful Democracy By Oyungerel Tsedevdamba 154 Engendering Responses to Complex Emergencies: Lessons from South Sudan By Akinyi R. Walender 164 Innovation in the Prevention of the Use of Child Soldiers: Women in the Security Sector By Roméo Dallaire, Shelly Whitman, and Sam Holland 178 Brazil and UN Security Council Resolution 1325: Progress and Challenges of the Implementation Process By Renata Giannini, Mariana Lima, and Pérola Pereira 198 Inclusive Political Settlements New Insights from Yemen’s National Dialogue By Thania Paffenholz and Nick Ross All the Elements of National Power
BY MICHAEL MIKLAUCIC AND CATHLEEN PEARL
uch is the diversity and proliferation of threats to the security of the United States and its allies that all the elements of national strength must be mobilized to meet the challenge. SAs we confront this onslaught, in a time of fiscal constraint, it is especially imprudent to tap only 50 percent of our population in support of national and international security. Failing to realize the human capital represented by women and other frequently excluded constituents weakens our ability to provide for the common defense and protect our interests around the world. Two of our authors write, “Politically and militarily we have consistently drawn from less than half of our available talent.” Noteworthy, and noted by authors in this issue of PRISM, our adversaries, including Boko Haram and ISIS, do not make the same mistake. Terrorism, transnational crime, drug trafficking, cyber threats, hybrid warfare, climate change, mass migration and more have complicated the security environment in unprecedented ways. Whether these constitute an existential threat to the U.S. is debatable. While the gravity of these threats is contested, some believe that, “ISIS and al-Qaeda pose an existential threat because they accelerate the collapse of world order…”1 Director of National Intelligence James Clapper recently stated, “In my 50-plus years in intelligence, I don’t know if we’ve been beset by a more diverse array of challenges and crises around the world.”2 We can say with certainty that the accumula- tion of new threat vectors, compounded by more traditional dangers has thrown the national security community into disarray. Faced with such diverse challenges, the U.S. and its allies must step up with a response equally diverse, flexible, and adaptive. As the era of the U.S. “big footprint”—manpower-intensive military interventions—winds down, the U.S. will inevitably depend to an ever greater degree on capable partners abroad to protect shared security interests. A regrettable truth, however, is that the number of capable part- ners available for such burden sharing is dwindling, even as our traditional European and Asian
Michael Miklaucic is the Editor of PRISM, and Senior Research Fellow at National Defense University. Cathleen Pearl is the President and CEO of the National Defense University Foundation.
2 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 ALL THE ELEMENTS OF NATIONAL POWER partners are struggling to meet their own local of gender mainstreaming on the criterion of security challenges. Therefore, the interests of security, and specifically better security. No less the United States, and its allies, are served by an authority on national security than former supporting state consolidation thus expanding National Security Advisor, Supreme Allied the pool of capable partners to meet the Commander Europe, and Marine Corps unprecedented security challenges of the 21st Commandant General James L. Jones, Jr. century. USMC (Ret.) wrote in 2014 that what is needed Better partners will only emerge through is an “…approach to U.S. national security more balanced development and security. It policy that leverages all tools of American has long been established that the quality of a power and statecraft.”3 Surely the most power- state’s economic and civic development is ful elements of our strength as a nation is the directly correlated to the active participation of American people—all of them. women in economic and civic life. Several of This issue of PRISM is about charting a the articles in this issue of PRISM indicate that pathway to better mobilization of our diverse there is also a strong correlation between effec- national strengths, throughout the fields of tive gender equity and inclusivity, and a state’s defense, diplomacy, and development. The propensity to engage in violence, either articles help map critical relationships between domestically or internationally. The contribu- women, peace, and security. We explore the tions and potential of women particularly to roles that women have played, and will play in conflict resolution and sustainable peace are conflict, conflict resolution, and sustainable well established and documented. The case of peace. Anachronistic stereotypes regarding Mongolia’s successful transition from commu- gender roles make for bad policy when provid- nism to democracy, described in this issue, was ing for the common defense. Often consigned built on the robust participation of Mongolian to the role of victims of conflict, women are women. Thus, it is in our interest to encourage also agents of conflict and mitigators of con- the building of inclusive security in our part- flict. Women can play important roles in con- ners; not just for their own sake, but also for flict resolution, in peacemaking, and in peace- ours. Only reliable and capable states, not at keeping. Perhaps most significant is their war with themselves, make effective partners contribution to the quality of security. It is no in the struggle for order, peace, and prosperity longer enough to limit our notion of security in the world. to the survival of the state. The security of pop- The burden does not fall on our partners ulations must be the goal for leaders today. alone. In order to support inclusive security Security must be inclusive. abroad, it is incumbent upon us to adopt an Sixteen years have elapsed since the pas- inclusive security lens in our own security sage of the landmark UN Security Council institutions, by which we mean not only the Resolution 1325 on “Women, Peace, and military, but all the elements of national Security” (UNSCR 1325).4 That resolution strength. The diplomatic and economic ele- “called for women’s equal participation with ments, including development, are at least as men and their full involvement in all efforts important as the military. The authors in this for the maintenance and promotion of peace issue of PRISM base their arguments in favor and security.”5 This multilateral effort reflects
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 3 MIKLAUCIC AND PEARL the growing recognition and understanding of percent of our talent pool.” Are we drawing the integral role gender plays in the global from 100 percent of our talent pool? PRISM is security environment. Progress has been made; not a journal of advocacy, but rather a venue as of 2015, 55 countries have adopted national for informed and rational discourse. The action plans in support of UNSCR 1325. A Editors’ goal is to further American and allied U.S. “National Action Plan on Women, Peace, thinking about inclusive security, and to and Security” was published in December ensure this discourse is not marginalized or 2011, and some of the articles in this issue relegated to a niche populated by gender or document progress made along the guidelines diversity advisors. We hope to open the aper- set forth in that plan. ture and get past biases about gender roles, to Women have been playing critical combat better meet the challenges of national and roles in the U.S. armed forces, beginning in international security in the 21st century. Operation Just Cause in Panama in 1989, and, This issue of PRISM, “Women, Peace, and in late 2015, Secretary of Defense Ashton Inclusive Security,” represents an innovative Carter announced that there will be no excep- public-private partnership between the Center tions to women’s eligibility for all military jobs for Complex Operations at National Defense in the U.S. armed forces. Women play and University, the Institute for Inclusive Security, have played critical roles in today’s security and the National Defense University institutions, both in combat, in support, in Foundation. Any shortcomings of the final policy, and in leadership. Today, a cohort of product are those of the Editor, but the issue female generals and admirals have already set could not have been developed and produced a high standard for the over 200,000 women without the contributions of all three. The in the U.S. Armed Forces who follow in their extraordinary contributions of Michelle Barsa footsteps. and Marie O’Reilly of the Institute for Inclusive Despite progress, integration of women in Security merit special thanks. The enduring military operations worldwide has not been insight of this collaboration is that we should without challenges. Sexual abuse within armed always err in favor of inclusion. This is not forces in and out of conflict areas, as well as in political correctness; this is being prepared for peacekeeping operations is a serious issue and the future. PRISM is the subject of intense examination and con- tentious debate. This is an important subject, and its ongoing scrutiny is vital, but it should not detract from the larger issue—the security of the United States and the American people. The question is, have we done enough? Are we drawing consistently and systematically on all the elements of our national power to meet today’s national and international secu- rity challenges? Our authors write, as we “adapt to ever-evolving and complex threats, we cannot afford to draw from less than 100
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Notes
1 Frederick W. Kagan, Kimberly Kagan, Jennifer Cafarella, Harleen Gambhir, and Katherine Zimmerman, “Al Qaeda and ISIS: Existential Threats to the U.S. and Europe,” Institute for the Study of War (January 2016).
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 5 AUTHOR
Pete Souza
President Obama signs S.614 in the Oval Office. The bill awards a Congressional Gold Medal to Women Airforce Service Pilots.
6 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Inclusive Security NATO Adapts and Adopts
BY SWANEE HUNT AND DOUGLAS LUTE
e met for the first time in Pristina. Both of us had labored to mitigate conflict in the Balkans, and we had great hopes when the Dayton Agreement was signed in 1995, W ending the civil war in Bosnia. But only four years later, the limits of the agreement became clear. General Wesley Clark, a principal figure in the negotiations that ended the violence in Bosnia, led NATO in a bombing campaign against the regime of Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic (later charged with war crimes), whose army was behind escalating violence against civilians in Kosovo. We had already seen how Milosevic’s tactics played out in Bosnia.
Swanee Hunt: I’d been involved in the Balkans since 1993, when I became U.S. Ambassador to nearby Austria, hosting Bosnian negotiations in 1994 that led to a Muslim-Croat Federation. After half a dozen trips in Yugoslavia, I was starting to get a sense of the place.
Douglas Lute: I had worked on the Joint Staff for Wes Clark during the Dayton negotiations and later during implementation of the agreement when 60,000 NATO soldiers were committed to keep the peace in Bosnia. In May 2002, I arrived in Kosovo’s capital Pristina, three years after NATO’s bombing campaign to halt the humanitarian crisis there, to command 15,000 U.S. and Allied troops under the NATO flag. Kosovo was struggling to find its feet, still divided deeply with fresh memories of ethnic violence. Our military mission was halfway between conflict and peace.
Swanee Hunt: In 2002, American diplomats in Pristina asked if I would co-lead a two-day workshop with a brave Kosovar visionary, Vjosa Dobruna. My main contribution was to bring Swanee Hunt founded and chairs the Washington-based Institute for Inclusive Security. She is the Eleanor Roosevelt Lecturer in Public Policy at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government and former U.S. Ambassador to Austria. Douglas Lute is the United States Permanent Representative to NATO, former White House Advisor to Presidents Bush and Obama, and retired U.S. Army Lieutenant General with 35 years of active military service.
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 7 HUNT AND LUTE
examples of countries worldwide where NATO’s Evolution: Operational Necessity women’s political advancement was having a positive impact on society. Old film footage from 1949 shows a large roomful of men in dark suits, with nary an Douglas Lute: I can’t remember exactly exception: no women were at the table when how I ended up in that meeting with 12 founding states signed the Washington Swanee. It may have been a welcome break Treaty establishing the North Atlantic Treaty from the daily routine of trying to keep Alliance. This year, when NATO leaders repre- track of the tensions in the southeastern senting 28 countries gather for the Warsaw quarter of Kosovo and working with the Summit, half a dozen women heads of govern- emerging Kosovar political and security ment will be at the table with a score of female institutions. ministers behind them, including six women who serve as their respective countries’ minis- Swanee Hunt: Doug and I got together for ters of defense. This is a sign of progress, but an early breakfast at whatever hotel was not enough to declare victory on the goal of hosting internationals like me. He listened true gender equity. with appreciated patience as I explained Shift the scene to another piece of history my improbable notion. In fact, he must captured on camera just outside Paris in 1951 have thought I was a little weak in the at the dedication of the Supreme Headquarters head, because everyone believed that for Allied Powers Europe, or SHAPE. The uni- cultural reasons—and because they formed commander, General Dwight wouldn’t win—Kosovar women wouldn’t Eisenhower, spoke deliberately and clearly: “In run for public office. all history, this is the first time that an allied headquarters has been set up in peace, to pre- Douglas Lute: I was intrigued by this mav- serve the peace, and not to wage war.” erick of a diplomat, enough that I asked Reflecting on his comment today, we realize several of our female officers to sit in on the that NATO’s values have not changed: NATO seminar she was leading to encourage local is an Alliance of democracies with the goal of women to run for office. It would probably fostering peace, even as NATO troops have be a good professional experience for them fought and died in two different theaters over and they would set a good example to the the past 20 years. But while the mission Kosovars. remains the same, NATO has evolved in important ways, and operational experience Swanee Hunt: As it turned out, interac- has taught us vital lessons about how to pre- tions like these were the beginning of a serve peace more effectively. Choosing the new understanding of the disproportionate right partners and ensuring they can operate impact war has on women and the impact successfully together are fundamental. To do empowering women could have on NATO’s that, we have learned that we must stretch our efforts to build and sustain peace. thinking and get beyond biases. From the original group of 12, the Alliance has grown to include 28 member
8 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY states and more than 40 formal partner coun- and a focus of the military mission. Thus, one tries. The varied contributions of every one of of the underlying mandates for the Alliance in those countries are needed; national diversity its first major crisis operation was the protec- has proven to be a strength. In recent years, tion of women and girls from becoming vic- NATO officials have recognized, however, that tims of sexual violence. It should come as no politically and militarily we have consistently surprise, then, that at the outset few within drawn from less than half our available talent. NATO considered the possibility that Bosnian, For that and many other reasons, the Alliance’s Croatian, and Serbian women might be power- Women, Peace, and Security action plan was ful contributors to security. Officials at Alliance created to reduce the barriers to women’s full headquarters had had little opportunity to see participation in NATO decisionmaking and the powerful intelligence and political courage involve them in all policymaking, activities, among Balkan women. It was not until 2010 and operations. that NATO created its first position of field Why? Very simply, the inclusion of women “gender advisor.” has been shown to increase Alliance effective- Gender Blindness ness in conflict management and preventing armed violence. In short, it is an operational Swanee Hunt: But I did have the opportu- necessity. nity to view these remarkable women in Alliance’s First Operation: Understanding action. With 70,000 refugees pouring Women as Victims across their borders, senior Austrian offi- cials naturally expected me to explain the In December 1995, following more than three context to Washington. I needed accurate years of horrific violence, a NATO-led force information and made multiple trips to the (Implementation Force, or IFOR) deployed to former Yugoslavia. While there, I made it Bosnia to implement the military aspects of a point to meet with local women—from the Dayton Peace Agreement. A year later, leaders to everyday citizens. My contacts NATO transitioned from IFOR to the included thousands of women, and I mar- Stabilization Force (SFOR), which helped veled at their resilience. Repeatedly, I saw maintain security and facilitate Bosnia’s recon- women finding ways not simply of surviv- struction. ing, but of reconciling and reconstructing The bloody Balkan conflict included rape communities. as a tactic of war. As in many wars throughout history, among massacres and other atrocities, In 1994, we hosted at our embassy in systematic gender-based violence was Vienna two weeks of negotiations, which employed as a strategy to intimidate and resulted in Bosnia’s Muslim-Croat undermine enemy morale. Sexual violence Federation, a step toward the Dayton used as a tool of war was now understood as Agreement that formally ended the war. It not only a personal tragedy, but also a security was only when I walked into the White issue—and squarely NATO’s concern. For the House auditorium for the signing of the first time, preventing it became an element in Federation agreement and looked out at a the Alliance’s approach to conflict intervention sea of grey-suited men that I felt ashamed
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 9 HUNT AND LUTE
at my own blindness. The delegations were a country cut in half did not restore their all male. home. Tanja (a Serb member of the Bosnian presidency) said: “I was against How was that possible? Yugoslavia had the the division agreed upon at Dayton…. We highest percentage of women holding have many cultures, traditions, ethnic Ph.D.’s of any country in Europe. They groups. Any division was artificial.” weren’t just scholars; they were political Another, Danica (a Bosnian Croat), leaders and activists. And they were on explained her sadness at not only being “our side,” doing everything they could, forced from her home during the war, but without external support, to prevent and also at being denied safe return for years then stop the war. Yet despite the extraor- afterward: “The greatest joy is, of course, dinary feats I knew women had accom- that the war stopped. But if [the goals of] plished next door, I had failed in Vienna to Dayton had been carried out, I’d be home. notice the lack of women at the table. Instead, I’m here [in exile], just like the day it was signed.” Women’s perspectives Regrettably, I heard from scores of Balkan had been missing at Dayton where, many women, also absent from the talks a year told me, they would have made clear the later, how different their views were from “guaranteed” right of return would be those of the negotiators. Many pointed out meaningless without the apprehension of that, with their pre-war lives intertwined, war criminals. How could anyone return to The Central Intelligence Agency
Male political leaders sign the Croat-Muslim Federation agreement at The White House in March 1994.
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a village where the police chief or mayor, introduced by the UN Development Program’s still in office, had overseen genocidal rapes 1994 report, with a broad definition encom- and murders? passing freedom from want and freedom from fear. These ideas fueled the arguments of those Not ideology, but pragmatism was the com- who said traditional security models, by focus- mon thread that ran through their words to ing on external threats to the state, ignored me. But they had been excluded—first, by most of the perils faced by women (not only their own nationalist power brokers, and sexual violence, but also maternal mortality, then by “the internationals” who rewarded economic deprivation, food and water insecu- extremists with all available seats at the rity, and political marginalization). Many negotiating table. The result was not only advocates for human security also blasted a flawed right of return, but also a country unequal levels of opportunity that hinder bifurcated. women from fully participating in decisions on issues affecting their lives. But it was only Human Security Requires Inclusive Security several years later, in 2000—when the UN adopted Security Council Resolution 1325 on Ironically, three months before the Dayton Women, Peace, and Security—that it became agreement, the UN held its September clear the paradigm was shifting. 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women, UNSCR 1325 calls out the disproportion- in Beijing. Although First Lady Hillary ate impact that modern armed conflict has on Clinton had been strongly cautioned against women. It also highlights that women bring making waves (given the politically fraught new eyes to old problems because of their dif- U.S.-China relationship), she electrified fering experience that can yield valuable delegates with her pointed affirmation that insights for conflict prevention, stabilization, “…human rights are women’s rights and and peace maintenance. Critically, the resolu- women’s rights are human rights, once and tion encouraged an increase in women’s par- for all.” Now seen as a watershed in the ticipation in security operations. And, of field of women and security, the conference course, it called on all nations to protect resulted in a strong declaration, including: women from gender-based violence. The inter- “Local, national, regional, and global peace national community, at least rhetorically, had is attainable and is inextricably linked with formally recognized that women could and the advancement of women, who are a should be agents of security. They are not fundamental force for leadership, conflict merely victims. resolution, and the promotion of lasting peace at all levels.”1 Swanee Hunt: Returning more than 20 times to the Balkans (to research two Simultaneously, debate was growing in books), I was struck by the enormous diplomatic and academic circles over whether chasm between what I heard about the war the true measure of security was the well-being from international policymakers and from of states, as it had traditionally been under- the people affected by it. Over time, it stood, or the well-being of individuals— became clear to me that if we don’t begin “human security.” That concept was
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our search for peace by incorporating the and training, culminating in the gender views of all segments of society—and, in mainstreaming policy. The policy is particular, women as well as men—we described operationally as “a strategy for cannot achieve true security. Around 2002, achieving gender equality by assessing the I dubbed this idea “inclusive security,” and implications for women and men of any set about analyzing and testing the theory planned action, including legislation, poli- with military fellows, scholars, government cies, and programs in all areas and at all officials, and peacebuilders on the ground. levels, in order to assure that the concerns and experiences of women and men are NATO’s Second Operation and a New taken into account in the design, imple- Lesson: Military Needs for Women’s mentation, monitoring, and evaluation of Engagement policies and programs in all political, eco- nomic, and societal spheres.”2 Douglas Lute: Women in Bosnia clearly experienced conflict differently from men. While NATO’s progress on women’s inclu- Lessons learned from that deployment and sion has mirrored the political and social the adoption of UNSCR 1325 led to strides women have made around the NATO’s use of gender advisors and world, at first the Alliance used gender informed changes to Alliance education TSgt Laura K. Smith, U.S. Air Force
Lithuanian Army 1st Lt. Ruta Gaizetute meets with local villagers during a Civilian Military Cooperation Team visit in Chaghcharan, Afghanistan.
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advisors only in the field, and mainly to interviewed a number of village women, enhance protection of women. But during gaining vital situational awareness. The NATO’s next major deployment after the news spread and, by the following year, the Balkans, to Afghanistan following the U.S. Army also had created female September 11, 2001 attacks, our forces “Cultural Support Teams.” (There were became more aware of the need to tap certain differences, but the women’s units women’s potential contributions to secu- were often referred to by the same acro- rity. nym: FETs, for Female Engagement Teams.) In short, these teams were created In August 2003, NATO took the lead of because of operational necessity—a the International Security Assistance Force demand-driven push from the field, sup- (ISAF) in Afghanistan, leading—at the ported by an efficiency-driven pull from the operation’s height—more than 140,000 top. troops from 51 Alliance and partner nations. The security of ISAF forces as well Varied Missions for Women as the success of the mission hinged upon The Institute for Inclusive Security docu- contact with the local population. Our mented how NATO came to rely on women mostly all-male units were handicapped soldiers in Afghanistan in multiple ways, often early on by their inability to interact with because of their access and ability to defuse or serve half the Afghan population. tension or connect with others, male and female.3 When police and security forces NATO recognized that a gap existed in its searched Afghan men for weapons, tensions force composition—that is, we lacked offi- were inevitably high, but often less so when cers who could both serve in combat and women were included in patrols. interact with Afghan women. Security of One telling vignette of a woman soldier the population required engaging the popu- building personal connections occurred in lation, both men and women, even though Sangin, one of the most dangerous areas in cultural norms in the countryside created a Afghanistan. A female corporal assigned to an barrier between our troops and Afghan infantry unit struck up a friendly conversation women. Whether to interview or search with a local farmer over her enjoyment of his women—or even to make sure that the per- favorite crop—watermelons. As they talked, he sons beneath burqas were female—the decided to let her know that he had vital infor- need for women among NATO troops mation. She asked if she might go and get oth- became obvious, and some units began ers who would very much appreciate that coming up with creative measures to bridge information, and he agreed, but when several the gap. male colleagues returned without her, the farmer refused to say more unless his new Observers point to an experiment con- friend was present. His information regarding ducted in 2009 at the request of male U.S. roadside bombs and Taliban insurgents not Marines as an early effort. Seven female only saved the lives of military personnel who Marines and a female interpreter
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 13 HUNT AND LUTE
frequently patrolled the area, but also helped diversity in force composition is not confined inform future operations.4 to nationality; gender is also a key component. Commanders often sent FETs to engage Based on NATO’s operational experiences, and influence the community. Teams reported there may never be a more constructive time that the local women—including those with than now to draw on the doctrine of inclusive whom they were interacting—had a strong security. influence on their husbands, sons, and the It is clear that NATO’s values—democracy, community as a whole. Female troops capital- human rights, individual liberty, and the rule ized on this social dynamic by creating solid of law—underpin the work of integrating a bonds; they acted not only as role models for gender perspective in all areas of the Alliance. Afghan women, but also as information con- That may seem an abstract philosophical duits to and from larger NATO units. choice, but research shows that countries pro- Those successes likely paid dividends in viding extensive opportunities for women as an Afghan society of close family ties, where well as men are both more peaceful and more the influence of mothers and sisters can guide prosperous than other nations.5 others in the community away from political The Answer is Partly Political and religious extremism. There are many reports of local women supporting counterin- The reverse is also true. Researchers cite the surgency operations after having gained a bet- failure to be inclusive as correlated with failed ter understanding of the military’s intentions states and fallen regimes.6 But while there is through contact with NATO’s female troops. growing acknowledgement that exclusion NATO’s use of FETs in operations came to drives conflict, there is scant practical guidance a close as NATO concluded combat operations about what meaningful inclusion looks like and passed the lead for security to Afghan and how to achieve it. How can we build secu- forces in December 2014. But by then the rity forces and institutions that address the teams had played a major role and NATO had varied needs and interests of increasingly gained important lessons on the operational diverse populations? In short, how do we cre- benefits of women’s inclusion. Ideally, in ate inclusive security? As we’ve described, hav- future conflict settings, we will move beyond ing women troops deployed on the ground Female Engagement Teams. Troops train offers operational benefits, but we also need together for a reason, and last-minute grafting women making policy. NATO is more than a on of even the most talented outside units military organization, and its political strength composed of women is less effective than mak- rests on common values, including equal ing certain we have the necessary diversity inte- rights and the strength of diversity. In both grated in our formations at every level. realms, military and political, the Alliance Today, with new security challenges along depends on representatives of its 28 member its periphery, NATO is undergoing significant states, from military officers to political office adaptation, incorporating some powerful les- holders. So the role of women matters, from sons learned from operations over the past 20 the battlefield to the policy table. years. First, having the right partners serving What is the current picture for them? In alongside NATO forces is crucial. And second, 1999, women represented just over seven
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percent of NATO countries' armed forces. It Emirates) participated in its development. The took 14 years for that percentage to inch its policy lays out a path for removing barriers to way up to 10.6 percent. During this time, par- women’s participation in NATO’s decision- ticipation of female troops in NATO-led oper- making process, and reducing conflict-related, ations was only 6.7 percent.7 Social science gender-based violence. The path, otherwise experiments have shown that diverse groups known as the “Action Plan for the are more adept at decisionmaking.8 And paral- Implementation of the NATO/EAPC Policy on lel research indicates that the benefits of Women, Peace and Security,” is organized including both genders fully kick in only when around NATO’s three core tasks—collective a critical mass of 30-35 percent is reached.9 defense, cooperative security, and crisis man- There is also evidence of a persistent agement and operations. This body of work is “brass ceiling” for women in officers’ ranks as led by Ambassador Marriët Schuurman as the promotion numbers decline rapidly with rise NATO Secretary General’s Special in rank. However, there are some signs that Representative (SGSR) for Women, Peace, and this may be changing for the better. The Security. The SGSR position was established in Alliance recently appointed our first-ever 2012 as a voluntary national contribution and female NATO Commander, Brigadier General made permanent in 2014 at the NATO Wales Giselle Wilz of the U.S. Army, at NATO’s head- Summit. quarters in Sarajevo. While the cadre of One of the capstone structural changes women in the military ranks has been growing, resulting from the women, peace, and security more women also have taken seats at the pol- agenda is the integration of gender advisors icy table. When heads of government gather at throughout the military and civilian structures NATO, approximately 16 percent are female. at NATO. The importance of their work cannot Currently, women account for 21 percent of be overstated. These specialized advisors are Alliance defense ministers and 7 percent of part of continuing operations in Kosovo and foreign ministers, making the combined total the current non-combat Resolute Support for female NATO ministers 14 percent. On Mission in Afghanistan, as well as at SHAPE average, 27 percent of the members’ parlia- and other NATO headquarters. They report ments are female, and the number of women directly to commanders and help military in other leadership roles is increasing.10 So a leaders apply a gender perspective in all secu- pipeline exists, even if the current flow is slug- rity matters. gish. Education is fundamental, and the NATO/ EAPC Action Plan includes extensive training And the Answer is Partly Policy for all personnel under the Alliance umbrella, Fortunately, NATO realizes the need for col- including online modules for gender training. laboration among Allies and partners in this All NATO troops who engage local popula- effort, and its Policy on Women, Peace, and tions are required to have instruction on Security has been developed within NATO’s UNSCR 1325 prior to deployment. 50-nation Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council Of course, organizational culture, particu- (EAPC). Five additional partners (Afghanistan, larly military culture, is deeply rooted and dif- Australia, Japan, Jordan, and the United Arab ficult to change abruptly. The structural
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 15 HUNT AND LUTE alterations put in place by the Alliance will ensuring women’s inclusion ought to be the take time to implement fully, but we are on same in all areas where NATO is present: all our way—and have come a great distance from member states need a blueprint to integrate where we began. As we look forward, these women’s perspectives and enable their partici- efforts will continue with the overall aim of pation. changing the institutional culture and mind- NATO’s 40 partner states, too, work to be set. interoperable. For those partners who are pro- spective members, going through the process National Action Plans of developing a national action plan is a step In 2004, the UN urged each member state to that helps to prepare countries to join the develop a policy document on women, peace, Alliance. Having and implementing a well- and security to make quicker progress on goals crafted policy document is a mark of readiness. laid out in UNSCR 1325. As of late 2015, only A Look Ahead 18 of 28 NATO Allies have developed such a plan. The United States released its National A year of global reflection, 2015 marked 15 Action Plan in 2011. years since the “No Women, No Peace” land- At NATO, the member states work mark UNSCR 1325 was adopted. Despite con- together, train together, and fight together; siderable progress, defining the roles of NATO Allies act as one. Thus, the standard for women still rests on the margins of Lt. Kristine Volk, Resolute Support Public Affairs
Women with the Afghan Border Police and members of the Train, Advise, and Assist Command - South come together to discuss gender integration in the Afghan security forces, as part of NATO’s Resolute Support Mission.
16 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY international peace and security agendas. But direction for commanders in the field. Best the issues surrounding their roles are not mar- practices have been developed from experi- ginal; they are fundamental to making head- ences in NATO’s operational deployments. way in solving today’s security challenges. A Many partnership tools also include a gender more systematic approach will help us develop component, including various trust funds, the targets, monitor implementation, measure the Building Integrity assistance program, and results, and report back to decisionmakers. research grants in NATO’s Science for Peace To address that need, NATO unveiled the and Security Program. Regular staff-to-staff “1325 Scorecard” last October. This new tool, talks foster learning about crisis management developed by Women in International Security and peacekeeping among NATO, the UN, and (WIIS) and the Belgrade Center for Security other international organizations. Policy, is designed to help Allies and partner As NATO adapts, important lessons are nations measure their progress, identify gaps, being incorporated. So what more can be and compare notes on implementation using done? “NATO is doing a lot. But we need to do the same metrics. Sponsored by NATO’s more, especially when it comes to promoting Emerging Security Challenges Division, the equal participation within NATO itself,” said scorecard provides a systematic approach for Ambassador Alexander Vershbow, NATO evaluating and tracking our collective progress Deputy Secretary General, speaking recently at on implementation of UNSCR 1325. the UN Security Council High-Level Review of Widespread use of this innovative and very UNSCR 1325. “We need to increase active and practical tool can raise awareness of UNSCR meaningful participation of women.”11 In his 1325 by identifying the gaps where policy is speech, Vershbow pledged that NATO will: lacking and help ensure that all Allies and ■■ Share best national practices and valu- partners meet the NATO standard of interoper- able lessons learned among NATO Allies ability on gender issues. and Partners on increasing female participa- Mainstreaming the gender perspective tion at decisionmaking levels within into everything the Alliance does is an ambi- national structures. tious and ongoing effort. As the Alliance and ■■ Accelerate the advancement of women its partners explore other practical ways to in NATO headquarters by establishing a carry out the women, peace, and security Women’s Professional Network and agenda, nurturing positive initiatives and Mentoring Program. achievements is also important. A good exam- ■■ Actively encourage Allies to submit ple is a NATO Trust Fund that was set up by female candidates for NATO’s most senior nations to underwrite the costs of security and decisionmaking positions. defense related projects focusing on support- ■■ Strengthen NATO partnerships for gen- ing the Jordanian Armed Forces’ efforts to der equality with other international organi- increase recruitment and retention of women, zations, including the UN, Organization for and provide effective training on gender issues. Security and Cooperation in Europe, Also, NATO endorsed military guidance on the European Union, and African Union. prevention of sexual and gender-based vio- ■■ Finance gender-sensitive research aimed lence in June 2015, which includes better at identifying drivers of radicalization and
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 17 HUNT AND LUTE
violent extremism, and developing targeted will allow us to achieve our common goal: and evidence-based responses, including the lasting peace and security.”13 PRISM empowerment of women to safeguard com- munities. ■■ Establish a civil society advisory panel to institutionalize NATO’s positive engagement(s).
“We face a rising tide of violent extremism and terrorism,” Vershbow said. “And it will be women, once again, who are most at risk. It is therefore essential that women be involved at every stage, and every level, of our operations and missions.”12 Operationally, it is not that NATO should have more women; it is that we must. That is because we need women to increase access to citizens, build bridges between conflicting par- ties, and gather more and better information. We need women’s expertise and input on deployments, planning, and policy. As Allies contribute human resources to NATO, whether deploying troops to field exercises, filling headquarters billets, or advancing candidates for leadership positions, nations can advance inclusive security by putting additional well- qualified women in the mix. In sum, inclusive security should be incorporated in the military, political, and institutional adaptations of the Alliance to ensure that NATO is using all avail- able resources to meet the security challenges of today and tomorrow. As the Alliance adapts to ever-evolving and complex threats, we can- not afford to draw from less than 100 percent of our talent pool. Diversity in all its forms is a powerful asset of NATO’s 28 democracies. Likewise, for NATO as an organization, inclu- sive security is more effective, efficient, and smart security. As Ambassador Vershbow said cogently, “Diversity gives us strength. Being inclusive
18 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY
Notes 11 Remarks by NATO Deputy Secretary General Alexander Vershbow at the United Nations Security Council Open Debate on the High-Level Review of 1 Fourth World Conference on Women UNSCR 1325 – Women, Peace and Security, October – Beijing Declaration, point no. 18
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 19 AUTHOR
Tim McKulka
Sudanese take part in “Citizen Hearings” in Musfa, Blue Nile State, on the border between northern and southern Sudan. The hearings were part of a 21-day process of popular consultations where residents could express whether the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) had met their expectations.
20 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies: Exploring the Evidence1
BY MARIE O’REILLY
raditional approaches to ending wars—where armed groups meet behind closed doors to hammer out a truce—are falling short in the face of 21st century conflicts. The number of armed conflicts has been increasing over the past decade. In 2014, the world witnessed T 2 the highest battle-related death toll since the Cold War. Belligerents increasingly target civilians, and global displacement from conflict, violence, and persecution has reached the highest level ever recorded.3 As new forms of conflict demand innovative responses, states that have emerged from war also persistently relapse. In the 2000s, 90 percent of conflicts occurred in countries already afflicted by war; the rate of relapse has increased every decade since the 1960s.4 Empirical analysis of eight decades of international crises shows that peacemaking efforts often succeed in the short-term only to fail in the quest for long-term peace.5 Partly as a means to address these challenges, calls for inclusive approaches to resolving conflict and insecurity have grown louder. In the field of international development, decades of evidence of women’s positive impact on socioeconomic outcomes has changed the way govern- ments, donors, and aid organizations do their work. The same cannot be said for the field of peace and security, where women have been thoroughly and consistently excluded. Despite a crescendo of calls for women’s participation in decisionmaking surrounding peace and security over the last two decades, change has been slow to follow. For example, women made up just two percent of mediators and nine percent of negotiators in official peace talks between 1992 and 2011.6 And just two percent of funding dedicated to peace and security goes to gender equality or women’s empowerment.7 The full impact of women’s participation on peace and security outcomes remains poorly understood.8 But a recent increase in quantitative and qualitative research has the potential to transform the status quo. In outlining the existing data, this article shows how women’s inclusion
Marie O’Reilly is Head of Research at The Institute for Inclusive Security.
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 21 O’REILLY
helps prevent conflict, create peace, and sus- children in most communities, and judges can tain security after war ends. authorize marriage for girls as young as 13 years of age.13 Women Prevent Violence and Provide Security Many studies show a direct relationship between women’s decisionmaking power with There is overwhelming quantitative evidence regard to peace and conflict, and the likeli- that women’s empowerment and gender hood that war will break out. For example, a equality are associated with peace and stability cross-national quantitative analysis found that in society. In particular, when women influ- higher levels of female participation in parlia- ence decisions about war and peace and take ment reduce the risks of civil war.14 Another, the lead against extremism in their communi- using data on international crises over four ties, it is more likely crises will be resolved decades, found that as the percentage of without recourse to violence. women in parliament increases by five percent, a state is five times less likely to use violence Women’s Participation Is a Predictor of when faced with an international crisis.15 In Peace terms of political violence perpetrated by the Statistical analysis of the largest dataset on the state, statistical analysis of data from most status of women in the world today shows that countries in the world during the period where women are more empowered in multi- 1977–1996 showed that the higher the pro- ple spheres of life, countries are less likely to portion of women in parliament, the lower the go to war with their neighbors, to be in bad likelihood that the state carried out human standing with the international community, or rights abuses such as political imprisonments, to be rife with crime and violence within their torture, killings, and disappearances.16 society. The causal direction is not yet clear, Women Moderate Extremism but it is evident that gender equality is a better indicator of a state’s peacefulness than other Although more difficult to document, similar factors like democracy, religion, or GDP.10 patterns arise when women are involved in Similarly, gender inequality has been revealed prevention efforts beyond official decision- as a predictor of armed conflict in a number of making roles. When it comes to preventing empirical studies, whether measuring conflict violent extremism, for example, there are between states or within states.11 countless cases of women in civil society Looking at the countries in conflict today, adopting effective nonviolent approaches this plays out clearly. Fourteen out of the sev- rooted in cooperation, trust, and their access enteen countries at the bottom of the OECD’s to communities. In Pakistan, activist Mossarat index for gender discrimination also experi- Qadeem has a decade of experience deradical- enced conflict in the last two decades.12 War- izing extremists by working with legislators, ravaged Syria, for example, has the third-most religious leaders, and schools to talk young discriminatory social institutions of 108 coun- men out of committing suicide attacks.17 Her tries surveyed—women face legal and social organization, PAIMAN Alumni Trust, has restrictions on their freedom of movement, trained more than 655 mothers to deradicalize only men can act as legal guardians over their 1,024 young men and boys, rehabilitating
22 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY AND PEACEFUL SOCIETIES
them and reintegrating them into society.18 In since they are among the first targets of funda- Libya, Alaa Murabit and her colleagues at The mentalism, which restricts their rights and fre- Voice of Libyan Women “walk into extremists’ quently leads to increases in domestic violence homes, schools and workplaces.”19 They create before it translates into open armed conflict.22 a dialogue with those who feel they have no For the same reason, women are well placed to alternative, drawing on religious discourse and detect early warning signals of oncoming vio- Libyan culture as entry points, while using lence or radicalization that men may miss. education and media campaigns to change When women serve in police forces—which attitudes.20 These are just two examples among research shows are more effective at combating many more. terrorism than militaries—this can be a par- Like men, women play a variety of roles ticularly valuable skill, as they bring a comple- when conflict threatens. A small minority of mentary understanding of the threat environ- women join and support terrorist organiza- ment in the communities they serve.23 tions for a variety of reasons, often when they Women in police forces can access the female perceive no other options to address their half of the population that may be closed off grievances.21 But interviews with 286 people to men in conservative cultures, and women in 30 countries across the Middle East, North are more likely to report gender-based violence Africa, and South Asia suggest that women are to female officers.24 In addition, policewomen often the first to stand up against terrorism, are more likely than their male colleagues to Catianne Tijerina
The Bangui National Forum took place in the capital of the Central African Republic in May, 2015, and concluded with the adoption of the Republican Pact for Peace, National Reconciliation, and Reconstruction.
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 23 O’REILLY
de-escalate tensions and less likely to use Women Promote Dialogue and Build Trust excessive force.25 Women are often perceived by belligerents as Women Strengthen Peacemaking honest brokers in peace processes, and they act When conflict does break out and social norms accordingly. Conflict parties may see women are upturned, peace and transition processes as less threatening because they are typically represent opportunities to both transform the acting outside of formal power structures and underlying causes of violence and address its are not commonly assumed to be mobilizing effects. Mediation is a more effective means of fighting forces. This grants women access to ensuring that conflict will not recur when com- conflict parties often denied to male leaders. pared to military victories.26 However, it still In Sri Lanka, for example, when talks were has a mixed record of success: empirical analy- foundering and leaders of the Liberation Tigers sis of eight decades of international crises of Tamil Elam refused to speak with members shows that while mediation often results in of the Sri Lankan government and Norwegian short-term cessations of hostilities, this fre- negotiators, they asked Visaka Dharmadasa, quently comes at the expense of long-term founder of Parents of Servicemen Missing in peace.27 Action and the Association of War-Affected New qualitative and quantitative research Women, to carry messages to the govern- shows that women can change this picture. A ment.30 Negotiators involved in peace pro- study of 40 peace processes in 35 countries cesses in Northern Ireland, South Africa, and over the last three decades showed that when Somalia report that, even when female par- women’s groups were able to effectively influ- ticipants initially met with hostility from their ence a peace process, an agreement was almost male counterparts, they ultimately developed always reached—only one case presented an a reputation for building trust, engaging all exception. When women did not participate, sides, and fostering dialogue in otherwise acri- the rate of reaching an agreement was much monious settings.31 lower. Once an agreement was reached, the Women’s roles as mediators are also influence of women’s groups was also associ- reflected in community-level dispute resolu- ated with much higher rates of implementa- tion. For example, in Somalia women are tion.28 Statistical analysis of a larger dataset known to serve as first-line diplomats, carrying also shows that when women participate in messages between clans to settle disputes, peace processes, peace is more likely to endure. since they have greater freedom of movement Measuring the presence of women as negotia- between the groups, partly due to intermar- tors, mediators, witnesses, and signatories to riage.32 Women in the Philippines’ southern 182 signed peace agreements between 1989 region of Mindanao report a long tradition of and 2011, this analysis shows that women’s leading community-level dispute resolution, participation has its greatest impact in the long which ranges from mediating between conflict- term: an agreement is 35 percent more likely ing clans to negotiating with the national to last at least 15 years if women participate in army.33 its creation.29 Of course, not every woman who partici- pates in peacemaking will promote dialogue.
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In particular, women representing the conflict society. To facilitate understanding of the pro- parties in a peace process may prioritize toeing cess and feed public opinion back to the peace the party line.34 Nonetheless, research across table, they consistently consulted with civil cultures demonstrates that, on average, women society organizations and led extensive are less likely than men to be discriminated national consultations across 13 regions, against by virtue of their race, religion, or eth- ensuring that participants represented a cross- nicity, making them well positioned to move section of religious, indigenous, youth, and between such groups during conflict.35 other groups. Female negotiators from oppos- Empirical studies show that both men and ing sides united in their efforts to persuade the women are less fearful of women from a dif- public of the value of negotiation over con- ferent social group than men from a different flict.38 Women in civil society, many of whom social group, so conflict parties may be more had decades of experience in peacebuilding, likely to trust women as intermediaries.36 The worked in unison with the female officials and fact that men are more likely to act as com- constantly pushed the elites to continue their petitors and aggressors in interpersonal and pursuit of peace.39 When the conflict parties intergroup relations compared to women— threatened to derail the talks with violence in whether measured by laboratory studies, 2012, women led a peaceful protest, pressuring homicide rates, or all-out war—may also help the spoilers to return to the table.40 to explain why women tend to be perceived In Liberia, Leymah Gbowee and others and to act as peacemakers rather than as adver- organized Christian and Muslim women who, saries or competitors for power.37 together, pressured warring parties into the 2002 negotiations that ultimately ended years Women Bridge Divides and Mobilize of horrific war. Recognizing that achievement, Coalitions the Nobel Committee awarded Ms. Gbowee Beyond their roles as intermediaries, women the 2011 Peace Prize for her “nonviolent strug- are adept at building coalitions in their push gle for… women’s rights to full participation for peace. They frequently mobilize diverse in peace-building work.”41 Indeed, these kinds groups in society, working across ethnic, reli- of cross-sectoral alliances frequently devise gious, political, and cultural divides cracked creative approaches to breaking impasses dur- open by conflict. In addition to this horizontal ing a stalled peace process, from nonviolent bridge-building, women also bridge the verti- sit-ins to unorthodox tactics like blocking cal divide between elites and the grassroots, doors or even withholding sex from husbands. which may in turn increase the chances that Liberia is one well-known case among many peace will last by promoting buy-in and gen- in this regard. erating legitimacy. Although women have built such coali- In the Philippines, for example, women in tions for peace in myriad ways in differing con- the high-level peace talks that produced the texts, similar patterns of women uniting across 2014 peace agreement between the govern- divides and reconciling disparate groups have ment and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front been documented in Colombia, Guatemala, continually pushed for a broader base of sup- Iraq, Kenya, Northern Ireland, Somalia, South port for the peace process across Filipino Africa, and beyond.42 In fact, in-depth studies
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 25 O’REILLY
of 40 peace processes show that no women’s excluded groups and address development and groups tried to derail a peace process.43 This is human rights issues related to the underlying not true of other societal groups—in Sri Lanka, causes of the conflict.47 Both of these for example, Buddhist monks and civil society approaches help societies to reconcile and ulti- organizations mobilized to protest against the mately build a more robust peace. negotiations.44 In Northern Ireland, for example, the Women’s coalition-building across divides cross-sectarian Women’s Coalition secured lan- may be explained by the fact that women are guage in the April 1998 Good Friday much more likely than men to reject hierar- Agreement on victims’ rights, as well as provi- chies based on group belonging. Analyzing sions for reintegration of political prisoners, studies with more than 50,000 respondents integrated education, and mixed housing— across 22 countries on five continents, social items that were not brought to the table by the psychologists found that this was true across main parties to the conflict.48 In the negotia- cultures, without exception.45 This gender tions leading to the May 2006 Darfur Peace dynamic is particularly significant for peace- Agreement in Sudan, women delegates pushed seeking initiatives, since so many wars are for previously neglected provisions addressing started by oppressed groups against dominant safety for internally displaced persons and groups and vice versa. refugees, food security, and gender-based vio- lence.49 In the political transition in Women Raise Issues That are Vital for Afghanistan, women in the constitutional Peace assembly that convened in 2003 and 2004 Like men, women play a variety of roles during advocated for the rights of the disabled and conflict, from peacemakers and political advo- supported the Uzbek minority’s efforts to gain cates to victims and perpetrators. Nonetheless, official recognition for their language.50 on average, women experience conflict differ- Indeed, when women are excluded from ently from men. Men form the majority of peace and transition processes, significant combatants and are more likely to be killed in grievances and sources of instability are often combat. Women are less likely to take up arms, overlooked. Former U.S. Ambassador to but die in higher numbers from war’s indirect Angola Donald Steinberg suggests that wom- effects—the breakdown in social order, human en’s absence from the 1994 peace negotiations rights abuses, the spread of infectious diseases, in Lusaka between the Angolan government and economic devastation.46 and rebel forces offers a cautionary tale in this Perhaps because of these unique experi- regard. He later wrote: ences during war, women raise different pri- The exclusion of women and gender con- orities during peace negotiations. They fre- siderations from the peace process proved to quently expand the issues under be a key factor in our inability to imple- consideration—taking talks beyond military ment the Lusaka Protocol and in Angola’s action, power, and territory to consider social return to conflict in late 1998…Not only and humanitarian needs that belligerents fail did this silence women’s voices on the hard to prioritize. In fact, when women are issues of war and peace, but it also meant included, they frequently advocate for other
26 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY AND PEACEFUL SOCIETIES
that issues [such] as internal displacement, requirement that women comprise 30 percent sexual violence, abuses by government and of all new civil servants.52 Women’s contribu- rebel security forces, and the rebuilding of tions to the peace talks in Guatemala led to the social services … were given short shrift— creation of the National Women’s Forum and or no shrift at all.51 the Office for the Defense of Indigenous Women, as well as legislation against sexual Women Prioritize Gender Equality harassment and efforts to make access to land and credit more equal.53 When women participate in peace processes Even when women’s concerns are not ulti- they frequently raise issues of gender equality mately included in peace agreements or new and women’s rights, which closely correlate constitutions, women’s mobilization in con- with peace. This contributes to strengthening texts where gender roles and political power the representativeness and legitimacy of the are in flux appears to have produced positive new political order that follows. Women’s sig- outcomes for the political institutions that fol- nificant participation in the transition in South low.54 Studies show that across Africa, South Africa led to the enshrinement of gender Asia, and Southeast Asia, there have been dra- equality in the country’s new constitution. The matic increases in the number of women in constitution provided for a new Commission parliaments in post-conflict countries com- on Gender Equality and included a pared to those without conflict. In Africa, UNAMID/Albert Gonzalez Farran
Community policing volunteers bridge divides in Darfur. In the Zam Zam camp for Internally Displaced People in North Darfur, UNAMID police officer Grace Ngassa, from Tanzania (left), and Community Policing Volunteer Jazira Ahmad Mohammad (center) interact with a woman and her child (right).
