Casebook on Insurgency and Revolutionary Warfare Volume I
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George Mcturnan Kahin, 1918-2000
George McTurnan Kahin, 1918-2000 The following tributes were composed by members of the Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, in honor of George Kahin. The eulogies by Stanley J. O'Connor and Thak Chaloemtiarana were delivered at the memorial service for George Kahin, February 4, 2000, Ithaca, NY. Benedict Anderson's tribute was delivered at the Celebration of the Life of George McTurnan Kahin, May 6, 2000, Ithaca, NY. George Kahin was a national figure, and his life and career are being recounted in major newspapers. Of this there will be much telling abroad as well. But our loss is local and felt deeply. He was the bedrock on which many of us based our professional lives. We have all been touched by his warmth, his kindness, and made better by his example of courage, integrity, and his patient devotion to our corporate life. His passing brings a chill blast of mortality, a keen apprehension of the fragility of life and the tenuousness of the threads that bind us to each other. I would remind you that a tree was planted in George's honor at the center of the university—out on the contained immensity of the Arts Quadrangle. Today, its wet black branches are bare, but burgeoning life will return with the spring. And, across the Quadrangle, the library, with shelves stretching in the deep structure of its orders, fills silently with Southeast Asian witness, a consequence, in part, of George's advocacy and stewardship with Program funds. Many more books will flow out of the quiet labor now underway at the Kahin Center for Advanced Research on Southeast Asia. -
Tunisian Islamism Beyond Democratization
Tunisian Islamism beyond Democratization Fabio Merone Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Political and Social Sciences Promotor: Prof. dr. Sami Zemni 1 Acknowledgments This dissertation is the outcome of several years of work and research. Such an achievement is not possible without the help and support of many people. First and foremost, I wish to present my special thanks to Pr. Francesco Cavatorta. He met me in Tunisia and stimulated this research project. He was a special assistant and colleague throughout the long path to the achievement of this work. I would like to show my gratitude in the second place to a special person who enjoyed to be called Abou al-Mouwahed. He was my privileged guide to the world of the Salafist sahwa (revival) and of its young constituency. Thirdly, I would like to pay my regards to my supervisor, pr. Sami Zemni, that proposed to join the friendly and intellectually creative MENARG group and always made me feel an important member of it. I would like to thank also all those whose assistance proved to be a milestone in the accomplishment of my end goal, in particular to all Tunisians that shared with me the excitement and anxiety of that period of amazing historical transformation. Last, but not least, I would like to show my warm thank to my sweet daughter that grew up together with this research, and my wife, both paying sometimes the prize of a hard and tiring period of life. This research project was funded in several periods. -
Coup D'etat Events, 1946-2012
COUP D’ÉTAT EVENTS, 1946-2015 CODEBOOK Monty G. Marshall and Donna Ramsey Marshall Center for Systemic Peace May 11, 2016 Overview: This data list compiles basic descriptive information on all coups d’état occurring in countries reaching a population greater than 500,000 during the period 1946-2015. For purposes of this compilation, a coup d’état is defined as a forceful seizure of executive authority and office by a dissident/opposition faction within the country’s ruling or political elites that results in a substantial change in the executive leadership and the policies of the prior regime (although not necessarily in the nature of regime authority or mode of governance). Social revolutions, victories by oppositional forces in civil wars, and popular uprisings, while they may lead to substantial changes in central authority, are not considered coups d’état. Voluntary transfers of executive authority or transfers of office due to the death or incapacitance of a ruling executive are, likewise, not considered coups d’état. The forcible ouster of a regime accomplished by, or with the crucial support of, invading foreign forces is not here considered a coup d’état. The dataset includes four types of coup events: successful coups, attempted (failed) coups, coup plots, and alleged coup plots. In order for a coup to be considered “successful” effective authority must be exercised by new executive for at least one month. We are confident that the list of successful coups is comprehensive. Our confidence in the comprehensiveness of the coup lists diminishes across the remaining three categories: good coverage (reporting) of attempted coups and more questionable quality of coverage/reporting of coup plots (“discovered” and alleged). -
9 the Beautiful Skulls of Schiller and the Georgian Girl Quantitative and Aesthetic Scaling of the Races, 1770–1850