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 27 O’REILLY women in post-conflict countries have almost “conflict trap.” Once war has broken out, the doubled their rates of legislative representation risk that this society will experience further compared to countries not in conflict—reach- violent conflict greatly increases.56 But just as ing 27 percent of members of parliament in women’s empowerment is associated with post-conflict settings, compared to 13 percent reduced likelihood that conflict will break out in settings without conflict, according to a in the first place, statistical analysis also shows 2012 study.55 that strengthening women’s political and social participation diminishes the chances of Women Rebuild More Peaceful Societies conflict relapse after war has ended. In particu- When war is officially ended, women’s politi- lar, increases in parliamentary representation cal and social participation can contribute to and in female literacy reduce the risk that a a more robust peace for everyone by reducing country will experience civil war again. A study the likelihood of relapse into conflict and tak- of 58 conflict-affected states between 1980 and ing a more inclusive approach to post-conflict 2003 found that when no women are repre- reconstruction. sented in the legislature, the risk of relapse increases over time, but “when 35 percent of Women Break the Conflict Trap the legislature is female, this relationship virtu- The effect of women’s participation is particu- ally disappears, and the risk of relapse is near larly evident when it comes to breaking the zero.”57 Inclusive Security
The late Aloisea Inyumba, then gender minister in Rwanda, stands in a Rwandan village. She placed 500,000 orphans with families after the genocide, ignoring Hutu and Tutsi distinctions.
28 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY AND PEACEFUL SOCIETIES
Rwanda’s experience across three civil Reconciliation Commission, where she used wars brings these statistics to life. While two national public dialogues to promote recon- spells of peace in the 1980s and 1990s both ciliation between Hutus and Tutsis. She was ended in conflict, women held 13 percent of also responsible for the implementation of the parliamentary seats and the female-to-male Gacaca court system, a trailblazing participa- literacy rate was 0.58, on average.58 In con- tory justice mechanism to address war crimes. trast, women held an average 21 percent of Inyumba served as senator until 2011 and parliamentary seats in the decade following played a significant role in strengthening wom- the 1994 genocide and the literacy ratio en’s voices in local government throughout jumped to 0.85. As of 2015, women’s represen- Rwanda.62 tation has increased to 64 percent—the world’s Even in post-conflict settings where highest percentage of women in parliament— women are widely excluded from politics, or and peace, though not perfect, has held for 20 where the formal institutions of the state have years.59 been destroyed, women’s empowerment still influences the success of peacebuilding out- Women Broaden Societal Participation comes. A cross-national analysis of postwar The relationship between women’s participa- contexts since 1945 with a high risk of back- tion and peace duration may be partly sliding into conflict found that where women explained by women’s inclusive approach to enjoy a relatively higher social status, the pros- governance in post-conflict environments and pects for successful peacebuilding are greater, the perception of trust associated with them. because the local population’s participation in Research demonstrates that gender quotas in peacebuilding policies and activities post-conflict contexts make it more likely that increases.63 In other words, women have a other disadvantaged groups will gain access to direct positive impact on post-conflict recon- parliament, depending on the prevailing elec- struction because they have a voice themselves toral system, which in turn correlates with con- and they elicit broader societal participation. flict prevention indicators.60 Other studies Indeed, analysis of levels of conflict and coop- show that women in politics are perceived as eration during UN peacebuilding missions in more trustworthy and less corrupt—a percep- Liberia and Sierra Leone showed that in dis- tion that is vital for maintaining the public’s tricts where women had higher status, UN confidence in its new political institutions in peace operations have been significantly more the fragile post-conflict setting.61 effective. Women who led the way in rebuilding Conclusion their society in Rwanda also reflected this approach. Aloisea Inyumba, the country’s first The empirical evidence is overwhelming: Minister of Family, Gender, and Social Affairs, where women’s inclusion is prioritized, peace directed the burial of 800,000 dead after the is more likely—particularly when women are genocide, the resettlement of refugees, and a in a position to influence decisionmaking. national adoption campaign that reduced the There are several reasons why this is so. number of genocide orphans in Rwanda from Women promote dialogue and build trust. 500,000 to 4,000. She led Rwanda’s Unity and They consistently bridge divides and build
PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 29 O’REILLY
coalitions for peace. They bring different per- Notes spectives to bear on what peace and security
mean and how they can be realized, contribut- 1 A version of this article was first published in ing to a more holistic understanding of peace October 2015 by The Institute for Inclusive Security that addresses long-term needs as well as with the title “Why Women? Inclusive Security and Peaceful Societies,” available at
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11 Mary Caprioli, “Primed for violence: the role com/Commentary/Opinion/2013/0314/In-Libya- of gender inequality in predicting internal conflict,” Islam-and-a-purple-hijab-help-spurn-domestic- International Studies Quarterly 49, no. 2 (2005): violence-against-women>; and Jose Vericat, “Interview 161–178; Erik Melander, “Gender equality and with Alaa Murabit, Founder, Voice of Libyan Women,” intrastate armed conflict,” International Studies The Global Observatory, September 28, 2012. Quarterly 49, no. 4 (2005): 695–714. 21 On the causes of women’s radicalization, see 12 Clinton Foundation and Bill & Melinda Gates Margot Badran, “Women and Radicalization,” DIIS Foundation in cooperation with the Economist Working Paper no. 2006/5 (Copenhagen: Danish Intelligence Unit, “No Ceilings: The Full Participation Institute for International Studies, 2006); Laura Report” (March 2015): 21, citing OECD Development Sjoberg, “People, not Pawns: Women’s Participation Centre, Social Institutions and Gender Index 2014, in Violent Extremism Across Mena,” USAID available at PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 31 O’REILLY Mediation Dilemma (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 37 McDonald, Navarrete, and Sidanius, 2011). “Developing a Theory of Gendered Prejudice.” 28 Research from the Broadening Participation 38 This paragraph draws from O’Reilly, Ó Project led by Thania Paffenholz. See O’Reilly, Ó Súilleabháin, and Paffenholz, “Reimagining Súilleabháin, and Paffenholz, “Reimagining Peacemaking,” 19-26. Peacemaking.” 39 Chang et al., “Women Leading Peace,” 97-1. 29 Statistical analysis by Laurel Stone, as featured 40 Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace in O’Reilly, Ó Súilleabháin, and Paffenholz, Process, “Civil Society Organizations Clamor for “Reimagining Peacemaking,” 12-13. Completion of Peace Talks Between GPH and MILF,” 30 Profile of Visaka Dharmadasa, Directory of March 21, 2013. 32 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY AND PEACEFUL SOCIETIES 51 Donald Steinberg, “Failing to Empower Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 4 (July 2009): Women Peacebuilders: A Cautionary Tale from 505-523. Angola,” PeaceWomen E-News, April 25, 2007. 64 Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, ‘‘A Country of Their 52 Pilar Domingo, Rebecca Holmes, Alina Rocha Own: Women and Peacebuilding,” Conflict Menocal, and Nicola Jones, “Assessment of the Management and Peace Science 28, no. 5 (November evidence of links between gender equality, peace- 2011): 522-542. building and statebuilding,” Overseas Development 65 See, for example, Frances Stewart, Horizontal Institute (December 2013): 16. Inequalities as a cause of conflict: Understanding Group 53 Tsjeard Bouta, Georg Frerks, and Ian Bannon, Violence in Multiethnic Societies (New York: Palgrave Gender, Conflict, and Development (Washington, DC: Macmillan, 2008); Daron Acemoglu and James The World Bank, 2005): 53. Robinson, Why nations fail: the origins of power, 54 Domingo et al., “Assessment of the evidence,” prosperity and poverty (New York: Crown Publishers, 19. 2012). 55 Aili Mari Tripp, “Women’s Political Empowerment in Statebuilding and Peacebuilding: A Photos Baseline Study,” London: Department for International Development (August 2012), cited in Domingo et al., 19. Page 20. Photo by UN Photo/Tim McKulka. 2011. 56 Paul Collier, V. L Elliott, Havard Hegre, Anke Sudanese Weigh in on Peace Agreement in Blue Nile Hoeffler, Marta Reynal-Querol, and Nicholas State. From PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 33 AUTHOR Patrick A. Albright Army Chief of Staff Mark A. Milley shakes hands with Capt. Kristen M. Griest, one of the latest Soldiers to earn the Ranger tab (Aug. 21, 2015). 34 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Integrating Gender Perspectives Within the Department of Defense BY ANNE A. WITKOWSKY ast year marked the 20th anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, and the 15th anniversary of the passage of UN Security Council Resolution L (UNSCR) 1325. The Fourth World Conference on Women marked a critical shift in the conversation on gender equality and resulted in the unanimous adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, a comprehensive agenda aimed at achieving the goals of equality, development, and peace for women throughout the world.1 UNSCR 1325, adopted in 2000, recognized the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women and underscored the importance of women's equal and full participation in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peacebuilding, and peacekeeping.2 Taken together, the Beijing Conference and the adoption of UNSCR 1325 are the seminal events that led to international consensus on the elevation of women, peace, and security (WPS) principles as priority issues for all states and firmly established the link between equality and rights for women, on the one hand, and the well-being of society overall, on the other. When included as meaningful participants in the negotiation of peace agreements, women enlarge the scope of those agreements to include the broader set of critical societal priorities and needs required for lasting peace.3 For example, women played a key role in the negotiations that led to the 1996 Guatemalan Peace Accords and ultimately helped shape a deal with a significant human rights orientation, including gender sensitive provisions.4 According to NATO’s Civil- Military Cooperation Centre of Excellence, greater awareness of gender issues results in an enhancement of overall situational awareness and better advice to senior decisionmakers, who can then make better-founded, judicious, and balanced decisions.5 Anne A. Witkowsky is the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Stability and Humanitarian Affairs within the Office of the Secretary of Defense (Policy) at the U.S. Department of Defense. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 35 WITKOWSKY Recognizing that women’s inclusion in Integration and Institutionalization conflict prevention, management, and resolu- tion—as well as post-conflict relief and recov- The Department of Defense implements U.S. ery—advances peace and security, in December leadership’s objectives through policy frame- 2011, U.S. President Barack Obama issued works, strategic guidance, and planning docu- Executive Order 13595 directing the release ments. Infusing WPS principles into key docu- and implementation of the U.S. National ments is critical to establishing WPS policy, Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security assigning responsibilities, delegating authori- (NAP). The NAP, developed by U.S. ties, and identifying key objectives. In 2012, Government stakeholders in consultation with then-Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta issued civil society and congressional staff, aims “to a memorandum directing DOD implementa- advance women’s inclusion in peace negotia- tion of the NAP, noting that the NAP’s goal is tions, peacebuilding activities, and conflict critical to our national security. The prevention; to protect women from sexual and Department also developed an implementa- gender-based violence; and to ensure equal tion guide for the NAP that serves as a tool for access to relief and recovery assistance, in areas applying the NAP objectives into the strategic, of conflict and insecurity.”6 operational, and tactical environments. As a The Department of Defense (DOD) is result of the issuance of the Secretary’s memo committed to meeting the objectives of the and the implementation guide, the NAP and has made significant gains through Department has taken a number of steps to more than three years of implementation by integrate and institute WPS principles. integration and institutionalization of WPS In an effort to address WPS in our educa- principles into the Department and key DOD tion system, WPS was incorporated within the policy guidance. DOD strives to support pro- Joint Professional Military Education (JPME) grams that will increase women’s participation system as a Special Area of Emphasis (SAE). in peace processes and decisionmaking, par- JPME provides rigorous and thorough instruc- ticularly through partner engagements and tion to military officers “in an environment trainings, and is taking steps to advance activ- designed to promote a theoretical and practi- ities that address the impact of violence and cal in-depth understanding” of issues impor- conflict on women. As a relatively new policy tant to the services.7 SAEs constitute subject initiative, the effort to institutionalize and matter that senior leaders in the Department integrate these principles has required exten- believe should be covered in the professional sive cooperation throughout the Department military education (PME) colleges and help of Defense, and commitment at a range of ensure the relevance of the colleges’ curricula. leadership levels in Washington and in the As such, the inclusion of WPS as an SAE under- field. It will take time before the effort is fully scores the importance of WPS principles and integrated into the guidance documents and enables them to gain traction and increase training cycles of the Department’s activities. understanding among the joint force. Much, however, has already been accom- Other steps have been taken by DOD’s plished. Geographic Combatant Commands, the enti- ties responsible for command and control over 36 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INTEGRATING GENDER PERSPECTIVES WITHIN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE the joint military forces within a specific geo- programming with partner militaries. The graphic area. WPS principles have been incor- regional centers are institutions where military porated into some of the Geographic and civilian participants from nations across Combatant Commands’ Theater Campaign the globe engage in research, communication, Plans, which are plans that prioritize, organize, and the exchange of ideas regarding security and integrate the Command’s steady-state issues relating to a specific geographic region. activities in a comprehensive manner.8 For The Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, for example, WPS objectives found in U.S. example, released a strategy document in sup- Southern Command’s Theater Campaign Plan port of the NAP with objectives that include include key tasks specifically addressing wom- ensuring WPS elements are incorporated into en’s integration into partner nation militaries the curriculum, promoting and maintaining a and ministries of defense. The inclusion of WPS community of interest, and achieving a WPS in such plans is important to meeting goal of 25 percent female participation in all DOD’s NAP implementation objectives resident courses.10 because it integrates WPS into the Command’s In order to promote a better understand- day-to-day activities. ing and integration of gender issues, many DOD’s regional centers9 have also incor- parts of DOD are also incorporating WPS into porated WPS into their guiding documents their regular training pathways. A number of and have thus played a major role in making DOD Components have developed specialized WPS a more integral part of DOD exchange training on WPS to familiarize new personnel André Gustavo Stumpf The Brazilian Army was the first army in South America to accept women into its ranks. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 37 WITKOWSKY with the topic. U.S. Africa Command, for trafficking. CTIP general awareness training is example, has added a WPS briefing to the mandatory for all military and civilian person- Command’s Newcomers’ Orientation Course. nel. Additionally, combatant commands aug- The briefing aims to provide staff with an ment this training to provide instruction on awareness of why WPS topics are important trafficking issues specific to their area of through an overview of UN Security Council responsibility, which is crucial as trafficking Resolution 1325 and the NAP, as well as how victims have been identified in more than 120 WPS issues are addressed in U.S. Africa countries.12 For example, U.S. Southern Command plans, exercises, operations, and Command has released a CTIP module that engagements. U.S. Northern Command devel- covers specific CTIP issues relevant to the oped a module on human rights and WPS for region, including forced labor and sex traffick- inclusion in the “USNORTHCOM 101” class ing. that is provided to all new personnel. The Of course, the efforts to integrate and module introduces WPS concepts to the com- institutionalize WPS and NAP objectives are mand and increases personnel familiarity with insufficient without appropriate evaluation. basic WPS concepts. Similarly, U.S. Pacific DOD has sought to evaluate and learn from its Command introduced a WPS information work and has taken steps to improve data col- brief to its Initial Staff Training and lection in order to track and report progress on Orientation Program provided to all new per- WPS objectives, assess lessons learned, and sonnel. Additionally, there has been an effort identify best practices from existing programs. to increase senior-leader awareness of WPS To that end, the Department has instituted a and its value to operations. U.S. Pacific Air WPS Synchronization Group to coordinate Forces, for example, introduced a WPS brief in WPS efforts within the Department, which is a its Squadron Commander’s Course that is pro- valuable tool to further the sharing of lessons vided to all newly assigned Commanders in learned and best practices and advance the the Pacific. Ultimately, our intent is to improve quality of future programs among the overall mission effectiveness by providing Combatant Commands, Military Departments, DOD’s workforce with the functional knowl- regional centers, and Senior Service Schools. edge needed to integrate these areas into the Participation in Peace Processes and Department’s work. Decisionmaking Personnel training focused on combating trafficking in persons (CTIP) aims to enhance The Department of Defense has a global pres- staff capacity to address gender considerations, ence, with personnel located around the specifically the protection of women and girls world. This presence provides us with an in conflict and crisis-affected environments. unparalleled opportunity to convey WPS prin- Forty-nine percent of the victims of trafficking ciples and the positive impact of women’s par- are women and 21 percent are girls who also ticipation in peace processes and decisionmak- face physical health issues, including those ing to other countries and their militaries. The related to reproductive health.11 The Department is committed to expanding the Department’s CTIP program office ensures that recruitment and retention of women in partner the DOD has the necessary tools to prevent nations’ security sectors and incorporating 38 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INTEGRATING GENDER PERSPECTIVES WITHIN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE women’s perspectives into partner nations’ peace operations.13 As part of GPOI training peace and security policies. Through our conducted by the U.S. military, all peacekeep- peacekeeping training, seminars at our ers receive instruction on the prevention of regional centers and the Combatant sexual and gender-based violence, gender Commands, and our National Guard State issues, and human rights. As of June 2015, Partnership Program, we work to integrate gen- GPOI has trained approximately 5,300 female der perspectives into partnership activities. peacekeepers and trained both male and Core WPS issues are included in the female peacekeepers to more effectively pre- Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI), a vent and respond to gender-based violence U.S. Government security assistance program and sexual exploitation and abuse. In 2013, funded through the Department of State that U.S. Southern Command, in partnership with is intended to enhance international capacity the Naval Postgraduate School, created a spe- to effectively conduct UN and regional peace cific GPOI-funded WPS program with the operations by training partner countries. Chilean Peace Operations Training Center. The Women constitute approximately four percent three-phase program aims to advance GPOI of the military and police personnel deployed goals of increasing protection and integration to UN peacekeeping missions and one of of women in peacekeeping and peace building GPOI’s objectives is to promote the role of operations. Through Chile’s determined efforts women and enhance gender integration in and the support of such programs, Chile has UN Photo/Martine Perret Mongolian peacekeepers stand at attention as they receive their medals for their service in the Republic of South Sudan. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 39 WITKOWSKY become a regional leader on gender integra- Addressing the Impact of Violence and tion in UN peacekeeping operations and is Conflict on Women beginning to share its expertise with partner Protection from Violence nations. Another area where the Department has Women and girls are disproportionately worked to advance the promotion of WPS affected by conflict, and sexual and gender- principles with partner nations is through the based violence is often used as a deliberate National Guard State Partnership Program, tactic to generate terror, societal destruction, which links a state’s National Guard with the and ethnic cleansing. As emphasized in the armed forces of a partner nation in a coopera- NAP, the United States is prioritizing efforts to tive, mutually beneficial relationship. prevent and respond to such crimes and DOD Examples include the Colorado National is committed to fulfilling the NAP’s objective Guard’s engagements with women from the to advance the protection of women and girls Jordanian Armed Forces that focus on leader- from violence. ship development, empowerment, work/fam- The Department has expanded its work to ily balance, and sexual harassment; the prevent and protect women and children from Vermont National Guard’s engagements with sexual and gender-based violence in crises and the Senegalese Armed Forces (SAF) aimed at conflict-affected environments through its the successful integration of women into the training, education, and awareness efforts SAF; and the South Dakota National Guard’s aimed at increasing the capacity of partner work with the Suriname Armed Forces on nation militaries and security personnel to issues pertaining to women in the military. address these crimes. Among those efforts: Finally, training through the Combatant Commands provides an important avenue for ■■ U.S. Africa Command hosted a “Women, furthering WPS aims and objectives. For exam- Peace, and Security Conference” at the U.S. ple, U.S. Africa Command, along with U.S. Army War College in September 2014 with Army Africa and the Namibian Defense Force, representatives from Africa GPOI partner hosted a first of its kind week-long “Regional nations and other select stakeholders to Gender Mainstreaming Seminar” in Namibia develop scenario-based training on prevent- in 2014. The seminar brought together partici- ing and responding to sexual violence in the pants from seven African countries to discuss context of peacekeeping missions. frameworks to promote, support, and encour- Recognizing the unique capability of sce- age the integration of women into defense nario-based training as a means to prepare forces; best practices, challenges, and successes peacekeepers to address appropriately situa- in integration; and the development of sexual tions on the ground, the training is intended and gender-based violence prevention and to be used when preparing units for a mis- response initiatives. sion or while deployed in an operation. ■■ U.S. Marine Corps Forces Africa, in coor- dination with U.S. Africa Command and the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center, conducts a biannual 40 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INTEGRATING GENDER PERSPECTIVES WITHIN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE Peacekeeping Logistics Course in Ghana. women’s health, rule of law, and the stabil- The course includes a module on “Gender ity, security, and progress of a society. in Peace Support Operations,” which addresses the specific vulnerabilities faced by The Department of Defense has also women and children during conflict, includ- advanced effective accountability mechanisms ing gendercide, rape, forced impregnation, designed to address violence against women genital mutilation, forced prostitution, and and girls. The Defense Institute of International human trafficking. The goal of the module Legal Studies (DIILS), whose motto is “Justitia is to provide participants with information per orbem terrarum” or “justice for all the on gender concepts to enhance their capac- earth,” develops and provides professional ity for gender integrated planning and legal education and international engagement implementation in peace support opera- focused on human rights, international tions. humanitarian law, and the law of armed con- ■■ WPS was integrated throughout the field flict. Through mobile-education seminars on training event of the U.S. Pacific Command- international human rights law and interna- GPOI Capstone Training Exercise Garuda tional humanitarian law, DIILS provides Canti Dharma, an Indonesia hosted and instruction on combating impunity for gender- U.S. sponsored multinational exercise that based violence in the military. The seminars, took place in August 2014. The field training conducted in-country, have included engage- event included scenarios addressing women ments with more than half a dozen countries and children hostages, and protection of within Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. civilians. A subject matter expert also pro- DIILS also has a long-standing military justice vided a day of classroom instruction on top- engagement program in the Democratic ics including sexual and gender-based vio- Republic of the Congo (DRC), which provides lence, human rights, and equality. The instruction to the Armed Forces of the DRC exercise trained Indonesian National and magistrates on sexual and gender-based Defense Forces and GPOI partner nation violence, including the responsibility of each defense personnel for deployment to UN soldier to report and assist authorities in peacekeeping missions. apprehending and prosecuting those respon- ■■ The Defense Institute for Medical sible for violations. Operations developed a leadership course to Conflict Prevention counter gender-based violence. The course is designed to empower healthcare policymak- One of the core principles of UNSCR 1325 is ers and their implementing authorities to the recognition that women are disproportion- establish effective, evidence-based programs ately affected by conflict. The NAP also notes to combat gender-based violence. The five- that rising discrimination and violence against day class, provided by a Mobile Education women are often “early indicators of impend- Team, uses case-based examples of success- ing conflict” and conflict prevention efforts ful intervention in gender-based violence in must be “informed by the differences in the several contexts to show how successes can experiences of men and women, girls and lead to clear-cut societal improvements in boys.”15 The Department has taken steps to PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 41 WITKOWSKY prevent or reduce the impact of conflict on and rehabilitation of hospitals and clinics in women and girls. For example, the Center for the Democratic Republic of the Congo focused Excellence in Disaster Management facilitates on treatment of survivors of sexual and gen- an annual Health Emergencies in Large der-based violence. U.S. Central Command Populations (H.E.L.P.) course to provide first established vocational training programs responders with an understanding of the throughout Afghanistan to teach women major public health issues, including sexual trades, thereby providing them with skills they and gender-based violence, to be addressed can use to earn income and lift themselves out among populations affected by natural disas- of poverty. Additionally, through hospital ters, complex emergencies, and internal dis- ships such as the USNS Comfort and USNS placement. Recognizing that investing in Mercy, DOD engages local populations on gen- health can reduce the risk of conflict and miti- der health and protection issues during port gate its impact, the course prepares partici- visits in both peacetime and humanitarian pants to respond more effectively to disasters response operations. The hospital ships’ activ- and humanitarian crises as part of an interna- ities promote the sharing of healthcare knowl- tional response by incorporating innovative edge and best practices and enhance the approaches in the planning and delivery of Department’s ability to work collectively in public health interventions and providing stu- support of relief efforts. dents from diverse backgrounds the opportu- The Department’s regional centers have nity to build relationships prior to a devastat- been active in this area as well. For example, ing event. the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies incorporates disarmament, demobili- Access to Relief and Recovery zation, and reintegration into combating ter- The Department also seeks to address the dis- rorism elements of its in-residence and over- tinct needs of women and children in reinte- seas workshop programs, and includes a gration and recovery programs. It does so special emphasis on the reintegration of through the delivery of relief and recovery ser- women and child soldiers as well as the radi- vices, regional center courses, and Combatant calization of women and youth. Additionally, Command programs. the George C. Marshall European Center for While generally acting in support of other Security Studies’ Seminar on Transnational agencies in disaster relief efforts, DOD is com- Civil Security provides civil security profes- mitted to addressing the needs of women and sionals from Europe, Eurasia, and North children in humanitarian assistance programs America with the skills to prevent and prepare and disaster response planning and opera- for domestic and regional crises and disasters tions. The Department works with other U.S. as well as manage their consequences. The government agencies, as well as civil society seminar curriculum broadly addresses the partners, to deliver relief and recovery services needs of women and children in disaster pre- to women and children in communities paredness and consequence management. affected by humanitarian disasters. For exam- ple, U.S. Africa Command’s Humanitarian Assistance Program has funded construction 42 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INTEGRATING GENDER PERSPECTIVES WITHIN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE The Way Forward element of peace and stability operations. PRISM In the years since the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, the passage of UNSCR 1325, and the issuance of the NAP, the Department of Defense has taken important steps to institutionalize and integrate WPS principles into its guiding documents and activities, incorporate these principles into its partner engagements and trainings, support programs that will increase women’s participa- tion in peace processes and decisionmaking, and advance activities that address the impact of violence and conflict on women. Nevertheless, the anniversaries provide an important opportunity to reflect on what more Notes we can and should do. We must continue to incorporate WPS into our existing lines of 1 UN Chief Executives Board Secretariat, effort and activities. We must continue to “Fourth World Conference on Women (1995),” develop best practices, case studies, and les- PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 43 WITKOWSKY - Washington, D.C., and the Near East South Asia Photos Center for Strategic Studies (NESA) - Washington, D.C.. 10 Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, Page 34. Photo by Patrick A. Albright. 151229-A- “Women, Peace, and Security Strategy,” April 23, YG824-001.JPG. Army Chief of Staff Mark A. Milley 2015. shakes hands with Capt. Kristen M. Griest, one of 11 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the latest Soldiers to earn the Ranger tab (Aug. 21, "Global Report on Trafficking in Persons," (2014): 5 2015). From Page 39. Photo by UN Photo/Martine Perret. 2013. Medal Ceremony for Mongolian Peacekeepers Serv- ing in South Sudan. From 44 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Now available from NDU Press, http://ndupress.ndu.edu/Books/LessonsEncountered.aspx AUTHOR Minnesota National Guard In 2012, Captain Tara Robertson (right) took command of the Minnesota National Guard’s 849th Mobility Augmentation Company and was the first woman to command the previously all-male unit. She was awarded a Bronze Star Medal as well as a Combat Action Badge following her deployment to Afghanistan. 46 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Female Citizen Soldiers and Airmen Key Contributors to Worldwide Peace and Security BY FRANK GRASS omen’s entrance into the National Guard in 1950 was an historic moment in America’s military history. From that moment on, women have been instrumental in building Wthe National Guard into what it is today: a ready, accessible, and capable force that is an invaluable combat reserve for the active Army and Air Force. Women in the National Guard are essential to defending the nation, supporting our communities, and building partnership capacity. They exemplify our government’s commitment to integrating women into defense, development, and diplomatic efforts. Last fall, I passed the milestone of having served 46 years in our military. It has been an incredible journey, beginning with my enlistment in the Missouri National Guard in 1969 to my current position as the Chief of the National Guard Bureau and a member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Over the years, I have witnessed extraordinary change in the National Guard, particularly since 9/11 and the long period of war which followed. The National Guard has transformed from a strategic reserve to an operational force, requiring the skill sets of both women and men to maintain the high operations tempo while ensuring mission success. The need to organize, equip, and train for two wars while protecting the homeland has required the National Guard to be at its highest readiness state in history. During my time in service, I believe one of the most important accomplishments in becom- ing a more ready force is by providing greater opportunities for our female Guardsmen. These opportunities have not occurred by chance, but rather, through a concerted effort of societal forces that recognized the need for inclusion of women combined with the passage of a series of resolu- tions, statutes, and policies that recognize the contributions that female service members can make to the military. General Frank J. Grass is the Chief of the National Guard Bureau and a member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 47 GRASS Thomas P.M. Barnett noted that when we Measures such as the 2011 U.S. National look around the world the most successful and Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security secure societies are those that do not marginal- (WPS) illustrate our nation’s awareness that, ize women—those that allow for their eco- “[d]eadly conflicts can be more effectively nomic and political participation.1 Nations avoided, and peace can be best forged and sus- that embrace women in all aspects of their tained, when women become equal partners society participate fully in our era of globaliza- in all aspects of peacebuilding and conflict tion, political freedom, and international prevention, when their lives are protected, human rights. Whether it is in business, sci- their experiences considered, and their voices ence, education, or politics, we have seen heard.” In line with this principle, then women creating, innovating, and leading our Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta announced nation into the 21st century. It is accurate to say in 2013 a plan that would continue to evolve that without women’s contributions to our the role of female service members by allowing society, we would only be tapping into half of them to serve in combat with ground forces by our nation’s reservoir of talent. Thus, I believe “[eliminating] all unnecessary gender-based women serving in the military, expanding their barriers to service.”2 In the 2015 National roles in the military, and leading our military, Security Strategy, the United States reaffirmed are ideas that are natural and logical. its commitment to the inclusion of women in Since 1951, the Defense Advisory all aspects of the nation’s defense by acknowl- Committee on Women in the Services has edging that a society will not succeed, “if it been providing recommendations to the does not draw on the potential of all its peo- Secretary of Defense on women’s issues in the ple.” In December 2015, Defense Secretary service; its efforts have contributed greatly to Ashton Carter announced that the Pentagon the advances we have made in the promotion would open all combat jobs to women, with- and advancement of females serving in the out exception. military. These improvements led to a land- Today, women comprise nearly 17 percent mark moment in 1991, when Congress began of the 455,000 total National Guard force, lifting the ban on women serving in combat while approximately 11 percent of 5,420 Army by allowing female pilots to fly in war zones. and Air National Guard command positions In 2000, the United Nations Security are occupied by females. The women of the Council met and passed UN Security Council National Guard are part of nearly every mis- Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) which recog- sion set that we have. Within the Army and the nized the nexus between gender and security. Air Force, the National Guard continues its The Security Council recognized that women efforts to better integrate with the active com- play an important role in bringing about peace ponent and provide the capabilities necessary and stability, whether serving as leaders in con- at a time when active duty forces are drawing flict mediation or as members of the security down. The National Guard’s female citizen forces helping bring about a secure environ- soldiers and airmen are key contributors to ment for women and their associated commu- this effort. nities. At its core, the National Guard is a reflec- tion of the communities we serve. Rather than 48 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 FEMALE CITIZEN SOLDIERS AND AIRMEN seeing inclusion and diversity as abstract goals, mission set, the women of the National Guard these characteristics are woven into the fabric serve capably and with distinction. of the National Guard and are what make us Minuteman strong. I believe no other military organization is better equipped to implement our nation’s The Minuteman is the symbol of the National inclusion policies within its primary mission Guard’s most valuable resource, the women sets than the National Guard. Female leaders and men who serve. The National Guard’s ori- in our communities are the same individuals gins date back to December 13, 1636, when who lead our Guard. They work in communi- the mission was the protection of the colonial ties and understand the issues and concerns of settlements as a militia with Minutemen. women. In our overseas missions, the women Minutemen were non-professional soldiers of the National Guard bring unique skill sets during the American Revolutionary War, that are utilized within the framework of our trained for rapid deployment in a minute’s strategic efforts to strengthen our relationships notice.3 with our allies. The National Guard’s three pri- Separate from the active component, the mary missions—our mission triad—is built traditional Guardsman brings skill sets from upon the Warfight abroad, securing and civilian employment that balance well with defending the Homeland, and building endur- military duties. Guardsmen who are airline ing and strategic Partnerships. Within each pilots, attorneys, doctors, dentists, nurses, schoolteachers, corporate executives, Staff Sgt. Mitchel Miller, U.S. Army National Guard Army 1st Lt. Demetria N. Elosiebo, the first female African-American rotary wing pilot in the D.C. Army National Guard PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 49 GRASS investment bankers, and information-technol- Until the recent announcement of her ogy and cyber specialists can transfer and retirement, the Honorable Jessica L. Wright apply their valuable civilian expertise to their was a leader in the Department of Defense as military specialties. the Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel By fully utilizing these skills, the National and Readiness. In this position, she was the Guard has proactively sought to increase principal staff assistant and advisor to the opportunities for women over the last 65 Secretary of Defense for Total Force years. The mission sets within the National Management as it relates to readiness; National Guard promote diversity and have empowered Guard and Reserve component affairs; health women in the National Guard to rise from the affairs; training; and personnel requirements enlisted ranks to serving as Adjutants General and management, including equal opportu- (known as TAGs) for the 54 states, territories, nity, morale, welfare, recreation, and quality of and the District of Columbia.4 The Adjutants life matters.5 General are responsible for the command, Senator Joni Ernst from Iowa is another control, and supervision of the Army and Air former Guardsman who exemplifies the National Guard units in their respective states, diverse background of our leaders in the reporting to the Governor for state missions National Guard. She was elected to the United and/or the President for federal missions. The States Senate in November 2014 and is the first National Guard has had seven female female from Iowa voted into Congress, and the Adjutants General to date, with four currently first female combat veteran to serve in the U.S. serving in the position in Alaska, Maryland, Senate. Prior to her recent retirement at the Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. rank of Lieutenant Colonel, Senator Ernst Major General (Ret.) Jessica L. Wright is a served over 23 years in the U.S. Army Reserves great example of the National Guard promot- and the Iowa Army National Guard, previously ing female leaders within its ranks. General serving as the commander of the 185th Combat Wright enlisted in 1975 with the Pennsylvania Sustainment Support Battalion, which is the National Guard and later graduated from largest battalion in the Iowa Army National Officer Candidate School and the Rotary Wing Guard. In 2003, she spent 14 months serving Aviator Course at Fort Rucker, becoming the as a company commander leading 150 Army National Guard’s first female aviator. Guardsmen in Kuwait and Iraq during Throughout her stellar career, she held many Operation Iraqi Freedom.6 leadership positions, in Public Affairs, Through her years of experience in the Recruiting and Retention, Flight Operations, as National Guard and in combat, Senator Ernst an Assistant Professor of Military Science, and brings a unique perspective to her role as a in a variety of other headquarter, field, and legislator, understanding the sacrifices and staff assignments. She was also the first female commitment of our service members. She car- maneuver brigade commander in the United ries this experience and knowledge as she States Army (28th Combat Aviation Brigade, serves in the Senate and on her assigned com- 28th Infantry Division), and Pennsylvania’s first mittees, including the influential Armed female Adjutant General. Services Committee which is empowered with legislative oversight of the nation's military.7 50 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 FEMALE CITIZEN SOLDIERS AND AIRMEN She also serves on the Homeland Security and convoy was ambushed by insurgents. After a Governmental Affairs Committee, and the fierce firefight, her unit killed 27 insurgents, Subcommittee on Emerging Threats and wounded 6 and captured 1. For her heroic Capabilities. combat actions, Sergeant Hester was awarded Senator Ernst and Major General Wright the Silver Star Medal—the first woman to both exemplify the National Guard’s efforts to receive the Silver Star medal since World War provide opportunities for our female II and the first bestowed for close combat. Her Guardsmen to excel. They are just two of the military training saved her life and the lives of many women who serve in the most difficult many of her fellow soldiers. On receiving her and challenging positions that help provide medal, Sergeant Hester said, “It really doesn’t peace and security throughout the world. have anything to do with being a female, [i]t’s about the duties I performed that day as a sol- Warfight dier….Your training kicks in and the soldier The military I entered in 1969 is in stark con- kicks in….You’ve got a job to do—protecting trast to the one that I see today. I joined a force yourself and your fellow comrades.”8 Sergeant engaged in Vietnam and concurrently under Hester is one of a countless number of female the specter of conflict with our Cold War heroes who have made incredible sacrifices for adversary, the Soviet Union. While the United our nation and national security. Her heroic States fought in Vietnam and faced the threat actions illustrate that courage is a trait that is of bilateral nuclear engagement, the attitude not gender-specific. and policies of the day on the appropriate role As the role of American women in combat for women in the forces created many barriers continues to increase and as the National to service and promotion. Guard continues to develop mission sets that The congressional legislation of 1991 and harness the unique capabilities of women, I the Department of Defense policy of 2013 believe women in certain parts of the world opened the door to allow women to be key will be empowered as a result of this evolu- participants in combat operations. From flying tion. effective and decisive combat sorties in fighter, Female Engagement Teams (FETs) are one airlift, refueling, and helicopter aircraft, to example of how the National Guard opera- serving on the ground with their male coun- tionalizes the unique aspects that women can terparts in the protracted conflicts in Iraq and bring to the Warfight in places such as Afghanistan, the Guard’s mission sets allow Afghanistan and Iraq. FETs have been very suc- our female Guardsmen the opportunity to cessful in gaining information and winning serve and demonstrate the courage and patrio- the trust of females in Iraq and Afghanistan tism that uphold the finest traditions of our who are not permitted to converse with men military. outside their families.9 These units are Sergeant Leigh Ann Hester is just one deployed to interact with local women and example. In March 2005, Sergeant Hester was gain a better understanding of their concerns.10 serving in Iraq with the 617th Military Police FETs support the objectives of the 2000 Company out of Richmond, Kentucky. When UNSCR 1325 and the 2011 U.S. National her squad was shadowing a supply convoy, the Action Plan for the inclusion and PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 51 GRASS empowerment of women by listening to these flight lead told Lieutenant Penney that he Afghan and Iraqi women on the ground, would fly his F-16 into the cockpit of the encouraging the rule of law, and allowing the hijacked airliner and she would strike the tail. women to feel more secure by decreasing the Since terrorists were using an American airliner chances of violence through accountability.11 as a weapon, Lieutenant Penney and her flight lead had no choice but to use their F-16s in Homeland direct response. In the end, they could not find Americans now realize that geography is no Flight 93 because the brave American passen- longer an obstacle for our adversaries. As a gers onboard rushed the cockpit to take back result, our security strategy in the homeland control of the aircraft, crashing into a field in has evolved to defy and prevent dynamic and Shanksville, Pennsylvania. Regardless, young asymmetric threats. The skill sets developed Lieutenant Penney was prepared to give her from our complex operations in the Warfight life to defend her country and preserve, guard, and the civilian capacity that part-time and sustain national security. Penney stated, Guardsmen bring to their military positions “Our duty was clear—to protect and defend.”12 has carried over into our homeland missions, Today, Major Penney continues to serve in enabling an enhanced capability. Women in an airlift squadron in the Air National Guard, the National Guard play a large role within our flying distinguished visitors around the homeland mission. Women assigned to mis- world.13 Outside of the National Guard, she is sions such as the Aerospace Control Alert that an executive with a major defense corporation protects our skies and Ballistic Missile Defense and also leads an independent group that spe- are part of a critical component of maintaining cifically researches female officer retention and and advancing national security and stability recruiting for the military services. Major for our nation. Penney’s exemplary contributions are part of Lieutenant Heather “Lucky” Penney was the National Guard’s evolving homeland mis- serving a typical day in the 121st Fighter sion sets that include women in almost every Squadron on September 11, 2001, until she capacity for consequence management and was informed that the twin towers in New York homeland defense. City had been struck by two different airliners. Another great example is Missouri Army Immediately after the Pentagon was hit, the National Guardsman Colonel Sharon Martin, Washington, D.C. Air National Guard was Commander of the 110th Maneuver ordered to launch two F-16 fighter aircraft to Enhancement Brigade. Prior to her current intercept a possible fourth airliner being command, Colonel Martin was the hijacked and on a vector for Washington, D.C. Commander of the 70th Troop Command (possibly for the White House or the U.S. (largest Brigade in Missouri) and the Federal Capitol). The assigned flight lead chose Emergency Management Agency Region VII Lieutenant Penney to be his wingman and pre- Homeland Response Force. Her illustrious pare for an immediate takeoff. The 121st Fighter career includes experience as a Military Police Squadron just returned from an exercise and Battalion Commander, service in critical roles therefore the aircraft were not loaded with in domestic natural disaster response, combat weapons (no missiles, bullets, or bombs). The deployment, and completion of the Joint Task 52 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 FEMALE CITIZEN SOLDIERS AND AIRMEN Force Commander’s Training Course, which force to reach the scene. The inclusion, prepared her to coordinate military and federal empowerment, and effectiveness of female responses to disasters—all in addition to her Guardsmen in the role of homeland defense civilian job as a professional firefighter. and security are crucial to our mission success. Colonel Martin exhibits the finest traits of our The National Guard ensures that those in its citizen soldiers and airmen who serve our ranks reflect and understand the communities nation, our states, and our communities. in which they serve. The National Guard is located throughout Partnerships our nation and its members are leaders in their respective communities with strong ties to The National Guard’s global, federal, state, and local and state officials and the community at local partnerships have paid major dividends large. Many times, the only military ties these during times of crisis, disaster, and building communities have are with their local National partnership capacity for our national security. Guard units. The unique abilities and talents The local relationships that we forge provide that part-time Guardsmen bring from their daily benefits that improve the lives of our civilian occupations are utilized in homeland citizens. The National Guard also works missions. From assisting communities as first closely with federal and state interagencies to responders, to supporting state and federal forge a cohesive team in responding to singu- missions responding to natural disasters and lar and ongoing domestic missions. These man-made threats, we are the first military partnerships have allowed the National Guard U.S. National Guard Bureau Colonel Sharon Martin in action. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 53 GRASS to execute decisively and efficiently in support- After the fall of the Soviet Union, we ing missions in the aftermath of disasters. began building long-term relationships with With missions such as counternarcotics, the the nations of Eastern Europe, with the goal of National Guard works closely with agency encouraging military to military contacts with partners in interdiction and activities to com- newly established democracies. The National bat illicit drugs, which impact the entire hemi- Guard focused not only on traditional military sphere and beyond. to military contacts, but also included discus- On the global front, our State Partnership sions and exchanges on disaster management, Program (SPP), established over 22 years ago, search and rescue, military education, civil- has evolved into lasting relationships with 76 military relations, and senior leader visits. partner nations that have a significant impact Joseph Nye, who introduced the term “smart on building partnership capacity. These power,” stated that “[b]y complementing its include partnerships with nations in all of our military and economic might with greater Geographic Combatant Commands—to investments in its soft power, the United States include eight countries in the Asia-Pacific and can rebuild the framework it needs to tackle eleven countries in Africa that are instrumental tough global challenges.”14 Today, the SPP to the President’s rebalance objectives in the encompasses nearly one-third of the nations 2015 National Security Strategy. in the world and provides our military with 1 st Lt. Nicholas Mercurio, U.S. Air Force The National Guard State Partnership Program has forged many promising relationships with partner nations, allowing successful exchanges of knowledge, techniques, and ideas. Here, the Iowa National Guard’s 734th Agribusiness Development Team and Afghan women from the Kunar Provincial Reconstruction Team gathered to celebrate Women’s Day. 54 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 FEMALE CITIZEN SOLDIERS AND AIRMEN the strategic reach that is required in an era awareness of issues currently facing female where joint operations and interoperability are BDF members, and identified the need for vital to achieving our national security strategy awareness training across the BDF and the interests during austere times. adoption of policies and regulations in order The SPP serves as an important vehicle for to have known standards. the inclusion of women in military and secu- Sergeant First Class Tera VandenHeuvel rity issues. It provides a platform by which the from the Kentucky Army National Guard Guard can engage women around the world, serves as a fine example of female Guardsmen listen to their concerns, and better understand fostering valuable relationships abroad. the complexities of local and regional histo- Sergeant VandenHeuvel is serving on an active- ries. Beginning with the SPP selection process duty tour representing the National Guard on of partnering with nations that have common the Joint Staff at U.S. Pacific Command in the security cooperation goals, the National Guard Strategy and Policy Directorate. In her promi- can coordinate with partner nations to provide nent role as the Women, Peace, and Security training and support to women in such things Program Manager, she is responsible for the as security, medical, and civic matters. These implementation of the U.S. National Action engagements can lead to a more stable and Plan in U.S. Pacific Command’s policy direc- secure region as women become more self- tives, and Theater Campaign and Security sufficient and become a part of the security Cooperation Plans. Sergeant VandenHeuvel’s process. For the National Guard, these involvement is central in encouraging partners exchanges provide a greater understanding of to advance the WPS agenda. the region, which in turn leads to a more ready The State Partnership Program is a valu- and operational Guard. able means for leveraging the opportunities of One focus area of these exchanges has gender awareness with our partners, as a force been to promote the inclusion of women multiplier in maintaining stability and security within the security forces of partner nations. in our Combatant Command areas of respon- For example, in April 2013, U.S. Africa sibility.15 By leveraging the full capacity of the Command sponsored a Traveling Contact National Guard and our partner nations, we Team from the North Carolina National Guard are better able to work with our allies in times to hold a Women’s Integration Working Group of crisis and provide a more secure presence in Botswana. Participants discussed the inte- forward in these geographically important gration of female enlisted personnel in the regions. Botswana Defense Force (BDF) based on les- Key Contributors for National Security sons learned from the previous integration of female officers in the BDF. Women serving in the National Guard have Members of the BDF and the North made tremendous contributions to our com- Carolina Army National Guard broke out in 6 munities and to our national security. Female working groups to discuss 15 topics surround- citizen soldiers and airmen are key contribu- ing women’s integration and presented their tors to the ready, accessible, and capable com- recommendations to senior BDF leadership. bat reserve that the National Guard is today for The working group members gained significant the active Army and Air Force. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 55 GRASS In an era in which an increasingly smaller Notes percentage of the population has served in the armed forces, our Guardsmen serve as that *The views expressed in this paper are those of the critical link between hometown America and author and do not reflect the official policy or position the military. Women who serve in these units of the National Defense University, the Department of Defense or the U.S. Government create a more representative force and serve as 1 Thomas P.M. Barnett, Blueprint for Action: A leaders and role models for their communities, Future Worth Creating. (New York, N.Y.: Berkley Books, our nation, and for women around the world. 2006): 256-257. 2 Within each set of our mission triad—the Claudette Roulo, “Defense Department Expands Women’s Combat Role,” U.S. Department of Warfight abroad, securing and defending the Defense News, January 24, 2013. 56 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 FEMALE CITIZEN SOLDIERS AND AIRMEN on-911-f-16-pilot-heather-penney-was-prepared-to- take-down-united-flight-93/>. 13 Author interview with Major Heather Penney. 14 Joseph S. Nye Jr., “Get Smart: Combining Hard and Soft Power,” Foreign Affairs, July/August 2009. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 57 AUTHOR Fadi El Binni The Kaaba and the beginning of the hajj in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. 58 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Inclusive Security for the Muslim World BY HUSAIN HAQQANI t 1.6 billion, Muslims comprise one-fifth of the world’s population. By 2050, that num- ber is expected to rise to 2.76 billion. Sixty percent of the world’s Muslims fall between Athe ages of 15 and 59 years, with the median age being 24 years. 317 million of the world’s Muslims live in the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) and 344 million in India and Pakistan. The security of the Middle East and South Asia is inextricably linked with Muslim views of self and the world.1 The Three Deficits Muslim countries, however, have been late in embracing the notion of inclusive security, which was described by former U.S. ambassador to Austria, Swanee Hunt, as “not just political sover- eignty and military strength, but also economic security, education, and personal safety.”2 In 2002, the first Arab Human Development Report identified three fundamental deficits that plague the Arab world: the freedom deficit, the women’s empowerment deficit, and the knowledge defi- cit.3 These deficits remain prevalent not only in the Arab world, but also in the greater Muslim world, and serve as impediments to inclusive security. Of the 57 member countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), only 4 coun- tries are rated by Freedom House as “free;” 24 are rated “partly free” and 29 as “not free.”4 A number of these had or are still under authoritarian rule and have built extensive national secu- rity apparatuses. More resources are spent on defense than on social development, like education and health. During the Cold War, massive amounts of military aid from western countries—including the United States—flowed in; but donors were seldom asked to invest in human security or devel- opment strategies that would improve social indicators and eliminate gender and other imbal- ances. Husain Haqqani is a Senior Fellow and the Director for South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute. He served as Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States from 2008-2011. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 59 HAQQANI The OIC countries collectively account for The current weakness of the Muslim world approximately 20 percent of the world’s popu- is by no means the fault of Western colonial- lation, but only 7 percent of global output. ism and postcolonial machinations, as is The 23 Arab countries had a combined GDP widely believed by Muslims. For a century or of $1.9 trillion in 2010, compared with the more, overcoming that weakness has been the European Union’s GDP of $17.5 trillion. Spain driving force behind almost every major polit- alone produced $1.43 trillion in GDP, without ical movement in the Muslim world, from the benefit of natural resources, such as oil and Pan-Arabism to contemporary Islamism. gas.5 The wealth of Western nations comes Nevertheless, Muslims have made less effort to from manufacturing and innovation, neither understand the causes of their decline over the of which has found much favor in Muslim- past 300 years. Outrage and resentment—and majority countries. the conspiracy theories that inform them—are The Muslim world’s knowledge deficit also poor substitutes for comprehending why remains unaddressed. Roughly half of the Islam’s lost glory has proved so difficult to res- world’s illiterate adults are Muslims, and two- urrect. thirds of that number are women. Greece, with Islamists see the world as polarized a population of 11 million, translates more between the Ummah (the community of books from other languages into Greek than believers, whom they describe as one nation) the entire Arab world, which has a cumulative and the rest. The West’s rise, rather than the population of 360 million, does into Arabic. Ummah’s decline, receives far greater attention More books are published in Danish, the from Islamist scholars and leaders. Their mother tongue of 5.6 million people, than in worldview is summarized in the Arabic- Urdu, which is the language of at least 300 language title of a book by the Indian Islamist million South Asian Muslims. Since the 9th scholar Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi. Its English- century, when the Abbasid rulers of Baghdad language version is unremarkable enough— patronized learning and built a huge library Islam and the World: The Rise and Decline of for its time, only 100,000 books have been Muslims and Its Effect on Mankind—but the translated from other languages into Arabic. Arabic edition’s title translates literally as, The same number of books are translated from “What the World Lost by the Decline of other languages into Spanish every year.6 Muslims.”7 The civilizational narcissism is A thousand years ago, Muslims led the clear. “Our decline is the world’s loss,” it sug- world in the fields of science and mathematics. gests. “We do not need to change anything. Today, they are noticeably absent from any list The West needs to fix things for us so that it of recent inventors and innovators in science does not lose the benefits of our civilization.” and technology. Since 1901, only two Muslims An open discourse among Muslims about have won a Nobel Prize in the sciences, and their decline might identify the reasons why one of them (Pakistan’s Dr. Abdus Salam, the Ottoman and Mughal empires refused to Physics, 1979) is not deemed a Muslim in his accept the printing press for more than two home country because of his association with and a half centuries after Johannes Guttenberg the Ahmadiyya sect. invented movable type. It might also explain why Muslims failed to embrace the Industrial 60 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD Revolution, modern banking, insurance, and Society” illustrates that traditional views of the joint stock company, even after these had women’s roles have deep roots in most Islamic emerged in Europe. Instead, most of the dis- countries. Most Muslims in countries surveyed cussion focuses on real or perceived historical say that a wife should always obey her hus- injustices. “We are weak because we were colo- band. In 20 of the 23 countries where the nized,” Muslims tend to say, instead of recog- question was asked, at least half of the nizing that Muslim lands were colonized Muslims surveyed expressed that belief. because they had become weak. Muslims in South Asia and Southeast Asia The most glaring insufficiency across the overwhelmingly held that view.8 Muslim world is the gender gap, or the gender In all countries surveyed in these regions, deficit. Women are excluded from the work- roughly nine in ten say that wives must obey force in many countries around the world, but their husbands. This includes 94 percent of the practice is far more visible in the Middle those polled in Afghanistan and 88 percent in East, North Africa, Afghanistan, Pakistan, both Pakistan and Bangladesh. Similarly, in all Bangladesh, and Indonesia. Most countries countries surveyed in the Middle East and with Muslim-majority populations tend to North Africa, about three-quarters or more say place less emphasis on women’s rights and the same, including 93 percent in Tunisia, 92 issues. percent in Iraq, and 74 percent in Lebanon. The Pew Forum’s 2013 study entitled “The The views of women are often not different World’s Muslims: Religion, Politics, and from those of men even though the issue JPatokal A sign in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia stipulates that women are not allowed to enter a hotel gym. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 61 HAQQANI affects them directly, most likely because of In the last few years, the leaders of some religious and/or cultural issues. Only 34 per- groups are responding to both the change in cent of Muslims in a more liberal, but still pre- context, as well as women’s requests to play a dominantly Muslim, country like Kosovo agree larger role in offensive combat. This is reflected with the notion of female subordination to in the fact that between 1985 and 2010, there men, but in absolute numbers, and as part of were over 230 suicide bombing attacks con- the global Muslim community, Kosovo is less ducted by women.11 influential than Afghanistan.9 There are many reasons why terrorist Islamic countries tend to have weaker groups use women operatives, especially in the democratic norms, making it difficult to Muslim world. Women provide structural sup- change entrenched cultures of discrimination port, which can include inculcating in their through education and public debate. Of 131 children how to be defenders of the ideology, countries with which the United States has maintaining the household for the fighters, military-to-military ties, 46 are Muslim- encouraging other women to join them in majority countries.10 A majority of these coun- their task and in other tasks that can be done tries remain hostage to traditional views on at home, such as producing or translating gender issues. While some Muslim-majority extremist propaganda. Women are also seen as countries have inducted women into their being critical in encouraging or shaming their armed forces, at least at a symbolic level, most male relatives into joining the jihad. Women of them are unable or unwilling to accept gen- terrorists have an advantage in traditional soci- der equality as a critical factor in inclusive eties as their concealing clothes, such as the security. burqa, provide them relative freedom from scrutiny. Women also provide an element of Women of Jihad surprise when they participate in a terrorist As the international community gears up for a operation and, according to experts, female defining struggle against Islamist extremism, terrorists have a four times higher kill rate than the worst manifestation so far being the their male counterparts.12 Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), it is In recent years, a larger number of women important to examine how an inclusive secu- living in western countries has joined extrem- rity approach might help defeat both the ist Islamist groups, a phenomenon that can be extremist ideology and the terrorist groups that traced to factors such as grievances about the embrace and exploit it. While conventional Muslim world being under siege, belief that militaries have hesitated in bringing women joining these groups gives them a goal in life, on board, terrorists across the ideological spec- and a sense of contribution to a cause in which trum have used women for a wide range of they believe deeply. In her book, Bombshell: tasks, ranging from logistics and recruitment Women and Terrorists, scholar Mia Bloom to a frontline role, say as a suicide bomber. points out that there are also personal motiva- In a majority of Islamist and jihadi tions, such as the desire to marry a true groups, women’s roles were traditionally lim- Muslim, existing bonds with other women ited to the spread of propaganda and incite- who have joined these groups, the sense of ment of husbands and male relatives to jihad. community membership provides, and, finally, 62 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD a belief in having an obligation to provide sup- attacking her country and the men are not port for jihad. enough to protect it and the imams give a The recruitment of women as terrorists fatwa for it.”15 Building on that argument, ISIL runs contrary to the traditional wisdom of announced, in February 2014, the creation of Islamist ideology. Abul Ala Maududi, an ideo- its al-Khanssaa Brigade—an all-female brigade logue respected by the Muslim Brotherhood “whose purpose is to detect male activists who and similar groups, argued that Islam desires attempt to get through ISIL checkpoints by complete segregation between the sexes, a wearing women’s clothing.” Single women position that is endorsed by most Islamist between the ages of 18 and 25 can join ISIL scholars. In his book, Islam, Purdah, and the and are paid a monthly salary of 25,000 Syrian Status of Women in Islam, first published in liras, the equivalent of about $114 USD.16 1972, Maududi stated that, “the problem of In January 2015, a document titled men and women’s mutual relationship is “Women in the Islamic State: Manifesto and indeed the most fundamental problem of civ- Case Study” was floated by online supporters ilization.”13 Maududi and other Islamist of ISIL. The three-part document rebutted scholars insist that a society’s progress is deter- Western civilization on issues like women’s mined by defining the “appropriate” behavior rights, provided eyewitness accounts of life in of women. In the final chapter of his book the Islamic State, and also offered a compari- titled, “Divine Laws for the Movements of son of how women living in the ISIL regions Women,” Maududi makes it clear that women are better off than their counterparts in the rest may leave the four walls of their house only if of the Muslim Middle East.17 absolutely necessary. He further asserts that Ironically, most independent sources sug- permission to leave the house is strictly lim- gest that ISIL fighters are “committing horrific ited, as women are forbidden from mixing sexual violence on a seemingly industrial freely with men in social situations. Exceptions scale.”18 The United Nations has documented are made, however, for the exigencies of war.14 that ISIL forced some “1,500 women, teenage Even the most conservative of Islamist girls, and boys into sexual slavery.”19 An scholars, like Maududi, say that the purdah or Amnesty International report noted that ISIL hijab restrictions may be relaxed so that “abducts whole families in northern Iraq for women may offer adequate support to male sexual assault.”20 “In the first few days follow- warriors. This includes administering first aid ing the fall of Mosul in June 2014, women’s to the wounded and cooking food for them. rights activists reported multiple incidents of While women are not obliged to wage armed ISIL fighters going door to door, kidnapping jihad themselves, if the occasion demands, and raping the [city’s] women.”21 they may serve the fighters in the way of Allah. In October 2014, a female-specific jihadi ISIL has argued that the fundamental media group calling itself al-Zawra’a function for women is “in the house with announced its establishment and stated its [their] husband[s] and children,” but that they aims as preparing “women for the field of may go out to serve the community in a num- jihad by teaching lessons in Islamic Sharia, ber of situations, the most important being weapons use, media creation, and sewing and jihad. This is allowed, “if the enemy is cooking for male fighters.”22 The PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 63 HAQQANI announcement said, “We call upon our sisters the 50 percent mark. Job creation in these the female supporters, those garrisoned on the countries already faces the challenge of absorb- frontlines of the media, to follow the work of ing the large and growing number of young this foundation that was established specifi- jobseekers, and women cannot compete on an cally for them, so that benefit comes to them equal footing in slow-growing economies. For and their brothers, by the power of Allah.”23 It example, young women face unemployment exhorted female Muslims to be distinguished rates as high as 40 percent in many countries by not being concerned with bridal gowns, in the MENA region.27 homes, or clothing, but by [their] wish and According to the Organization for “life consideration” for “the explosive belt.”24 Economic Cooperation and Development It urged women to pursue “martyrdom-seeking (OECD): operation[s] that [afflict] the enemies,” and The average median age in the MENA promised they would then be “immortalized countries is 25 years, well below the aver- among the joyous martyrs.”25 age of other emerging regions such as Asia ISIL is not alone in trying to recruit (29 years) and Latin America and the women. Between 1998 and 2003, the Pakistan- Caribbean (27.7), and well below the based terrorist group, Lashkar-e-Taiba, pub- average of developed countries in Europe lished a three-volume book, Ham Ma'en (40.2) and North America (36.9). These Lashkar-e-Taiba Ki (“We, the Mothers of young populations represent a tremendous Lashkar-e-Taiba”). Compiled by someone call- opportunity, both as a market and as a ing herself Umm-e-Hammad, the books were labor force. Currently, the ratio of people published by Dar-al-Andulus in Lahore. The aged 0–14 to those in working age (15– three volumes carry the same cover, depicting 64), or the child dependency ratio, is very a large pink rose with blood dripping from it, high at 48.7.28 superimposed on a landscape of mountains and pine trees. They comprise a combined The youth bulge does not guarantee eco- total of 1,410 pages, aimed at awakening “the nomic and social development and can easily fervor for jihad in the breasts of our mothers become a threat instead of an opportunity, and sisters.”26 especially if half the youth bulge—women— have nothing to look forward to. OECD rec- Women at the Margins ommends that governments and civil society It is clear that jihadi extremists have built a create well-functioning institutions and imple- narrative for including women in their agenda, ment effective policies to promote employ- interpreting religious tradition in a manner ment, health, education, and housing in the that suits their objectives. The governments in Middle East and North Africa. It is equally Muslim-majority countries, however, are still important to spread these opportunities across not as ready as their enemies to fully embrace genders to ensure that women are productively inclusivity. According to the World Bank, the engaged, rather than being left to be recruited percentage of women in the population of the by extremist Islamists. Middle East North Africa region, Pakistan, As the major supplier of military equip- Bangladesh, and Indonesia nears or surpasses ment to Muslim-majority countries as well as 64 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD the major donor of economic aid to several of pilots who joined Pakistan’s Air Force in them, the United States could play a key role 2006.32 in influencing changes in outlook and policy Economists have often pointed out that throughout the greater Middle East as well as female employment has a positive impact on South and Southeast Asia. In several cases, U.S. a country’s economy, in addition to improving support has put the militaries of these coun- the wellbeing of women and families. Labor tries in charge of most public policymaking. force data from the Pakistan Bureau of During the Cold War, strong militaries ensured Statistics and the World Bank indicate that that Muslim-majority countries were by and labor force participation of women in Pakistan large inoculated against communist takeovers is much lower than international standards.33 by a conservative national security apparatus. A majority of the 22 percent of women who do In the current environment, however, work are found in informal sectors, such as national security states need to transform into subsistence agriculture.34 The labor force par- prosperity oriented democracies that can pro- ticipation (LFP) of women in Pakistan is one tect their peoples from the ideological lure of of the lowest in the world, well below the Islamist fantasies. For example, Pakistan has global average of 51.2 percent. Countries like the world’s sixth largest army, which is also the China and some regions like East Asia have largest force in the Muslim world and the only LFP of women as high as 67.7 percent and one possessing nuclear weapons. The country’s 63.1 percent, respectively.35 per capita GDP ranks 147th out of 183 coun- Gender discrimination in Pakistan, and tries, while its nominal GDP ranks 42nd in the other Muslim majority countries, is said to be world. Pakistan’s ranking in the World ingrained in political, legal, economic, and Economic Forum’s 2013 Gender Gap Report, cultural factors. The approach to national secu- 135th out of 136 countries, reflects how its rity might, in fact, be a greater contributing neglect of women is part of the reason for the factor. In building one of the largest armies country’s oft-cited dysfunction. The United and nuclear arsenals in the world, Pakistan has Nations Gender Inequality Index, which mea- ignored its women as well as its economy. An sures gender inequalities in reproductive authoritarian, top-down approach to gover- health, empowerment, and economic status, nance in Pakistan (and other Muslim counties) ranked Pakistan 123rd out of 148 countries has resulted in conferring disproportionate indexed.29 power on conservative religious leaders who Women comprise 48.6 percent of exercise a virtual veto against women’s empow- Pakistan’s population of 200 million. Of a erment. The authorities, eager to have the cler- labor force of 61.5 million, the female partici- ics on their side in maintaining hard power, pation rate as percentage of total population concede far too much ground to them on of females was only 22 percent.30 More sig- social questions. Other policies, combined nificantly, 62 percent of girls in Pakistan with social and economic failings, have made between 7 and 15 years old have never spent Pakistan a major incubator of jihadi extrem- time in a classroom.31 At the same time, there ism. are a mere 4,000 women serving in Pakistan’s Pakistan has received $40 billion in eco- armed forces, including a few female fighter nomic and military assistance from the United PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 65 HAQQANI States since 1950, of which $23 billion in participation in general and ensuring that mainly military aid and reimbursements has women are an equal part of Pakistani society. flowed since September 11, 2001.36 Pakistan’s Other U.S. allies and major aid recipients military, in particular, often looks to the U.S. in the Muslim world are not particularly better for training, education, and equipment even off than Pakistan. Women constitute only 24.1 though its worldview does not often coincide percent of the workforce in Egypt, one of the with that of the United States. This depen- largest recipients of U.S. assistance—$76 bil- dence gives Washington leverage over Pakistani lion in the 35 years up to 2015, including $48 policy that has not always been effectively billion in military aid.37 Egypt’s population used. stands at 89 million, of which 49.5 percent are An inclusive approach to security, nudged women.38 Of the total number of children that by the United States, could result in Pakistan are out of school, 44.2 percent are boys and paying attention to women’s inclusion in the 55.8 percent are girls.39 In the 2012 Egyptian workforce, as well as policies that produce sus- legislature, women held only 10 seats, or two tained economic growth. This has to go percent of representation in the national par- beyond symbolic gestures, like token women liament.40 in uniform showing up at military parades. It Women constitute 30.5 percent of the would require raising women’s workforce workforce in Turkey and 15.42 percent in USAID Afghan women standing in line to vote for Afghanistan’s national assembly. 66 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD Saudi Arabia. Jordan, often cited as a progres- terrorists, states and governments must involve sive Arab monarchy, reflects a similar pattern. women in systemic efforts to counter extrem- It has a population of 6.6 million, 48.7 per- ism. Women are an influential voice in keep- cent of whom are women. But women com- ing male relatives out of violent extremist prise only 16 percent of Jordan’s 1.7 million groups, and can be for other men as well. workforce.42 Of the total number of children Empowering women to deradicalize that are out of school, girls out number boys would-be jihadis at a community level could 15,545 to 9,382.43 Additionally, women hold increase the flow of intelligence from families only 12 percent of the seats in Jordan’s about radicalized individuals. Several terrorist national parliament. plots have been foiled due to tips from family members about the errant behavior of a rela- Arms and Influence tive. In 2009, the father of a Nigerian man These statistics point to a policy error dating charged with trying to blow up a transatlantic back to the Cold War era of building national jet on Christmas Day had voiced concerns to security structures in most Muslim countries U.S. officials about his son well before he tried while neglecting social development, particu- to engage in a terrorist act.44 The father’s con- larly gender equality. Governments from the cerns in the Nigerian case were supported by Middle East and North Africa to Afghanistan, his wife, the mother of the would-be terrorist. Pakistan, and Indonesia have invoked religion Methodical information operations could and tradition to avoid key social and economic target mothers and other family members to reforms, including expanding literacy and edu- encourage them to inform authorities about cation and involving women in the workforce. extreme beliefs and plots, characterizing it as The conception of security and power of a way to save their family member and serve most U.S. allies in the Muslim world depends society, rather than as “giving him up.” almost exclusively on a hard power framework. Women activists, in particular, can dissuade The rise of terrorism and insurgencies fueled people from extremism as in the case of by radical religion-based ideologies is forcing Pakistani activist Mossarat Qadeem, who a rethink of the primacy of hard power as the works with mothers to keep young men from instrument to deal with the threat. Jihadist joining jihadis. Qadeem, a political scientist ideologues can replenish the ranks of their who left her teaching position at the University fallen fighters relatively rapidly. Thus, it is not of Peshawar 13 years ago, lives in Islamabad. enough to kill the foot soldiers; the tide of the She drives “through checkpoints and dark beliefs that help recruit them must be mountain roads into the northern region of stemmed. the country” to meet, at the invitation of The fight against Islamist extremism poses mothers, with children who have joined radi- a challenge to social change in the Muslim cal groups.45 “Qadeem is fighting extremism world, but it also creates an opportunity to in Pakistan one child at a time,” explained an combine countering extremist ideology with article about her, adding that she meets “with major social change. Just as the radical Islamist mothers and their children to discuss the dan- groups have involved women in recruitment, gers of radical groups.”46 education, motivation, and training of PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 67 HAQQANI Once Qadeem meets radicalized young people, she asks them to help her understand why they joined these groups. She responds to their economic, political, and theological argu- ments and warns them that they would not be able to help their families if they were killed. Qadeem cites the Quran against suicide, as well as killing others. Her arguments have per- suaded 78 young men to turn away from the path they have been led down by distorted religious texts and false promises. Her experi- ence advances the case for creating “a nonvio- lent army of women promoting collaboration over confrontation as they lift up the moderate voices drowned out by radicals.”47 The case for including women in fighting jihadists was made by Ambassador Hunt on the basis of her work in Afghanistan. “It’s not just [about] bringing in more soldiers,” she observed, “More soldiers are going to bring in, yes, one kind of security, but with tremendous resistance from terrorists. But if you were to take that money and instead give crash courses to support women leaders in every village, you would be fighting a bad idea—the Taliban— with a good idea—women’s empowerment— which is much more powerful than fighting a 48 bad idea with guns.” PRISM 68 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD Notes 14 S. Abul A’la Maududi,"Divine Laws for the Movements of Women" in Purdah and the Status of Women in Islam (Pakistan: Kazi Pubns Inc., 1972). 1 Pew Research Center Religion & Public Life, 15 Charlie Winter, trans., Women of the Islamic “The Future of World Religions: Population Growth State: A manifesto on women by the Al-Khanssaa Projections, 2010-2050 Muslims,” Pew Research Center, Brigade, (London: Quilliam Foundation, 2015), April 5, 2012, PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 69 HAQQANI 32 Zaffar Abbas, “Pakistan gets women combat 43 The World Bank, “Jordna: Out-of-school pilots,” BBC News, March 30, 2006, 70 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE SECURITY FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD Photos Page 58. Photo by Fadi El Binni/Al Jazeera English. 2010. “The Hajj kicks into full gear.” From Page 61. Photo by JPatokal. 2008. “No Women” Sign at Marriot Hotel, Jeddah. From PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 71 AUTHOR Cpl. David Hernandez /U.S. Marine Corps Members of a U.S. Marine Corps Female Engagement team on security patrol in Sangin Valley, Afghanistan. 72 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Gender Perspectives and Military Effectiveness Implementing UNSCR 1325 and the National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security BY ROBERT EGNELL n January 2013 then-Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta rather unexpectedly lifted the ban on women in combat roles. This came after more than a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan Iwhere women had distinguished themselves in many ways—not the least of which included combat. The debate on the implementation of this decision has since raged, raising questions about physical standards and the impact on unit cohesion, among other things. The last few years have also witnessed a necessary discussion about the outrageous frequency of sexual assaults within military organizations. These debates—for good and bad—have placed gender issues in relation to military organizations high on the agenda of public debate. The importance of a gender perspective in peace operations and military affairs has long been established by feminist activists and researchers, and recognized in a number of UN Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) on women, peace, and security. Indeed, UNSCR 1325, as well as the subsequent resolutions within the area of women, peace, and security (most notably 1820, 1888, 1889, and 1960), has created an international framework for the implementation of a gender perspective in the pursuit of international security and the conduct of peace operations.1 And whether military organizations are seen as hurdles or supporters in the pursuit of peace and security, they are impossible to overlook as key components in any strategy to promote women’s rights or a gender perspective in security affairs. Moreover, the U.S. National Action Plan on Robert Egnell is a Professor of Leadership at the Swedish Defence University and a senior fellow at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 73 EGNELL Women, Peace, and Security loudly calls for Action Plan (NAP), we are facing the challenge such implementation. of implementing UNSCR 1325 in a vast orga- One might expect such advocacy from the nization with a culture that has traditionally women’s rights movement or civilian politi- been unkind to these perspectives. The process cians. However, at the very same time, military of implementation must therefore be organizations around the world are coming to approached as an uphill battle that will the same conclusion based on experiences in involve substantial resistance. The article draws the field of operations—not least in Iraq and on a major study of a similar process in Afghanistan. As a result of the need to address Sweden that will serve to highlight general tac- tactical level challenges, we have therefore wit- tical choices, organizational hurdles, and pol- nessed a number of organizational innova- icy implications for an international audience.2 tions such as Team Lioness, Female To achieve these ends, a new interdisci- Engagement Teams (FET), Cultural Support plinary approach is necessary—one that con- Teams (CST), Gender Field Advisors (GFS), nects gender perspectives and feminist scholar- and Gender Focal Points (GFP). Together, ship with military theory and discussions of these innovative teams have sought to improve military effectiveness in both war and peace situational awareness and intelligence gather- support operations. By marrying two previ- ing by engaging local women, they have ously separate fields of analysis and inquiry, adapted order templates and impacted opera- this article not only makes an argument for the tional planning and execution, they have implementation of gender perspectives in the arranged female jirgas and executed projects in armed forces, but also addresses the more order to empower local women and improve challenging question of how this process of their situation. In short, they have served as change should be approached. The result of force multipliers within a context that often such processes are not only likely to lead to required their participation for maximized improved conditions for women around the effectiveness. The jury is still out on the effec- world, but also increased effectiveness of mili- tiveness and impact of these teams and advi- tary organizations employing force, or the sors, but that should not distract us from the threat of such force, to achieve political objec- fact that they were not introduced as a politi- tives. cally correct nicety to please the women’s This is, in other words, the smart thing to movement, but as a direct result of operational do, and the fact that it is also the right thing to necessities. do in terms of promoting gender equality and To further the discussion on gender in women’s rights is useful, but is not central to military affairs, this article discusses two ques- the argument. The core task of military organi- tions: why should gender perspectives be zations is to fight and win the nation’s wars introduced and implemented in military orga- and not to promote gender equality—and the nizations? And how should this process be organizational change process should there- managed to do so successfully? Regardless of fore focus on these core tasks. That also means whether we agree that gender perspectives are that the leadership of the implementation pro- important for military affairs or not, or if we cess should find its institutional home at the simply obey the “orders” of the National very heart of the military chain of command, 74 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS and as close to the core activities as possible— political leadership asks of it. Traditionally, or the joint staff and the combatant commands. ideally at least, this has meant fighting and While the integration of women in combat winning conventional wars—and thereby arms will be helpful, it is far from sufficient, defending the nation (or the constitution). and gender perspectives therefore need to be The armed forces have therefore been orga- mainstreamed throughout the organization. nized, trained, and equipped, and have also Token women, gender advisors, or ad hoc developed a certain professional culture and female teams will simply not cut it. ethos with the intention of maximizing their effectiveness in performing precisely that duty. Connecting Gender and Military Effectiveness The extreme nature of the task, or what the theorists of civil-military relations often refers Feminist perspectives and traditional military to as the “functional imperative,” also means values are indeed often seen as confronting that military organizations have a right, and one another in a zero-sum game. Within this indeed a need, to be different from broader game, implementing a gender perspective or society.3 Discipline, loyalty, strength, obedi- including women in combat units simultane- ence, “warrior mindset,” and unit cohesion are ously means lowering military effectiveness just some aspects of this ethos that may sound and fighting power. At the same time, efforts to arcane or even worrying to some civilians, but increase military effectiveness are generally that from a professional military perspective viewed as a step back for women’s rights by are considered absolutely necessary for the supporting the existing patriarchal system in effective application of violence in the midst which the logic of war and violence prevails. of war. This zero-sum view is both inaccurate and The need to be different has also meant unhelpful for everyone seeking to improve that certain developments in civil society such international security and stability. The two as increased individualism, racial and gender viewpoints have much to learn from each integration, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and other, and there are plenty of synergies to be transgender (LGBT) rights have been avoided explored. Let us therefore explore how gender within military organizations. The question is perspectives can positively influence military nevertheless to what extent these civilian effectiveness, and then look at how military developments would actually harm the effec- organizations can support the implementation tiveness of the organization. The integration of of gender perspectives, women’s rights, and African Americans and the LGBT community participation as prescribed in UNSCR 1325 turned out to be just fine—why would women and the NAPs. First, however, a closer look at in combat and the implementation of a gender what military effectiveness means in the con- perspective not also be fine, or even good, for temporary strategic context is necessary. the armed forces? While conventional inter-state warfare can Military Effectiveness and Fighting Power in a Changing World never be declared dead, it is nevertheless fair to say that in the contemporary context, differ- An effective military organization is one that ent forms of complex stability and peace sup- succeeds in performing the core tasks that the port operations, as well as limited wars, are the PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 75 EGNELL most common military tasks. The aims of such objectives are indeed the most important, and military operations have changed from the military organizations must not only operate pursuit of concrete military strategic objectives to provide the platform from which civilian to the establishment of certain conditions actors can achieve these aims—they must also from which political outcomes can be take great care not to violate the principles that decided.4 In this context, military activities tend to govern the larger endeavor: respect for often play a supporting role in so called “com- human rights, ideals of democratic gover- prehensive,” “integrated,” or “whole of govern- nance, and gender equality. ment” approaches and operations that involve In general, military theorists often a large number of actors and activities aimed describe military capability or “combat power” at achieving more far-reaching political goals as a combination of physical factors (the of stabilization, democratization, economic means, meaning the size and materiel of the growth, and the implementation and mainte- organization), conceptual factors (doctrine or nance of respect for human rights and the rule the way the means are employed), and morale of law. Key tasks of military organizations in factors (the will of the soldiers). Within the this environment therefore include the protec- debates about fighting power, traditional theo- tion of civilians (PoC), including humanitar- ries of military capability and effectiveness ian and diplomatic activities, the establish- have often overemphasized physical military ment of order, and the prevention of sexual factors, such as troop numbers and the quality and gender based violence. The political of equipment, while paying less attention to Cpl. Mary E. Carlin/U.S.Cpl. Mary Marine Corps Combatives Tournament held in Monterey, California. 76 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS the more intangible factors that influence a should pursue in the quest for the political state’s capacity to use its material resources aim.8 A gender perspective casts a critical eye effectively—like morale, culture, education, on an area of operations that involves the and doctrine.5 However, the many cases where examination and understanding of social, eco- the numerically and technologically inferior nomic, political, cultural, and religious prac- win battles and campaigns suggest that such tices; of how equality and inequality manifest explanations of military capability are mislead- themselves in the distribution of and access to ing—especially when they fail to acknowledge resources and of decisionmaking power not the importance of the policies for which the just between rich and poor, but in all parts of military instrument is used.6 society. Gendered dimensions of conflict can Where do gender perspectives and female indeed be tremendously transformative by soldiers and officers enter this equation? While affecting both what the operation does and how one should be careful about assigning special it does it, in terms of its priorities and tactics. capabilities to female soldiers and officers, this It affects the aims of operations, and expands article argues that adding women to combat the range of violence that must be addressed units, and a gender perspective to military (including sexual violence and other violence operations more generally, has the potential to directed at the civilian population, not just the add new capabilities and thereby also improve violence of traditional warfare). Gender per- the effectiveness of operations.7 spectives can also inform tactics, for example To begin, women can play a role with by shaping behavior along patrol routes, regard to the means, the material factor. encouraging consultation with people in the Including the large portion of women who are local community, and so on. physically fit for military service in the armed Women can also provide specific compe- forces allows societies to maximize the size of tencies and perspectives that improve the con- those forces. However, the emphasis on “lean duct of operations. Women in combat units, and mean” organizations rather than mass in as well as the implementation of a gender per- 21 st century warfare means that the main spective in operations, clearly have the poten- potential contribution is more likely to lie in tial to increase the information gathering and how and with what conviction armed forces analysis capability of units. Gaining access to conduct operations. local women not only allows a unit to develop Adding a gender perspective has the a better understanding of local conditions and potential to transform the traditional military culture, it can also improve the unit’s relation- paradigm by including and creating an ship with the community, its perceived legiti- increased understanding of the importance of macy, and improve force protection of troops non-traditional security issues. Looking at the in the area of operations. The most obvious strategic process without a sound understand- examples arise from Female or Mixed ing of all aspects of the conflict—such as the Engagement Teams, intelligence officers, cul- actors involved, the political climate, the local tural analysts, and interpreters who provide culture, the economic situation on the ground, access to populations and areas that all-male etc.—it is very difficult to establish what objec- units cannot engage or search. Another exam- tives the military and civilian organizations ple is provided by the difficulty in achieving PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 77 EGNELL civil-military coordination and cooperation in women in societies where women are prohib- campaigns involving a broad set of actors. ited from speaking to men.10 Moreover, female Male dominance of the military has been soldiers can also serve as role models in the pointed to as one of the cultural features that local environment by inspiring women and create friction between military and humani- girls in often male-dominated societies to tarian organizations.9 Female liaison officers push for their own rights and for participation could potentially build bridges between the in peace processes. While these competencies two sets of organizations. may be dismissed as unrelated to a traditional The UN rightly emphasizes that female view of military fighting power, they may soldiers and gender perspectives are absolutely prove essential in the complex operations of essential for certain tasks in peace operations today. where military and civilian aims and tasks There are also some commonly expressed overlap. As an example, they help address spe- challenges or concerns expressed in relation to cific needs of female ex-combatants during the the impact of women and gender perspectives. process of demobilization and reintegration The first is the idea that women, in general, are into civilian life. They can interview survivors not fit for war; that their often lower physical of gender-based violence, mentor female abilities and/or supposed lack of mental cadets at police and military academies, and, toughness put at risk the combat effectiveness as highlighted above, they can interact with of the units. The second is the idea that the Steven L. Shepard/Presidio of Monterey Public Affairs Member of a U.S. Marine Corps Female Engagement Team watches over an Afghan girl while the girl’s mother receives medical attention from another team member. 78 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS inclusion of women and gender perspectives arrived at the peak unit cohesion and that will ruin unit cohesion and military culture. there is no room for change or improvement. In both cases, the problem with these con- Many traditional ways of training soldiers and cerns is that they assume that the existing stan- units are already being thrown out—collective dards are virtually perfect. Any change in stan- punishment, hazing, sexist and homophobic dards or the way soldiers are trained and units slurs. Again, no reports of decreases in unit formed, will therefore be perceived as a nega- cohesion can be found and one can only tive impact—especially if it is imposed by the assume that professional drill sergeants have political leadership. The issue of physical stan- found new ways of achieving the same goals. dards is nevertheless easily resolved by not Finally, let us move into the realm of exist- making accommodations for women and ing research on ground combat units. Professor maintaining the existing physical standards Tony King is one of few who have studied and and tests. Let everyone who passed the require- compared the impact of gender integration in ments be eligible for the job. At the same time, different countries, with an eye on unit cohe- any organization that wants to continue to sion. He finds that in today’s world of profes- evolve and improve should constantly seek sional armies, it is not gender that determines ways of improving the existing standards and cohesion, but training and competence. In standard operating procedures—not least other words, it is not the social cohesion of given the changing character of conflict and units that determines effectiveness, but rather soldiering in the contemporary context. The a professional and more task-oriented form of Canadians completely threw out all old stan- cohesion. As long as women are competent dards and started anew with a close look at the and well-trained, they therefore do not effect actual demands of the job in the field of oper- unit cohesion negatively.11 ations, and then scientifically created stan- While there are plenty of potential bene- dards and testing procedures based on that fits to be reaped from the inclusion of female rather than tradition. soldiers and gendered perspectives, this should In terms of the more difficult debate about not, however, be seen as a silver bullet or be unit cohesion, there is very little data to fall overly exaggerated. The impact is not going to back on. However, gender integration has be revolutionary, and without first changing existed in non-combat units for a long time the mindset of commanders and planners, the and there are no reports indicating that it has importance of women’s perspectives, informa- had an impact on unit cohesion. Many other tion, and analyses is likely to be undervalued countries have also integrated combat units within a more traditional narrative. The impact with a similar absence of negative reports. is therefore likely to be limited until a more Outside the military sphere the business sector general mainstreaming of a gender perspective is reporting positive effects of integration and on operations is achieved, and even at that equality policies. Unit effectiveness measured time it is still only one of many components in production increases, and companies with that determine the effectiveness of an opera- integrated boardrooms make more money. As tion. a more general comment, it is rather suspi- cious to argue that the military has suddenly PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 79 EGNELL Military Support of the Women, Peace, and reconstruction, and the prevention of conflict. Security Agenda Military organizations can support this process by working internally to ensure women’s full A closer look at UNSCR 1325 and the participation within their own ranks, as well as subsequent U.S. National Action Plan on making sure that engagement with civil society Women, Peace, and Security reveals that they and local leaders also includes and empowers are intended to be strategic frameworks for women. conducting more effective and sustainable peace negotiations, peacekeeping missions, Protection: The protection of women and girls and conflict resolution interventions by the in armed conflict is an obvious military role international community. They encompass that nevertheless requires profound under- a range of complex issues, including judicial standing of gender perspectives to be effective. and legal reform (as part of state building), This would involve internal training of mili- security sector reform, formal and informal tary personnel in the protection of women, peace negotiations, peacekeeping, political including zero tolerance of sexual exploitation participation, and protection from and and abuse of local populations, as well as mak- responses to sexual violence in armed ing sure that gender becomes an integral part conflict. UNSCR 1325 and four subsequent of advising and assisting, Security Sector resolutions also under the umbrella of the Reform (SSR), and Disarmament, women, peace, and security agenda (UNSCR Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) 1820, 1888, 1889, and 1960) thereby lay processes. Military organizations thereby have out actions to be taken by governments, an opportunity to engage in both short-term the United Nations and other international protection, and more long-term activities that and national actors. Military organizations deal with the underlying reasons for the vio- are at the very heart of this process. On the lence. one hand they are seen as the “problem,” by virtue of being the perpetrator of violence Prevention: The prevention of conflict-related against women and as maintainers of the sexual violence is a complex matter that existing patriarchal system. On the other requires changing the behavior of perpetrators. hand, they are also called upon as protectors This may involve a range of activities depend- of women and civilians in violent conflicts. ing on the nature of the perpetrator and rea- In other words, there is plenty of potential sons for the sexual violence. Preventing sexual for substantial military contributions to violence used as a weapon of war requires the four main pillars of the resolutions on changing the cost-benefit calculations of the women, peace, and security: perpetrating units by using force or the threat of force to deter such behavior. While such Participation: This pillar speaks to the impor- deterrence is ideally conducted by legal sys- tance of full participation and inclusion of tems, in the midst of conflict it is often only women (including civil society actors) in the the military that has the muscle to provide a decisionmaking and execution of activities convincing enough threat to change behavior. related to peacemaking, post-conflict Addressing broader societal sexual violence 80 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS requires ending impunity by increasing the goal of mainstreaming is often described as capacity of the justice system, as well as by achieving gender equality. This is slightly prob- changing the cultural values of the society. lematic for military organizations that empha- Protection of victims and witnesses may also size the need to be different to ensure effective- be included in preventive activities. While ness in their core tasks. However, as described these are not primarily military tasks, military above, mainstreaming gender throughout the organizations can serve as role models in how organization also has great positive potential they treat women within the organization as in terms of supporting the analysis, planning, well as in the local community. and execution of operations. The mainstream- ing of a gender perspective throughout military Gender Mainstreaming: Gender mainstream- organizations, both at home and in partner ing is the process of assessing the often differ- countries, is likely to serve as an important sig- ent implications for women and men of any nal to the broader society. If women can make plans, policies, and activities of all actors substantial contributions to what is surely the involved. UNSCR 1325 calls for the systematic most masculine and patriarchal world of all, implementation of a gender perspective in there are few limits left in terms of women’s peacekeeping and peacebuilding by all participation and empowerment in other sec- Member States, especially in the context of tors of society. peace missions led by the UN.12 The ultimate Spc. Kristina Truluck/U.S.Spc. Army A U.S. Army Sergeant writes down information from a local woman at the Woman’s Center near the Zhari District Center, Kandahar province, Afghanistan. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 81 EGNELL In sum, there are a number of different and its aims are described and communicated. ways that a gender perspective has the poten- Feminists often approach the integration of tial to not only alleviate the negative impact of women and gender perspectives in military war for women, and to improve women’s par- organizations as “the right thing to do.” The ticipation and empowerment in society, but aim of such a process would focus on UNSCR also to affect military effectiveness positively, 1325 and speak of increased women’s partici- primarily with regard to how force is applied pation and empowerment as inherently good to achieve political aims. There are also a num- pursuits. While such arguments and aims may ber of potential benefits of a gender perspec- sound compelling to a civilian audience, they tive that bear less relation to traditional views often fall on deaf ears within military organi- of military effectiveness, but that may have an zations. The functional imperative of fighting important impact on operations as a whole. and winning wars in defense of the nation Examples would be supporting women’s par- remains too strong, and while military leaders ticipation and status in the society, and build- might very well support the general notion of ing the foundation for representative gover- increasing gender equality in their society, the nance and security structures and thus subject is simply not perceived as having any- improving the quality of governance and thing to do with military operations. A “rights development. Let us therefore leave the ques- based” approach is therefore not likely to get tion of why this should be done, to instead the buy-in necessary from either key leaders or focus on the equally challenging question of the broader organization. Instead, a better how this process should be undertaken. approach is to emphasize that the implemen- tation process serves to strengthen the military Approaches to the Implementation Process in its constant pursuit of maximal effectiveness in its core tasks—that implementing gender The only realistic starting point when attempt- perspectives is actually “the smart thing to do.” ing to integrate gender perspectives in military While the aim of the process may indeed be organizations is to first understand that we are more far reaching and also include change dealing with a deeply skeptical organization processes that have more to do with the imple- that is likely to produce strong resistance. mentation of the NAP, at the onset of imple- However, experience from countries like mentation the aims should be kept limited. Sweden and the Netherlands indicate that this The reason for the limitation is to make sure is not an impossible sell if the process is intro- that the process fits within the framework of duced and managed in a way that speaks to the the organization’s core existing tasks, and core tasks of military organizations.13 This sec- thereby avoid some of the organizational resis- tion discusses a number of tactical consider- tance that is inevitable when aspiring to a ations in the implementation process, and more ambitious feminist agenda. In other simultaneously addresses a number of debates words, gender perspectives should not be seen within feminist theory. as an expansion of the military mandate, but The most challenging task is to gain access rather as a way to improve the conduct and to the organization, to begin the work. This is effectiveness of existing roles. closely related to the issue of how the process 82 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS There is a great temptation to see these around military garrisons in peacetime.17 issues as add-ons, which then expands the role There is, in other words, an uneasiness with of the military into realms that military orga- which feminists approach military organiza- nizations are not particularly suited for. A tions, and a doubt about whether working study of Swedish gender advisors found that within the existing institutional and cultural those who focused their work on advising structures of the armed forces is sufficient or internal personnel on gender issues had much even appropriate, or whether a more transfor- greater impact than those who engaged in mative, radical activist agenda from the out- development and humanitarian projects side is necessary to successfully implement among the local population. The internally UNSCR 1325 and the NAPs. If so, what should focused advisors made sure that everyone in this transformative agenda entail and to what the staff and the operational units understood extent would it have an impact on the effec- gender perspectives and that they could apply tiveness of the organization in pursuing its them in the conduct of operations; thereby core task—employing organized violence? In having a substantial impact on the units’ work. any case, based on the limited successes of The externally focused advisors often had little women’s rights activists trying to influence internal influence, as the staff and the units felt military organizations, as well as the contrast- that the gender advisor was taking care of the ing success of the Swedish Armed Forces, gender aspects of operations. Moreover, the where the change agents within the organiza- development projects were often unsustain- tion decided to drive the process as a military able and poorly executed, as they lacked the imperative,18 this article promotes the inside expertise and staying power of civilian actors.14 strategy—working together with the organiza- A central issue for feminists studying or tion and its leaders to create change from promoting change is the extent to which within. “inside” or “outside” strategies are the most Another tactical consideration is derived appropriate or effective. Diane Otto argues that from the feminist debate about whether “gen- the framework of UNSCR 1325 limits itself to der balancing” (increasing female recruitment “inside” strategies—working within main- and representation) or “gender mainstream- stream institutional structures, rather than the ing”19 (achieving gender equality by assessing activism and more radical work conducted the implications for women and men of any outside the mainstream structures in a much planned action, including legislation, policies, more transformative or even revolutionary and programs in all areas and at all levels) is way.15 Military organizations, as highlighted the most effective and implementable above, are not just potential protectors of approach to achieve organizational change. women and civilians—they are also described The most common assumption is that gender as “the problem.” Not only are military orga- balancing is an easier and more imple- nizations often the perpetrators of some of the mentable strategy than gender mainstream- worst atrocities conducted in the midst of con- ing.19 This is supported by the many cases of flict,16 but they also have more general prob- Western armed forces that have successfully lems highlighted by the high occurrence of increased the representation of women in the sexual harassment and assault within and armed forces, but that at the same time PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 83 EGNELL struggle to implement a gender perspective. is likely to be difficult. Specific gender func- Interestingly though, Annica Kronsell chal- tions in the form of experts and advisors are lenges this assumption by studying the cases less than ideal for broader implementation of of Sweden and the European Union. She notes a gender perspective, but as early agents of that in those cases, mainstreaming has been change that serve to pave the road for broader easier than recruiting and promoting women.20 change processes, they may be the only option. It is indeed important to stress that there is a It should, however, be stressed that their spe- difference between sex and gender, and that cific functions should be seen as transition women are not by definition gender aware, or tools before the organization is ready for promoters of gender equality. Indeed, few broader mainstreaming of gender perspectives. women have joined the military to become The balance between specific functions advocates of women’s rights or gender equal- and mainstreaming is related to yet another ity. Instead, just as their male colleagues, they debate within the literature on gender and have signed up because they believe in the military organizations that addresses a more cause of defending the nation, and they are practical question of implementation in the drawn to the profession and culture of the field of operations. What is the most useful military organization. As a consequence, to makeup of military “engagement teams,” successfully promote gender perspectives which have the purpose of meeting and within military organizations, a gender-aware addressing local women and children? Should man may sometimes be equally or more effec- they be all female or mixed? Can all-female tive than an unaware woman. engagement teams (FETs) obtain access to men A debate related to that between main- in traditional societies as effectively as mixed streaming and balancing is whether the imple- engagement teams can? Does the sex of the mentation process should focus on specific interpreter matter when attempting to engage gender-related functions or experts, such as local men and women? All-female engagement Gender Advisors attached to regular units, or teams, which have been used more extensively broader mainstreaming within the organiza- by the United States, have been the focus of tion. The risk with specific functions or experts much attention and discussion. A study of the is what Diane Otto refers to as the “exile of Swedish case nevertheless found that the les- inclusion.” Not only are the specialists sons from Afghanistan point toward the use of expected to conform to the existing culture mixed gender teams as preferential to FETs.22 and structure of the organization, they also One reason is that the number of female offi- risk becoming isolated within silos of pre- cers and soldiers remains low, and those avail- existing organizations or in separate institu- able should therefore be used to form flexible tions. The organization is thereby more likely mixed engagement teams that can interact to remain oblivious or “blind” to gender issues more effectively with both local women and when the experts are absent.21 men. Mixed teams could also have the collat- Again, pragmatic thinking and accurate eral effect of sensitizing the male team mem- timing is necessary. Given the size, complexity, bers. Moreover, a fully developed gender per- and likely resistance of the organization, spective should equally include male broader gender mainstreaming from the outset perspectives, which risk becoming lost in the 84 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS FET concept, just as women’s perspectives are between women’s rights, human rights, often lost in male-dominated organizations. and humanitarian intervention, and who The ideal would be to have gender diversity in often criticize the early feminist’s demands all units to perform the necessary tasks. Either for the use of force to protect women in way, this means that more women must be conflict zones.24 For example, Anne Orford recruited to the armed forces, in general, and has described the use of military force, to front line combat units, in particular. even when sanctioned or justified by law, as entrenching patriarchal and imperialist Challenging the Instrumental Approach understandings of the role of law to “protect” 25 Gina Heathcote describes a more and to “save.” The implementation of a fundamental tension for feminists when gender perspective in military organizations studying military organizations: the very is thereby inherently problematic for anti- idea of employing military violence and militarist feminists, and is often seen as an force to “protect” women.23 On one side instrumental interpretation of UNSCR 1325 are some early feminists who promote the and the NAPs that only seeks to increase use of force or intervention under Chapter military effectiveness and thereby support VII of the UN Charter to protect or “save” the patriarchal war system, rather than to women. On the other side are those who transform or dismantle it. instead highlight the uneasy relationship One problem with an “instrumental” approach that stresses operational effectiveness Spc. Kristina Truluck/U.S.Spc. Army A U.S. Army Staff Sergeant, with the aid of an interpreter, helps two local Afghan girls practice reading and spelling. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 85 EGNELL alone is that it may involve a more superficial system,” two more risks naturally follow. First, remedy that does not explore the transforma- there is a danger that feminist efforts are co- tive potential of a gender perspective as rights- opted and used by the institutions for pur- based arguments would. Feminists also high- poses that do not reflect the feminist agenda. light other risks involved in the instrumental This is particularly obvious when it comes to approach.26 One such risk is that the instru- military organizations in which women can be mentalist argument involves an essentialist used simply as tools for military victory. This view of women and their competences. If debate is closely related to the problem of women are recruited as “peacemakers,” or for inside strategies discussed above. Or as femi- their oft-emphasized compassionate, diplo- nist Audre Lorde effectively invoked the lan- matic, or communicative skills, they are also guage of the U.S. civil rights movement by most likely to play “character roles” within the arguing that “the master’s tools will never dis- organization where such skills are valued. In mantle the master’s house.”31 Second, if the other words, within military organizations, change processes only nibble at the edges of women will be used to fill competence gaps untouched structural problems they are (in most often what are perceived as non- unlikely to have much of an impact regardless essential and peripheral duties), rather than of whether the aim is the empowerment of being allowed to impact the organization as a women or mere military effectiveness. If things whole, or to compete with men on equal go wrong, or if the changes do not live up to terms.27 the expectations of increased effectiveness, the Another important risk is the selective or risk is that women or gendered approaches “tokenistic” engagement of feminist or gender will be thrown out again.32 Kathleen Jennings, perspectives. Otto has effectively highlighted for one, highlights this risk—especially since the weaknesses of UNSCR 1325 in addressing many of the claims regarding increased mili- what feminists view as the key structural causes tary effectiveness as a justification for increased of women’s inequality, stressing conflict pre- women’s participation in peace operations vention more than rhetorically, and also the have limited quantifiable empirical support.33 goal of general disarmament and anti-milita- Conclusion rism.28 Otto cites Sheri Gibbings who deject- edly concludes that “[t]he route to peace and Military organizations use force, or the threat ending war in this approach was no longer a of force, to achieve political aims. The raison reduction in military spending, but the inte- d’être of military organizations is not to gration of women and a gender perspective.”29 improve women’s right, but to defend the Carol Cohn takes the argument further by nation from military threats. While these facts highlighting that the essentialist notion of make military institutions problematic part- “women-as-peacemakers” risks leaving the ners for women activists, the often violent dominant political and epistemological frame- nature of the international system, and the works of the war system untouched.30 If Cohn prominent role that military organizations is right in that many of the efforts to include play within that system, are unlikely to disap- women or a gender perspective fail to address pear in the foreseeable future. Thus, there are the larger structural issues of a “masculine war two reasons activists would be wise to work 86 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS with military organizations to implement tasks involved in stabilization. While military UNSCR 1325 and the National Action Plans. organizations generally have a culture that will First, collaboration and increased awareness resist the implementation of gender perspec- can help mitigate the unnecessarily negative tives, the process of change is far from impos- impact that gender-insensitive military organi- sible. By starting from a solid understanding zations can have in the field of battle and of and respect for the military organization peace operations—ranging from abuse, prosti- and its core tasks, the change process can be tution, and missed opportunities in terms of placed within that framework in order to cre- intelligence, situational awareness, or ate buy-in from key change agents within the improved relationships due to lack of contact hierarchy. This also means that the initial focus with the female part of the local population, of the implementation process should be on to an unconscious reduction of women’s secu- the organization’s core task—fighting—rather rity and power. The second reason is the fact than on human resources issues of recruit- that military institutions can also be a power- ment, career paths, and women’s rights. With ful and sometimes necessary force for good in time, the increased understanding of gender order to protect civilians in general, and perspectives may indeed pave the way for more women in particular. transformative and wide-ranging changes. The nature of the military instrument nev- PRISM ertheless also creates limits to what we can expect in terms of implementing UNSCR 1325 and the NAPs. For example, a military approach is seldom the most appropriate way to increase women’s political participation, promote human rights, or democratic develop- ment. The aims of military organizations in the area of implementing UNSCR 1325 should therefore be tempered. While military organi- zations can play important roles by positively modifying their practices, and by providing the necessary stability in the area of operations for the more important actors to conduct their work, they should work in a supporting role, rather than in a leading one. In the end, implementing UNSCR 1325 and the National Action Plans is important not only for the promotion of women’s rights and gender equality, it can also help military orga- nizations maximize their operational effective- ness in a strategic context that demands local cultural understanding and great organiza- tional diversity to tackle the often complex PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 87 EGNELL Notes over the Last Decade,” Melbourne Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (2009). 16 Kuehnast, de Jonge Oodrat, and Hernes 1 UN Security Resolution 1325 was adopted in (eds.), Women & War: Power and Protection in the 21st October 2000. The text of the resolution can be found Century (Washington DC: United States Institute of at 88 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 GENDER PERSPECTIVES AND MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS 29 Sherri Gibbings cited in Otto, “Power and Danger,” 107. 30 Carol Cohn, “Mainstreaming Gender in UN Security Policy: A Path to Political Transformation?,” in Global Governance: Feminist Perspectives, eds. Shirin M. Rai and Georgina Waylen (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008): 185–206. 31 Audre Lorde, “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House,” in Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches (Sydney: Cross Press, 1984), 110. 32 Jennings, “Women’s Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations,” 1. 33 Ibid. Photos Page 76. Photo by Steven L. Shepard/Presidio of Mon- terey Public Affairs. 2012. Combatives Tournament held in Monterey, California. From PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 89 AUTHOR U.S. Army RDECOM DARPA's Warrior Web project. Technological advancements could fundamentally alter the equation of women in combat. 90 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Women Warriors Why the Robotics Revolution Changes the Combat Equation1 BY LINELL A. LETENDRE [This] should not be about women’s rights, equal opportunity, career assignments for enhancement purposes for selection to higher rank. It is about, most assuredly is about…combat effectiveness, combat readiness, winning the next conflict…. `– General Robert H. Barrow (retired), 27th Commandant of the U.S. Marine Corps o began the testimony of General Barrow before the Senate Armed Services Committee in June 1991 regarding his opinion on women in combat during which he gave his ultimate conclusion: “women can’t do it…and there is no military need to put women into com- S2 bat.” That is about to change. In the wake of women successfully integrating into submarines and graduating from Army Ranger School, an additional—and heretofore underappreciated—fac- tor is poised to alter the women in combat debate: the revolution in robotics and autonomous systems. The technology leap afforded by robotics will shift the debate from whether women are able to meet combat standards to how gender diversity in combat will improve the U.S. military’s fighting capability. Over the next decade, the U.S. military will reap huge benefits from robotic and autonomous systems that will fundamentally change both the tools used on the battlefield and the approach taken to combat. Not only will robotic technology undermine the standard arguments against women in combat, but full gender integration across all combat roles will maximize American employment of autonomous systems and corresponding combat effective- ness. To understand how robotics will change the equation of women in combat, this article first examines the current law and policy regarding women in combat positions, taking a close look at how the services are approaching the current Department of Defense (DOD) guidance to Colonel Linell A. Letendre is the Permanent Professor and Head of the Department of Law at the United States Air Force Academy. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 91 LETENDRE establish gender-neutral standards for all occu- combat roles faster than currently planned. In pational specialties. While present policy and sum, diverse combat teams will improve U.S. direction favors opening all combat career future combat effectiveness in a robotic and fields across genders, full integration is still autonomous systems fight. more notional ideas than reality. To under- Women in Combat: Current Status of Law stand why, this article examines the arguments and Policy surrounding women in combat, both for and against. Next, the article highlights how robot- Though women have served in the Armed ics technology in development today will Forces in every conflict our nation has faced change the future battlefield by augmenting since its founding, the numbers of women and the physical capabilities of soldiers and light- types of roles or occupational specialties they ening the loads carried by combat troops. have assumed have grown dramatically since Finally, this article assesses how robotic World War II. This expansion of female par- advancements will not only counter the nay- ticipation in the military was driven in part by sayers of women in combat, but should also necessity following the implementation of the compel senior leaders to integrate women into All-Volunteer Force in 1973 and in part by the U.S.Force Air Frances Green, Margaret Kirchner, Ann Waldner, and Blanche Osborn. Members of the Women Airforce Service Pilots who trained to ferry the B-17 Flying Fortresses during WWII. 92 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN WARRIORS equal rights movement. Despite these drivers, the Marine Corps’ Infantry Officers Course. combat participation was specifically forbid- Services are also struggling to define the stan- den by statute until 1993. Following the rec- dards for combat readiness in terms of physi- ommendations put forth by the Presidential cal fitness expectations and warfighting skills. Commission on the Assignment of Women in The Marine Corps, for example, established a the Armed Forces in 1992, Congress lifted the Ground Combat Element Integrated Task Force statutory restrictions surrounding women in in October 2014 to develop a standards-based combat and instead left decisions regarding assessment for ground combat arms tasks.6 In appropriate occupational roles for genders to September 2015, the Marine Corps requested the Department of Defense. While these a waiver from Secretary of Defense Ashton changes allowed women to serve in combat Carter that would exclude women from infan- aviation roles, DOD excluded women from try and armor positions. On December 3, assignment to any unit below the brigade level 2015, Secretary Carter denied that request and whose primary role was to engage in direct directed the services to open all combat jobs ground combat.3 to women.7 This announcement, however, has Following a number of Congressionally- not quelled the debate over women entering mandated reports and the expanding role of combat roles. women in combat roles in the War on Terror, Women in Combat: Arguments For and DOD replaced the ground combat exclusion Against with a requirement for gender neutral stan- dards in 2013. In a joint memorandum by While General Dempsey justified the policy Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta and the change as an attempt to “strengthen the joint Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General force,” critics of the integration of women in Martin Dempsey, DOD committed to remov- combat remain vocal.8 Since serious discus- ing “as many barriers as possible to joining, sions of lifting the combat exclusion began in advancing, and succeeding in the U.S. Armed the early 1990s, the main arguments surround- Forces.”4 DOD called upon the military ser- ing women in combat have focused on wom- vices to integrate women into combat units as en’s physical capabilities and the impact of “expeditiously as possible,” but no later than gender integration on a unit’s ability to fight January 1, 2016. Prior to that date, services effectively. Opponents point to clear differ- could recommend to the Secretary of Defense ences between men and women’s physical that a particular occupational specialty or unit abilities: men typically have 30 percent more remain closed to women if the service is able muscle strength and 15-30 percent more aero- to justify with “rigorous analysis of factual bic capacity then women.9 These differences data” that women lack the abilities and skills can have meaningful consequences when con- necessary for the combat role.5 sidering that an infantry soldier may carry Since this proclamation of full integra- packs of 100 pounds or more into combat. tion, services—particularly the Army and Women and men also carry loads differently, Marine Corps—have been working to integrate with women shortening their gait or stride women into various combat preparatory when under heavy loads. While a 1996 Army courses such as the Army’s Ranger course and study showed that a 24-week physical training PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 93 LETENDRE course for civilian women enabled 78 percent fought in combat historically (e.g., the Soviet of the group to carry and lift objects over 100 army in World War II and the “Long-haired pounds and improved the women’s ability to Warriors” in Vietnam) and are successfully run with a 75-pound pack, the fact remains fighting in ground combat today.15 While not that most men can out-lift, out-carry, and out- disputing differences of women’s aerobic and run the average woman.10 anaerobic capabilities when compared to men, Outspoken critics, like Elaine Donnelly of advocates reference that most soldiers in a the Center for Military Readiness, assert that 2008 Army Research Institute (ARI) study con- such physical differences “detract from mis- cluded that women do possess the physical sion accomplishment” by impacting the cohe- strength, stamina, and mental capabilities to sion and effectiveness of combat units.11 Social succeed in combat.16 scientists who study group behavior have Protagonists also dismiss claims that unit found that male groups thrive on competition, cohesion would suffer if women were inte- hierarchy, and conflict while female groups grated into ground combat units. Social sci- flourish on equality and cooperation. Men are ence literature demonstrates that unit cohesion more likely to be risk takers and be physically is comprised of two parts: task cohesion and aggressive, while many women are culturally social cohesion. When opponents trumpet raised to be more nurturing and empathetic.12 potential degradation of unit cohesion based Opponents of women in combat view such on differences between the sexes, they nor- differences in group behavior negatively and mally refer to aspects of social cohesion or the infer that dissimilarities in group dynamics emotional bonds of trust between group mem- combined with physical capability deltas will bers. Studies have shown, however, that task result in a decline in unit cohesion and, sub- cohesion—or the unifying force of a team sequently, degraded combat effectiveness.13 focused on a combined mission—is the over- They cite concerns that male soldiers will seek whelming contributor to overall unit cohesion, to “protect” women and that sexual tensions not social cohesion.17 in a mixed combat unit will destroy morale Similar arguments about risk to unit cohe- and trust.14 The sum of such disruptions, pro- sion have been raised and disproven numerous claim antagonists, will destroy U.S. combat times in our military’s history to include racial capability. integration of ground forces, females joining Proponents of gender integration in com- combat aviation units, and most recently the bat units reject such claims of a loss of combat service of openly gay and lesbian service mem- effectiveness. Though recognizing physical dif- bers. Each integration experience has demon- ference between genders, proponents ask that strated that well-led teams derive their cohe- DOD simply adopt a consistent combat stan- sion from a focus on the mission itself not on dard and allow women who meet the standard the differences or similarities of social make- to join the combat ranks. Other women-in- up or backgrounds. Additionally, women-in- combat champions view the physical prowess combat advocates dismiss concerns of sexual debate as a superficial excuse to cover deep- assault and decreased discipline in integrated rooted resistance to women in the military units as problems appropriately handled generally. Supporters note that women have through leadership and professionalism.18 94 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN WARRIORS Opening up more military jobs to women, a range of developing robotic and autonomous proponents contend, will promote greater systems and their potential impact on the equity in promotions and positively affect the future of combat. overarching military culture.19 Revolution in Robotics: A Changing While both proponents and opponents of Battlefield20 women in combat have evidence and rhetoric to support their positions, the debate has prin- The battlefield of the future will look exceed- cipally centered on whether or not women can ingly different from today’s combat fight due accomplish the job. Indeed, most advocates of in large part to advances in robotics and gender-integrated combat units simply seek autonomous systems. Not only is robotics the opportunity of equality—allow women changing how soldiers are able to individually who can meet combat requirements to par- perform and interact on the battlefield, but ticipate equally in the defense of their nation. autonomous systems are changing the very To date there has been little discussion about nature of combat. The Defense Science Board how advances in technology—specifically recognized in 2012 that robotic systems were robotics and autonomous systems and the cor- significantly impacting warfare worldwide by responding changes in concepts of opera- enabling persistent capabilities over the battle- tion—will alter the debate. To begin to under- field and expanding warfighter combat abili- stand this effect, this article will now highlight ties.21 With over 50 countries estimated to John F. U.S.Williams, Navy CHIMP, or the Carnegie Mellon University Highly Intelligent Mobile Platform, approaches the door during the DARPA’s 2015 Robotics Challenge. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 95 LETENDRE have built or purchased unmanned aerial Another DARPA initiative, called Warrior vehicles (UAVs) for military purposes and a Web, began in 2011 and is funding projects to handful of countries (namely the United States explore how to prevent musculoskeletal inju- and Israel) having demonstrated devastating ries developed from carrying heavy combat kinetic capabilities using unmanned systems, loads. Final designs are expected to allow a the robotics and autonomous revolution pos- soldier to carry 100 pounds with 25 percent sesses the potential to change the time, space, less effort and enable soldiers to run a 4 min- and nature of warfare.22 The U.S. Department ute mile. Under this program, Harvard is of Defense has committed to maintaining developing a soft exoskeleton comprised of technical dominance in the area of autonomy soft webbing woven into wearable fabric that across all warfare domains.23 The most appli- assists joint movements in a soldier’s legs. cable domain for the current women-in-com- Weighing just 13 pounds, the Soft Exosuit does bat debate, however, involves robotic technol- 15-20 percent of the work associated with ogy affecting land warfare. walking under heavy loads, thus enabling sol- From exoskeletons to robotic mules, tech- diers to walk farther.26 Another research insti- nology is reducing the weight of combat gear tute has developed a system that serves as a and improving soldiers’ physical abilities and robotic exomuscle near a soldier’s calf. The load-carrying capabilities. The Defense system activates as a soldier walks and pro- Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) vides enough metabolic gain to make a 100- kick-started innovation in this area in 2001 by pound pack feel like it weighs 50 pounds. funding labs, industry, and universities under Future system developments will allow the the Exoskeletons for Human Performance robot to learn and self-adapt the rate of firing Augmentation (EHPA) program. The goal of based on whether the soldier is walking or that five-year program was to increase soldiers’ running. The final versions of these Warrior strength and speed, provide greater protection Web prototypes will be ready by 2016.27 from enemy fire, and improve soldiers’ stam- Other exoskeletons are designed to aug- ina while carrying loads. Some of the innova- ment a soldier’s physical capabilities. Raytheon tion DARPA funded under EHPA has trans- Sarcos developed an exoskeleton, the XOS 2, ferred into demonstration projects in the which uses hydraulic energy and allows users services and fledgling programs of record. The to punch through three inches of wood and lift Human Load Carrier (HULC), for example, is 200 pounds hundreds of times without tir- a hydraulic-powered exoskeleton made of tita- ing.28 A tethered version for military logistics nium that allows soldiers to carry a sustained is being fielded this year and an untethered load of 200 pounds over a variety of terrain version is due out in 2020. A DOD-funded and to run at 10 miles per hour. While research lab is developing an electrostatic Lockheed Martin continues to upgrade HULC’s forces gripper that will improve a soldier’s abil- battery power, the system currently allows ity to climb walls. Meanwhile, U.S. Special eight hours of continuous field exercise or lasts Operations Command (SOCOM) began the several days for less exertive tasks like standing Tactical Assault Light Operator Suit (TALOS) guard.24 program in 2013 to bring the warfighter an array of special capabilities from full-body 96 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN WARRIORS advanced armor and enhanced situational a flexible solar panel to charge flat-form bat- awareness to thermal management and com- teries with incredible efficiency. These batter- mand and control. The exoskeleton suit will ies, called Marine Austere Patrolling System include wearable computers and health moni- (MAPS), will weigh only six pounds and toring systems capable of stabilizing wounds should be fielded in the next five years.31 until care arrives. SOCOM aims to field TALOS Another DARPA-funded research center is by 2018 and is capturing innovations from 56 developing an autonomously guided kite that companies, 16 government agencies, 13 uni- generates tens of kilowatts of power simply versities, and 10 national laboratories.29 through flight. Such a system would enable a Technological advances are also making combat squad to regenerate power autono- equipment lighter for combat troops. The mously and dramatically reduce the overall Massachusetts Institute for Technology (MIT), weight in batteries the unit must transport. for example, is researching a liquid body While such innovations will certainly help armor that converts to a solid in milliseconds reduce the overall weight required to be carried after a magnetic field or electrical current is by the individual soldier over the coming applied.30 To cut down on the weight of bat- years, heavy loads will not be completely elim- tery packs carried by combat operators, the inated from a combat unit. Robotics, however, Office of Naval Research (ONR) is developing may change how the unit carries those loads. Lance Cpl. M. L. Meier, U.S. Marine Corps Military robotics, such as “Big Dog,” may level the playing field for women in combat. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 97 LETENDRE DARPA’s Legged Squad Support System (LS3) and laid out a roadmap for joint acquisition of program created a robotic mule capable of car- UGVs in 2011.35 rying loads of over 400 pounds over a wide Full integration and reliance on robotic variety of terrain. Affectionately known as “Big and autonomous systems by U.S. ground com- Dog,” the robot is able to traverse terrain in bat units is far from a “next generation or so” one of three modes: leader-follower (where the idea. Former Army Chief of Staff, General robot follows close behind the human leader), Raymond Odierno, recognizes that robotics semi-autonomously (where the soldier selects will be an integral part of the force of 2025 the destination but the robot selects the path), and included robotics development as one of or a leader-follower corridor (where the robot just eight lines of effort essential to achieving follows the human leader but has wider lati- the Army’s ten-year strategy.36 To that end, tude to select its preferred path). Though con- DARPA is investing in Squad X, a program that tinued work is underway to develop a quiet promotes man-unmanned teaming within a electric motor to power the system (vice the dismounted infantry squadron. Squad X capi- currently loud diesel engine), the LS3 could be talizes on the interface between robotic tech- operational in the decade.32 nology and soldiers to improve precision Future combat units will also utilize engagement, command and control, detection unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs) for carry- of threats, and overall squad situational aware- ing loads and battlefield resupply and logistics. ness. Whether improving an individual sol- Such UGV reliance is operational today in the dier’s personal performance, carrying equip- State of Israel, which is currently operating ment to the battlefield, or enhancing a squad’s over 200 UGVs in the field. Israeli UGVs range combat lethality, robots are poised to change from the small, battery-powered, tele-operated the nature of ground combat. UGVs, like RoboTeam’s ProBot that can carry Impact of Robotics Revolution on Women a payload of 550 pounds, to large UGV trucks in Combat Debate and armored personnel carriers.33 Some Israeli robotics companies have been building UGVs The most apparent consequence of this chang- for over eight years and have over 70,000 hours ing battlefield and growing reliance on robot- of operational field experience. G-Nius pro- ics systems is the impact on the physical vides an applique to the customer’s preferred requirements necessary for ground combat platform to convert it to an unmanned system. forces. The combination of robotic-enabled The UGV can then be tele-operated, drive enhancements of a soldier’s physical capabili- semi-autonomously (where the system will ties with lighter combat gear and robotic stop when it sees an obstacle and rely on a mules will quickly level the physical capability human to resolve the obstacle before starting gap between men and women. For example, again), or operate fully autonomously, with the exoskeletons being developed today result the ability to recognize and resolve obstacles in a 25 percent improvement of physical and make the best route planning decisions.34 strength and endurance—enough to close the The United States has explored UGV technol- aerobic and anaerobic delta between the aver- ogy (to include some Israeli UGV technology) age man and the average woman. With the ability to run faster, lift more weight, and carry 98 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN WARRIORS weight for longer periods of time without The U.S. military must begin to field com- physical injury, the average woman will meet bat teams and grow combat leaders who are or exceed combat capability standards—and willing and able to think and implement that is before receiving targeted physical train- autonomous systems in new and creative ways. ing and conditioning proven to improve wom- To do this most effectively, combat teams need en’s physical prowess. a diverse mix of individuals—including men Skeptics might argue that robotic and and women. Diverse teams have been shown autonomous systems will simply make male to think more creatively, accept change more soldiers able to run faster and lift more, thus readily, and solve problems more effectively.40 eliminating any derived benefit for women. The same has proven true in the technology While in the initial implementation stages of field. As one commentator explained, robotic exoskeletons such argument may have “[w]omen bring unique talents and perspec- merit, it would be myopic to think that tech- tives to the table in any field, but they are par- nology will not one day eliminate all such dis- ticularly vital to a world of invention and tinctions. Indeed, the essential attributes of innovation shaped by technology.”41 A leading future warriors will almost certainly derive less engineer in the defense industrial base from physical strength and more from techni- remarked that she seeks out diverse teams cal abilities.38 Furthermore, such skeptical especially in the area of robotics because such thinking neglects the affirmative arguments for teams approach issues differently and find capitalizing on gender diversity in the future more effective and creative solutions to prob- robotic battlespace. lems.42 It is this same creativity and problem- The U.S. military needs gender diverse solving that the U.S. military needs in its combat units to better implement robotic and future robotic-propelled combat forces. autonomous systems technology on the future Israel has already discovered the impor- battlefield. Autonomy will not just change tance of utilizing women in the employment what tools soldiers use to fight but how the of robotic and autonomous systems. During fight will be conducted. While advances like the latest ground campaign, the Israeli Defense the Squad X system or TALOS may sound other Forces (IDF) discovered that the best control- worldly, technological progress is not the lers of their UGVs were women. The IDF deter- major driver of combat capabilities. As one mined that their female soldiers possessed bet- roboticist explained, “[h]istorically when one ter focus and attention to detail—attributes looks at major changes in combat, it hasn’t necessary when viewing a multitude of sensors been due to the gadget itself; it is the gadget and employing robotic systems in ground that enabled the CONOPS to change.”39 To combat. Additionally, IDF leadership found date, much of the U.S. military’s implementa- women displayed more self-restraint and tion of robotic and autonomous systems has deliberation before employment of weapons simply been to replace an existing function from the UGV, a skill set much in demand dur- performed by a human with a robot, especially ing a conflict where collateral damage or kill- when such a task is dull, dirty, or dangerous. ing of non-combatants was heavily scrutinized. Unfortunately, the potential of robotics will The benefits of woman-unmanned teaming not be reached with such linear thinking. were so great the IDF placed all UGV PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 99 LETENDRE operations in the hands of woman soldiers.43 2013 guidance to set gender-neutral standards While (in this author’s opinion) all-female for ground combat units, the services have employment of robotic and autonomous com- consistently stressed that physical standards bat technology tips the balance too far, the and training will not change, while simultane- United States can learn from the Israeli experi- ously trying to study and justify why those ence and recognize the potential benefits of standards exist in the first place.44 Simply put, integrating women into all combat units. the services are focused on determining what standards (physical and mental) need to be A Question of When…Not If met for today’s fight…not what qualities Given that robotic technology has the poten- ground combat forces will need in the future. tial to minimize the physical distinctions Such an approach will not position the force between genders on the battlefield, and posi- to maximize the potential of autonomous sys- tive benefits exist for diverse employment of tems. autonomous systems in combat, the question To best utilize robotic and autonomous remains as to when to integrate ground units systems, a diverse set of warriors needs to be fully. Should the services proactively integrate both on the battlefield implementing the tech- women into ground combat roles in anticipa- nology and in positions of leadership to tion of a changing robotics battlefield, or develop CONOPs and policy. Men and women should they wait for the technology to mature? need to be in the room when deciding ethical In implementing the Secretary of Defense’s questions surrounding autonomous weapons Cpl. Zev Marmorstein, IDF Spokesperson's Unit Israeli soldier with UVG. 100 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN WARRIORS employment, when developing requirements Notes for future technological advances in robotic systems, and when formulating creative ways 1 As a student at the National Defense to employ the nascent technology.45 Women University’s Dwight D. Eisenhower School for will not appear in the decision room overnight National Security and Resource Strategy (distin- guished graduate), Colonel Letendre received the as the military grows its future leaders from the 2015 NDU Women, Peace, and Security writing award ground up. Every year the U.S. military delays for this article. The views expressed herein are those full and proactive integration of women into of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official ground combat is another delay in the pipeline policy or position of the United States Air Force Academy, the U.S. Air Force, the Department of of developing female military leaders with the Defense, or the U.S. Government. ground combat experience necessary to posi- 2 “SASC Testimony,” YouTube video, General tively impact the application of robots in the Robert H. Barrow, 27th Commandant of the Marine Corps testimony before the SASC on Women in battlespace. Thus, the question for today’s Combat, June 1991, posted by Robert Barrow. senior leaders should not be whether women PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 101 LETENDRE 15 Ibid, 57 and 59. Even critics recognize the 29 John Keller, “Special Operations Needs Battle contributions of women warriors throughout history. Suit with Cooling, Embedded Computers, and Maginnas, 12-18. The “Long-haired Warriors” denote Sensors,” Military & Aerospace Electronics, October the upwards of one million Vietnamese women who 2013; Cushman. fought the French in the early 20th Century and later 30 Cushman. the Americans in the Vietnam Conflict. David E. 31 Hsu. Jones, Women Warriors: A History, (Washington, D.C.: 32 Ibid. Potomac Books Inc., 2005): 33-36. 33 Roboteam, “Probot,” accessed March 19, 16 Skaine, 61. 2015. 102 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN WARRIORS 42 Katherine Lemos, interview with the author (March 8, 2015). 43 The author learned about Israeli experiences through a variety of interviews of Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) officials and contractors during her field studies while a student of National Defense University’s Dwight D. Eisenhower School for National Security and Resource Strategy (March 6-11, 2015). 44 David Martin, “A Few Good Women,” Sixty Minutes, aired March 15, 2015 on CBS, Photos Page 100. Photo by IDF Spokesperson's Unit/ Cpl. Zev Marmorstein. 2012. Israel Defense Forces - Israeli Made Guardium UGV (3). From < https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Flickr_-_Israel_Defense_Forc- es_-_Israeli_Made_Guardium_UGV_(3).jpg>. Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported, PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 103 AUTHOR Hilary Matfess Women and children in the Fufore Camp for internally displaced people in Nigeria. 104 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Women as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram's Terror BY MIA BLOOM AND HILARY MATFESS1 n June 2014, a middle-aged woman riding a motorcycle approached the military barracks in the North Eastern Nigerian city of Gombe. While being searched at the military checkpoint, Ishe detonated the explosives strapped to her body, ending her life and killing a soldier in the process. With this act, a new chapter in the destructive history of Boko Haram began: the group joined the ranks of terrorist groups around the world that have incorporated women into their organizational profiles. Since the first attack, women and young girls (between the ages of 7 and 17) have been coerced into targeting civilians at markets, bus depots, and mosques. The 89 attacks documented between June 2014 and January 2016, mostly of civilian soft targets, are responsible for more than 1,200 deaths and an even greater number of injuries. The adoption of female sui- cide bombers is not especially surprising as an operational adaptation to increased state surveil- lance of the group’s activities; it has been a tactic adopted by secular and religious terrorist groups from Sri Lanka to Syria. However, Boko Haram depends on female operatives disproportionately, relative to similar insurgencies; for example, the Tamil Tigers used 46 women over the course of 10 years, whereas Boko Haram has deployed more than 90 women in a little over a year and a half.2 Though Boko Haram is known to be the most significant source of violence in Nigeria since the transition to democracy in 1999, the group’s abuses against women have also earned it inter- national notoriety. When the group abducted the Chibok Girls from their school in April 2014, impassioned advocates around the world promulgated the #BringBackOurGirls movement and popularized the hashtag on social media, demanding that former President Goodluck Jonathan mount a serious effort to rescue the victims. Not only did human rights advocates marshal sup- port through NGOs and public awareness campaigns, but Nigeria’s international partners, including the United States, also provided supplementary military support.3 The United States bolstered Nigeria’s capacity to monitor the Sambisa Forest, where much of Boko Haram was Mia Bloom is Professor of Communication at Georgia University and the author of Dying to Kill: The Allure of Suicide Terror and Bombshell: Women and Terrorism. Hilary Matfess is a research analyst at the National Defense University’s Center for Complex Operations and a member of the Nigeria Social Violence Project at the John Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 105 BLOOM AND MATFESS located, and collect intelligence on the insur- state—by emphasizing its differences with gency by providing drones and unmanned such movements, Boko Haram portrays itself surveillance aircraft.4 The attention that the as the vanguard of “true Islam.” group garnered following these abductions, This article analyzes the roles of women which facilitated the spread of its propaganda and girls within Boko Haram and its ideology domestically and internationally, may have to elucidate the motivations, capabilities, and emboldened the group to rely more heavily on strategies of the organization. Women and female operatives.5 girls have become “swords” mobilized and Unfortunately, while the focus on the vic- weaponized to carry out attacks while also timized girls helped garner international sup- being used as powerful “symbols” of Boko port, the effort overlooked the role that Haram’s ideology; understanding women in women and girls play in the insurgency’s oper- the insurgency requires an examination of ide- ations and ideology, depriving analysts of ology in the context of other Islamic actors in critical insights about the functioning of the the region, and a determination of the factors group. The timing of the group’s use of females that prompted Boko Haram’s operational shift as weapons conforms to the use of gender- towards female operatives. Our research will based violence globally as a recruitment strat- explore the broader patterns of tactical vio- egy by terrorist organizations in conflicts as lence against women globally before moving diverse as Turkey, Sri Lanka, and Iraq. Further, to a discussion of the diversity of female Boko Haram’s use of female suicide bombers engagement in Boko Haram’s militant activi- connects it to the broader global extremist ties, addressing women’s roles as wives, movement, which is increasingly deploying coerced weapons, and willing recruiters. The female fighters and suicide bombers.6 article will then assess Boko Haram’s rhetoric However, the forced conscription and deploy- vis à vis women, including statements about ment of young women and girls is a differen- the Chibok girls, as well as insurgents’ state- tiating feature of Boko Haram among other ments about women’s position within. Finally, terrorist organizations, many of which have we will address some preliminary conclusions benefited from willing female participation.7 garnered from our research and emphasize the The group’s conceptualization of females has importance of an inclusive deradicalization also distinguished it from other Islamist move- and counterterrorism program. ments in North East Nigeria; given the group’s Background origins as a dissident movement, methods of differentiation are critical aspects of the insur- Boko Haram’s adoption of suicide bombing gency. Analyzing the group’s propaganda and and its increasing reliance on female opera- the local religious-political context in which it tives occurred against a backdrop of mounting operates shows how women, and their posi- sexual violence against women for political tion within the group’s ideology, allow Boko ends throughout the African continent; accord- Haram to differentiate itself from other ing to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Nigerian Salafi movements. Other Salafi Data Project (ACLED), “rates of rape used as a groups have advocated for women’s education weapon of political violence have been higher and have coexisted with the Nigerian secular than average…since late 2012.”8 While this 106 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR may be the result of increasing availability of more generally. Understood as a means of fos- reports on the issue, ACLED’s assessment sug- tering cohesiveness among forcibly conscripted gests that there has been a significant rise in soldiers, while simultaneously undermining politicized sexual violence against women. external social bonds and instilling fear, vio- This corroborates research conducted by Dara lence against women is particularly suited to K. Cohen, which found that the overwhelming the goals of terrorist organizations. This issue number of cases she studied in Africa have is not confined to Africa, nor is it a novel occurred during political conflicts, such as the development; sexual violence against women one that initially triggered the creation of Boko is an unfortunate feature of many conflicts Haram. Cohen also finds that rape leads to worldwide. “peace fragility, primarily through the destruc- Despite the longevity of this issue, the tion of social trust,” suggesting that conflicts seeming acceleration in the adoption of this that rely on sexual violence arise from and tactic prompted the United Nations to release contribute to the unraveling of the social fab- a report in April 2015 highlighting wartime ric, even following the cessation of the fighting sexual violence—focused on rape, sexual slav- which further complicates the already tortuous ery, forced prostitution, and forced pregnancy process of post-conflict reconciliation.9 of women and girls—in 19 countries.10 The While Cohen’s research is concentrated UN expressed “grave concern” over the numer- geographically, her findings can be applied ous accounts of rape, sexual slavery, and forced Isabel Coello Women and children comprise the majority of those living in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps in Nigeria. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 107 BLOOM AND MATFESS marriage perpetrated by jihadist groups like Victor Asal assert, when discussing female sui- ISIL and Boko Haram, as well as widespread cide bombers: gender-based violence by armed groups in The very fact of being female is proven to Iraq, Syria, Somalia, Nigeria, Mali, Libya, and enjoy several tactical advantages. First, Yemen.11 This is especially disturbing as many women suicide terrorists capitalize and jihadi groups herald women’s “purity,” defined thrive on the “element of surprise.” They in an oppressive and patriarchal way, as a main can take advantage of cultural reluctance goal for the movement and emphasize in their toward physical searches to evade detec- propaganda the need to protect “their sisters tion. Given their seemingly feminine in Islam” from abuse by secular communities. facade, they are categorically perceived as In light of the increasing prominence of gen- gentle and non-threatening. Further, they dered violence in jihadist groups that claim to constitute a potentially large pool of operate in the name of Islam, understanding recruits, a resource that terrorist organiza- the operational and symbolic role of women tions can draw from and cash in on. is critical to counter the threat posed by these Symbolically, the death of women bombers groups globally. is more likely to evoke a feeling of despera- But women have not merely been dispro- tion and sympathy.15 portionately victimized by modern conflicts, they are playing an increasingly important role While in previous conflicts secular groups in the tactical operations of terrorist groups (particularly Marxist) were more likely to make and insurgencies. Many, including one of the use of female suicide bombers than religious authors, have highlighted the role that revenge groups, modern jihadist groups have increased or retribution plays in galvanizing female par- their dependency upon female recruits and ticipation and note the prevalence of widows participation.16 Boko Haram and ISIL are per- among female militants.12 Interestingly, some haps at the cutting edge of this Salafist-jihadi have suggested that economic incentives can tactical experimentation with religion, patriar- motivate participation; in underdeveloped chy, and war. While sexual violence against countries, economic growth “might be linked women and their incorporation into armed to women’s diminishing share of the labor movements is a worldwide phenomenon, the market,” pushing them to join “terrorist increase of female participation in Boko groups out of desperation,” whereas in Haram has taken on novel characteristics, spe- advanced economies, “women may be cific to this insurgency’s objectives and opera- attracted to terrorist groups more by their ide- tional tactics. ological or religious determination,” rather The incorporation of women into Boko than out of coercion or necessity.13 Indeed, Haram’s activities builds upon a history of tac- anthropologist Scott Atran reflects that suicide tical experimentation, undertaken in response attackers in general “are rarely ignorant or to cyclical government responses and oppor- impoverished.”14 While it is unclear what tunities posed by regional trends in arms avail- prompts women to join such groups (when ability.17 Additionally, the symbolism of they do so willingly), the value they add to the female-led attacks has been a means by which organizations is clear. As Angela Dalton and Boko Haram has distinguished itself from 108 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR similar movements and local rivals. abduction by the group drew the lion’s share Understanding Boko Haram’s use of women is of attention. particularly critical, as it is the most lethal The availability of women for sexual pur- insurgency on the continent, having claimed poses became a means of satisfying insurgents an estimated 29,000 lives since 2002, and and cultivating loyalty. A Civilian Joint Task shows no signs of abating. Force commander, who participated in a raid that liberated women and girls, linked the Operational Uses – Women as Swords abduction of women to the Nigerian govern- Boko Haram has used women and girls for a ment’s counterterrorism deployment of secu- multitude of operational purposes. This sec- rity forces to urban centers; he asserted that tion will review, briefly, how females have when Maiduguri (Borno’s capital) became been used by the group to increase insurgent “too hot” for the insurgents, they abandoned cohesion, add reproductive capacity, carry out their urban wives and began “picking up attacks, maintain order within the camps, and women anywhere and using them to satisfy as bargaining chips with the Nigerian govern- themselves.”18 A Human Rights Watch report ment. published in November 2013 claimed that However, before discussing how women Boko Haram raided villages and “after storm- and girls have been used, it is critical to note ing into the homes and throwing sums of that the vast majority of women within the money at their parents, with a declaration that organization are not participating of their own it was the dowry for their teenage daughter, volition. Boko Haram’s reliance upon women they would take the girls away.”19 and girls is a part of an organizational shift The women were not always abducted by that includes forced conscription as a means men for the latter’s own purposes; rather, some of generating support. The abductions of of the abducted women and girls were “gifted” women and girls parallel abductions of young to Boko Haram fighters for “marriage.” This men, who were also forcibly conscripted into euphemism for sexual violence belies the stra- the movement in night raids—though there tegic aspect of the abuse. Prior to the group’s have not been reports of the young men being descent into violence, Boko Haram’s founder subjected to sexual violence. The abductions, Mohammed Yusuf helped arrange marriages both of males and females, followed the May for local men struggling to muster the neces- 2013 declaration of a state of emergency in sary social and economic capital to marry; Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa States. however, the group has since evolved and the The state of emergency was accompanied new class of marriages constitutes sexual slav- by the deployment of security forces to the ery. There is a horrific logic at play in the insti- region and prompted the group to abandon tutionalization of sexual slavery; research sug- urban guerilla tactics in favor of holding terri- gests that sexual violence may be effective for tory. Reports of mass kidnappings emerged building group cohesion and fostering cama- during this period, alongside stories of indi- raderie, particularly in insurgencies that rely viduals being abducted. Though both men and on forced conscription.20 women were abducted, the novelty of female The “marriages” to abducted girls thus served multiple tactical purposes: increasing PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 109 BLOOM AND MATFESS group cohesion through the provision of while telling reporters, “I can’t get the images women as prizes, cultivating loyalty through out of my head. I see people being slaugh- the enhanced status following “marriage,” and tered. I just pray that the nightmares don’t increasing local fear of the insurgents. Boko return.”25 Haram’s violence against women is similar to While following in the pattern of other other groups’ use of sexual violence as “a con- terrorist groups, Boko Haram has also exhib- scious strategy…employed by armed groups to ited particular characteristics unique to torture and humiliate opponents, terrify indi- Northern Nigeria in its conceptualization of viduals, destroy societies though inciting flight women’s roles and its use of rape as a weapon from a territory, and to reaffirm aggression and of war. In addition to rape for the purposes of brutality, specifically through an expression of torture, punishment, or humiliation, the group domination.”21 appears to be using rape to produce the next Stories of women being abducted were generation of extremists that will pursue Boko eventually followed by accounts of female con- Haram’s particular brand of jihad.26 The gov- ditions in captivity; as women escaped from ernor of Borno State, Kashim Shettima, insists Boko Haram and the military recovered terri- that, “the sect leaders made a conscious effort tory from the insurgents, journalists provided to impregnate the women...Some…even pray graphic details of the women’s lives in Boko before mating, offering supplications for God Haram. Reports found that hundreds were to make the products of what they are doing raped, many repeatedly, in what relief workers become children that will inherit their ideol- described as “a deliberate strategy to dominate ogy.”27 It appears that Boko Haram’s funda- rural residents and create a new generation of mentalist ideology is being treated in the same Islamist militants.”22 Despite Boko Haram’s manner that ethnicity was considered in con- strident declarations that many of the flicts in Rwanda and Serbia: a hereditary char- abducted women were brought into the acteristic that can be bred into the population. Islamic fold, conversion did not necessarily It is possible that this belief is being justi- improve a woman’s status. Regardless of reli- fied by a perverse interpretation of one of the gion, during their captivity almost all the hadiths narrated by Quranic scholar Abu Zayd, women were repeatedly raped, gang raped, and which contends that, “every infant is born with subjected to sexual slavery. An internally dis- a natural disposition to accept Islam, but par- placed person who had lived under Boko ents can socialize their infants to accept other Haram for two years reported that many of the religions.”28 Prior to his extrajudicial execu- footsoldiers have more than one wife.23 tion, Boko Haram’s founder, Mohammed Female captives were also subjected to non- Yusuf, used this hadith as evidence for the det- sexual violence that served the insurgents’ rimental effects of Western education in turn- needs; as a part of this, the women were ing children away from Islam; the hadith was denied food, forced to carry the insurgents’ offered as a justification of the organization’s possessions and weapons, deprived of sleep, activities which he argued were a return to the and forced to cook.24 The psychological “natural” order. Boko Haram has not issued a trauma that these women have suffered is dif- public statement regarding its impregnation ficult to overstate. One escapee burst into tears campaign or religious justification of it, which 110 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR limits an exact analysis of its motives, however counterterrorism efforts increased in urban Boko Haram’s systematic sexual abuse of centers as a part of the State of Emergency and women suggests that women’s reproductive Multi National Joint Task Force, women have capacity is a critical aspect of its strategy as become tactically important for the group to children would bolster the insurgency’s maintain an urban presence. strength by inflating its ranks. While the majority of these attacks have Even more directly than through their (re) been suicide bombings, this is perhaps a mis- production of future militants and the group nomer as “suicide bomber” implies that the cohesion that “marriage” may foster, women perpetrator’s decision to martyr oneself is have contributed to Boko Haram’s campaign made of his or her own volition. Yet, many of by carrying out attacks. Between the Chibok the Boko Haram attacks were conducted by abductions and October 2015, there have been girls too young to have agency; others, such as nearly 90 attacks with female perpetrators. rape victims and those subjected to psycho- These attacks have typically been against logical trauma, have been robbed of their “soft targets,” such as markets, mosques, and autonomy to make that choice. In some bus depots and have taken place in urban set- instances, the bomber may have not even tings. Boko Haram, like other terrorist groups, understood what was happening. A military has used women because they draw less atten- source speaking to Nigerian news went so far tion and are less likely to be subjected to as to suggest that, “some of those girls might 30 searches1400 than men. Since Nigerian not really know they were strapped.” In Figure 1: Deaths from Boko Haram Female Suicide Bombers over Time 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 Jun-14 Jul-14 Aug-14 Sep-14 Oct-14 Nov-14 Dec-14 Jan-15 Feb-15 Mar-15 Apr-15 May-15 Jun-15 Jul-15 Aug-15 Sep-15 Oct-15 Graph illustrates cumulative (red) and incident (blue) death tolls over time in the Lake Chad region. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 111 BLOOM AND MATFESS some cases, the Nigerian military preempted In addition to sexual and physical abuse, female suicide bombers who offered little Boko Haram perpetrated psychological abuse resistance, suggesting that they were not fully of the captives in order to maximize the utility committed to, or even necessarily aware of of women and girls to the group’s mission.36 their “mission.” Some reports suggest that According to a social worker in Maiduguri, “ family members coerced the girls to join the [t]he militants feel it is easier to intimidate and organization; in July 2014, a 10-year-old girl brainwash young girls than adult women. accompanied by her older sister and an older Besides, these girls come cheap, and most of man was arrested while wearing a suicide them are extremely loyal….”37 Perhaps bombing vest.31 One 13-year-old girl detained because of this pliability, girls and young by the state reported that her father, a sup- women have been employed frequently by the porter of the insurgency, had encouraged her insurgency in suicide bombings, despite the to join.32 fact that the first such attack was conducted by One source cited by Awford suggested a middle-aged woman. The treatment of young that, of the women that have participated will- women as malleable and expendable echoes ingly, some might have been homeless or beg- how terrorist leaders in other conflicts have gars who had been banned from Kano, where viewed female participation in conflict, not as many of the bombings occurred. The source members of the organization with autonomy, asserted that such women and girls “are easy but as another form of artillery.38 to recruit and [may] have fallen prey to Boko Women who have escaped or have been Haram members who have lured them with a rescued by Nigerian soldiers report exposure few naira notes. They may also be ignorant of to, and/or forced participation in, extreme vio- what they are being asked to do.”33 lence. The militants have used girls they Others might have been married to “slain claimed were from the Chibok abductions as or arrested members of the Islamic sect who “enforcers,” parading them in front of kid- have been indoctrinated and brainwashed to napped women and telling them that, “these take revenge on behalf of their husbands.”34 are your teachers from Chibok.” During raids Revenge-motivated female participation in ter- “people were tied and laid down and the girls rorist activities is a well-documented phenom- took it from there…the Chibok girls slit their enon globally. Regardless of motivation, there throats.”39 Within the camps, the Chibok girls is evidence that women have indeed actively were used “to teach groups of women and girls participated in Boko Haram’s activities. For to recite the Qur’an…. Young girls who example, several Nigerian soldiers were shot by couldn’t recite were…flogged by the Chibok women in the Sambisa Forest while rescuing girls.”40 Such reports suggest that “exposing the women, suggesting that some of the women to extreme violence [is] a strategy to women have developed allegiance to the ter- strip them of their identity and humanity, so rorists. Additionally, a soldier posted in they can be forced to accept the militants’ ide- Adamawa State, in North East Nigeria, con- ology” and contribute to maintaining order firmed reports of female fighters, “wearing within camps.41 burqas and guns.”35 Several of the women and girls have suf- fered from the double trauma of abduction 11 2 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR and sexual exploitation, as well as efforts to to Boko Haram members, in which he stated, convert them to Boko Haram’s ideology “since you are now holding our women, just through brainwashing and consistent exposure wait and see what will happen to your own to propaganda. women…to your own wives according to sha- The question remains whether the women riah law.”46 Shekau’s statements rely upon who are victimized have been genuinely radi- examples of the “proper” treatment of women; calized, whether women related to the insur- in this way, women within Boko Haram are a gents might share the same ideology, goals, symbol for the Islamic rule envisioned by the and purpose as the men, or whether the group, in addition to being valuable targets to women are suffering from severe trauma, caus- gain the government’s attention. These interac- ing a form of “Stockholm Syndrome.”42 It is tions allow the group to portray itself as a difficult to discern women’s motives for par- “protector” of Muslim women and source of ticipation in Boko Haram’s activities, as the justice against un-Islamic actors.47 women’s bodies are often too “mutilated to… The use of women as bargaining chips identify them,” let alone recognize and put a straddles the line between the operational and name to the women, a source within the rhetorical advantage women have given Boko Nigerian government told the authors.43 Haram; within the group, women and girls The group has also used women as bar- serve as symbols and swords. The image of per- gaining chips with the Nigerian government. secuted Muslim women, the model of the righ- After a raid on the Borno State village of Bama teous Muslim wife, and the symbol of Muslim in 2015, Boko Haram released a video in women as vessels for the next generation of which abducted civilians were paraded in front jihadi fighters are valuable propaganda tools. of the camera. In the footage, Boko Haram Additionally, the tactical advantages gained by leader Abubakar Shekau threatened that if the using women in coordinated attacks have Nigerian security forces “do not release our allowed the group to maintain a presence in wives and children, we will not release urban areas despite significant Nigerian and theirs.”44 Just two weeks later, President regional efforts to push the insurgency out. Goodluck Jonathan ordered the release of Rhetoric and Ideology – Women as women and children imprisoned for their con- Symbols nection to Boko Haram. In return, Boko Haram released its captives. Boko Haram has The Chibok abductions and ensuing contro- also offered to exchange captive women for versy provided the first nationally and interna- insurgents captured by the state.45 Shekau rou- tionally recognized symbol of the group’s vio- tinely makes threats, for example to kidnap lence against women. Shekau successfully used President Goodluck Jonathan's daughter. He the Chibok girls’ symbolism and visibility as a also framed the abduction of the Chibok girls megaphone to telegraph the group’s strength as retribution for abuses perpetrated against and ideology.48 Violence against women and Muslim communities and has issued threats girls “is often intended to humiliate their fam- against the wives and daughters of other state ilies and communities, wherein women and officials. In 2012, he released a video in girls are ‘bearers of honor,’ and men are response to the detention of 10 women related shamed for failing to protect ‘their’ women.”49 PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 11 3 BLOOM AND MATFESS In this way, sexual violence is a mechanism of for gendered labor within the camps (though destroying family and community, making it a reports suggest that such work was integral to valuable tool for terrorist groups.50 Scholar their condition), but were also a valuable tool Ruth Seifert observed that, “rape is not an to illustrate the implementation of Boko aggressive expression of sexuality, but a sexual Haram’s vision of shariah. Shekau asserted expression of aggression…a manifestation of that he would, according to holy directives, sell anger, violence and domination,”51 making the non-Muslim women. In later videos, violence against women a way for terrorist Shekau proclaimed that the Chibok girls had groups to project power and demonstrate their converted and were married to Boko Haram capacity to intimidate civilian populations.52 militants. Boko Haram’s attitude towards women terror- According to Shekau, Boko Haram “would izes Nigerians at the national level, and also marry them out [sic] at the age of 9 or 12.”54 serves to differentiate the group from other He justified his actions within the context of mainstream, nonviolent Salafi movements his interpretation of Islamic history and “mar- locally, such as Yan Izala, which advocate rying off” a girl as young as nine “like it was modern education for girls and boys.53 done on [his] mother Aisha and the wife of the In a propaganda video released in May Prophet” (there are varying accounts of how 2014, shortly after the Chibok abductions, old Aisha was when she was married).55 Abubakar Shekau claimed responsibility for Shekau contended that the girls should have the raid. The abducted girls were not just used never been in school in the first place as they Isabel Coello At St. Therese Church in Yola, a displaced girl rests. 11 4 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR were old enough to be married.56 By going to Salafi Islamist Yan Izala movement, said that, school, the girls had supposedly violated sha- “politics are more important than prayer” and riah in a variety of ways; not only were they that Muslim men should allow their women participating in an educational system that to vote and “to mix in public, especially in contradicted Islamic teachings, but their atten- times of impending elections” to further the dance in school was considered a violation of political Islamist agenda.61 Gumi’s statements their role as women.57 carried significant weight because of the prom- In these videos, which sometimes featured inence of Yan Izala in Northern Nigeria as a images of the abducted girls fully dressed in source of religious authority. Yan Izala has burqas, Shekau positions himself as the established a number of educational institu- abducted girls’ savior from the infidel lifestyle tions for women; these schools impart both and institutions, while offering salvation to traditional Quranic education and, in some those willing to support his violent process of instances, “Boko” learning. The headmasters “reclamation” of society, notably through the of Izala schools for women “uniformly stated overrunning of territory, the destruction of that they were founded ‘to help society to secular, modern institutions, and the abduc- know their God and to know how to worship tion of women and girls. He taunted, “don’t their God,’” according to academic Elisha you know the over 200 Chibok schoolgirls Renne’s review of such institutions in the have converted to Islam? They have now mem- North Eastern city of Zaria.62 Yan Izala is far orized two chapters of the Qur’an. They have from progressive with regard to gender rela- seen themselves in the Books of Luke and John tions; the practice of female subordination and that Christians have corrupted the Bible. Girls seclusion is regularly practiced among the from Chibok [are] confessing [that] Islam is Izala and “for wives and daughters of the Yan the true religion.”58 Izala, membership…means wearing the Shekau is not a fixture in all of Boko hijab—a veil that ideally covers much of their Haram’s propaganda, suggesting that the bodies—and living in total or partial seclu- group saw the girls as a valuable publicity sion,” according to Adeline Masquelier.63 opportunity. The group used this global plat- However, while Yan Izala promotes some con- form to threaten communities and increase the servative practices such as female veiling, the audience for its ideological proselytization. In progressive notion of female education was one video, Shekau insisted that Nigerians seen as equally critical for its religious and could avoid being targeted by espousing their political legitimacy; Renne notes that “wom- Salafi-jihadist interpretations of Islam. “If you en’s pursuit of Islamic education has strength- turn to Islam…you will be saved. For me any- ened the position of the Izala movement in one that embraces Islam is my brother.”59 He Zaria.”64 also threatened Nigerians that “nothing will By asserting its position on women’s stop this until you convert.”60 “proper” role and attire, Boko Haram is reaf- Boko Haram’s use of women has served to firming its role as an Islamist reformist move- distinguish the group from other Salafi groups ment and differentiating the group from rival in the region. In a 1987 interview, Abubaker Islamists. It is worth noting that Boko Haram’s Gumi, the leader of the largely non-violent founder Mohammed Yusuf worked alongside PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 11 5 BLOOM AND MATFESS Ja’far Adam, a Salafi scholar in the Yan Izala is a contentious battleground in the debate movement, before founding his own offshoot between Salafi groups in Northern Nigeria. with a different ideology than Adam’s teach- Preliminary Conclusions ings. When Adam and other Muslims (includ- ing mainstream Salafis) spoke out against Women serve the dual purpose of serving as Boko Haram, they were targeted in violent symbols of Boko Haram’s ideology as well as attacks.65 This illustrates the stakes of intra- swords bolstering the insurgency’s operational Islamic debate following the implementation effectiveness. Boko Haram’s abuse and use of of shariah across northern Nigeria following women provides a clear example of how the adoption of the 1999 constitution. As the women who are victimized may in turn victim- Boko Haram insurgency has escalated, main- ize others because of coercion, honor-bound stream Salafis, according to Alex Thurston, cultures, and (mis)conceptions about how have been placed in “a complicated position identity and ethnicity are transmitted from vis-à-vis both Salafi-leaning audiences in the one generation to the next—a process that is, state.”66 While Yan Izala has “worked to unfortunately, being replicated globally. undermine Boko Haram’s messages and Salafi In 2015, African troops in Nigeria (com- credentials,” it has simultaneously “criticized posed of soldiers from Nigeria, Chad, the state’s response to Boko Haram.”67 Thus, Cameroon, and Niger) liberated almost 1,000 the debate over women’s proper role in society women, indicating that the total number of women abducted far exceeds the 276 Chibok Isabel Coello A woman displaced by Boko Haram prepares a meal at an IDP camp in Yola, Adamawa. 11 6 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR students.68 In the aftermath of the women’s there is social custom and social custom is rescue, human rights groups alleged that the much stronger than law in many parts of vast majority of the women were pregnant.69 Nigeria.”71 Nigerian religious leaders and the members of Victims’ legitimate concerns about being the ulema have intervened to prevent the shunned by their communities are com- women from being shunned by their own pounded by their fear that the militants will families and communities. The reintegration return and track them down. One woman of these abused women will be difficult, given interviewed by Al Jazeera feared that her Boko the conservative values and “honor culture” Haram militant husband would “kill her for that discourages premarital sex and extols vir- running away;” at the same time, in her com- tue. The women’s experiences have justifiably munity she is considered “an outcast…they instilled a fear and loathing of Boko Haram remind me that I have Boko Haram inside among a diverse population. me,” since she was impregnated.72 Women who have escaped report psycho- Rescuing the women from the insurgents logical trauma and rejection by their commu- is only one part of the solution. Providing psy- nities despite the best efforts of religious lead- chological support, health services, and com- ers. Particularly for those who have been munity reintegration is critical to the success forcibly impregnated, reintegration is practi- of Nigeria’s counterterrorism and counterin- cally impossible. In honor-bound societies, surgency strategy. In June 2015, Dr. Fatima women who have been raped are often blamed Akilu, head of the Countering Violent for sexual violence and fear retribution from Extremism Department of the Office of the the community, especially if children resulted National Security Advisor, announced that 20 from the sexual abuse. In light of the humilia- women and girls who had been recruited by tion faced by these women, the UN High Boko Haram had been “saved” and were Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad “undergoing rehabilitation and de-radicaliza- al-Hussein, has spoken out forcefully urging tion,” though the details of the program were “the most compassionate possible interpreta- not released.73 One woman whom the authors tion of the current regulations in Nigeria to spoke to had gone through the rehabilitation include the risk of suicide and risks to mental program after being abducted and held by health for women and young girls who have Boko Haram, and spoke enthusiastically about suffered such appalling cruelty” and may wish the program; however, the woman was uncer- to terminate their pregnancies.70 Currently, tain about her future and lacked freedom of Nigerian laws permit abortion only in movement and access to livelihood generation instances where the mother’s life is at risk. programs.74 The approach to treatment has to However, even if Nigerian restrictions were be multi-layered and sensitive to the experi- eased for victims of Boko Haram, it is likely ences of these women who have been victims that traditional women would not seek such many times over. Further, “as long as the basic services because of the accompanying stigma. social and economic context does not deci- John Campbell, a senior fellow at the Council sively change—specifically, Nigeria’s on-going on Foreign Relations and a former U.S. ambas- inability to achieve sustained economic growth sador to Nigeria noted, “there is law, and then as well as some degree of social PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 11 7 BLOOM AND MATFESS justice—militant movements such as Boko interpreted as representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the Department of Defense, Haram will rise again,” meaning that a whole- the Office of Naval Research, or the U.S. government. sale reformation of the socioeconomic land- 2 Scott Steward, “An Unprecedented Use of scape of Northern Nigeria must be undertaken Female Suicide Bombers,” Stratfor, October 23, 2015, in the quest to recover from the Boko Haram 11 8 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR ISIS And Boko Haram: Report,” The Huffington Post, Times, May 18, 2015, PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 11 9 BLOOM AND MATFESS 36 Former Iraqi Prime Minister, Nuri al-Maliki November 1, 2014, 120 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WOMEN AS SYMBOLS AND SWORDS IN BOKO HARAM'S TERROR [center] on women’s dress and deportment and the Photos creation of “docile bodies.” See Adeline Masquelier, Women and Islamic Revival in a West African Town (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2009): Page 107. Photo by EU/ECHO/Isabel Coello. 2015. 97. Boko Haram Displaced In Yola. From PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 121 AUTHOR DVIDSHUB An Afghan girl attends a female engagement team meeting in Balish Kalay Village, Urgun District, Afghanistan (March 2011). 122 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 We Are Not Helpless Addressing Structural Gender Inequality in Post-Conflict Societies1 BY VALERIE M. HUDSON, DONNA LEE BOWEN, AND PERPETUA LYNNE NIELSEN he causes of state fragility are of pressing concern to U.S. foreign policymakers. The concept of state fragility denotes “a fundamental failure of the state to perform functions necessary T to meet citizens’ basic needs and expectations… [including] assuring basic security, main- taining rule of law and justice, [and] providing basic services and economic opportunities for their citizens.”2 The stabilization of fragile societies has become an important emphasis of U.S. national security policy—so much so that our most recent National Security Strategy asserts that: “within states, the nexus of weak governance and widespread grievance allows extremism to take root, violent non-state actors to rise up, and conflict to overtake state structures. To meet these challenges, we will continue to work with partners and through multilateral organizations to address the root causes of conflict before they erupt and to contain and resolve them when they do. We prefer to partner with those fragile states that have a genuine political commitment to establishing legitimate governance and providing for their people.”3 Exploring the causes of state fragility and instability thus has profound ramifications for policy choice. In an era of shrinking resources, the most effective use of policy instruments must be sought to lay the foundation for sustainable peace. Over the last two decades, there has been a growing awareness that state stability is integrally tied to the situation and status of women in society. In a very real fashion, the relationship between the two halves of humanity within a given society sets the horizon of possibility for peace, security, prosperity, health, and good governance.4 Like the roots of a tree, unseen and yet determinative, gender relations underpin all macro-level phenomena within a society. Valerie M. Hudson is Professor and George H.W. Bush Chair in the Department of International Affairs at the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University. Donna Lee Bowen is Professor of Political Science and Middle East Studies at Brigham Young University. Perpetua Lynne Nielsen is an Associate Professor of Statistics at Brigham Young University. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 123 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN For example, in an empirical analysis of with statistically significant results. Muslim societies, M. Steven Fish suggests that Furthermore, states with higher levels of social, Islamic societies are disproportionately author- economic, and political gender equality are itarian, and that this finding cannot be attrib- less likely to rely on military force to settle dis- uted to differences in national wealth, ethno- putes.7 Caprioli and Mark Boyer also note that linguistic fractionalization, colonial heritage, states exhibiting high levels of gender equality religiosity, and other conventional explanatory also display lower levels of violence when they variables.5 Rather, Fish uncovers two indica- do become involved in international crises and tors that better explain the variance in levels of disputes.8 Caprioli extends this analysis to conflict and of authoritarianism throughout include militarized interstate disputes, a the Islamic world: sex ratio and the literacy gap broader category than international conflicts, between males and females. He hypothesizes and finds a similar relationship: states with the that the oppression of females—one of the ear- highest levels of gender equality display lower liest social acts observed by children—lays the levels of aggression in these disputes, and were foundation for other types of oppression, less likely to use force first.9 Virtually the same including authoritarianism.6 pattern was found with respect to intrastate In the same vein, Mary Caprioli links incidents, as well.10 Hudson et. al. added to measures of domestic gender inequality to this corpus by demonstrating that the best higher levels of state conflict and insecurity overall predictor of state peacefulness and Tanya Habjouqa Young girls reading at a Jordanian primary school. Education and literacy are key elements of achieving gender equality. 124 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS relations with neighboring countries is its level mandates of these resolutions are legally bind- of violence against women, and that even ing on the United States. More specifically, in among democracies, those with a high level of 2004, the Security Council called on member violence against women, such as Zambia, states to develop National Action Plans (NAPs) Kenya, and Nigeria, were more likely to score to implement UNSCR 1325.13 In December considerably worse on the Global Peace Index 2011, under the leadership of Secretary of State than those with low levels, such as Denmark, Hillary Clinton, the United States unveiled its Austria, and Finland.11 own National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, In sum, while space does not permit us to Peace, and Security, for which it is now comprehensively review the empirical litera- accountable before the international commu- ture of this subfield, this growing body of nity.14 scholarly work demonstrates that the promo- As informed by the provisions of UNSCR tion of gender equality goes far beyond the 1325, the U.S. NAP identifies five primary issue of social justice and has important con- areas of concern: 1) national integration and sequences for international security. institutionalization of a gender-responsive approach to diplomacy, development, and Policy Translation in the United States defense; 2) strengthening women’s participa- With the growing realization of the linkage tion in peace processes and decisionmaking; between what is happening with women and 3) protecting women from sexual and gender- what is happening with state security and sta- based violence; 4) the promotion of women’s bility has come a determination by state, inter- role in conflict prevention; and 5) gender-sen- state, and non-state actors to foreground this sitive access to relief in the case of humanitar- relationship in a policy sense. One of the most ian crisis. critical turning points was the adoption of After the NAP’s appearance, other pieces United Nations Security Council Resolution of a U.S. foreign policy strategy were assem- (UNSCR) 1325 in 2000, which urged member bled, including a Counter-Trafficking in states, among other things, “to ensure Persons Strategy, a Policy on Gender Equality increased representation of women at all deci- and Female Empowerment, an sion-making levels in national, regional, and Implementation Plan for the National Action international institutions and mechanisms for Plan on Women, Peace, and Security, a Strategy the prevention, management, and resolution to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based of conflict,” and to “take special measures to Violence Globally, the Equal Futures protect women and girls from gender-based Partnership, and a Vision for Ending Child violence . . . in situations of armed conflict.”12 Marriage and Meeting the Needs of Married UNSCR 1325 has been followed in turn by Children.15 UNSCR 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, and In addition to this strategic planning 2122, which reiterate, extend, and focus these framework, U.S. involvement in Afghanistan same efforts. and Iraq over the past decade has also pro- Even in the absence of U.S. ratification of vided an operational component to the vision the Convention on the Elimination of implied in UNSCR 1325. For example, the Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Lioness Teams in Iraq and the Female PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 125 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN Engagement Teams (FETs) in Afghanistan were the State Department to empower women, in pioneering in their “asymmetric” use of female line with the 2010 and 2015 Quadrennial soldiers in ground operations and stabilization Diplomacy and Development Reviews which efforts. Though these teams were disbanded heavily spotlight women as a special target of with the drawdowns in each nation, the FET development programming. concept was subsequently taken up by A Deeper and Largely Unseen Structure Colombia, which now boasts its own “EFEO” teams (Escuadrón Femenino de Enlace We have reviewed how explicit attention to Operacional Rural), based on the FETs of gender has developed within contemporary Afghanistan. Indeed, the Colombian EFEOs U.S. foreign policy, catalyzed in part by the will enjoy a number of capabilities that the international community’s women, peace, and U.S. Marine FETs did not, including full arrest- security agenda, and increasingly become a ing authority. Noting that U.S. Marine Corps focus of operational planning and program- reports show a “direct correlation between the ming. While the UNSCR 1325 framework and presence of a FET in an area and the reduction programs like Female Engagement Teams and of tension and violence against U.S. forces,” PROMOTE are laudatory, we argue that an the hope is that the same magic would happen important dimension of the relationship for Colombian forces.16 between women’s security and state security is Furthermore, the U.S. Agency for still, generally speaking, overlooked in U.S. International Development (USAID) has been foreign policy and the U.S. NAP. We believe heavily involved in developing innovative pro- there are deeper roots entwining these two grams to further the goals of the U.S. NAP. For securities that remain largely untouched by example, one of the most important USAID current efforts. It may well be that the addition programs for Afghan women is PROMOTE, of female soldiers in ground operations or which is USAID’s five-year programmatic greater numbers of female students in universi- response to the 2014 drawdown of U.S. troops, ties or more female civil servants in the gov- designed to shore up the gains Afghan women ernment or even additional female legislators have made since 2001. Announced in July in parliament will not be enough to put a 2013, the $410 million project is easily post-conflict society on a stable foundation USAID’s largest-ever gender programming without attention to that deeper level. effort, though half of these funds are to be pro- That deeper level is the legal structure vided by partner nations and have not fully under which women must live their lives in materialized. Target beneficiaries are primarily the family setting. Family law, enshrined in the Afghan women who possess at least a second- formal legal system as well as myriad social ary education, for the hope is to establish a customs, establishes the relationship between female quota of at least 30 percent within the the two halves of humanity in every society. In Afghan Civil Service. Future components of this article, we assert that the impact of family PROMOTE are designed to facilitate the entry law extends far beyond individual families and of women into the Afghan economy and impacts more macro-level phenomena, such related initiatives. This is but one of the many as national stability and resilience. gender programs implemented by USAID and 126 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS “Family law” refers to the statutory and A woman may vote, she may work, and customary law that regulates marriage, parent- she may have a graduate degree and even be a hood, and to a great extent speaks to how a Member of Parliament, but if she cannot in given state or society views the relations practice obtain a divorce or custody of her chil- between men and women. It establishes the dren or hold property in her own name or legal order which defines how males and inherit as a widow or refuse an arranged mar- females, with their resultant kin-based groups, riage or an underage marriage, she is a de facto whether families or tribes, relate to each other (and sometimes even a de jure) subordinate to and the rights each individual holds as part of the men in her life and, by extension, her soci- a family under the state. Included in the arena ety. According to our most recent scaling of the of family law would be such things as mini- WomanStats Inequity in Family Law Index, mum age of marriage, the form of consent in 38.3 percent of nations have either high or marriage, decisionmaking rights in marriage, extremely high levels of such inequity property and inheritance rights in marriage, (N=174).17 The day-to-day effects of these divorce and custody rights in marriage, sexual inequitable family arrangements underpin the rights in marriage, the right to “discipline” a general subordination of women to men in the spouse in marriage, and so forth. society. It is this deep governing structural gen- der inequality that lays a sandy foundation for Figure 1. Map of Inequity in Family Law/Practice PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 127 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN state stability. Societal sanction for the subor- prove one of several situations to obtain a dination of women as expressed in family law divorce, such as seven years’ worth of aban- is, we argue, an overlooked wellspring of soci- donment, or insanity or criminality of their etal instability and violence. spouse in order to divorce. Custody of the chil- The history of family structure is a story dren devolves to the father and his family at of historical asymmetry where men’s rights age seven for boys and nine for girls. For many have prevailed over those of women in their Muslim states such as Saudi Arabia, family law marriages and families from the days of the became the final bastion of Islam as other first organized legal code, the Code of areas such as education became secularized Hammurabi, on down to this very day. In the and put under the purview of the state. early 20th century, women pursued and This disparity of power expressed through obtained the right to vote in most countries. inequitable family law codes has already been Even so, women lacked other rights that they empirically shown to be significantly associ- considered much more vital to their day-to-day ated with higher levels of violence against lives. Legal codes enacted by states denied women.18 We can certainly understand why them rights to divorce, inheritance, and prop- that should be so, but is there a larger horizon erty rights—even basic physical security— to see as well? Is there a linkage between ineq- within the family. Even within the Western uitable family law and levels of state stability? liberal tradition, where women were consid- And how might an understanding of that link- ered autonomous and deserving of fair and age inform U.S. foreign policy towards post- impartial treatment under the law, legal conflict states? sources based on patrilineal social traditions Family Law’s Effects on State Stability retained significant bias for a very long time. As late as the 1970s in the United States, for The lines of battle over family law are hotly example, marital rape was not illegal, and it contested because of how foundational was difficult for a married woman to obtain choices regarding the relations between males credit under her own name. and females are to any society, and even in the While this type of legal discrimination is 21 st century, family law systems differ fairly largely a thing of the past in the United States, substantially across societies. While some gross inequities in family law remain for a states enshrine relatively equitable family law, large percentage of the world’s countries others, as we have seen, do not. The situation (Figure 1). So, for example, in Saudi Arabia, is ever-changing; in most cases, the direction women are minors first to their fathers, and is towards greater equity and safeguards for then upon marriage, to their husbands. They women in marriage and family matters, but we may not travel or become employed without also see instances where the change is not in their guardian’s formal permission. Saudi the direction of greater equity or safeguards. women voted for the first time—in municipal Regression in the family codes of several “Arab elections—in 2015. Saudi husbands may prac- Uprising” nations has led women’s rights tice polygyny, and a Saudi husband may activists to conclude that this period consti- divorce his wife at will, without even appear- tuted an “Arab Winter” for women. For exam- ing before a judge. A Saudi wife would have to ple, one of the very first acts of the 128 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS newly-established regime in Libya following through physical violence until acquiescence Qaddafi’s overthrow was the re-legalization of is obtained. “B” becomes, in essence, another polygyny. resource controlled by “A” from which rents In every human society, we find a univer- are extracted by coercion and subordination. sal phenomenon: human beings are divided What type of society originates from such into two roughly equal-sized groups, both of choices? The groundwork will have been laid which must be involved in the production of for an inequitable society ruled by monopolis- the future of their group in the form of off- tic rent-seekers prepared to assure continued spring.19 This simple parameter gives rise to flow of their rents through corruption and vio- some foundational decisions to be made in all lence. Worse yet, such societal arrangements human societies about what we call the “First will seem “natural and right” given the original Difference:” choices made with regard to the “First Other,” 1) Status in the context of difference: Will the first “B”—woman. these two groups engage each other as equals, All recognized differences within the soci- or as subordinate and superordinate? ety—ranging far beyond the originary differ- 2) Decisionmaking in the context of dif- ence of sex—will entail subordination, and ference: Will decisions in the society be made physical violence will be used if necessary to by one group or by both groups? effect that subordination. All “others” in the 3) Conflict resolution in the context of society—those of different ethnicity, religion, difference: If the two groups disagree, how is ideology, etc.—will be relegated to the lower that disagreement to be resolved? status accorded to the female, that is, in a 4) Resource distribution in the context of sense, “feminized”—because their status, difference: Which group will control resources agency, and so forth, correspond more to that necessary for survival and persistence—such as of females in society than to males. food, land, weapons, children, and wealth—or That is why the structure of relations will control be shared? between men and women in any society is so 5) Agency in the context of difference: Can important; it is important because the answers one group be coerced to provide what is given above concerning the First Difference required for survival and persistence of the normalize inequity, violence, and a parasitical group against its will? and monopolistic rent-based economy within the society. Such a society, we argue, will be Consider what type of society is formed inherently unstable. Since the clearest way to when the answers are: One group, group “A,” “see” the structure of relations between men is superordinate over the other (“B”), and and women is to examine family law and cus- makes all important decisions in the society. toms, inequity in family law should be a The second group, “B,” may be ignored or strong determinant of societal stability. punished if it protests this arrangement. “A” And indeed it is. In our latest empirical will monopolize and control all resources nec- research, we were able to demonstrate that essary for survival and persistence, including societies maintaining inequitable family law land, wealth, and children. “B” can be coerced and custom prove significantly more fragile into providing what the first group needs and less peaceful than those which do not.20 PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 129 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN Figure 2. Countries with very inequitable family laws are least peaceful24 Figure 3. Countries with the most inequitable family laws are the most fragile25 130 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS The WomanStats Database has a five-point and the macro-level sequelae of those choices scale of the degree of Inequity in Family Law in terms of fragility and corruption. and Practice disfavoring women. Inequity in We submit that while entirely laudatory Family Law21 has a moderately strong correla- and worthwhile, efforts in U.S. foreign policy tion with the Institute for Economics and to increase female secondary and tertiary edu- Peace’s Global Peace Index (r = 0.5477), and a cation, increase female participation in the relatively strong correlation (r = 0.7549) with police and the armed forces, and increase the Fund for Peace’s Fragile State Index. female participation in government, will only Multivariate regression models including go so far in stabilizing at-risk states. The deeper Inequity in Family Law alongside more con- level of inequitable family law must also be ventional variables such as level of democracy addressed for societies to escape from an end- and literacy show moderate strength in pre- less cycle of state fragility. Surely this is one dicting Global Peace (r2 = 0.43) and great reason why Rule of Law programming by the strength in predicting fragile states U.S. and other countries in Afghanistan often (r2 = 0.72).22 Taken overall, these results sug- includes a gender component. gest the ability to predict the level of state fra- And yet these are admittedly some of the gility and peacefulness is significantly most intractable and contentious issues of all, enhanced by examining Inequity in Family because they touch on issues of self-identity, Law, in addition to more conventional explan- religious identity, and power within the family atory variables. and within society. We can see that clearly in Figures 2 and 3 display in clearer detail the case of Afghanistan. After over a dozen the relationship between Inequity in Family years in that country, amazing advances in the Law and our two indicators of state fragility education and empowerment of women have and instability.23 Figure 2 shows that countries taken place. The 2004 Constitution of with very inequitable family laws are the least Afghanistan guaranteed equal rights to men peaceful, and Figure 3 shows that countries and women, not to just “citizens,” and a quota with very equitable family laws are the least of 25 percent of parliamentary seats were fragile and those with the most inequitable reserved for women in the lower house and 17 laws are the most fragile. percent in the upper. Afghanistan also signed on to the Convention on the Rights of the The Case of Afghanistan Child, CEDAW (without reservations, remark- Attention to inequitable family law may well ably), and the International Criminal Court prove to be one of the most potentially power- (ICC)—which is noteworthy because the U.S. ful policy levers for the stabilization of fragile government has refused to adopt any of these societies. There are both strong theoretical rea- three international treaties. In addition, the sons and complementary empirical work that new Afghan government also established a suggest this is no spurious relationship, but Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MOWA). Women rather a deep intertwining of the foundational also initially headed several other ministries, choices made by any human society with including public health, labor, social affairs, regard to sexual difference, on the one hand, and the ministry for the disabled.26 PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 131 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN Women have also made inroads in local In addition to the expansion of women’s politics: the first female governor of an Afghan rights, education and health indicators for province is Habiba Sarobi in Bamiyan, women have significantly improved. Ashraf appointed in 2005 (who also ran for Vice Haidari notes, “Of nearly five million children President in the 2014 national election). In in grades one through six, 36.6 percent are early 2013, the first-ever female district gover- girls. The number of girls in high school nor was appointed. Furthermore, Afghanistan almost doubled from 2007 to 2008, from now has a National Action Plan for the 67,900 to 136,621 students. Some 8,944 uni- Women of Afghanistan (NAPWA), approved versity students graduated in Afghanistan in by the cabinet in 2008, which sets goals for the 2008. Of them, 1,734 were female students. advancement of women in that country. One These numbers have continued to rise in 2009, goal, as we have seen, is to have women make 2010, 2011, and 2012.”28 Haidari adds that up 30 percent of the civil service by 2018. infant mortality has decreased by 23 percent Women are increasingly participating in the since 2001. Maternal mortality has seen police force (1,974 female police officers in impressive drops as well; the World Bank esti- 2013, compared to less than 500 in 2007) and mates that the rate has been reduced to 327 in the legal field (150 female judges in 2012; deaths per 100,000 live births in 2013, down 300 female defense lawyers and 250 female from 1600 deaths per 100,000 live births in prosecutors in 2013).27 2001. Though still ranking next-to-last in Staff Sgt. Larry E. ReidStaff Jr., Sgt. Larry U.S. Air Force An Afghan National Policewoman (ANP) stands at attention 132 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS maternal mortality, this is a stunning improve- defenders have been threatened and their ment.29 homes or family members have been But the context in which women live their attacked. Some have even been killed for lives still strongly constrains their voice and their activities, while others have had to their security. Provincial quotas for women flee the country for fear they will be next . were lowered from 25 to 20 percent, even . . Women human rights defenders face before the U.S. troop drawdown in 2014. And threats and violence not only from the in a 2013 parliamentary discussion over fully Taliban and other armed opposition groups “instating” the Elimination of Violence Against but also from state actors, and in particu- Women presidential decree, male MPs lar, law enforcement and security officials. attempted to strip the proposed legislation of They are also at risk of harm from powerful provisions that curbed polygyny, early mar- commanders and warlords, who are either riage, forced marriage, domestic violence, rape, connected to state authorities or are the and so on, on the ground that these provisions local officials themselves.32 are “un-Islamic.”30 Moreover, less than a year later, the Afghan It is important that the United States study parliament voted in February 2014 to ban all this saga carefully. In Afghanistan, the U.S. testimony from family members, doctors, and changed the surface structure for women— lawyers in domestic abuse cases. Even the vic- which was very important and very signifi- tim herself would be banned from testifying. cant—but the deep structure of family law While the legislation is still in limbo—hope- remains untouched. As a result, we see a creep- fully a permanent limbo—after the recent elec- ing clawback of women’s rights over time. The tion of Ashraf Ghani, this is a startling legal U.S. ensured legislative quotas for women; reversal that would have offered impunity to they are being eroded. The U.S. made sure those who abuse family members.31 The moral Afghanistan acceded to CEDAW without reser- is clear: years of effort by Afghan advocates vations, but that has produced no substantive (and supported by the U.S.) can be undone change for Afghan women. The U.S. provided overnight, and will be unless vigilance and the programming to enable more women to leverage is mustered. become educated in Afghanistan, but violence Assassinations of women in the public against women is arguably rising, not falling. sphere have increased significantly even during Because these changes were perceived as being this time of advancement for women in educa- imposed by an invading power, despite the fact tion and health. A 2015 Amnesty International that they had been strongly advocated by report concludes: Afghan women’s groups—and because of the predictable backlash against such a percep- There has been a significant increase in tion—real reform of Afghan family law seems threats, intimidation, and attacks against as distant a possibility as it was before the U.S. people at the forefront of promoting and invasion. It may be that the increasing educa- protecting women’s rights, in particular in tion rate of women will eventually produce the south and south-eastern parts of the reform and Afghanistan may one day be able country. Many women human rights to follow a different path, but while the surface PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 133 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN structure and the deep structure remain at issue, it is critical that, where possible, male odds, the country will continue to be highly leaders be in the forefront of reform. For unstable. example, in Morocco, family law reform was led by the Prime Minister and legitimized by Policy Recommendations King Mohamed VI’s support. A Million If it is family law that undergirds the real posi- Women March in favor of reform of the tion of women in the society, the next horizon Moroccan family law code drew attention to for U.S. foreign policy is to devise creative and the need for change. Religious elites are also effective means of encouraging states to view important to involve. For example, the King inequitable family law as a barrier to internal drafted religious scholars, both men and stability, and of rewarding states that choose women, to work with legislators and civil to prioritize positive legal reforms in this area. society activists, again both men and Even so, these issues are extremely sensitive women, to negotiate and write the new ones; as we have seen, inequitable family law code, which passed in 2004. is the quintessential expression of founda- ■■ Consult a wide range of local experts, tional societal choices about the First take signals from them, and leave manage- Difference, which may underpin all other ment of change in practice or law in their social arrangements in the society. So, for charge. “Shaming” or calling out states for example, after its progressive overhaul of fam- violations of CEDAW or inequity in family ily law in 2004, Morocco’s stability was law codes is likely to be counterproductive. improving according to outcome measures Although this tactic may produce useful such as the Fragile States Index, until the responses for other human rights issues, advent of the regional upheaval engendered by gender issues are linked to deeply-rooted the Arab Uprising. Many would argue that the sensitivities, and negative publicity often 2004 reform of the Moroccan family law code, produces backlash. which not only recognized the important role ■■ Recognize religious and cultural bound- that women play in family and society, but aries. Turning to Morocco once more as a offered state protection of women’s financial good example, during negotiations for the and legal position, was a factor in helping to reform of Morocco’s family code, King stabilize the country and dampen the appeal Mohamed VI stated flatly that if a precept is of extremism during this critical time in 2011- found in the Qur’an, it could not be contra- 2012. vened. He also stated, however, that there The United States should not make mat- might be ways to put fences around practices ters worse by tempting apologists of the status that are often abused. Thus, polygyny in quo to reject positive change in family law as Morocco can be regulated, and therefore dis- a rejection of “Westernization.” Some policy couraged, but cannot be outlawed. guidelines seem appropriate in view of the ■■ Use soft power. Western actors should sensitivity of the subject area: aspire to remain in the background. ■■ Let respected state elites take the lead Advocates from countries in the same and encourage them to do so. Since most region, or cultural or religious traditions regard inequity in family law as a woman’s may be better able to speak to the 134 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS advantages of equitable family law. So, for ■■ Understand that any regime change will example, in Malawi in February 2015, the almost certainly be accompanied by efforts age of marriage was raised after a concerted to roll back women’s rights under family campaign by Malawian civil society actors law; be vigilant in watching for signs this is and parliamentarians, but it is also true that happening, and react by using any leverage regional forces were at work, since Malawi is at the disposal of the United States to con- a signatory to (and has ratified) the Maputo vince newly powerful actors that there are Protocol of the African Union, which obli- other, more pressing, priorities to which gates signatories to just such action. Soft they should attend first. Women’s rights are power practices include steady rhetorical slow to win, but fast to lose. If the United support of equitable human rights law, not- States can use its influence to delay or stall ing that inequity in family law is recognized regress, it may well prevent unwanted by the United Nations as a human rights change from taking place at all, such as the issue. Some family law issues may permit a successful U.S. efforts to help stymie the offi- rhetorical emphasis on health benefits to cial rollback of Afghanistan’s Elimination of women and families resulting from greater Violence Against Women Act (EVAW), as equity (e.g. child marriage). The U.S. might, well as pushback against Karzai’s attack on for example, fund international conferences the personal status of Shia women in to draw state actors together for consultation Afghanistan. Though the Shia Personal on best health practices, some of which may Status Law was deemed a done deal, inter- have ramifications for family law. national pressure brought it to the Justice ■■ Work on a long timeline. For example, Minister’s bailiwick to decide which por- despite the fact that over 40 sub-Saharan tions would have to be repealed because African nations had signed the Maputo they were unconstitutional. In essence, many Protocol by 2005, it has taken a full decade of the law’s provisions are in legal limbo to for most (though still not all) of these this day. In Tunisia, early announcements by nations to raise their legal age of marriage to Ennadha leaders that they would be seeking 18. Change has come, but it was by no to re-legalize polygyny and to found means instantaneous. Similarly, in 2004, Tunisian law in sharia, were stymied by when the Moroccan reforms were passed, female parliamentarians through the lengthy there was an initial outcry from both conser- process of constitutional reform,33 and these vative women and men. Furthermore, judges MPs had the support of international actors, in Morocco lacked training in the new code as well. and consequently made faulty judgments. In time the majority of the society backed the The take-away is that inequity in family reforms, largely because of the quiet steady law in post-conflict states deserves far greater leadership of the King, key state actors, and attention by the United States (or any other respected religious officials and scholars, all third party actor) than it has received to date. of whom played a role in negotiating the Action can be undertaken, but only if done reforms. wisely and carefully. One recent example where the United States is making a positive PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 135 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN contribution in this regard is the growing lawmakers have come to blows over the issue,37 worldwide campaign against child marriage, in USAID funded a project (before the recent which the United States is heavily involved descent into chaos), called the Safe Age of along with the United Nations, other con- Marriage Project, in two districts in rural cerned state governments such as the UK, and Yemen to attempt to raise the age of marriage a plethora of nongovernmental organizations. through community mobilization. USAID Legalized child marriage is an important ele- reports: ment of inequitable family law, and has far- In 2010, community members pledged to reaching effects on state fragility.34 In the 2013 ban child marriage and set marriage dowry provisions of the Violence Against Women Act, at approximately $2,000 to deter trade the U.S. Congress mandated the president marriage. As a result, the most commonly “direct the Secretary of State to develop and reported age of marriage of girls rose from implement a plan to prevent child marriage, 14 to 17 over the duration of the project. promote empowerment of girls at risk of early The project also helped avert child mar- marriage, and target countries where a high riages and helped the first ever female prevalence of child marriage is known to school principal be appointed in Al Sawd occur.”35 Furthermore, USAID has developed District, encouraging parents to enroll and a “Vision for Ending Child Marriage.”36 keep their daughters in school. From base- In Yemen where there is still no mini- line to endline, there were statistically mum age of marriage for girls, and where Dana Smillie / World Bank Students read in class at the Shaheed Mohamed Motaher Zaid School in Sana’a. 136 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS significant increases in the proportion of sustainable peace fostered by fundamental people identifying benefits to delaying mar- social changes.”42 The most fundamental riage (e.g., from 45 percent to 79 percent social change imaginable, we submit—one agreed that delayed marriage provides that would strongly promote stability and more opportunities for girls’ education and peace—is facilitating change of inequitable from 36 percent to 67 percent agreed that family law. delayed marriage leads to healthier preg- The struggle to dismantle inequitable fam- nancies). The intervention is now being ily law will be with us for a long time. Battles replicated in two new districts, and it will that were won will be re-fought, over and over, be managed by the Yemeni Women’s because the rewards to certain societal actors Union. Due to the entrenched beliefs that for adopting inequitable family law and safe- Islam condones child marriage, the Yemeni guarding it are just too tempting. But if “the Women’s Union is planning to engage a subjugation of women is a direct threat to the larger proportion of religious leaders as security of the United States,” as asserted by community educators to address these reli- former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton,43 gious misconceptions. In addition to U.S. foreign policymakers must begin to con- assuming the management of Safe Age of sider how the reform of inequitable family Marriage activities, the Yemeni Women’s laws disfavoring women might be prioritized. Union has been actively lobbying the State fragility is rightly a key concern of U.S. Yemeni government for a change in Yemeni foreign policy today, and inequitable family law that would prohibit the marriage of law must be understood as one of its primary girls under age 17.38 wellsprings. PRISM If change in customary age of marriage— long advocated by Yemeni women’s groups— can be facilitated by USAID programming, we are convinced the U.S. is not helpless in the face of inequitable family law and custom.39 Not only is the U.S. not helpless, but we have recently seen how toleration of abusive gen- NOTES der-related customs, such as the sexual slavery of young boys in Afghanistan by U.S.- 1 Acknowledgement: This material is based supported Afghan commanders, can redound upon work supported by, or in part by, the U.S. Army to the detriment of U.S. foreign policy inter- Research Laboratory and the U.S. Army Research ests.40 No one benefits when the U.S. over- Office through the Department of Defense Minerva looks these issues. Even though these are dif- Research Initiative under grant number W911NF1410532. ficult and sensitive issues, if U.S. policymakers 2 GSDRC, “Chapter 1: Understanding Fragile look for opportunities to make a positive dif- States,” (2014), PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 137 HUDSON, BOWEN, AND NIELSEN 2015): 10, 138 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 WE ARE NOT HELPLESS 29 International Crisis Group, “Women and 2007. PRISM 6, no. 1 FEATURES | 139 AUTHOR Courtesy of the Democratic Union of Mongolia Demonstrations for democracy in Mongolia’s capital city, Ulaanbaatar, in 1990. Women were deeply involved in the nation’s democracy movement its earliest stages. 140 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 The Secret Driving Force Behind Mongolia's Successful Democracy BY OYUNGEREL TSEDEVDAMBA wenty-five years after Mongolia’s first free and democratic election, the country is com- memorating the peaceful revolution that radically changed this country. Throughout these T celebrations, we are reflecting on both the result of the changes of the past 25 years and the means by which those changes occurred. Not only are Mongolians marking the occasion, the nation is finally being heralded by the international community as an example of peaceful democ- ratization. In my role as a member of the State Great Hural (parliament) of Mongolia, I am often asked, “How did you manage to do it?” Or, less frequently now, “How did we never notice Mongolia’s democracy before?” Hearing these queries so frequently prompted me to seriously reflect upon the process by which Mongolia transformed from a Soviet satellite state into a robust and thriving democracy. The harsh winter of 1989-1990 was a critical juncture in my country’s history. It was too cold for any foreign reporters to come here and witness first-hand Ulaanbaatar’s demonstrations. Peaceful, modest demonstration started on December 10, 1989, at the Youth Square of Ulaanbaatar to celebrate International Human Rights Day, and to announce the birth of the new non-communist movement “Democratic Union of Mongolia.” The demonstrations grew bigger and filled the square by mid-January. Mongolia’s weekend used to be only one day—Sunday—and the demonstrations took place almost every Sunday from January through May. There was no bloodshed, no windows broken, and not even a fist fight during those frigid Sunday demonstrations for democracy. The media all too frequently overlook the dog that didn’t bark in favor of reporting on the rabid dog that bites; Mongolia’s peaceful demonstrations would not make for catchy headlines, and thus were neglected by international media in favor of splash- ier events elsewhere. Mongolia’s democracy rallies and events happened at the same time as Oyungerel Tsedevdamba is a member of the State Great Hural (Parliament) of Mongolia. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 141 TSEDEVDAMBA protests were coming to a head in Eastern century ago—appreciates the democratic Europe. The international press was focused on choice that the nation made. Eastern Europe, leaving Mongolians to the pro- Why is this important? It is a big respon- cess of demanding and constructing our own sibility for Mongolia to act as a democratic democracy. model to those countries that aspire to be “like Mongolia’s successful transition, though Mongolia.” We must critically examine our overlooked until recent years, has profound democratic history and share that experience implications for the international community. frankly so that other countries are not lulled When I escorted high-level government, NGO, into thinking that democracy is easy to and media representatives from Myanmar dur- achieve. We should tell the full truth about the ing a recent visit to Mongolia, I was asked open and hidden forces that led to our success. many questions regarding issues that we take Mongolia’s new political parties, its activist for granted. As the head of the Mongolian- student leaders, our non-communist associa- Myanmar parliamentary group, I extended my tions, and our high level decisionmakers were best wishes to the Myanmar people’s effort to the key driving forces behind Mongolia’s reform their country into a thriving democ- peaceful transition to democracy. But these racy. I further promised to share my knowledge groups alone cannot explain Mongolia’s trans- and experience whenever asked. As the head of formation; women have also played an integral the Mongolia-Kyrgyzstan Intergovernmental part in Mongolia’s democratic history. Committee, I also had a chance to share our Ladies with Pigs and Horses stories with Kyrgyz politicians who have bold aspirations to change their country peacefully It is at times hard to believe Sant Maral’s num- and successfully “like Mongolia.” bers—after all, Mongolians refer to the transi- Compared with many post-communist tion to democracy and a market economy as Central Asian countries, and even some “the hard years.” Even politicians use this term Eastern European countries—most notably in their election campaigns, while Mongolian Russia—Mongolia’s public is the least nostal- journalists can expect to use the phrase hun- gic about the past communist years. According dreds of times over the course of their careers. to the Sant Maral Foundation, an independent It has become a trope when speaking about polling nongovernmental organization the transition away from communism. (NGO), over 90 percent of the Mongolian As Mongolia made its economic transition public voted “No” every quarter for the past 25 from a centrally planned socialist economy to years when asked, “Do you regret that a market economy, and a political transition Mongolia chose democracy in 1990?” This is from one-party communist party rule to multi- the highest level and the most consistent party democracy, all the consequences of this national consensus among other regular, repet- rapid simultaneous transition fell upon our itive questions that Sant Maral asks in its quar- citizens in the hardest way. The first result of terly polls. From the family point of view, it disconnecting Mongolia from communism means that almost every family in Mongolia— was to reorient our national economy—mean- which was the world’s second communist ing that we severed the ties that brought Soviet country after Russia (the USSR) less than a assistance and trade. Our state budget 142 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 THE SECRET DRIVING FORCE BEHIND MONGOLIA'S SUCCESSFUL DEMOCRACY collapsed; we lacked the ability to pay the sal- the age of 45 instead of the usual 55 years. aries of thousands upon thousands of people. During and after the transition, women con- At the same time, higher education and many sistently remain more unemployed than men. health services stopped being free. The effects According to the National Statistical of these changes were seen even in stores, Information Service, the average percentage of where shelves were empty of everything but women among the registered unemployed dur- salt. Given the hardships our people faced, ing the period 2000-2014 was 54.48 percent.1 nostalgia about our communist past could The government of Mongolia, while see- have surged. But it did not. Mongolians agreed ing almost one-third of its less than one mil- with then President Ochirbat’s call, “to tighten lion person workforce become unemployed our belts,” and proceed further with demo- and witnessing the disappearance of goods cratic changes and the development of a mar- from the stores, started issuing “foreign pass- ket economy. President Ochirbat’s “tighten our ports” to its citizens in early 1991. A foreign belts” formula is a very familiar phrase used by passport meant a Mongolian citizen could almost all fathers and mothers when family travel abroad—a right tightly guarded and con- food is scarce. In addition, there was another trolled under communism. Suddenly, hun- valuable proverb widely circulating: “It is bet- dreds of thousands of Mongolian citizens had ter to suffer at your own right than to live plen- the freedom to travel abroad that they had not tiful under someone else’s power.” Democracy enjoyed since 13th century, the time of Genghis and the market economy offered a simple Khan. The numerous Mongolians who sought herder not only the freedom to speak his or their fortunes abroad would return with big her mind, but also the freedom to own sheep bags of goods to sell in Mongolia. Those bags, and horses, as many as he or she could herd. due to their round shape and fully stuffed Compared to the communist ban on all pri- image, received the nickname “pig.” And the vate property, including herds that exceeded men and women who did such trading and six sheep per family, the market economy brought much needed goods and food to local opened the door for herder families as wide as stores were called “pig carriers.” Among the the steppe grasslands. However, families still first “pig carriers” were young people who had to go through immediate economic hard- couldn’t find jobs after their graduation from ships first. schools, and women with life experience who At least one of every two working persons had been “liberated” from the state workforce. in an average family either became unem- Instead of being nostalgic about a state-pro- ployed or was forced into early retirement on vided salary, women went into trading, herd- a miniscule pension by mid-1992. ing, farming, sewing, and opening new, private Construction and investment on any new companies. Nobody counted them in the building project came to a standstill. The engi- 1990s, and there was no official statistical data neers and technicians were the first to lose on how many women became “pig carriers.” their jobs. As other offices cut their employ- Of them, some switched to the official labor ment, women were the first to be fired or sent market as the economy improved, some to early pension. If a woman raised four or became big business owners, but the majority more children, she was offered her pension at of women remained small scale traders. In PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 143 TSEDEVDAMBA 2012, the Mongolian Parliament passed a law family living rather than a state-owned com- that allowed everyone who did not have an munist cooperative, thousands of herder official work record during the 1990-2000 women became the major income earners for period to apply for a “10 years of employ- their families. Young pensioner women and ment” credit, so that those who are reaching recently fired women went into herding in the pension age would be eligible for a full order to raise the few animals that their chil- pension based on employment of 25 years or dren and relatives received thanks to privatiza- more. “During 1990-2000, people were unem- tion. Women on horseback rounded up their ployed not because they were lazy, but because private animals, milked their cows, migrated they worked day and night throughout the big from pasture to pasture, and fought through shift without an official labor record,” I argued winter blizzards. in support of the new law before Parliament. Women, with unexpected dynamism and When the law was implemented 552,000 peo- optimism, became the most resilient force dur- ple applied to register and 54.5 percent of ing Mongolia’s economic transition crises. them were women.2 Even when inflation reached 100-500 percent, Following the 1991 livestock privatization, women still managed to bring bread to their where herding, after 32 years, again became a families, and their role in the family increased Courtesy of Oyungerel Tsedevdamba (2006) Narantsetseg Baasan, a single woman living and making her way alone with her son by northern border of Mongolia (near Siberia) in Erdenebulgan soum, Huvsgul province. 144 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 THE SECRET DRIVING FORCE BEHIND MONGOLIA'S SUCCESSFUL DEMOCRACY significantly as a result. The number of single I can still vividly remember that placard. mothers skyrocketed during these years. It was a small blue and white sign. There was Families fell apart as depressed, violent, and a frozen window depicted on it. Those who drunk men abused their wives. A new social never lived in Mongolia prior to the vacuum term, “family headed by a woman,” was intro- window era, cannot imagine what a frozen duced in social discussions. While the “head window is. It means that ice is forming on the of family” was traditionally a man, the fact inside of a building’s windows; opaque ice that the 14-15 percent of Mongolian families crystals spread across a window so that no one are consistently “led” by women has forced the within can see out. Mongolian government to collect official sta- The famous sign depicted just such a fro- tistical data on the gender of the “heads of zen window, and on it was a human hand families” since 2003. According to the called “democracy” wiping away the window’s National Statistical Information Service, ice so that from within one could just make 73-77.8 percent of 81,902-103,192 single out the face of Genghis Khan—Mongolia’s “heads of families“ were women during the great hero and law-giver, whom the commu- period 2003-2014.3 nists had tried to erase from the public mem- Without women’s active participation in ory. Even to utter his name was a crime. Mongolia’s economic transition, the prospects The sign exactly described the feelings of for Mongolia’s democracy would have been the Mongolian people of that time. Finally, we much gloomier. Women worked hard to did not have communist censorship of our ensure their families were resilient amidst the media, culture, literature, movies, and holi- sweeping changes. They were a critical force days. We were wiping aside a frigid past that pushing society towards an overwhelming had obscured our traditions. The search for a national consensus to further democratic tran- new national identity for the new non-com- sition throughout some of the most challeng- munist Mongolia had begun. ing stages. As the country moved toward ever more rapid transition, it required an enormous Peaceful Transition on Paper amount of intellectual work, writing, translat- When the Mongolian Democratic Union, the ing, speaking, and reporting. Translations first ever non-communist movement in about democracies and market economies Mongolia, held a huge rally in mid-January were needed, new laws had to be enacted, new 1990, over 100,000 Mongolians filled standards, norms, and guidance had to be Sukhbaatar Square in front of Government drafted and advocated, new songs needed to House, holding various signs expressing their be sung…if we truly wished to create a new dreams about a new society. Of course democratic society through peaceful means. “Democracy,” “Human Rights,” and Free print media and the newly free radio and “Freedom,” were the most common and the television channels carried all manner of infor- loudest demands of the gatherers, but there mation to assure that citizens kept up with the was another famous symbol among them. It rapid changes. was Genghis Khan’s portrait—but with an During this busy period women over- artistic, political twist. whelmingly carried the burden of the PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 145 TSEDEVDAMBA paperwork of transition by their enormous Shortly after I was elected President of The capacity to learn, adapt, and get things done Democratic Women’s Union—the women’s on time. However, the salaries of teachers, cul- organization of the Democratic Party of tural workers, lawyers, and doctors experienced Mongolia—in spring of 2011, I was invited to a free fall during the early years of democracy a women’s rights day gathering at the Buyant- that caused the majority of the male workforce Ukhaa Sports Palace in Ulaanbaatar. I was in these sectors to quit their positions in favor seated among 10 honorable male guests; they of work in the rapidly expanding private sec- were all elected officials from the Democratic tor. Today Mongolia’s biggest gender gap exists Party (DP). The 6,000 seats of the sports hall in politics, mining, education, and health; in were filled with women who actively worked the first two sectors males are dominant, while for the Democratic Party’s political cam- women comprise 75.8 percent and 81.4 per- paigns—many for the past 25 years. I was cent of the education and health sectors, given only two minutes to speak to the audi- respectively.4 ence. When we look back at the changes we “Do you see these gentlemen?” I began made in our laws, almost all of them had hard- my speech as loudly as I could. “Please raise working women in the project teams. They your hand if you worked at least once to get were modestly named as advisers, vice-direc- these gentlemen elected?” All raised their tors, assistants, or officers—their bosses were hands. almost always men. But women learned for- “If you worked twice for the election cam- eign languages earlier than their male counter- paign in support of the DP, please raise both parts; they completed new schooling while of your hands!” I called out. All raised two having babies; and they devoted their time to hands. studying solutions to our pressing problems. “If you worked for every democratic elec- Without Mongolia’s new class of writing and tion campaign, please stand up,” I announced. drafting women, Mongolia’s new laws, rules, All 6,000 women stood up cheerfully shout- and regulations could not have come out in ing, “Yes!” such numbers as they have over the past 25 Then I turned to the male MPs elected years. from Ulaanbaatar; “If you don’t approve a Women have continued to play a promi- women’s candidate quota in the election law, nent role in Mongolia’s intellectual landscape. if our party turns down the women’s quota like Today, in Mongolia’s biggest bookstores, books it did in 2007, we shall not work for you in the by women authors dominate the best seller coming 2012 election campaign!” All the audi- lists. In cinemas, women produce movies ence shouted, “Yes!” equally with those of men. In civil society, the The election law was changed soon after, longest serving, most passionate activists and and Mongolian women got their quota. For leaders are women. Indeed, nearly 90 percent the first time the number of women elected to of civil society leaders are women. In public parliament reached 14.5 percent. It was a big media, 6 of 11 daily newspaper Editors-in- jump compared to three percent in the previ- Chief and a majority of journalists are ous parliament.6 women.5 146 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 THE SECRET DRIVING FORCE BEHIND MONGOLIA'S SUCCESSFUL DEMOCRACY Women from not only the Democratic case. The state sponsored children’s, youth, Party, but from every political party are the big- and women’s organizations, the trade union, gest force in spreading campaign messages to and the only legitimate communist party. In the voters. The vast majority of election cam- fact, the state budget delegated to the Central paign staffs consist of women in the major par- Committee of the former communist party ties. They write speeches. They draft press exceeded the budget delegated to the entire releases. They speak to voters door to door. education sector of the government. The com- They organize meetings and they work tire- munist party tax was the highest tax a party lessly during every election campaign and member would pay per month, and because of make sure the democratic process has ever the party’s economic interest, every highly- deepening roots in Mongolian society. paid employee of a state job was required to be a party member. Freelancers and Watchdogs When communism fell, the state stopped Throughout the communist period, the only its sponsoring role for most of public life. job provider was the state. The state sponsored Democracy leaders demanded that the state all literature and all media. Even attorneys end its involvement in social affairs. New laws were state-provided people who did not serve on advocacy and NGOs were passed in 1997 as a defendant’s independent attorney in a allowing citizens to operate independently Courtesy of Azjargal Dashtseren A Democratic Women's event in 2011, Ulaanbaatar PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 147 TSEDEVDAMBA from state guidance and, in many cases, the pioneer human rights defenders were against the preferences of state stakeholders. women who were forced to leave their previ- It required courage and expertise to take ous jobs prematurely. To name a few who have advantage of these new opportunities. The his- become iconic watchdogs: women’s rights tory of political repression against those who defender Ms. Zanaa Jurmed; Ms. Tsend-Ayush, complained about state agencies or the deci- a defense attorney representing hundreds of sions of high level officials were fresh in the victims of human rights violations; Ms. minds of Mongolians. The first independent Naranjargal Khashkhuu, a tireless advocate of attorneys who could defend a common citizen press freedom. In civil society as well, women in court were trailblazers in their autonomy took a leading role in the proliferation of from the state. NGOs. These groups were human rights activ- Those first defense attorneys were self- ists, press freedom advocates, women’s rights employed by necessity. They had to live with networkers, democracy promoting trainers, modest income from odd jobs as Mongolians and transparency and accountability watch- hadn’t yet become accustomed to paying for dogs. By 2002, five years since the law on such services. Curiously, the first independent NGOs was adopted, Mongolia had over 30 defense attorneys were senior women who human rights watchdog organizations, all of already had modest incomes from their pen- which had women executive directors and sions. As in the case of the trading pioneers, women spokespersons. Courtesy of Oyungerel Tsedevdamba Oyungerel Tsedevdamba setting up an office for the Liberty Center, a human rights watchdog, in August 2000. She served as its Executive Director from 2000 – 2004. 148 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 THE SECRET DRIVING FORCE BEHIND MONGOLIA'S SUCCESSFUL DEMOCRACY Was it because most of these jobs weren’t men to network among and become depen- paid and required an enormous amount of dent upon each other. time and altruism? Partly yes. Men of their When it comes to independent watchdogs, generation were busy building up the private there remained only a few male journalists, sector of newly capitalist Mongolia, and strug- accompanied by a handful of media and inde- gling to build a new consumer market in the pendent voices. Political parties would pin- country. Meanwhile, necessary issues for the point the mistakes in each other’s decisions, new democratic society were addressed by un- but would not serve as the protector of human and underpaid women. Being over worked and rights or advocate a specific individual’s case. underpaid became a lifestyle of an entire gen- The regularly and reliably operating watchdogs eration who worked multiple jobs among were not being formed from the men’s world. which at least one was entirely or partly phil- They were to be born outside of the current anthropic. Multi-tasking young women had to legal system, and the outside of the comradely do careful family planning and the birth rate and cultural brotherhood network. dropped by half for the first two decades of the Therefore, it was natural for educated democratic era (from 36.94 percent in 1990 to women to take on these responsibilities. 17.9 percent in 2005).7 Luckily, Mongolia had enough highly educated The other reason for women’s dominance women who were passionate about these in the earliest watchdog positions was related issues and who were not afraid of helping to to their courage and independence from protect human rights and individual freedom “brotherly” networks. As mentioned above, a during the ups and downs of our transition major change happening in the country, along period. Even today, not all basic human rights with democracy, was the search for a new are fully guaranteed in Mongolia and watch- national identity. For the first time since 1953, dogs are scarce. But if Mongolia is to remain the national holiday, Lunar New Year, was democratic, free, and peaceful, there must allowed to be celebrated without state con- always be watchdogs to remind the state to straints and control; and, for the first time address and resolve mistakes on human rights, since 1959, the Naadam festival allowed pri- the environment, and the other major issues vate horse-trainers to celebrate their horses in of our times. the Naadam. Men’s horse-training communi- A Natural Maturity Embraced by ties were immediately formed in many prov- Families inces and soums (districts). The number of wrestling clubs jumped as many young men A distinct consensus emerged during the sought opportunities to join. Interest in period of Mongolia’s democratic transition to archery and knuckle-bone shooting surged leave the old communist party intact. In uniting men team by team. Just these four February 1990, following a hunger strike led national sports brought together half a million by Bat-Uul Erdene—a young teacher at that men in little more than three years. They time, but now the Mayor of Ulaanbaatar became “brothers of culture.” Meanwhile, the City—the State Deputy Hural made a change rapidly growing business sector was helping in the constitution to enable a multiparty sys- tem in Mongolia. The phrase, “The Mongolian PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 149 TSEDEVDAMBA People’s Revolutionary Party must be the lead- order to compete with the old communist ing and guiding force of the country,” was party’s established national political network. eliminated from the Constitution. It took six years for the new political par- At the same time, the Eastern European ties to win in a national parliamentary election countries were banning their domestic com- for the first time, and 22 years for them to munist parties from participating in state achieve enough success in local elections to affairs and in the multiparty systems that were compete on a national basis with the former forming. Even in 1993, when Russia joined the communist party, now the Mongolian People’s democratization process, it banned the com- Revolutionary Party. The Democratic Party of munist party for a five-year period. Mongolia Mongolia, to which I belong, had to build and did not follow suit. Instead the old communist unify itself through the merger of 11 new par- party of Mongolia was allowed to reinvent ties that were born in the earliest phase of the itself as an ordinary, competing political party. democratic revolution. Perhaps as a consequence, the former The seemingly long and hard road of the communist party remained in power for the Democratic Party of Mongolia, the Civil Will majority of the 25 years of our nation’s demo- Party, and other younger political forces had cratic changes. Newly formed political parties national appeal. As the new parties grew natu- had no other choice than to “grow up” in rally—without banning the older political force—Mongolians became convinced that Courtesy of Oyungerel Tsedevdamba Campaign debate between Oyungerel from Democratic Party of Mongolia and Enkhtuvshin from Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party in Huvsgul province in 2008. 150 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 THE SECRET DRIVING FORCE BEHIND MONGOLIA'S SUCCESSFUL DEMOCRACY transformative political and economic changes national policies were making it difficult for could be achieved without killing, banning, or them to make a living. I knew that this varied hating others. group would vote for different parties and that This process created an important peace of each of them had grievances with certain poli- mind for women, who typically bear the brunt cies and parties. But, more importantly, I knew of feuding children. A mother no longer had that if a Sant Maral poll taker were to ask to confront the hard dilemma of her two chil- them, “Do you regret that Mongolia chose dren belonging to two different parties. It was democracy in 1990?” they would say, “Never!” acceptable for one child to remain loyal to the I enjoyed looking at my own pluralistic party of his or her parents while the other extended family. How different it was from decided to support a new political party, as what my mother saw when all her relatives had political competition became the norm. to be communist party members. How very Anxiety within families decreased and mem- different it was from my grandmother who saw bers of extended families with a range of polit- her father, and most of our Buddhist relatives, ical preferences were much more cordial with shot dead during the Stalinist purges of the each other when the former communist party 1930s. was allowed to transform itself, rather than Mongolia is fortunate to have made its being forcibly dissolved. But, the pressure to transition to democracy so peacefully, but democratize always existed, and still exists every step of it was hard work. Each and every today. Today all the political parties of reform required its own meticulous “kitchen Mongolia are under public demand to democ- chores.” Without the involvement of free, edu- ratize their practices, make their budgets trans- cated, dynamic, and courageous women, parent, and enact higher gender quotas. Mongolia’s democratization could not have I recently visited my herding and farming succeeded so well so quickly. “Kitchen chores” relatives in the far north of Mongolia. It was a at home include those tasks that no one ceremonial family reunion where everyone notices, no one pays, and no one gives awards was dressed up for the occasion. I teared-up for. Everyday cleaning, everyday cooking, baby- when I saw them wearing their medals of sitting, child-caring, livestock rounding, and honor. Half of them wore pins and medals so on are still underappreciated. It took a awarded from the Mongolian People’s Party, woman Minister of Agriculture, Ms. Burmaa the former communist party, and half of them Radnaa, to notice that the Mongolian govern- wore medals like “Freedom Order,” given for ment gives the award of “Best Herder” only to their contribution to the democracy struggle, a male member of a family and that there was but mostly given to those who worked for the no woman best herder in our entire history. newly formed parties. They were all proud of Beginning from 2015, “the best herder” award who they were and their role in Mongolia’s is given to both the husband and wife of the peaceful transition to democracy. winning herder family. When we started discussing politics, they While women herders of Mongolia rode were all very pragmatic, arguing what the cen- their horses and rounded their animals in tral and the local governments should do, how freezing temperatures during the winter of we should change the laws, and which 1995, I watched news about an amazing event PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 151 TSEDEVDAMBA on the television. Women leaders from around Notes the world gathered in Beijing at the Fourth World Conference on Women to inspire us— 1 Mongolian National Statistical Office, 152 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 Available soon from CCO/NDU. Request copy by providing mailing address to [email protected] AUTHOR Stuart Price, United Nations Photo Aftermath of an attack on Abyei Town, South Sudan, in May 2011 154 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Engendering Responses to Complex Emergencies Lessons from South Sudan BY AKINYI R. WALENDER ike so many before it, the current crisis in South Sudan is a classic example of what human- itarians term a “complex emergency”—a major humanitarian crisis that was not caused by L a single natural disaster, but by a combination of political and ethnic conflict, social inequality, poverty, and many other interrelated factors. As such, those looking to end the emer- gency and pave the way for long-term peace in South Sudan have a range of dynamics to consider, from the causes of the conflict and the protection of civilians to addressing basic humanitarian needs and building a foundation for a stable society. Yet, whether they are delivering security assistance or food aid, national and international organizations frequently overlook another dynamic that runs through all of these areas: the gender dynamic. Over time, strategies such as gender mainstreaming have been devised with the aim of inte- grating gender issues into development programming; however, incorporating gender into human- itarian efforts and efforts aimed at resolving conflict are still challenged by a perception that one must choose between efficiency and gender sensitivity during crisis. Understandably, emphasis tends to be placed on addressing the immediate needs of affected communities, such as saving lives and providing water, food, and shelter, at the expense of addressing gender issues which are thought to require a concerted medium- to long-term vision. However, integrating a gender per- spective into responses to complex emergencies from the outset can help security, humanitarian, and development organizations to better understand the nature of the crisis at hand and bolster the effectiveness of their response—for both women and men—in the affected communities. But what do the gender dimensions of a complex emergency look like? And how can they be addressed? This article explores some concrete examples from South Sudan to shed light on what gender-sensitive approaches to restoring security could look like in South Sudan, and possibly in Akinyi R. Walender, a Kenyan national, is Director of Women's Leadership at Cordaid. She has two decades of experience working on humanitarian and development issues in South Sudan and Sudan. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 155 WALENDER other protracted situations of humanitarian 1999). While others will examine the role of crisis and conflict, such as those in the Central elites and exclusive governance in the outbreak African Republic, Democratic Republic of the of war, the locus of recurring inter-tribal con- Congo, and Mali, to name but a few in Sub- flict at the community level also offers an illus- Saharan Africa. In this article, I will draw on trative example of gender dynamics that con- my own experience working with men and tribute to the root causes of conflict, but may women in the midst of crises, as well as cases not be immediately visible to international and insights documented by others. I offer actors seeking to restore stability. examples that illustrate how a gender lens can The majority of the population in South be applied in analyzing the causes of a com- Sudan is pastoralist or agro-pastoralist, so for plex emergency, improving the protection of most people livelihoods are defined by keep- civilians and humanitarian responses, and ing livestock and subsistence agriculture. For supporting efforts to resolve conflict and the country’s largest ethnic groups, the Dinka restore security and stability. and the Nuer, as well as for many others, cattle are prized as a source of livelihood as well as A Gendered Lens on the Causes of Conflict social status. The prevalence of male-domi- nated cattle raiding has been well documented The people of South Sudan rejoiced when they in intra- and inter-tribal conflict in South gained their independence from Sudan in Sudan, as well as the cycles of violence and 2011. However, alongside ongoing tensions revenge that accompany it. Poverty, inequality, and conflicts with their newly separated neigh- and competition over access to grazing land bor to the north, numerous low-intensity and water contribute to this conflict dynamic, tribal wars within South Sudan became more but gender identities also play a role. pronounced in the years that followed. These Pastoralist communities in South Sudan are conflicts between and within cattle-owning generally polygynous and patriarchal. Men pastoralist communities spilled over into head the household and are expected to neighboring agriculturalist communities and defend; women are perceived as caretakers of have left thousands of people dead and many honor and community identity. In many com- more displaced. These tensions have, to a large munities, participation in violent cattle raiding extent, paralyzed the young nation. and the cycles of revenge that follow are asso- Although political leaders have played a ciated with perceptions of men’s roles as significant role in the most recent outbreak of defenders of the community and its honor. In war in South Sudan, inter-tribal conflicts fre- addition, in South Sudan the “bride price” is quently characterized by cattle raiding, unre- paid by the prospective husband to the bride’s solved political and tribal animosities, pillage family. This form of dowry is typically paid in of resources, and human rights abuses have cattle or in some combination of money and also contributed to this and other complex livestock. A variety of research has shown that emergencies in South Sudan in recent decades, increasing bride prices have been driving male which have frequently coincided with natural youth to intensify cattle raids as a means of calamities such as floods, cattle diseases, raising funds for marriage, which in turn is drought, and major famine (in 1998 and considered a significant step for social 156 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 ENGENDERING RESPONSES TO COMPLEX EMERGENCIES advancement.1 And women take pride in the also used these practices to force communities number of cattle paid for them. away from the land they are seeking to use as Beyond the particular example of cattle they expand their access to scarce natural raiding, gender roles also come into play in resources. In parallel, men’s disproportionate broader conflict tactics and strategies. Rape exposure to combat—sometimes exacerbated and sexual violence have become very com- by perceptions that a wife has been purchased mon in times of war as a means of subjugating as property—contributes to the elevated levels enemy communities, and South Sudan is no of domestic violence against women in South exception. Women represent cultural identity; Sudan. Women and girls suffer most from they are the pride of the communities, so rap- rape, but there is an increasing stock of evi- ing women is a way to hit at the heart of a dence that boys and young men are vulnerable community’s identity. When nomads fight to rape as well. farming communities, women and girls often Communities’ expectations of men and become targets as a means of disrupting com- women, as well as conceptualizations of mas- munities’ coping mechanisms, such as harvest- culinity and femininity, therefore play a role in ing crops and the collection and sale of wild escalating violence in South Sudan, and logi- fruits and other products, which are predomi- cally need to be addressed in order to break nantly carried out by women. Nomads have conflict cycles. “Engendering” interventions, Aimee Brown Cattle auction, Lankien, South Sudan PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 157 WALENDER therefore, requires taking both men and the crops. In some communities there are women into account. The specific challenge equal rights to land for both men and women, posed by bride prices and cattle raiding also despite the common assumption that women demonstrates how gender sensitivity is derived generally do not have rights to land. Where from cultural knowledge and that any assess- fish is the main source of food, fishing is the ment of key players and power relations needs role of men; on the other hand, in the same to be context-based. Locals have the best communities women are responsible for the knowledge about their culture, values, and collection of wild fruits. Women also collect norms, so international actors need to engage firewood and water, and as a result they bear locals to inform a thorough, gendered conflict the largest burden in food production. analysis that will inform any programs or proj- From this, we can conclude that the gen- ects that follow. der roles ascribed to women in ensuring food production and generally maintaining house- Gender Analysis in the Protection of Civilians and Humanitarian Response holds’ food security create levels of vulnerabil- ity that are different from men in times of cri- Crises cause instability, displacement, and dis- sis. Women are required to travel outside their ruption to peoples’ normal ways of life. This homes, trade, look for food, gather firewood has adverse and long-term effects on both and wild fruits, fetch water, as well as weed women and men. In most cases, the indirect and harvest. These daily chores expose women effects of humanitarian crises that lead to to risks of violence and rape, which are often death, such as disease, starvation, and break- perpetrated strategically by the conflict parties, down of social order, go unrecognized and as noted above. However, rampant sexual unreported—and these affect women dispro- abuse and exploitation of women can also portionately.2 As such, gender analysis can come from external sources: during the previ- also strengthen humanitarian response and ous conflict in South Sudan, aid workers were help international security actors to better pro- accused of soliciting sex from women in return tect civilians in times of crisis. for food and of impregnating local girls. The nexus of food security, gender, and Children born out of these liaisons were some- violence is illustrative in this respect. For pre- times named after the respective organizations dominantly pastoralist and agriculturalist that employed these male aid workers. Beyond populations, recurring crises and displacement these human threats, women and the children in South Sudan have caused major disruptions who accompany them to collect water, food, to livelihoods and farming, leading to signifi- or firewood also face the ever-present risk of cant food shortages, which various humanitar- anti-personnel mines. These mines were ian organizations have sought to address. planted around water points and fields in Household food security in South Sudan relies South Sudan. Many women, girls, and boys predominantly on subsistence production, have become victims of mines and lost their including activities related to keeping cattle, limbs or lives. fishing, growing cereal crops, and collecting Despite the challenges, I repeatedly wit- wild fruits. Both men and women cultivate the nessed the strength and tenacity of women land; men dig while women weed and harvest contributing to the humanitarian response in 158 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 ENGENDERING RESPONSES TO COMPLEX EMERGENCIES what is now South Sudan. I remember meeting development planning. It is in decisionmaking a group of women in Tonj County in 1998, at arenas that voice and influence matter the the height of the famine that left over 100,000 most. Where are the women? people dead. Long before the humanitarian South Sudan and Sudan present a great community arrived, a group of women orga- example of women mobilizing themselves nized themselves to form “TAWA” (Tonj Areas across the warring borders to play an instru- Women’s Association) and set up a feeding mental role in catalyzing the events that led up center. These women mobilized their own to the signing of the Comprehensive Peace resources to buy cows. They then slaughtered Agreement in 2005. The women I met yearned the cows, boiled the meat, and fed the fam- for peace and fought for it, because for many, ished people. They kept the people alive before their lives had been characterized by multiple the humanitarian community arrived. tragedies of death, hunger, war, and crisis; they Women’s disproportionate roles in food were simply tired of living a life that held no production, as well as their particular exposure promise for their sons’, daughters’, or their to insecurity in the process, shows why it is not own futures; they simply became tired of enough to target women exclusively as benefi- watching their dreams trampled on over and ciaries of humanitarian and security assis- over again. Their persistent advocacy for end- tance—whether this relates to food aid, dem- ing the conflict and tenacity in forging cross- ining, or the protection of civilians. Women border relations and putting pressure on their need to be involved in the planning stage of governments to end the war made them instru- these activities, given their access to different mental for peace. In a similar way, they were kinds of information, as well as in implemen- vital for the people-to-people peace process tation, given their frequently distinct skill sets. within South Sudan in the decade that fol- At the same time, security forces, peacekeepers, lowed. law enforcement personnel, and humanitarian Despite these contributions, women agencies need to improve staff training on gen- remained largely on the periphery of the nego- der perspectives and better link their mandates tiations leading to the 2005 Comprehensive to gender-sensitive interventions, at the very Peace Agreement and the more recent peace minimum ensuring that sexual abuse and negotiations to end the crisis within South exploitation are not tolerated under any cir- Sudan, which took place in Addis Ababa, cumstances. Ethiopia. In the former, they managed to secure an affirmative action clause of a mini- Inclusive Conflict Resolution mum 25 percent representation for women at Given the diverse impacts of complex emer- all levels of peace negotiations, but the imple- gencies on women and men, and the various mentation of this has been challenging. roles that they play, how can we ensure that Of course, women do not always mobilize women have space to contribute to altering the for peace. In South Sudan, a small number of course of crises in their communities? Despite women carried arms; others fed, nourished, all the evidence, the voices of women remain and sustained the soldiers. In Sudan’s Darfur significantly under-represented from emer- region, where communities have not only gency response to peace processes to waged war against other communities, but also PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 159 WALENDER against the oppression of the Sudanese govern- involved in the issues that impact their lives ment, the powerful female poets known as and societies so dramatically—whether politi- hakamat have played a role in motivating their cal, economic, or religious. They cannot be men to fight. They say that the hakamat can put perceived solely as innocent bystanders a man down or raise him up. When they target because they have a big stake as members of a man in public negatively or positively, they their communities. In many African communi- shape public opinion, and their skill is a ties, a woman’s visibility in the public sphere source of power and income.3 They have likely does not correlate with the power she wields fueled conflict by massaging men’s egos and behind the scenes, in her household or com- taunting them through song and poetry, chal- munity. The example of the hakamat shows lenging their manhood; and to prove their that women often have strong influence and manhood, men charge into war. However, play significant roles in shaping decisions many hakamat are now choosing to chant for made by men. The lesson is to involve women peace, calling on men to “put the gun down.”4 in the solution. As the hakamat have shown, Regardless of the roles they choose to play, the same medium used to incite violence— women are not passive in conflict. This com- song and poetry—can also be powerful tools mon assumption cannot be further from the for changing public opinion and forging peace. truth. Women are motivated by the same pas- To overcome the institutionalized and sions that drive and motivate men. They are deliberate exclusion of women from public Albert Gonzalez, UN Photo Women in line at polling center in Nyala, South Darfur, on the first day of voting in South Sudan’s referendum on independence in January 2011. 160 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 ENGENDERING RESPONSES TO COMPLEX EMERGENCIES affairs, many women and civil society organi- men’s statuses and roles become destabilized. zations are fighting for their place. Yet, it often During emergency situations, social barriers happens that when women make it to the pub- break down, the normally accepted gender lic sphere, they have been selected because practices and attitudes of different communi- they are women who cannot rise, confront, or ties frequently change over time—for example, challenge the issues on the negotiation table, due to displacement in South Sudan, women or they are included without due consider- have taken on responsibilities for cattle and ation for caliber, knowledge, and capacity to fishing, while men too have taken on food represent the constituencies and issues relevant production activities. As the stress mounts, to their communities. For meaningful inclu- women sometimes become more conservative sion, women themselves should have a say in and withdrawn, overburdened by the increased who represents them in the public sphere, and societal expectations and responsibilities those women in decisionmaking positions placed upon them because of crises. Women should be mentored and supported to better are usually expected to care for the injured and represent their diverse constituencies, not least the sick, as well as for the children and the the female constituency. elderly. They often have to risk their lives to go out in search of food and water to fend for Conclusion their families. They are vulnerable to assault The example of South Sudan shows the impor- and rape along the way. Very often they pick tance of applying a gender lens to all phases of up the pieces, gather their strength, and con- complex emergencies, as well as the all-too- tinue to carry out their expected responsibili- frequent failure to do so. Yet, all is not lost. ties. Very often there is no protection mecha- Over time, the gender dimensions of complex nism, legal or otherwise, in place to protect emergencies have become a lot more evident women during emergencies. On the contrary, and recognition of the importance of a gender those responsible for assisting them may inad- perspective and an inclusive approach has vertently exacerbate their situation or even grown. There is now a growing consensus that intentionally exploit them further. women can play an important role before, dur- The gender issues I have outlined here are ing, and after conflict and crisis. This is now not exhaustive, but they are among those that captured by many players who are advocating frequently come up during conflict and emer- for engendering peace and conflict resolution gency situations. They clearly illustrate the processes, as well as humanitarian response. need for gender analysis and the inclusion of However, there is still a lot to be done to women along the entire continuum of assis- educate national and international actors in tance provided during complex emergencies. these environments. Part of this education A concerted effort to address the challenges involves an approach that remains continually and opportunities that gender dynamics raise adaptive to the changing context at hand. Just in the midst of crisis can also provide a foun- as conflicts and humanitarian crises place great dation for more inclusive and sustainable stress on the socioeconomic capacities of com- approaches to tackling the root causes of con- munities, they frequently lead to the disinte- flict, poverty, and instability in our societies gration of social networks, and women’s and over the long-term. When men and women PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 161 WALENDER have equal opportunities to fulfill their poten- Notes tial and contribute to the growth of their coun- tries, then we will begin to see real gains made 1 Marc Sommers and Stephanie Schwartz, all around. PRISM “Dowry and division: youth and state building in South Sudan,” United States Institute of Peace (November 2011); Saferworld, “People’s peacemaking perspectives in South Sudan” (March 2012); Ingrid Kircher, “Challenges to security, livelihoods and gender justice in South Sudan,” Oxfam (March 2013). 2 Thomas Pluemper and Eric Neumeyer, “The Unequal Burden of War: The Effect of Armed Conflict on the Gender Gap in Live Expectancy, International Organisation 60, no. 3 (2006); Nicholas Kristof, “Starvation as a Product of War,” New York Times, July 23, 2015. 3 “Hakamat” is the plural of “hakama.” 4 UNDP, “Hakamas Promote Peace-building in Darfur,” February 8, 2012. 162 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 ENGENDERING RESPONSES TO COMPLEX EMERGENCIES Photos Page 154. Photo by UN Photo/Stuart Price. 2011. Af- termath of Attack on Abyei Town. From Page 157. Photo by Aimee Brown/Oxfam. 2015. Cattle auction, Lankien, South Sudan. From Page 160. Photo by UN Photo/Albert Gonzalez Farran. 2011. South Sudan Referendum in Darfur. From PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 163 AUTHOR UNICEF CAR/Pierre Holtz Child in a rebel camp in the northeast of the Central African Republic 164 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Innovation in the Prevention of the Use of Child Soldiers Women in the Security Sector BY ROMÉO DALLAIRE, SHELLY WHITMAN, AND SAM HOLLAND “Our collective failure to protect children must be transformed into an opportunity to confront the problems that cause their suffering.” – Graça Machel f all the characteristics that define contemporary conflict, the use of child soldiers pres- ents one of the farthest-reaching and most disturbing trends. As of 2015, according to Othe United Nations Special Representative for the Secretary-General on Children and Armed Conflict, of the 59 countries identified by the organization’s Secretary General for grave violations against children in war, 57 are named for the recruitment and use of child soldiers.1 The deliberate use of child soldiers by armed forces and armed groups “is a way to overcome their weak starting point as far as recruiting, organization, and other state-centered systemic barriers to growth.”2 One hundred and five United Nations Member States have committed to the Paris Principles defining a child soldiers as: any person below 18 years of age who is or has been recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity, including but not limited to children, boys and girls, used as fighters, cooks, porters, messengers, spies or for sexual purposes. It does not only refer to a child who is taking or has taken a direct part in hostilities.3 In spite of a widely accepted comprehensive definition, Member States still lack a unified response. The international response to the use of children as soldiers has leaned heavily on strategies of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR). However, this strategy fails to stem the recruitment and use of children in the first instance—the international community has opted Retired Lt. General Roméo Dallaire, is the Founder of the Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative. Dr. Shelly Whitman is the Executive Director of the Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative. Mr. Sam Holland is the Research Officer of the Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 165 DALLAIRE, WHITMAN, AND HOLLAND to fix the broken rather than to protect the cessations of hostilities, ceasefires, comprehen- whole. The lack of significance given to preven- sive peace agreements, and other materials. tative strategies has caused the global commu- Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict, an nity to stand idly by as children’s rights are organization informed by a network of NGOs horrifically violated in conflict zones. based in New York, reviewed 407 eligible doc- The prevention of the use of child soldiers uments between 1999 and 2014. They found has been relatively low on the overall peace that only 79 of these documents made refer- and security agenda when addressing armed ence to child protection; 56 of the 79 included conflict. Until most recently, child protection language concerning children and armed con- has been relegated as a social issue, placed in flict. The most prominent grave violation cited the hands of civil society organizations and within the 56 documents was the recruitment NGOs, allowing international donor countries and use of children by armed groups and state as well as national governments who commit groups. to protecting children to frequently shirk the Solving the problem of global recruitment responsibilities. However, child soldiers are a and use of child soldiers requires a compre- security concern that needs—and deserves—to hensive solution. At the core of the Roméo be placed at the top of the security agenda. Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative’s (herein the The shortcomings of the current efforts to Dallaire Initiative) approach is a suite of sce- prevent the use of child soldiers are further nario-based, prevention-oriented training pro- evidenced by the lack of attention paid to child grams that prioritizes the protection of chil- protection and the prevention of the recruit- dren through a security sector approach. These ment and use of children in armed conflict trainings are designed to better prepare secu- within peace agreements and treaties. Since rity sector actors (military, police, and prison 1999, child protection has been featured in personnel), who are often the first point of The Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative Women from the Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF) work on a village mapping exercise in Kampala during Dallaire Initiative's Women and Security Sector training. The village mapping exercise teaches training participants areas where children may be susceptible for recruitment by armed groups and how to prevent this. 166 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INNOVATION IN THE PREVENTION OF THE USE OF CHILD SOLDIERS contact for child soldiers. The innovative pre- In 2014, the Executive Director of UN ventative approach of the Dallaire Initiative Women, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, stated aims to fill knowledge gaps and bridge the that although there had been incredible strides divide between international policy and legis- taken “to move beyond viewing women as lation with the realities faced by the security only victims of conflict to seeing them as sector. This approach seeks to change attitudes agents of peace and progress,”4 the current and behaviors that in turn lead to holistic sys- state of affairs around the world continues to temic change that eventually makes the recruit- hinder the capability of women to engage in ment and use of children as soldiers unthink- formal peace and security processes. While able. many recognize the importance of women in attempting to end sexual and gender-based Distinct and Undervalued violence, we see that this must be extended to To date, the Dallaire Initiative has trained secu- other issues key to the overall peace and secu- rity sector personnel from over 60 different rity agenda, such as the protection of children, countries. However, only 13 percent of security in general, and the prevention of the use of sector personnel trained have been women. In child soldiers, more specifically. part, this imbalance is due to the low percent- The Existing Evidence – in Literature age of women that make up security forces worldwide and the limited professional devel- In contemporary conflicts, women and girls opment opportunities that are made available are specifically targeted for human rights viola- to them. Despite these low numbers, the tions because of their gendered roles in society. women who participate in our training ses- While sexual violence is universally sions demonstrate a keen desire to be at the denounced, the international community still forefront of the fight against the use of chil- lacks an understanding of how the security dren as soldiers. sector, in particular, can be leveraged to pre- In the Dallaire Initiative’s work around vent sexual violence in armed conflict; this the globe, we have recognized that women knowledge gap is similar to the one that has security sector actors can make distinct and prevented the international community from valuable contributions to peacekeeping opera- enacting a more robust response to the global tions and peacebuilding efforts. Women offer child soldier issue.5 The international com- important perspectives on communities and munity needs to be resolute in its response cultures, and provide the possibility of new and engage in a more effective preventative preventative approaches to dealing with the approach. use of child soldiers. “As a female military The idea that women can play critical observer, I can return from a patrol with very roles not just in the prevention of the recruit- different information than my male counter- ment of child soldiers, but in the security sec- parts, just by virtue of being a woman,” stated tor as a whole, is not new. The United Nations a Zambian Female UN Military Observer dur- specifically highlights critical reasons for ing a research interview in Bukavu, in the increasing the recruitment of women peace- Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), in keepers, listing the following reasons: August 2010. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 167 DALLAIRE, WHITMAN, AND HOLLAND ■■ Empowering women in the host com- be done to institute effective change that will munity; impact the women, peace, and security agenda. ■■ Addressing specific needs of female ex- Karen Davies and Brian McKee argue that combatants during the process of demobiliz- the real hurdle for women in participating ing and reintegration into civilian life; fully in military operations today has little to ■■ Helping make the peacekeeping force do with their physical and mental abilities, but approachable to women in the community; rather revolves around social and cultural ■■ Interviewing survivors of gender-based issues characterizing the “warrior framework.” violence; Historically, the warrior is understood to be ■■ Mentoring female cadets at police and male and assumed to share characteristics such military academies; [and] as masculinity, superior physical and moral ■■ Interacting with women in societies attributes, an aggressive nature, a proclivity to where women are prohibited from speaking violence, and a “will to kill.”12 In other words, to men.6 the discussion on the inclusion of women over UN Security Council Resolution 1325 emphasizes ideas of combat operations with- highlights three specific issues: “the representa- out proper regard for the broader range of tion of women at all levels of peace and secu- roles in peace support, humanitarian efforts, rity governance; the meaningful participation and domestic operations. This must be of women in peace and security governance; addressed in light of the contemporary chal- and the protection of women’s rights and bod- lenges posed by the tactical and strategic use ies in conflict and post-conflict situations.”7 of child soldiers. How does the “warrior frame- However, the follow-through by UN Member work” prevent new capabilities and approaches States has been “deeply inconsistent.”8 to such non-traditional and ethical dilemmas? Despite the UN’s assertion that women As an example, Liberia, which experienced peacekeepers can “perform the same roles, to a tragic and horrific civil conflict, has emerged the same standards, and under the same diffi- from the chaos and violence with some impor- cult conditions, as their male counterparts,”9 tant lessons learned. Unlike the experience of efforts to increase positions for women in the its neighbor Sierra Leone, women’s civil society security sector have been heavily weighted on groups were highly active throughout the the sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) Liberian peace process following the civil con- issue above all else.10 In over 20 years the per- flict. During this time, the women’s groups centage of women included in global peace- aimed to “‘increase the role of women in the keeping operations has climbed from one per- security sector reform by engaging women-led cent of all uniformed personnel to less than civil society organizations in: transforming four percent in 2013.11 A slight increase in public perception of the military and police, numbers does not represent equity. More strengthening disarmament, and recruiting women working in the SGBV field is not the women for the armed forces and police.’”13 end goal, and the paltry improvements in The determination by Liberian women to be female representation certainly do not call for present within the Liberian post conflict secu- celebration. Without question more needs to rity sector reform (SSR) process produced tan- gible and progressive outcomes: the creation 168 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INNOVATION IN THE PREVENTION OF THE USE OF CHILD SOLDIERS of a women and children protection unit sexual assault reporting instances. Prior to the within the Liberian Police Force; the adoption introduction of the female police force, the UN of a 20 percent quota for the inclusion of reported 47 sexual abuses committed by women in the Liberian National Police and peacekeepers (2005). However, after their armed forces; and cooperation between wom- introduction, reports of sexual abuse dropped en’s rights activists and government officials to to 18 (2009).16 The presence of the all-female operationalize the needs of Liberian women Indian force also made an impact on the within the SSR process.14 Liberian National Police, resulting in a tripling The United Nations Mission in Liberia of the number of female applicants one month has also played a key role in championing after the Indian contingent was deployed.17 women security sector actors. In 2007, India Overall, Liberia’s commitment to mainstream- deployed the UN’s first all-female police unit ing women’s participation within its security to Liberia as part of a UN effort to increase the structure is an example that many countries inclusion of women in peacekeeping missions. can learn from. The unit actively combatted street crime by Despite the more general literature on night and was assigned to stand guard “outside women, peace, and security and the inclusion the Monrovia headquarters of the Liberian of women in peacekeeping missions, there is president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.”15 The Indian virtually no literature that specifically female force has also had a positive effect on UN Photo/Christopher Herwig Members of the all-female Indian Formed Police Unit of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) perform a martial arts exercise prior to receiving medals of honor in recognition of their service. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 169 DALLAIRE, WHITMAN, AND HOLLAND highlights the connection to the prevention of groups and forces. Each time the question was the use of child soldiers. posed, the response was “there are no girl sol- diers here in the DRC, only wives or girlfriends The Existing Evidence – The Dallaire Initiative in Practice of the Commanders.” However, during a set of interviews with former girl soldiers in the In July 2010, the Dallaire Initiative conducted DRC, we asked whether or not girls are used in a research mission to the DRC with the main active combat in the DRC. The girls revealed aim of exploring the tactics employed by adult that they are used on the frontline, but that commanders to recruit and use child soldiers. their roles will vary from day to day. Some This research fed into the creation of the hand- days they may choose to go to the frontlines to book for security sector actors that guides our avoid the “domestic duties,” duties that often training. During this mission, the Dallaire involved being sexually violated. On other Initiative interviewed peacekeepers as well as days, they would choose to stay back and face community members and former child sol- the sexual violence instead of facing death on diers. the frontlines. During a set of interviews with male UN On a subsequent mission to the DRC, the Military Observers, the question was posed as Dallaire Initiative had the opportunity to con- to whether or not their gender affected their duct a set of trainings with the DRC’s national ability in any way to conduct their roles in army. After a session focusing on girl soldiers, communities. The response was categorically women security sector actors within the group “no!” However, at that time, a female UN quickly came to a realization that they faced Military Observer walked past the room where the same plight within their armed force as interviews were taking place and Dallaire their younger “sisters” in armed groups. In Initiative staff took the opportunity to request other words, that they must conduct duties an interview with her. The same question was during the day for the military and then are posed to her and the answer was markedly in forced to conduct domestic activities, which contrast to her male counterparts. She detailed may also include sexual violence, during the how, simply by virtue of her gender, women evenings. and children from communities she operates The revelations from these experiences in are more comfortable approaching her than highlighted the need to better address the the other UN Military Observers. She also unique and undervalued perspectives of replied that her male counterparts saw the women in the security sector towards the pre- children as a “nuisance” and would often tell vention of the use of child soldiers, and cre- them to “go away.” Conversely, her reaction to ated a catalyst for further inquiry. The women the children was more open, enabling children who have participated in the Dallaire and women who had suffered human rights Initiative’s training have provided new knowl- violations to relay their stories to her in confi- edge and highlighted their effectiveness and dence. desire to prevent the use of child soldiers and In addition, during this mission, ques- better protect children writ large. Additionally, tions were posed to male peacekeepers about women that have received our training have the presence of girl soldiers in the armed gained new leadership responsibilities and 170 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INNOVATION IN THE PREVENTION OF THE USE OF CHILD SOLDIERS advancement opportunities, paving the way for brutal civil conflict from 1992-2002, character- other women moving through the ranks; in ized by the use of child soldiers (some reports this way, the Dallaire Initiative addresses two allude to approximately 10,000 active in the obstacles to global peace. With new regional country throughout the conflict) and gender- trainings in the Dallaire Initiative’s prevention- based sexual violence perpetrated by rebel oriented program on child soldiers, we plan to forces, government troops, and, in some amplify the impact of these women leaders instances, peacekeepers.18 In spite of the unan- within their forces and on the ground. imous passing of UNSCR 1325, among other This is highlighted by the effects of our related conventions and treaties, Sierra Leone work in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone endured a lags far behind reaching its goals. Following The Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative A small group of male and female Sierra Leonean security personnel work in their syndicate group in Freetown, Sierra Leone in November 2013. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 171 DALLAIRE, WHITMAN, AND HOLLAND the civil war, Sierra Leone made minimal prog- In May 2014, immediately following the ress in promoting the participation of women completion of the Training of Trainers (ToT) in government and security institutions as well program, the Dallaire Initiative received a as the overall well-being of the country’s request from the Sierra Leone Police Service female population. Currently, Sierra Leone Assistant Inspector General to instruct a group ranks low in human development, coming in of 75 female police officers who were chosen at 183 of 187 on the UN’s Human for pre-selection training for UN peacekeeping Development Index on Gender Equality.19 missions. We felt it critical to take this unique The underwhelming post-war perfor- opportunity and engaged one of the newest mance in Sierra Leone compelled the Dallaire female police graduates from the Dallaire Initiative to pilot a program specifically aimed Initiative’s Program to co-facilitate the class. at preventing the recruitment and use of child Despite the limited resources and chal- soldiers by working with the Republic of Sierra lenging conditions, the female police officers Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF), Sierra Leone were keen to engage in the training activities. Police Force (SLP), and Sierra Leone Prison These women were acutely aware of the chal- Service (SLPS). Throughout the first year of the lenges still facing children in Sierra Leone in pilot program (2013), the Dallaire Initiative the post-war period and the dangers this may took particular interest in the women partici- pose for peace and stability in the country. At pating in the training program as security sec- the same time, they felt at ease to openly dis- tor actors. There was limited representation of cuss their experiences and opinions and women in the program, only 18 percent, yet wanted to be leaders in protecting children. the female participants made their presence Our female police graduate who co-facilitated known by bringing new perspectives to the the class was also visibly invigorated by the training, particularly in modules on girl sol- experience and was clearly viewed with respect diers, sexual and gender-based violence and by her female peers. stigma.20 Building off of our experience in West Program participants shared their experi- Africa, we are dedicated to mainstreaming the ences working in the SLP’s Family Support participation of women in security sector train- Unit which was established in 2001 and ing. Our training with the Uganda People’s increased the police’s ability to seek justice for Defense Force (UPDF) began in 2015 and the crimes of sexual violence. However, the cre- female participants provided evidence for the ation of the Family Support Units and “Gender need to engage and build on the existing Acts”21 have not been sufficient to curb the capacity and agency of women in the security prevalence of sexual violence: “reports of sector. In particular, one female participant, rapes, especially involving child victims, who had just returned from a year-long mis- steadily increased in the post war period from sion in Somalia, shared a creative way that 2001 to the present.”23 Training participants women security sector actors in the African spoke out about the hardship and lack of Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) had resources to effectively respond to and investi- made progress to prevent the use of child sol- gate the overwhelming reports. diers by al-Shabaab. She explained that she had formed a working group of female 172 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INNOVATION IN THE PREVENTION OF THE USE OF CHILD SOLDIERS peacekeepers that held informal meetings with Since UNSCR 1325 was passed, seven wives of al-Shabaab leaders. Through the meet- other Security Council resolutions have been ings, peacekeepers would negotiate the release passed with respect to women and security,23 of children held by al-Shabaab. It was clear and another eight resolutions have been from the male UPDF participants in the train- passed with respect to children and armed ing room that they had not been aware of conflict;24 however, these documents have not these innovative approaches being taken by been translated into tangible progress in the their female counterparts in the AMISOM mis- areas that need it most, nor have the resolu- sion. tions tied the two issues together in any mean- The distinctive operational advantages to ingful way. Demonstrating the disparity mainstreaming women security sector actors between rhetoric and action, the 2014 report was further evidenced during our engagement of the Secretary General on Women, Peace and with military chaplains. During our Chaplain Security observed that in 2012 “only 0.35 per- Roundtable event with military chaplains from cent of aid allocated to conflict, peace and Canada, the United Kingdom, and New security activities [was] marked as having a Zealand, we led a discussion on the varied gender focus.”25 In its latest report on women experiences of female and male chaplains and security, Human Rights Watch further while on deployment and the various interac- highlights that donor countries lack practical tions they have with children in mission set- support for programs specifically aimed at tings. In an effort to promote open conversa- helping women and girls in armed conflict tion, the facilitators divided the participants —“too often […] officials assert it is not the into breakout groups dividing the men from right time to push for women’s rights, that the women. Although there are significantly security is somehow a prerequisite for wom- fewer women than men in military chaplaincy, en’s rights rather than inextricably linked with female participants stated that female chap- them, or that they do not have the leverage to lains have a vastly different experience when act.”26 on mission, and interact with children and Forcing the Winds of Change other civilians in a very different manner from their male counterparts. According to some Based on the literature and our practical expe- female participants, these interactions are pos- rience, we at the Dallaire Initiative believe that sible because women have a strong sense of women security sector actors can provide community, are empathetic, and have a nurtur- unique tactical and strategic advantages to pre- ing quality that enables them to engage with venting the use of children as soldiers. women and children on a different level than Embracing women in the security sector will their male counterparts. The female partici- provide peace missions with tactical and stra- pants also voiced that they are not given suf- tegic advantages that they have been missing. ficient space to share their lessons learned as The female experience in conflict is diverse and women in the field, further evidencing the dis- vastly different to that of their male counter- connect between policy and what actually hap- parts. Yet, the international community con- pens in theater. tinues to view women largely as passive vic- tims during conflict, rather than active PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 173 DALLAIRE, WHITMAN, AND HOLLAND participants in peace. In the Dallaire Initiative’s security sector personnel. This will allow the experience, training and advocacy efforts com- Dallaire Initiative to build off of the Ugandan bined with sufficient donor support resulted national project and continue to leverage the in the development of a training program spe- strategic importance of Uganda in the fight cifically targeted to women security sector against the use of children as soldiers. Uganda actors. Our goal for the Women Security Sector has become a key troop contributing country Actor Project is to bridge the gap between pol- to United Nations and African Union peace- icy and practice. The project will bring together keeping missions, most notably in South female security sector actors (military and Sudan and Somalia—two countries experienc- police) from across East Africa for a series of ing conflict with reported use of child soldiers focus group sessions partnered with training and sexual violence. on the prevention of the recruitment and use Uganda will be the base for the Women of child soldiers. The Dallaire Initiative recog- Security Sector Actor Project, which aims to nizes that women security sector actors offer bring together women security sector actors distinct advantages when addressing the issue from surrounding countries so as to best dis- of child soldiers and a capacity to lead and seminate the training and experience to the enhance operations. region. The resulting findings will be shared The Women Security Sector Actor Project with national governments and international will take place with Ugandan and Regional organizations, such as the UN Department of The Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative Two female Uganda People’s Defense Force soldiers participate in the Dallaire Initiative’s Women and Security Sector training in Jinja, Uganda. 174 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INNOVATION IN THE PREVENTION OF THE USE OF CHILD SOLDIERS Peacekeeping Operations, the African Union, ■■ Can women be more effective as bro- and specific peacekeeping missions. kers/negotiators of peace to assist with the As a result of the Women Security Sector release of children from armed groups? Actor Project, the opportunity to ask key ques- ■■ Would having women focused on child tions and to further explore research in this soldiers lead to new leadership roles for the area will be critical. Potential questions that women in the security sector, as this is a key can be explored are categorized in four broad element to the overall peace and security areas: agenda? 1. Women as peacekeepers 4. New tactics to prevent the use of child ■■ What challenges do women peacekeep- soldiers from a women’s perspective ers face? ■■ How do child soldiers perceive women ■■ Are women better placed to be the liai- in uniform (police or military) differently sons to child protection groups, such as the from their male counterparts? Does this cre- UN Children's Rights & Emergency Relief ate more opportunity for prevention? Organization (UNICEF)? ■■ What examples currently exist to high- ■■ If women are high in the hierarchy of light some of the potential new tactics and peacekeeping, police, and military missions, strategies that women may employ to assist how does this impact the prioritization of in the prevention of the use of child sol- child protection? diers? ■■ Do women recognize the plight of chil- ■■ What roles do women undertake— dren in vulnerable situations differently nationally and in peacekeeping missions— from their male counterparts? Do they react that could create more interactions with differently? If so, how? children? ■■ Do women report interactions with chil- ■■ Are there unique opportunities for dren differently than men? women to assist with giving visibility and ■■ Are women affected differently by the assistance to the plight of girl soldiers? trauma of interacting with child soldiers in Conclusion combat than their male counterparts? 2. Women in national security sector Ending the use of child soldiers requires holis- roles tic, incremental approaches that are innovative ■■ Can and do women influence their male and grounded in reality. The Dallaire Initiative colleagues in the military and police to react will use the outcomes of the Women’s Security differently to vulnerable children? Sector Project to improve training, research, ■■ Do women communicate differently and advocacy efforts to influence policy and with others or work with groups outside of practice at local and national levels. As the the security sector with more ease than their Dallaire Initiative strives to incorporate its male counterparts; if so, how does this influ- security sector training into the global strategy ence child protection? for the prevention of the use of child soldiers, 3. Women as peace brokers/negotiators new avenues, such as the Women’s Security Sector Project, will help to create momentum PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 175 DALLAIRE, WHITMAN, AND HOLLAND to empower the security sector to prevent the Notes use of children as soldiers. PRISM 1 UN News Centre, “On International Day, UN demands end to use of child soldiers in conflict,” February 12, 2015. 176 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INNOVATION IN THE PREVENTION OF THE USE OF CHILD SOLDIERS 17 Bastick, 159. 18 Hazel MacFerson, “Women and Post-Conflict Society in Sierra Leone,” Journal Of International Women's Studies 13, no. 1 (2012): 141. Photos Page 169. Photo by UN Photo/Christopher Her- wig. 2011. UNMIL Honours Indian Police Officers. From PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 177 AUTHOR Jorge Cardoso / Brazilian Military Defense Archive Brazilian female peacekeeper in Haiti 178 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Brazil and UN Security Council Resolution 1325 Progress and Challenges of the Implementation Process1 BY RENATA GIANNINI, MARIANA LIMA, AND PÉROLA PEREIRA merging powers have recently become significant players in promoting peace and stability in unstable settings affected by conflict and violence. These countries have the experience, Ecapabilities, and legitimacy to support counterpart governments seeking to build security and safety in their societies. What is more, the High Level Independent Panel on United Nations Peace Operations (HLP) has emphasized the need for peace operations to become more people centered. This is an important capability that emerging powers—some of the top troop-contrib- utors to UN peacekeeping missions—have arguably developed in the last few years.2 Peacekeepers from many emerging countries, including Brazil, have been widely recognized for their profes- sional conduct and empathy—which many attribute to their own experiences with economic, social, and political crises. As the UN and its member states increasingly recognize that peace and stability depend on inclusivity and gender equality, are troop contributors from the Global South adequately prepared to implement gender-sensitive approaches to international peace and security? The UN Security Council has adopted seven resolutions on women, peace, and security (WPS), of which the most sweeping is UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, adopted in 2000.3 Together these set out a gender equality strategy that attempts to ensure that the particular needs of both women and men will be carefully considered in all UN actions in the field. But the UN faces challenges Renata Giannini is a senior researcher at Igarapé Institute, where she oversees the women, peace and security program. Mariana Lima is a researcher at the Pandiá Calógeras Institute, Brazilian Ministry of Defense, and a member of the Ministry’s Gender Commission. Pérola Pereira is an advisor at the Office of the Brazilian Minister of Defense and a member of the Ministry’s Gender Commission. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 179 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA in disseminating these norms among its mem- sexual violence. Although at times uncoordi- bers and in its peace operations. Gender equal- nated, these are relevant steps that are likely to ity in UN peacekeeping remains a long way have a positive impact on the country’s capac- off. And a central challenge emerges when ity to adapt to the UN’s gender equality strat- member states responsible for carrying out the egy. UN’s mandate in the field do not adapt their Nonetheless, Brazil has made only partial own national policies on gender norms. progress in meeting the UN standards. Just A number of emerging powers have seven percent of the country’s military is com- already taken steps to support the UN in this posed of women, with most of them serving in endeavor, and Brazil’s achievements and chal- administrative and medical positions.4 As a lenges offer valuable insights in this regard. result, less than one percent of all Brazilian The Brazilian Armed Forces have incorporated military personnel deployed to peace opera- some gender approaches in their peacekeeping tions are women (out of the 40,000 troops activities, particularly in Haiti. Brazil is also sent to Haiti over 10 years, only 140 were implementing an array of international coop- women).5 A top-down decree to improve eration projects with fragile and violence- women’s access to military schools represents affected countries. In settings as varied as the a key initiative that could help to change this Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea ratio, but other obstacles remain. Bissau, and Haiti, Brazil has worked to pro- This article analyzes Brazil’s efforts to mote access to justice and enhance national implement the UN’s women, peace, and secu- capabilities to prevent and reduce sexual vio- rity agenda, and highlights some “southern lence. These are critical examples of South- grown” efforts to promoting peace and gender South cooperation, and do not necessarily fol- equality. The article is divided into four sec- low the more conventional models of aid tions: 1) women in the Brazilian Armed assistance practiced by Organization for Forces; 2) Brazilian participation in peacekeep- Economic Cooperation and Development ing operations; 3) steps to implement UNSCR (OECD) members. Indeed, such initiatives are 1325 in Brazil; and 4) the question of a based on best practices identified in Brazil National Action Plan. The conclusion focuses including police training, health service provi- on the main obstacles yet to be overcome in sion, and legislation formulation. order for UNSCR 1325 to be effectively imple- Whole-of-government policies undertaken mented in Brazil. by the Ministry of Defense (MoD), Ministry of Women in the Brazilian Armed Forces External Relations (MRE, in Portuguese), and the National Secretariat for Women’s Policies Women were initially incorporated into the (SPM, in Portuguese) have also led to gender Brazilian Armed Forces during the re-democ- mainstreaming commitments and cooperation ratization process, beginning in the 1980s, as mechanisms to improve the country’s track a symbol of a less violent political system and record on women, peace, and security. The a strong democracy. However, efforts to inte- country has further signed up to a range of grate women into the various branches of the international efforts to end war crimes and military were not guided by a coherent mass atrocities, which include conflict-related national policy or a coordinated effort.6 The 180 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 first to open its doors was the Navy, followed in 2014. It will only be in 2017 that women by the Air Force, in 1980 and 1982 respec- will be allowed to join the logistics and weap- tively. It was only 10 years later, in 1992, that ons branches of the Army. women were allowed in the Army, when they In 2014, women comprised seven percent were permitted to join the service’s administra- of the Brazilian military, amounting to 23,787 tion school. Today, the presence of women personnel. Their presence is usually in techni- remains limited in many branches, partly cal, administrative, and health-related areas— reflecting the persistence of traditional percep- with the exception of the aviators in the Air tions of women’s roles in Brazilian society.7 Force. Although the latter has the smallest pro- Indeed, the first efforts to integrate women portion of women in comparison to the other reflected the traditional gender divide in military forces, the presence of women in Brazilian society and perpetuated stereotypes absolute numbers is the highest: there are cur- about women’s roles. Women in the military rently 9,927 women in the Air Force, as com- were only authorized to exercise functions that pared to 6,700 in the Army and 5,815 in the were already generally carried out by women, Navy.10 These numbers are likely to increase and their participation was justified on the significantly after 2017, particularly in the grounds that they are more sensitive and car- Army, where they will be allowed to take on an ing than their male counterparts. As such, expanding number of roles. women initially participated in the military As shown in the graph below, most through the “female auxiliary corps” in health women in the Brazilian Armed Forces are and administrative positions.8 There was a lower-ranking officers. The main reason for general lack of support for these first female their low rank is that these women are fre- pioneers. The female corps was separated from quently from the professional corps, primarily its male counterparts, and as a result, there serving as doctors, lawyers, translators, etc. were no clear guidelines as to how these Because Brazilian women are not allowed to women could progress in the military hierar- serve as non-commissioned officers, this cate- chy. gory is not considered in the graph below. More recently, women’s relative absence However, this is another key issue for consid- from combatant positions has also reflected eration in the debate over women’s presence these divisions and stereotypes. After 1992, in the Armed Forces in Brazil. women were authorized to join several Despite the limited number and reach of branches within the professional corps of the women in the Brazilian military, the progress military, but at present the only force to autho- that has been made is worth celebrating. In rize women in combatant positions is the Air 2012, a woman reached the upper echelons of Force. Since 2003, women have been allowed the military hierarchy: Dalva Mendes, a doctor to serve as aviators.9 However, there has been in the Navy, was granted the rank of Admiral a lack of female candidates—a fact that certain in 2012, opening up the way for others to fol- military officers have used to justify not open- low suit. Both the Air Force and the Army have ing other combatant positions for them. The women as Colonels, the highest rank achieved Air Force was also the first to allow women to by women in those services. The recent initia- join the logistics branch, followed by the Navy tive to extend women’s access to the logistics PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 181 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA and weapons branches of the Army, men- operations, which rely on troop contributions tioned above, also represents a significant step from participating states. Brazil has long been since women will finally be allowed to join the a strong supporter of multilateral efforts to most traditional of the military schools.11 promote peace. In recent years, its contribution Nonetheless, obstacles to women’s full (with police, military experts, and troops) to participation persist, not least in terms of resis- peace operations has increased steadily (by tance to changing the modus operandi that has more than 1,500 percent from 2000 to 2015), been in place for centuries. Including women becoming a major pillar in Brazil’s foreign in the military is important for gender equal- policy.12 The country currently has one bat- ity, but there is also growing recognition that talion in Haiti and one company in Lebanon. it matters for operational effectiveness— Brazilian military observers serve in at least including the effectiveness of international seven missions: Western Sahara, Cyprus, peace operations. Central African Republic, Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Brazil in Peacekeeping Operations: 13 Incorporating a Gender Perspective South Sudan. Yet, Brazil’s efforts to main- stream a gender approach in its international Women’s roles in national militaries have a peace operations are below optimum. direct effect on the quantitative and qualitative The absence of Brazilian women in com- participation of women in international peace bat positions means that few Brazilian military Figure 1: Women in the Brazilian Armed Forces Ministry of Defense,Ministry Jan. 2014 12,000 10,000 8,000 6,000 4,000 2,000 - 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Generals High rank officers Intermediate Officer Low rank officer Graduates 182 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 women are in the field. For example, in 2014, professionals sent on peace operations are usu- the UN Mission in Lebanon, where a Brazilian ally dedicated to their own internal personnel, Frigate is stationed, had one woman from the within the battalion, so it is only on the rare Brazilian military (the Navy) in a contingent occasions when specific civil-military actions comprised of 267 troops. Only one Brazilian in the field are organized that they treat the woman has ever served as a military observer population directly. According to soldiers who in a peace operation, deployed from the Navy have been to the field, these interactions have in 2013 to the UN’s Mission in Côte d’Ivoire. been key to identifying actual and potential For women in other military branches, beyond victims of sexual and gender-based violence.14 the Navy, a range of limitations in terms of In fact, though women’s participation what kind of arms, training, and rank officers remains limited, there are now signs that a should have in order to join a UN mission as broader gender mainstreaming approach is a military observer prevents them participating being implemented by Brazilian troops in the in this role. field. This is particularly true in Haiti, where Indeed, the types of functions women can the Brazilian contingent is the largest among pursue in the Brazilian national context pose troop-contributing countries. an impediment for effective deployment of Attempts at Gender Mainstreaming in Haiti women in international operations more gen- erally. Given the restrictions on the types of Women started joining the Brazilian troops on jobs women in the Brazilian Armed Forces the ground in Haiti in 2006; since then 124 may hold, those who do participate in interna- women in the Army have deployed to that tional peace operations (as in Haiti, discussed country, mostly dentists, nurses, translators, below) have very limited contact with the local and engineers.15 As of April 2015, out of 1,678 population. According to the UN resolutions Brazilian troops deployed globally, only 18 on women, peace, and security, the presence of (about one percent) are women, and are all in female peacekeepers on the ground is an oper- Haiti.16 Field research carried out by the ational necessity. The participation of women authors in 2011 and 2012 uncovered a variety affects a range of military tasks, from check- of attempts to mainstream gender consider- points and search operations to more complex ations in Brazilian troops’ actions there.17 activities such as engaging with victims of For example, Brazilian peacekeepers have sexual and gender-based violence. Uniformed implemented Quick Impact Projects (QIPs) women can also serve as role models for designed to empower local women and women and men in the local society, showing improve their status in Haitian society. There that women and men can pursue the same is a conscious effort to use local female transla- careers, even those often associated with the tors in patrols and in QIPs targeting women’s dominant construct of masculinity. empowerment. Coordinated activities with the In stable conditions, Brazilian military gender unit associated with the UN mission in women are allowed to participate in patrols Haiti (MINUSTAH) were also observed, and play key roles as doctors, nurses, or den- including lectures on pregnancy, use of contra- tists when the troops offer medical services to ception, breastfeeding, and violence against the local population. However, health women. These are key outreach activities that PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 183 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA have the potential to decrease women’s vulner- This counterpoint affects their perception of ability and strengthen their status in society. the relationship between a lasting peace and Fort Liberté, a clinic in one of the gender equality. In addition, the issue of Brazilian bases, has treated several victims of peacekeepers exchanging sex for protection or gender-based violence. This same base also food emerged in some interviews; here, officers hosts a UN Police commissariat and a Haitian believed that the presence of military women Police Unit, both of them specialized in sexual could potentially curb that kind of behavior. and gender-based violence. Though the UN Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) is a Police commissariat does not have the execu- major concern for the United Nations. It is tive mandate, it exercises an important men- unfortunately common and must be thor- toring role, including on issues related to sex- oughly addressed. Although no case against ual and gender-based violence. Brazilian troops has ever been brought to the In some cases, access to justice was facili- public, it is an issue that deserves further atten- tated by this close contact with police institu- tion.18 tions. However, Brazilian soldiers also com- Interviews with military women in the monly expressed the view that violence against field indicated that overall they perceive a pos- women, which is so prevalent in Haiti, was a itive impact from their presence in Haiti. For cultural trait, and as such very hard to address. example, interviewees of different nationalities Courtesy of Renata Giannini (2011) Jean Marie Vincent IDP camp, where Brazilian troops often carried out patrols. 184 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 underlined that they usually receive “a lot of gender improved or that it was the personal attention” from the host population and that leadership of that commander that enhanced this has a positive effect on their interactions the knowledge within that battalion. with locals.19 What is more, they felt that they There are two key takeaways from the served as positive role models for local Brazilian experience mainstreaming gender in women, and that their presence showed local military operations. First, a significant change communities that women can play a decisive in the impediments to women’s participation role within their societies and be an active part in the military at home—and their access to of the peacebuilding process. Among doctors combatant roles, in particular—would greatly and nurses that participated in civil-military contribute to improving the presence and par- activities and offered health services to the ticipation of Brazilian women in peace opera- local population, interviewees noted that tions. Second, the lessons learned from these many would come with sexually transmitted early gender-mainstreaming initiatives in the diseases and that the presence of female peace- Brazilian battalion in Haiti should be keepers was fundamental to treating those expanded and adopted as part of its regular cases. activities. After all, gender equality goes However, female officers from all nation- beyond gender balance to empowering women alities underlined that because of their rela- and addressing their specific needs. tively low numbers within each battalion they Recent Steps to Implement UNSCR 1325 are constantly “watched.” Most seemed unhappy about the attention of their male Although Brazil experienced a threefold counterparts. That did not necessarily indicate increase of women in its Armed Forces sexual harassment or abuse, but rather that between 2000 and 2014, the country has no their actions were constantly monitored. comprehensive policy or plan to promote Women in the Brazilian military in par- women’s full participation in its forces.20 ticular had very limited contact with the popu- However, political momentum appears to be lation. Interviews with them were mostly car- leading to a change in the status quo. As a ried out in the presence of male counterparts country that considers international peace one and commanders. In some cases, it was of its top foreign policy priorities, Brazil has emphasized that there was no difference been influenced by international pressure sur- between a female and a male officer, and that rounding the women, peace, and security the host population praises the Brazilian agenda and bilateral efforts by a handful of troops. In other cases, Brazilian women under- countries in the field of peace and security. As lined their role in the medical service as being a result, it can no longer continue to ignore beneficial to local women. In particular, they this issue. In addition, one significant top- highlighted that the lectures they conducted down decision at the national level will attempted to transmit key ideas of gender undoubtedly influence the country’s imple- equality. In fact, in the case of the Brazilian mentation of UNSCR 1325: a presidential contingent, between 2011 and 2012, under- decree has now obligated the Armed Forces to standing of gender mainstreaming generally accept women in their military schools begin- improved. It may be that the training on ning in 2017. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 185 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA Against the backdrop of this international UNSCR 1325—gender mainstreaming—also and domestic momentum, there is an increas- plays a role and is reflected in the country’s ing understanding that Brazil’s efforts interna- new Gender Commission.21 tionally are a reflection of its national context. Participation If Brazil is to reaffirm its commitment to inter- national peace, then it needs to adapt its As outlined above, the limited participation of approach to gender and security. As such, Brazilian military women in peace operations although Brazil has not adopted a national is a direct result of their limited presence in the action plan based on UNSCR 1325 (discussed country’s Armed Forces. At the same time, in the next section), the country has developed Brazil has been increasing its efforts to converging actions in the three main axes of enhance women’s participation in different the resolution: participation of women in levels of decisionmaking processes in peace- peace processes, protection of women in con- keeping operations, and this is likely to have a flict situations, and prevention of violence positive impact in the country’s gender balance against women. In addition to these three pil- in the field. The participation approach can be lars, the fourth, unifying element mandated by Courtesy of Renata Giannini (2012) Bolivian peacekeeper providing medical and dental support for internally displaced persons in Cité Soleil, Haiti. 186 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 analyzed on two levels: national and interna- the objective relating to international peace tional. and security: (1) greater cooperation between At the national level, four main initiatives the Itamaraty and the Brazilian Joint Center of have contributed to the implementation of Peacekeeping Operations (CCOPAB, in UNSCR 1325 in Brazil: the Multi-Annual Plan Portuguese) to improve gender training of (PPA, in Portuguese), the National Plan on Brazilian contingents in peacekeeping opera- Policies for Women (PNPM, in Portuguese), tions and special political missions, and (2) the establishment of a Gender Commission in increased participation of civilian and military the Ministry of Defense, and the creation of a women in peacekeeping operations.23 Gender and Race Steering Committee in the Under the rubric of the National Plan on Ministry of External Relations, also known as Policies for Women 2013-2015, the Secretariat Itamaraty.22 of Policies for Women and the Ministry of The current Multi-Annual Plan, which Defense signed a memorandum of under- guided the government’s annual budget prepa- standing in 2014, which identified six neces- rations between 2012 and 2015, does not have sary actions: any high-level objectives concerning gender. However, two proposals address gender under Courtesy of Renata Giannini (2011) An all-female Formed Police Unit from Bangladesh, serving with the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 187 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA ■■ Identify skills women in the Armed gender equality and women’s empowerment Forces already possess and map those that in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean by are necessary for peace operations; sharing the Brazilian experience. The imple- ■■ Enhance peacekeepers’ capacity and mentation of the Brazil-UN Women training on gender perspectives; Partnership Program takes into account ■■ Strengthen sport practices as an instru- Brazil’s principles concerning South-South ment of peace in places where Brazilian cooperation, which is demand driven and military personnel are deployed; based on the dissemination and exchange of ■■ Establish partnerships to prevent sexu- successful experiences, best practices, and les- ally transmitted diseases, including HIV, and sons learned, adapted to each country’s par- combat sexual violence as a weapon of war; ticular context. Some projects have already ■■ Develop strategies to combat gender- been implemented and others are underway.25 based violence in the context humanitarian Also on the multilateral front, Brazil has crises; and been active in the Union of South American ■■ Develop a more articulated process for Nations (UNASUR, in Spanish) South South-South cooperation, more precisely American Defense Council (CDS), which is with Haiti.24 undertaking an assessment of women’s inte- gration into the defense sector across South The establishment of a Gender America through its Defense Center for Commission in the Ministry of Defense and of Strategic Studies (CEED). Member states first the Gender and Race Steering Committee in raised the issue and placed it on CEED’s the Ministry of External Relations can also be agenda in 2012, and the center has since been considered an important step in increasing the collecting data on the situation of women at value placed on women’s participation in both all levels of the defense sectors across the defense and foreign policies. Taken together, region.26 These efforts will not only enhance these are significant mechanisms not only for understanding of the situation in each national improving gender balance in these government context, they will also inform the elaboration structures, but also, potentially, for supporting of a South American common regional policy coordinated efforts to implement a National for better inclusion of women in different Action Plan in Brazil. areas of defense. At the international level, Brazil has been Protection following the UNSCR 1325 prescriptions by engaging in multilateral initiatives. In 2012, Brazil’s protection efforts carried out in the during the Rio+20 Conference, the Brazilian field include gender-sensitive practices under- Cooperation Agency of the Ministry of External taken by Brazilian troops in host nations, such Relations signed a cooperation agreement with as foot and mobile patrols to dissuade threats, UN Women to promote gender equality in two QIPs focused on empowering and benefiting programs: the Executive Program for the pro- local women, and the use of female translators motion of South-South technical cooperation, to facilitate contact with possible victims. and the Brazil-UN Women Partnership Training is a key component of Brazilian Program. The programs aim to contribute to contributions to UN peacekeeping operations. 188 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 CCOPAB is responsible for “support(ing) the sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) or preparation of military, police, and civilian SEA; on the contrary, the performance of the personnel from Brazil and friendly nations for Brazilian troops is considered a source of peace missions and humanitarian demining pride. missions.”27 Currently the training center does Prevention not have a specific training module on gender- related issues. Nonetheless, gender is consid- Prevention efforts by Brazil are identified first ered as a cross-cutting theme and is included and foremost in its Federal Constitution. It in most courses and preparatory stages for affirms the need to promote non-violent forms military personnel who will be employed in of conflict resolution and the need to address peacekeeping operations, either in individual human rights violations in conflict situations. missions or as part of a contingent. Prevention Other Brazilian documents, such as the of sexually transmitted diseases/HIV, sexual National Defense Strategy (2008, 2012) and exploitation and abuse, sexual violence as a the Human Rights National Program (2010), weapon of war, and gender-based violence are also provide guidelines for the incorporation some of the topics raised to commanders dur- of human rights, including women’s rights, in ing training, while a UN standardized course the curricula of both civilian and military on the subject is passed on to the contingent schools and colleges. as a whole. Brazil also seeks to operate through mul- Gender-sensitive training is an important tilateral mechanisms and South-South techni- tool for instructing the military and preventing cal cooperative agreements (for example, trans- improper actions by the troops in the field. It fer of social technologies), as discussed can also facilitate and improve discussions on before.29 In 2002, the Brazilian Cooperation practical measures for increasing the participa- Agency (ABC) and the United Nations tion and protection of women in the context Population Fund (UNFPA) established a proj- of peacekeeping operations, as well as gender ect in Haiti focused on addressing violence mainstreaming across all peacekeeping activi- against women. Since that year, actions ties in the field. Another important tool in this towards improved coordination on health, jus- regard is the Military Prosecutor Office, which tice, and security services for victims of vio- is responsible for the prosecution and trial of lence have been emphasized. For this purpose, members of the Brazilian military, including in 2011, 185 Haitian professionals were trained those deployed in peacekeeping missions. in health and public safety aimed at curbing According to one military prosecutor, disci- violence against women. plined troops are essential; once a deviated Brazil also established trilateral coopera- behavior is identified, it must be quickly and tion with Guinea-Bissau and UNFPA for the effectively investigated, so that Brazil’s credi- “Strengthening and Technical Training of bility and operational effectiveness are not Health Care Institutions for Women and undermined.28 To date, there have been few Adolescents Victims of Gender based Violence cases tried within the context of the military and Health Promotion.” The project started in justice system concerning Brazil’s performance 2010 with an 18-month term and had three in peacekeeping missions—none related to main axes: (1) health care for women and PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 189 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA adolescents in situations of violence; (2) youth Gender Mainstreaming in Defense: The mobilization and promotion of sexual and Gender Commission reproductive health for youth and adolescents; (3) monitoring and evaluation. Interchanges The creation of a multi-sector Gender between Brazilian and Guinean technicians Commission at the Ministry of Defense could were held by means of eight missions to prove central to the advancement of the Guinea-Bissau for conducting technical capac- women, peace, and security agenda in Brazil, ity building activities about the two compo- especially within the military. The Commission nents of the project: women’s health in vio- was created in September 2014, with a reason- lence situations and furtherance of juvenile ably well defined mandate and membership. and adolescents’ health. Unfortunately, Brazil’s According to the normative document that cooperation projects with Guinea-Bissau were launched it, the body has a consultative and suspended in 2012, after a coup d’état in the not deliberative mandate. Its purpose is to country. Internationally recognized presiden- incorporate a gender perspective in the formu- tial elections were held in May 2014; currently, lation and execution of public policies within Brazil is analyzing the possibility of resuming the Ministry of Defense’s areas of work. Its cooperation with the country. membership configuration includes almost all Courtesy of Renata Giannini (2011) Brazilian soldiers of the MINUSTAH peacekeeping contingent on a routine patrol in Cité Soleil, Haiti. 190 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 sectors of the ministry: the Minister’s cabinet, the MoD and UN Women regarding how the the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces, Ministry might best implement UNSCR 1325. the Strategic Affairs department, the Joint A second related initiative was the Operations department, the Human Resources Protocol of Intent signed in 2013 between the and Education department, the Pandiá MoD and the National Secretariat for Women’s Calógeras Institute,30 and the Navy, Army, and Policies (the ministry for women’s affairs), Air Force Commands, among others. It can which commits both parties to coordinate also occasionally host representatives of civil efforts while identifying, analyzing, and imple- society and nongovernmental organizations in menting actions and policies to promote gen- its meetings, but only through an official invi- der equality in all phases of peace and security tation. processes. Although the Protocol has produced The Commission’s creation was one of the few concrete results since its signature, one most important steps in a series of initiatives sign of progress is the generally fluid coordina- undertaken during the term of former Minister tion between the MoD and the National of Defense Celso Amorim (2011–2014) and Secretariat. This is because the Ministry leads the current Minister Jaques Wagner (2015– on gender matters and selects the participants present). One of these initiatives was a Letter in all general meetings held by the secretariat of Intent signed in 2011 between the MoD and with other governmental and nongovernmen- UN Women’s office in Brazil. This articulated tal actors, as well as who is invited to the peri- UN Women’s interest in cooperating with the odic discussions on the broader National Plan MoD on: (1) incorporating a gender perspec- on Policies for Women. tive into the training of Brazilian peacekeepers Since its creation, the MoD’s Gender in CCOPAB, (2) advancing South-South coop- Commission has had one training seminar on eration on this matter (mainly through other the Commission’s role in creating gender regional training bodies), and (3) promoting equality in the Brazilian security sector and programs focusing on sport activities with a two operational meetings. Its Plan of Action gender dimension. The letter also set forth the was approved in June 2015. Although the possibility that UN Women would cooperate members have not yet had the opportunity to with the MoD to find ways in which the discuss matters regarding gender equality in Ministry could promote the implementation the Ministry or in the Armed Forces more of UNSCR 1325. It had some significant deeply, one of the Commission’s first activities results, such as the incorporation of manda- will be a research project to assess the status of tory activities on gender into CCOPAB’s cur- the Ministry and the Armed Forces in terms of riculum and the promotion of the campaign gender equality. Even at this preliminary stage, “Unite to End Violence Against Women” dur- it is quite clear that some issues that are per- ing the World Military Games in Rio de Janeiro ceived as taboos, such as sexual abuse, are not in 2011. However, many of the objectives set going to be tackled easily. The Commission’s forth in the letter have not been achieved. work is probably going to be more challenging These include the incorporation of a robust when it comes to the phase of effectively plan- gender module in peacekeepers’ training and ning concrete actions or proposing the promotion of a broader dialogue between PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 191 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA Brazil’s primary initiatives for implementing UNSCR 1325 ■■ South-South cooperation in the area of gender equality and women’s empowerment. ■■ Establishment of an evaluation mechanism of the participation of women in all levels of the defense sector by the South American Defense Council. ■■ Multi-Annual Plan 2012-2015: Expansion of women’s participation, both civilian and military, in peacekeeping operations. ■■ National Plan on Policies for Women: Identify the skills women in the Participation Armed Forces already possess and map those necessary for carrying out peace operations. ■■ The participation of women in the Brazilian contingent deployed to peace operations is only one percent. ■■ The admission of women in military academies is likely to positively impact their participation in peace operations, but the impact of this development will not be seen for another 10 to 15 years. ■■ National Plan on Policies for Women: Enhance peacekeepers’ capacity and training on gender perspective. ■■ National Plan on Policies for Women: Build strategies to combat gender- Protection based violence in the context of humanitarian crises. ■■ Military Prosecution Office overseeing of Brazilian troops’ performance abroad, to maintain the country’s credibility and operational effectiveness in peace operations. ■■ Brazilian Joint Center of Peacekeeping Operations training considers gender as a cross cutting theme and includes it in most courses and preparatory stages for the military to be employed in peacekeeping operations, either on individual missions or as part of a contingent. ■■ National Plan on Policies for Women: Establishment of partnerships to Prevention prevent sexually transmitted diseases/HIV and combat sexual violence as a weapon of war. ■■ South-South technical cooperation (for example, transfer of social tech- nologies). ■■ Civil-military coordination activities (CIMIC) and quick impact projects (QIPs) designed to benefit local women. Gender Mainstreaming ■■ The Ministry of Defense’s Gender Commission and Itamaraty. 192 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 recommendations, though they will not be advanced the discussion around gender, along compulsory due to its consultative mandate. with the personal interest of some key staff Some of the Commission members, rep- members. On the other hand, some important resenting both the military and MoD internal challenges persist, not least the fact that the sectors, support the position that each Force is Commission includes many members without already developing its own path to incorporate much influence in the Ministry and retired women, and that additional measures to accel- military officers who are very resistant to gen- erate women’s inclusion in the combatant der inclusion or who believe that gender branches are unnecessary and could under- equality has already been achieved within the mine efficiency. They argue that: (1) women’s Armed Forces and the MoD. inclusion will jeopardize military missions A National Action Plan for Brazil? since men are naturally protective of women and therefore will be distracted from their mis- The initiatives outlined above show that sion objectives if a woman gets hurt; or (2) Brazil’s efforts to implement UNSCR 1325 and women simply do not have enough physical promote the women, peace, and security strength, meaning that admission and evalua- agenda can have a real impact on the participa- tion parameters would have to be relaxed and tion of women in the country’s peacekeeping operational effectiveness in the field may be activities and have the potential to contribute compromised. to the promotion of gender mainstreaming at The counterarguments are also exposed all levels. At the same time, however, these and debated during the Commission’s meet- actions are diffuse and uncoordinated. This ings, including through presentations of stud- lack of coherence deeply compromises their ies and research that undermine those posi- effectiveness, especially in the long run, as well tions. For example, some months ago the as their accountability. Commission received a legislative consultant Against this backdrop, the adoption of a who is a former military officer from the National Action Plan (NAP) to implement Army’s Special Forces and now covers public UNSCR 1325 could have many positive security and national defense themes at the impacts on the Brazilian case, not least by Parliament. He had just finished a study about strengthening the women, peace, and security female presence in the Brazilian Armed Forces agenda nationally and enabling this agenda to and presented very objective counterarguments evolve independent of any given leadership’s to defend the elimination of limitations on political will or the wider political conjunc- women in the Armed Forces and the opera- ture. At the same time, the process of creating tional contributions they can make. According a NAP itself could be transformative, especially to him, guaranteeing unlimited access to if it is inclusive and democratic, so that women is a “matter of equality and justice.”31 broader swathes of society can engage with it In sum, the Brazilian MoD finds itself at a and be represented by the plan. Specific indica- curious juncture in the gender inclusion tors and accountability mechanisms could debate. On the one hand, the creation of a bolster the implementation process and the Gender Commission and some strategic docu- efficacy of the plan itself, in turn impacting the ments and institutional partnerships have PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 193 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA continuity of Brazil’s engagement with the Forces. In Brazil, this has been consistently WPS agenda. used as a justification for not opening up the However, Brazil has not formally decided military to women, as if their presence would if it will adopt a National Action Plan or impact Brazilian troops’ capacity to act and its instead continue to undertake ad hoc mea- operational effectiveness. In fact, comments sures to implement the UNSCR 1325—a regarding women’s physical capacity to be in debate that is not unusual in the South the front line and how their demise would American context. The countries that have impact the morale of the troops are constantly adopted a NAP so far are largely northern cited as impediments to their effective integra- countries and conflict-affected countries. In tion in combat positions. South America, a generally peaceful region,32 As such, a primary challenge to imple- Chile is the only country that has adopted a menting UNSCR 1325 is the construction of NAP to date, though Argentina has now writ- masculinity itself within Brazilian society. ten (if not yet adopted) its plan. Arguing that the demise of female officers has Many actors who directly engaged in the a bigger impact than that of a male counter- decisionmaking process on this matter argue part, for example, may indicate that female that Brazil already takes enough measures to officers are quickly and often associated with implement UNSCR 1325, even without a spe- wives, sisters, and mothers, rather than col- cific plan of action. Indeed, the federal govern- leagues. In fact, women’s image is commonly ment has already approved and implemented associated with vulnerability and thus the three editions of the Brazilian National Plan need for protection. Having women in com- of Policies for Women, a broad document that batant positions is an inversion of this logic guides Brazilian policies in a way that com- and entails certain challenges for its overall prises all ministries and sectors. This Plan does acceptance. not have, however, significant measures in the Addressing this challenge requires a long- field of peace and security or women in peace- term process of cultural change, not only in keeping. Its main focuses are economic the military, but also more broadly. A general- empowerment and fighting domestic violence ized reconstruction of the role women can play in a domestic rather than the international socially is needed so that, on the one hand, context. more women consider themselves as an abso- lutely fundamental part of peace and security Conclusion processes and of their country’s defense sector Even if uncoordinated, Brazil has taken impor- and, on the other hand, more men recognize tant steps towards the implementation of the importance of including women to achieve UNSCR 1325. At the same time, societal con- sustainable peace and representative defense structions of femininity and masculinity policies. impose practical obstacles to effective imple- Beyond changing mentalities, logistical mentation. It is widely accepted that certain changes are also needed—as well as the time constructions of masculinity are closely tied to and financial investments to implement them. power and the use of force, especially within At a very basic level, infrastructure needs to be very patriarchic institutions such as the Armed adapted so that women can play a role in 194 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 traditionally all-male places, such as military Regardless of which specific strategies are schools and ships. Although the common adopted, it is paramount that the evolution of excuse that “there are no female restrooms” this agenda and its policies become progres- may seem flippant, it is true that some of these sively independent of particular decisionmak- structural changes are costly and require plan- ers and be strengthened as a foreign and ning. In Brazil, however, it is clear that norma- defense policy priority in favor of sustainable tive changes are fundamental to accelerating international peace. PRISM both attitudinal and structural change. The limited participation of Brazilian female officers in peacekeeping operations is a direct consequence of the obstacles facing women at home as they attempt to enter the highest and most traditional schools of the Armed Forces, mainly the Army, and the com- batant branches. At the same time, Brazil has not traditionally contributed civilian person- nel to UN peacekeeping missions alongside its military contributions, which also reduces women’s participation in international peace and security processes. Therefore, the country should pursue a double strategy of accelerating equal access for both men and women to the highest levels of the Army and Navy’s combat- ant branches and promoting civilian participa- tion in peacekeeping as well. Brazil finds itself at an interesting juncture regarding the WPS agenda. Although the sub- ject’s impact in the general media and the Parliament is still limited, some important institutional actors such as the MoD, CCOPAB, and the Ministry of External Relations are con- sidering new possibilities and inclusive poli- cies in peacekeeping. Brazilian think tanks such as the Igarapé Institute and the Pandiá Calógeras Institute, alongside international organizations such as UN Women, are also helping to advance the agenda in the country through collaboration, research, and debate. A significant question that remains is whether Brazil will adopt a National Action Plan to unify and accelerate its efforts in this field. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 195 GIANNINI, LIMA, AND PEREIRA Notes en/peacekeeping/resources/statistics/contributors. shtml>. 13 Eduarda Hamann, “A força de uma trajetória: 1 The authors are fully responsible for the O Brasil e as Operações de Paz da ONU (1948- opinions and ideas presented here, which do not 2015).” Igarapé Institute Strategic Note 19 (2015). correspond necessarily to the official positions of the 196 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 BRAZIL AND UN SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 1325 26 The final report is expected to come out by the end of 2015. 27 “Mission of the Center.” Brazilian Peace Operations Joint Training Center Photos Page 178. Photo by Ricardo Stuckert/PR. 2004. Brazilian Army soldiers, part of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. From PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 197 AUTHOR Collin Anderson A young child protests in Yemen against the ruling class. 198 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 1 Inclusive Political Settlements New Insights from Yemen’s National Dialogue BY THANIA PAFFENHOLZ AND NICK ROSS1 eriods of exceptionally high social and political conflict present an opportunity for the fundamental remaking of a society. These conflicts are often resolved outside normal Ppolitical institutions—whether through expanded police powers due to the declaration of a state of emergency, outright military victory in a civil war, the collapse of the old political order, or through the renegotiation of the political order by peace agreement, a political transition, or both. Since the 1990s, negotiated settlements have become important vehicles to renegotiate the social contract of countries. More recently, negotiation processes that provide for the inclusion of additional actors (e.g., civil society, political hardliners, women’s groups, religious organiza- tions, etc.) aside from the primary political—often armed—parties have become more common. National Dialogues (sometimes called National Conferences) are a highly inclusive negotiation format, involving large segments of civil society, politicians, and experts, and are usually convened in order to negotiate major political reforms or peace in complex and fragmented conflict envi- ronments, or to draft a new constitution. The objective of this article is to analyze the Comprehensive National Dialogue Conference for a New Yemen held between 2013 and 2014. The article begins with a summary of the theory and practice of inclusive negotiations. We then describe briefly the context and process of the Yemeni National Dialogue Conference (NDC), including the challenges and successes of the process. Finally, we analyze these challenges and success factors with reference to the findings of the “Broadening Participation” project at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies. Thania Paffenholz is Director of the Inclusive Peace and Transition Initiative (IPTI) at The Graduate Institute in Geneva. Nicholas Ross is a Research Assistant at the Inclusive Peace and Transition Initiative (IPTI) at The Graduate Institute in Geneva. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 199 PAFFENHOLZ AND ROSS Inclusive Negotiations in Theory and the international community (as in the Yemeni Practice NDC). Another important reason to pursue inclu- Mediation practitioners generally argue that sive negotiation processes is that they can offer broadening participation in negotiations a way to address the underlying causes of con- unnecessarily complicates the process of reach- flict, particularly the dimension of exclusion. ing an agreement by increasing the number of Research has clearly demonstrated that exclu- positions represented in negotiations. sion—in particular, exclusion based around However, new research from the Graduate issues of ethnic, religious, or cultural iden- Institute of International and Development tity—is one of the most important factors asso- Studies in Geneva challenges this narrative ciated with overall violence,3 civil war,4 state with evidence.2 Studying 40 qualitative in- failure,5 and economic underdevelopment.6 depth cases of inclusive negotiations from This is particularly pertinent to the National 1990 to 2013, this research shows that inclu- Dialogue format, which is often implemented sive processes have a far higher likelihood of at pivotal moments—windows of opportu- agreements being reached and implemented. nity—for inclusive political reforms, and in However, this only holds if additionally response to disenchantment with the prevail- included actors had significant influence on ing exclusive political order. Little is known the process. This finding also challenges previ- about how some societies are able to reach ous simple correlations which hold that a stable, inclusive, political settlements, while mere increase in the number of actors will lead others experience decades of social conflict to more peace. over access to an exclusionary form of power. Inclusive negotiations are usually held in In particular, the relationship between inclu- order to increase general public support, or to sive political negotiations and subsequent gain the buy-in of a particular constituency. political practice and institutionalization is Mediators and external actors also push for poorly understood. inclusion for normative reasons. Actors may be Inclusive negotiations occasionally lead to included out of a commitment to democratic more liberal and democratic political practice, values of participation, or a commitment to as seen in the political transition and constitu- the human right to participate, both in general tion writing process in South Africa between and for particular groups, such as the commit- 1990 and 1997; whereas, in other cases, they ment to the inclusion of women by all UN can provoke decidedly illiberal and repressive agencies pursuant to UN Security Council reactions. Converting inclusive political nego- Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, adopted in 2000. tiations to ongoing inclusive political practice It is important to note that, unlike other is a particular challenge for women, who often actors, women are almost never included for struggle to ensure the recognition and repre- pragmatic reasons. Instead, women’s inclusion sentation promised in peace and transition only occurs through the advocacy and support agreements. The recently concluded aforemen- of women’s organizations within a country (as tioned multi-year research project entitled can be seen in the recent peace process in “Broadening Participation in Political Colombia), or due to external pressure from Negotiations and Implementation” sheds light 200 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS on the dynamics allowing some inclusive therefore, often vested with the hope that they negotiations to generate inclusive social con- can address the dimension of exclusion under- tracts, while others find their influence severely lying a conflict, and renegotiate a more inclu- constrained, or their inclusive program vetoed sive social contract or political settlement. by powerful elites or recalcitrant armed groups. National Dialogues have recently been held in The Broadening Participation project Tunisia and Yemen, but have previously found that for included actors to be able to appeared under different names in different change the nature of the political settlement contexts, such as Round Table Negotiations (in through an inclusive negotiation process, sev- Central Europe after 1989) or National eral essential components must be addressed. Conferences (in West Africa in the early Included actors must have some significant 1990s), where they have been used to find degree of influence over the negotiations. common ground on the future direction of the Influence requires included actors to have the country. capacity to make their preferences heard dur- National Dialogue in Yemen ing a negotiation process, and ensure the appearance of those preferences in any result- The Yemeni National Dialogue Conference ing agreement or political configuration. It (NDC), held from March 18, 2013 to January also requires that the negotiations not be 21, 2014, hoped to bring about a peaceful derailed, ignored, or superseded by national transformation of the civil strife precipitated elites, regional powers, or armed groups. by the Arab Spring protests and the resignation This is no doubt an exacting set of precon- of the former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, but ditions, and inclusive negotiation processes suffered from longstanding problems of poor frequently fail to achieve the hopes of their governance and social and political exclusion. supporters. However, cases such as Northern Alongside general geographic, gender, eco- Ireland—where the Good Friday and St. nomic, and demographic causes of exclusion, Andrews Agreements, which included broadly exclusion issues related to the 1990 unification representative constituencies through political of the Republic of Yemen—comprised of the parties with widespread electoral support, put Yemen Arab Republic (in the north) and the an end to decades of bloody and divisive con- People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (in the flict—show that a lasting and inclusive peace south)—played an important role. The is not an unattainable goal. unequal terms of the unification, which com- National Dialogues are an inclusive nego- bined two very different polities with well- tiation format usually pursued in cases where entrenched political leaderships under a cen- the entire social contract is to be rethought tralized government, rapidly led to a civil war, and renegotiated. Unlike negotiation formats which was won by the Northern forces led by that pursue broader inclusion through consul- President Saleh in 1994. After the civil war, the tations or referenda, National Dialogues gener- marginalization of the South, as compared to ally bring a wide variety of societal actors to sit the North, became more egregious. In addi- at the same table as powerful political elites, tion, an essentially Zaydi Shia political confed- including representatives of political parties eracy from northwest Yemen, known as Ansar and armed groups. National Dialogues are, Allah (the “Supporters of God,” a.k.a. “the PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 201 PAFFENHOLZ AND ROSS Houthis,” after their late founder Hussein So why was the successfully-concluded Badreddin al-Houthi), built a substantial base Yemeni NDC not successfully implemented? of supporters among those disenchanted with The NDC was meant to be an inclusive and the corruption of the Saleh government and participatory response to the primarily elite the economic marginalization of the north- deal negotiated and agreed to in November western area around Sa’ada. This led to six 2011 between northern, southern, and central rounds of major fighting between Houthi and elites, presided over by the Gulf Cooperation central government forces between 2004 and Council (GCC). After a massive wave of pro- 2011 . tests in 2011, the November deal saw the resig- The hope, at least among international nation of President Saleh, his replacement by supporters of the NDC, including the United his deputy, Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, and the Nations, as well as core constituencies of the formation of a Government of National Unity protests, such as women and youth, was that led by opposition groups, known as the Joint the NDC would bring about a new, inclusive Meeting Party (JMP), and the General People’s political settlement for Yemen. The Yemeni Congress (GPC, Saleh and Hadi’s Party which NDC was concluded in January 2014, touted had dominated politics in Yemen for decades). by UN Special Advisor on Yemen Jamal These deals reflected the preexisting configura- Benomar as “a model for comprehensive tion of elite politics in Yemen and excluded national dialogue, based on transparency, important constituencies central to the Arab inclusivity, and active and meaningful partici- Spring protests, including young people and pation of all political and social constituen- women. However, this is not always a factor cies.”7 Yet, by late 2014, the country began that prevents sustainable and inclusive solu- spiraling into factional violence followed by a tions to political change from occurring. war involving neighboring Saudi Arabia and Exclusive elite deals have been followed by the other countries from the region. successful implementation of inclusive transi- tion processes in other countries, as seen, for Ibrahem Qasim Air strike in Sana'a 202 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS example, in the Solomon Islands from 2000 to they would take into account all recommenda- 2013. This highlights the importance of articu- tions of the NDC in drafting the constitution lating an inclusive implementation process in and that the constitution would not go against the initial, exclusive deal. In this regard, the any of the recommendations. NDC was started with the right goal. It was In terms of selection criteria for participa- intended to be representative of the country’s tion, the NDC operated on the basis of quotas, demographics, and not only of the politically with 40 seats each allocated to youth, women, powerful. and civil society (i.e., each group would con- stitute 7.08 percent—and, together, 21+ per- A Promising Design cent—of the 565 NDC delegates), which were To understand the successes of the NDC and intended to be independent constituencies the failure to implement them, we will first (though in practice this did not always occur). look at the NDC’s process design followed by In addition, the (other) various political fac- an analysis of the context in which the NDC tions were to include representation of 50 per- took place. The Broadening Participation proj- cent southerners, 30 percent women, and 20 ect identified the following design elements as percent youth.9 All constituencies, even the crucial factors for successful achievement and predominantly northern-based Houthis, con- implementation of such a transition process: sented to these quota provisions as they con- the mandate of a Dialogue; the procedures put ferred the moral weight of the status of in place to select participants, conduct the dia- national (rather than regional) political actors. logue, and make decisions; and the available The Houthis received 35 seats; Islah, a support structures. How were these elements political party formerly in the opposition, addressed in the Yemeni case? received 50; and al Hiraak, also known as the The mandate of a National Dialogue refers Southern Movement, received 85 seats. By to the specific objectives of the negotiation comparison, the GPC received 112, and an process, as well as the degree of authority del- additional 62 seats were allocated at President egated to the dialogue. The Gulf Cooperation Hadi’s discretion. These discretionary seats Council Agreement, which set out the transi- were used by Hadi to include important polit- tion process in Yemen, mandated that the ical figures in Yemen who did not fit into one Yemeni NDC initiate an “open conversation of the main political parties, including tribal about the future of the country.”8 It was not elders, senior civil servants, and members of mandated to draft or approve a new constitu- the judiciary. It is important to note that all tion. The GCC Agreement seems to suggest parties consented to the initial allocation of that the NDC findings would be taken into delegate spots to the NDC, so there is no evi- account as recommendations by the dence to suggest that the disparity in dialogue Constitutional Drafting Commission (CDC); seats had any impact on the process. in fact, this was what happened in practice, The Yemeni NDC was an extensively though the agreement was not explicit about inclusive body, though women and youth how and to what extent the CDC would take groups nonetheless felt unfairly marginalized into account the findings of the NDC. When by quotas less than what they had hoped for, the CDC was sworn in, they had to swear that and accused the process of having been PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 203 PAFFENHOLZ AND ROSS hijacked by traditional political elites. political parties and other elites had a lot of Selection of the independent constituencies say in the selection of the independents. was done by the Technical Preparatory Decisionmaking procedures—the formal Committee (TPC) for the Comprehensive structure through which decisions are taken National Dialogue Conference, which adver- and a final outcome is reached—are a key fac- tised throughout the country, saying there was tor in the design of negotiations. going be a number of seats reserved for each Decisionmaking procedures can negate the group. People then applied to be part of the benefits of inclusion by sidelining included conference, and there was a remarkable actors or marginalizing their contributions. For response with around 10,000 applications example, in almost all of the National received in just two weeks. Dialogues studied in the Broadening Though some applications were clearly Participation project, despite widespread con- connected to better-known conflict and politi- sultation with all groups, ultimate decision- cal parties, others were more genuinely repre- making power rested with a small group of sentative of civil society and social networks. already powerful actors. The Yemeni NDC was Given the proliferation of civil society groups unusual in this respect, in that decisionmaking and actors seeking access to the negotiations, was both based on consensus and binding. In as well as security issues and the deliberate terms of decisionmaking, the NDC was attempts of some armed groups to access nego- divided into nine Working Groups (WGs). tiations under the civil society banner, it was While each WG could organize its own agenda hard to determine the “independence” of and conduct of discussions, decisionmaking some actors from conflict parties or others was to be by NDC “consensus” defined, in the who were already represented. A TPC subcom- first round, as no more than 10 percent of del- mittee of 10 went through the applications egates objecting, and, should there be need for attempting to achieve representation from all a second round, by a vote of 75 percent in 21 Governorates, as well as demographic bal- favor. Seventy-five percent of the members of ance and diverse geographic representation so the “the Southern Issue” working group were as to ensure the widest degree of diversity and “southerners,” 50 percent of whom were from inclusion. The subcommittee selection process the Southern Hiraq constituency—an effort was conducted on a highly personal basis, and aimed at ensuring that southerners concurred involved reading through applications and with any decision specifically affecting their looking for family names that the committee status and situation. members recognized from certain regions. The Another important process factor identi- committee then looked deeper into these indi- fied by the Broadening Participation project viduals, by calling personal contacts in these was the presence of support structures for cities or regions to ask about the legitimacy of included actors. The Political Development these individuals as civil society actors. Forum, a small Yemeni NGO, set up a joint Nevertheless, it is important to note that “1.5 track”10 forum, entitled the “National efforts to ensure the autonomy of independent Dialogue Support Program,” together with the constituencies were far from perfect, and the Berghof Foundation, in order to facilitate dia- logue between stakeholders after the signing 204 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS of the GCC Initiative Agreement. Their power-sharing in the region and in Yemen. The National Dialogue Support Program can be commitment to equal North/South representa- considered track 1.5, as it enjoyed high-level tion in the parliament and the military was participation, including several former Yemeni also an important inclusive policy. In addition, Prime Ministers. Moreover, it set up various women and other delegates in favor of a gen- local dialogue networks, which were later uti- der quota in the Yemeni government were able lized by the NDC working groups for regional to secure the endorsement of a recommenda- public meetings. tion in the NDC Outcome Document that at Considering these factors, the Yemeni least 30 percent of those serving in all levels of NDC seemed well set up to allow included government be women. actors to have substantial influence. Indeed, The recommendations of the NDC were women, youth, and civil society constituencies, then submitted to the Constitutional Drafting had they operated as cohesive blocs, would Committee (CDC), which was smaller and less have had veto power over the consensus posi- inclusive than the NDC. Hadi allocated the 17 tion for each of the WGs, except for the WG on seats in the committee personally, and most the Southern Issue. This is an unusually high seats went to representatives of Islah and the degree of influence to be given to such con- GPC parties, while the Houthis were excluded. stituencies, as compared to other National Prior to the CDC, Hadi convened a small com- Dialogues. The Broadening Participation proj- mittee to settle the issue of the federal struc- ect, through researching 22 cases, found that ture of the Yemeni state. This became a subject National Dialogues often struggle to make the of extensive debate and dispute in the transition from consultations and recommen- Southern Working Group and resulted in the dations to concrete policy action because of a establishment of a 16-person North-South lack of clear decisionmaking procedures. This committee (also known as the 8+8) to resolve allows already powerful elites to simply ignore the deadlock.11 The North-South committee the outcomes of National Dialogues, or under- was also unable to resolve the dispute about mine them in the implementation stage. the structure of a federal Yemeni state; how- The NDC was brought to a close on ever, it was able to secure an in-principle com- January 21, 2014. Hadi’s decision to close the mitment to federalism. The federal structure dialogue occurred in the context of a longer subsequently proposed by Hadi’s specially than expected dialogue process and the assas- convened committee did not grant the sination of Ahmed Sharaf al-Din, a law profes- Houthis’ political strongholds in the sor and member of the Houthi delegation, on Governorates of Amran, Sa’ada, and Dhamar, the final day of the conference, prompting the access to Yemen’s oil and gas resources, or withdrawal of Houthi delegates. The Yemeni access to the sea.12 The Houthis perceived this NDC’s recommendations, which numbered as yet another move to marginalize them; they over 1,800, included a variety of inclusive pol- responded with an insurgency against the cen- icies. While some have criticized the vision of tral government and seized the capital of a federal structure in which the South only Sana’a in September of 2014. received two states to the North’s four, this was As of late 2015, Yemen is divided between nevertheless a landmark achievement of multiple claimants to executive authority: the PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 205 PAFFENHOLZ AND ROSS Houthis, who currently occupy the capital Despite the good overall process design, Sana’a, a coalition made up of the exiled Hadi there were a number of process flaws. First, government, as well as a variety of interna- despite the quota system, Southern representa- tional backers including Saudi Arabia, the tion was problematic: the al Hiraak faction was United Arab Emirates, and Egypt. The Houthi treated as a political party in the selection pro- forces are supported by Iran and are currently cedures for the NDC, analogous to the GPC; allied with militia groups loyal to former pres- whereas, in reality it is more of a leaderless ident Saleh. The conflict between these fac- political movement. Due to the difficulties in tions has already claimed nearly 6,000 lives applying an internal nomination process in a and caused a humanitarian crisis in Southern factionalized and acephalous movement, the Yemen. Peace talks between the two sides may al Hiraak constituency was in effect chosen by soon take place in Geneva, accompanied by a Hadi.13 This substantially undermined the ceasefire. legitimacy of Southern representation in the NDC. It also meant that the al Hiraak repre- Challenges to an Inclusive Settlement and Its Implementation sentatives that signed the North-South com- mittee’s “just solution”—a document affirming How, with this in mind, can we evaluate the a commitment to a federal structure of the successes and failures of the Yemeni NDC, in Yemeni state—were not in a position to guar- the context of the overall transition process? antee the support of the entire al Hiraak move- The experience of the Yemeni NDC reveals ment, as the “hardliners” represented the important lessons about the difficulty of con- majority of the South, whereas the “moder- verting inclusive dialogues and negotiations ates” were close to Hadi. into an inclusive and sustainable political Second, included actors did not use the settlement. Inclusive agreements may fail in full extent of the influence they were given. the implementation phase and generally do so Even though the “independent” included due to either weaknesses in the design of the actors in the Yemeni NDC (young people, process, or adverse context factors which have women, and civil society) technically consti- not been offset in the negotiations. Problems tuted a potential veto bloc, they were unable arose for the NDC at three points. First, the to agree on more than a narrow range of issues NDC had some internal process design flaws. during the negotiations. This limited the Second, the overarching transition process, of capacity of these groups to wield influence which the NDC was a part, was insufficiently over the negotiations. Given that the “indepen- inclusive. Third, there were a number of dent” actors arrived only shortly before the adverse contextual factors that were exacer- beginning of the process and came from all bated by or not addressed in the transition over the country with different political back- process. The main contextual factors that were grounds, the formation of genuine “constitu- not addressed were the lack of full cooperation encies” with common interests was difficult. and commitment of major political elites in The Broadening Participation project found the country, the political interests of regional that the capacity of included actors to reach a actors, as well as diminishing public support common position on issues of importance over time. depends on the overall level of capacity and 206 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS preparedness of included actors, as well as the Third, the level of discretion afforded to existence of social polarization or (non-)cohe- Hadi in the process may have facilitated a stra- sion. Nevertheless, common positioning can tegic miscalculation: the marginalization of be supported by the provision of preparatory the Houthis in the post-NDC federal structure workshops that bring together diverse groups of the state.14 It is possible that had the NDC of included actors. Such workshops did in fact itself maintained control over the design of the occur in the lead-up to the Yemeni NDC; how- federal structure of the Yemeni state, despite ever, they were of a very short duration. This is, the difficulties experienced in reaching com- unfortunately, a common feature of prepara- promise on this issue, the marginalization of tory workshops, in which a wide variety of the Houthis might have been avoided. diverse actors are asked to build trust and Additionally, the prior allocation of delegates cohesion in a period ranging from a single by the Technical Committee to Prepare for the afternoon to a week. Another weakness in pro- Comprehensive National Dialogue Conference cess design relates to the selection of represen- had the effect of fixing the relative power of the tatives of the independent constituencies, as various armed parties within the NDC, com- political factions worked hard to stack these pletely independent of the changing realities constituencies with their own supporters of military power on the ground. (apparently with at least some success). Al Jazeera English Yemeni protestors, August 2011. PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 207 PAFFENHOLZ AND ROSS Fourth, the designers of the process may The political influence of regional actors have been overly focused on the NDC, at the is decisive for peace and transition processes expense of the broader political transition con- and has often been more important than that text. In the approximately three years between of other international actors.17 This is espe- Saleh’s resignation and the conclusion of the cially true when regional actors feel that their NDC, most of the important political posi- core national interests are at stake. The Yemeni tions in the country remained divided among NDC was itself a regional initiative formed in the former elites. This was a product of the a partnership between the United Nations, elite GCC Agreement. President Hadi was which was concerned about the potential for a Saleh’s former deputy, and the transitional weakened and fractured Yemeni state becom- government was divided between Saleh’s GPC ing a haven for extremist organizations, and and the former opposition coalition, with its the six countries of the regional Gulf most prominent member being al-Islah, a firm Cooperation Council. This regional coalition ally of the Saleh regime for decades. In stark had two important negative impacts on the contrast with the National Dialogue process, process. First, during the early stages of the neither the non-elite political factions (the transition, the Gulf States were more focused Houthis, al Hiraak, etc.) nor the independent on political unrest at home—as well on the constituencies were given a role in the transi- more strategically important countries of tional government. Hadi’s transitional govern- Egypt, Iraq, and Syria—and remained less than ment was reportedly more corrupt and dys- involved in the ongoing process in Yemen. functional than even that of the Saleh regime.15 Second, major regional power Saudi Arabia Infighting between governing factions meant had two goals in the transition that added services were not delivered, contributing to complexity to the negotiations. Saudi Arabia growing public alienation from the central has an uneasy relationship with its own Shia government and the increasing power of alter- minority population, and with Shia powers in native governing structures throughout the the region, and was anxious about the emer- country, including the Houthis.16 This experi- gence of a Zaydi Shia Houthi-governed federal ence illustrates the importance of thinking region bordering its own Shia-majority territo- holistically about process design and context ries in the South. The Houthi insurgency also in political transitions. Even considering the became entangled in the longstanding contest extensively inclusive negotiation process tak- between Iran and Saudi Arabia for regional ing place in the NDC, the experience of the influence. majority of Yemenis between 2011 and 2014 Conclusion was of everyday governance, not of ambitious political negotiations. A transitional arrange- The Yemeni NDC is a landmark National ment which excluded most constituencies Dialogue due to its substantial and careful aside from the political elite and continued the elaboration, the high initial hopes for its suc- same corrupt governing practices that had pre- cess, and its highly inclusive design and pro- cipitated the collapse of the previous regime cess in a context where political exclusion had was unlikely to be able to maintain the confi- been a longstanding norm. The Yemeni NDC dence of the population over three years. is also a prominent reference point in the 208 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 INCLUSIVE POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS experience of many peacebuilding profession- short-term. The focus of attention should, als. Beyond Yemen, the National Dialogue for- therefore, be on creating not only the process, mat remains prominent and continues to be but also the political conditions (i.e., the vested with hope as a way of achieving a more power) for influential participation of margin- inclusive political settlement in a variety of alized actors. Hence, continued efforts to sup- contexts, with national dialogue projects being port the vitality of Yemeni civil society and proposed or underway in Myanmar, the democratic constituencies still have the poten- Central African Republic, Sudan, Nigeria, tial to bear fruit. PRISM Ukraine, and Lebanon. Therefore, it is impor- tant to arrive at a clear picture of what went wrong in the Yemeni NDC, as well as of its Notes strengths. The most important question is whether a differently designed National 1 The authors would like to thank Marie- Dialogue process, or an alternative negotiation Christine Heintze, John Packer, Marie O’Reilly, and Hilary Matfess for substantive reviews of this article, format, could have produced a stable and as well as Amal Basha and Eckhard Volkmann, for more democratic political settlement in comments. 2 Yemen. This article illustrates that there were Results are drawn from the project “Broadening Participation in Political Negotiations several core points of contention among the and Implementation” (2011-2015). The data from the major armed parties to the negotiations. These project is now housed at the Inclusive Peace and were related to the issues of federalism versus Transitions Initiative also at the Graduate Institute of secession, and the regional distribution of International and Development Studies. The case study phase of the project was conducted in coopera- power in the new Yemeni state. We argue that tion with Dr. Esra Çuhadar at Bilkent University in the design of the dialogue and the overall pro- Ankara; case study research additionally benefitted cess was not sufficient to allow the various fac- from a cooperation with Tufts University in Boston. A tions in Yemen to reach a consensus on these special word of thanks goes to the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue and Conciliation Resources issues. In addition, the focus on a highly inclu- for ongoing advice to the project. sive National Dialogue was not accompanied 3 Frances Stewart, Horizontal inequalities as a by attention to the dysfunctional and elite cause of conflict: a review of CRISE findings (Oxford: Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security nature of ongoing government in Yemen, and Ethnicity at Oxford University, 2010). which cost the transition process public sup- 4 Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler, “On economic port. causes of civil war,” Oxford Economic Papers 50, no. 4 These weaknesses aside, the outcomes of (1998): 563-573. 5 Alina Rocha Menocal, Inclusive political the Yemeni NDC remain an important moral settlements: evidence, gaps, and challenges of institutional weight in the country, and the 2014 constitu- transformation (Birmingham: International tion is likely to be an important aspect of any Development Department at the University of future political transition. It is crucial to safe- Birmingham, 2015): 13. 6 Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, Why guard the gains of the process as next steps to Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty come in Yemen. Further, the Yemeni NDC pro- (New York: Crown Business, 2012). 7 cess demonstrates that the empowerment of “Senior UN official congratulates Yemen on concluding National Dialogue,” UN News Centre, actors marginalized for decades is a long-term January 21, 2014, PRISM 6, no. 1 FROM THE FIELD | 209 PAFFENHOLZ AND ROSS 8 “Agreement on the implementation mecha- Photos nism for the transition process in Yemen in accor- dance with the initiative of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC),” unofficial translation of the original Page 198. Photo by Collin Anderson. 2011. Yemen Arabic text, Paragraph 15.G (2011). 210 | FROM THE FIELD PRISM 6, no. 1 Center for Complex Operations (CCO) CCO Was Established to: Enhancing the U.S. Government’s Ability to Prepare for ■■ Serve as an information clearinghouse and knowledge Complex Operations manager for complex operations training and education, acting as a central repository for information on areas such CCO, a center within the Institute for National Strategic as training and curricula, training and education provider Studies at National Defense University, links U.S. Government institutions, complex operations events, and subject education and training institutions, including related centers matter experts of excellence, lessons learned programs, and academia, to foster unity of effort in reconstruction and stability ■■ Develop a complex operations training and education operations, counterinsurgency, and irregular warfare— community of practice to catalyze innovation and collectively called “complex operations.” The Department of development of new knowledge, connect members for Defense, with support from the State Department and U.S. networking, share existing knowledge, and cultivate Agency for International Development, established CCO as foundations of trust and habits of collaboration across an innovative interagency partnership. the community ■■ Serve as a feedback and information conduit to the Office of the Secretary of Defense and broader U.S. Government policy leadership to support guidance and problem-solving across the community of practice ■■ Enable more effective networking, coordination, and synchronization to support the preparation of Department of Defense and other U.S. Government personnel for complex operations ■■ Support lessons learned processes and best practices compilation in the area of complex operations ■■ Identify education and training gaps in the Department of Defense and other Federal departments and agencies and facilitate efforts to fill those gaps. Visit the CCO Web site at: http://ccoportal.org Subscriptions for individuals: http://bookstore.gpo.gov Note from the Editor: The Center for Complex Operations has removed “Unconventional Challenges and Nontraditional Roles for Armed Forces: the Case for Rwanda” by Frank Rusagara from PRISM V.3, N.1, on the CCO website, due to allegations concerning its originality. The Editor of PRISM wishes to express his regret for any inconvenience or professional discourtesy the publication may have inadvertently caused. The Institute for Inclusive Security A Program of Hunt Alternatives Fund www.ndu.edu