9 The beautiful skulls of Schiller and the Georgian girl Quantitative and aesthetic scaling of the races, 1770–1850 Robert J. Richards Isak Dinesen, in one of her gothic tales about art and memory, spins a story of a nobleman’s startling recognition of a prostitute he once loved and abandoned. He saw her likeness in the beauty of a young woman’s skull used by an artist friend. After we had discussed his pictures, and art in general, he said that he would show me the prettiest thing that he had in his studio. It was a skull from which he was drawing. He was keen to explain its rare beauty to me. “It is really,” he said, “the skull of a young woman [. .].” The white polished bone shone in the light of the lamp, so pure. And safe. In those few seconds I was taken back to my room [. .] with the silk fringes and the heavy curtains, on a rainy night of fifteen years before. (Dinesen 1991, 106‒107)1 The skulls pictured in Figure 9.1 have also been thought rare beauties and evocative of something more. On the left is the skull of a nameless, young Caucasian female from the Georgian region. Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, the great anatomist and naturalist, celebrated this skull, prizing it because of “the admirable beauty of its formation” (bewundernswerthen Schönheit seiner Bildung). He made the skull an aesthetic standard, and like the skull in Dinesen’s tale, it too recalled a significant history (Blumenbach 1802, no. 51). She was a young woman captured during the Russo-Turkish war (1787–1792) and died in prison; her dissected skull had been sent to Blumenbach in 1793 (Dougherty and Klatt 2006‒2015, IV, 256‒257). -
And the Hamitic Hypothesis
religions Article Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and the Hamitic Hypothesis Justin Michael Reed Department of Biblical Studies, Louisville Presbyterian Theological Seminary, Louisville, KY 40205, USA; [email protected] Abstract: In this essay, I consider how the racial politics of Ridley Scott’s whitewashing of ancient Egypt in Exodus: Gods and Kings intersects with the Hamitic Hypothesis, a racial theory that asserts Black people’s inherent inferiority to other races and that civilization is the unique possession of the White race. First, I outline the historical development of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Then, I highlight instances in which some of the most respected White intellectuals from the late-seventeenth through the mid-twentieth century deploy the hypothesis in assertions that the ancient Egyptians were a race of dark-skinned Caucasians. By focusing on this detail, I demonstrate that prominent White scholars’ arguments in favor of their racial kinship with ancient Egyptians were frequently burdened with the insecure admission that these ancient Egyptian Caucasians sometimes resembled Negroes in certain respects—most frequently noted being skin color. In the concluding section of this essay, I use Scott’s film to point out that the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in its racial discourse has transformed a racial perception of the ancient Egyptian from a dark-skinned Caucasian into a White person with appearance akin to Northern European White people. Keywords: Ham; Hamite; Egyptian; Caucasian; race; Genesis 9; Ridley Scott; Charles Copher; Samuel George Morton; James Henry Breasted Citation: Reed, Justin Michael. 2021. Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and Religions the Hamitic Hypothesis. -
The 'Argentine Problem' : an Analysis of Political Instability in a Modern Society
THE 'ARGENTINE PROBLEM7: AN ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN A MODERN SOCIETY Alphonse Victor Mallette B.A., University of Lethbridge, 1980 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS @ Alphonse Victor Mallette 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY June, 1986 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, proJect or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for flnanclal gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay Author: -. - rJ (date) -.-.--ABSTRACT This thesis is designed to explain, through political and historical analysis, a phenomenon identified by scholars of pol- itical development as the "Argentine Problem". Argentina is seen as a paradox, a nation which does not display the political stab- ility commensurate with its level of socio-economic development. The work also seeks to examine the origins and policies of the most serious manifestation of dictatorial rule in the nation's history, the period of military power from 1976 to 1983. -
180203 the Argentine Military and the Antisubversivo Genocide
Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo” Genocide DerGhougassian and Brumat The Argentine Military and the “Antisubversivo ” Genocide: The School of Americas’ Contribution to the French Counterinsurgency Model Khatchik DerGhougassian UNLa, Argentina Leiza Brumat EUI, Italy Abstract: The article analyzes role of the United States during the 1976–1983 military dictatorship and their genocidal counterinsurgency war in Argentina. We argue that Washington’s policy evolved from the initial loose support of the Ford administration to what we call “the Carter exception” in 1977—79 when the violation of Human Rights were denounced and concrete measures taken to put pressure on the military to end their repressive campaign. Human Rights, however, lost their importance on Washington’s foreign policy agenda with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the end of the Détente. The Argentine military briefly recuperated US support with Ronald Reagan in 1981 to soon lose it with the Malvinas War. Argentina’s defeat turned the page of the US support to military dictatorships in Latin America and marked the debut of “democracy promotion.” Keywords: Proceso, dirty war, human rights, Argentine military, French School, the School of the Americas, Carter Page 1 of 48 Journal: GSI; Volume 11; Issue: 2 DOI: 10.3138/gsi.11.2.03 Introduction: Framing the US. Role during the Proceso When an Argentine military junta seized the power on March 24, 1976 and implemented its “ plan antisubversivo ,” a supposedly counterinsurgency plan to end the political violence in the country, Henry Kissinger, the then United States’ Secretary of State of the Gerald Ford Administration, warned his Argentine colleague that the critiques for the violation of human rights would increment and it was convenient to end the “operations” before January of 1977 when Jimmy Carter, the Democratic candidate and winner of the presidential elections, would assume the power in the White House. -
The Forgotten Fronts the First World War Battlefield Guide: World War Battlefield First the the Forgotten Fronts Forgotten The
Ed 1 Nov 2016 1 Nov Ed The First World War Battlefield Guide: Volume 2 The Forgotten Fronts The First Battlefield War World Guide: The Forgotten Fronts Creative Media Design ADR005472 Edition 1 November 2016 THE FORGOTTEN FRONTS | i The First World War Battlefield Guide: Volume 2 The British Army Campaign Guide to the Forgotten Fronts of the First World War 1st Edition November 2016 Acknowledgement The publisher wishes to acknowledge the assistance of the following organisations in providing text, images, multimedia links and sketch maps for this volume: Defence Geographic Centre, Imperial War Museum, Army Historical Branch, Air Historical Branch, Army Records Society,National Portrait Gallery, Tank Museum, National Army Museum, Royal Green Jackets Museum,Shepard Trust, Royal Australian Navy, Australian Defence, Royal Artillery Historical Trust, National Archive, Canadian War Museum, National Archives of Canada, The Times, RAF Museum, Wikimedia Commons, USAF, US Library of Congress. The Cover Images Front Cover: (1) Wounded soldier of the 10th Battalion, Black Watch being carried out of a communication trench on the ‘Birdcage’ Line near Salonika, February 1916 © IWM; (2) The advance through Palestine and the Battle of Megiddo: A sergeant directs orders whilst standing on one of the wooden saddles of the Camel Transport Corps © IWM (3) Soldiers of the Royal Army Service Corps outside a Field Ambulance Station. © IWM Inside Front Cover: Helles Memorial, Gallipoli © Barbara Taylor Back Cover: ‘Blood Swept Lands and Seas of Red’ at the Tower of London © Julia Gavin ii | THE FORGOTTEN FRONTS THE FORGOTTEN FRONTS | iii ISBN: 978-1-874346-46-3 First published in November 2016 by Creative Media Designs, Army Headquarters, Andover. -
A Framework for Cultural Heritage Digital Libraries
2010 Heather Lea Moulaison ALL RIGHTS RESERVED A FRAMEWORK FOR CULTURAL HERITAGE DIGITAL LIBRARIES IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD: ACCESS TO NON-TEXTUAL INFORMATION FOR NON-LITERATE PEOPLE IN MOROCCO By HEATHER LEA MOULAISON A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Communication, Information and Library Studies written under the direction of Michael E. Lesk, Ph.D. and approved by ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey January, 2010 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION A Framework for Cultural Heritage Digital Libraries in the Developing World: Access to Non-Textual Information for Non-Literate People in Morocco By HEATHER LEA MOULAISON Dissertation Director: Michael E. Lesk The purpose of this study is to investigate the role that Digital Libraries (DLs) can play in the transmission of information for non-literate people in the developing world. People from oral cultures are well-positioned to exploit DLs as a way of accessing audio- visual (A/V) documents if the DL is properly adapted. Cultural heritage documents created by researchers during fieldwork may be audio, video, or images that can be sources of national pride for non-literate citizens; these documents could be stored in a cultural heritage DL (CHDL) for online access by non-literate citizens. The primary methodology employed in this study is a review of relevant literature. National culture and universal usability contribute to cultural usability, the human aspects of DL use being explored. Machine aspects of DLs are investigated within the Library and Information Science (LIS) framework, with an emphasis on theories of organization of information and information retrieval, and a complementary discussion of the read/write Web. -
Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone Claire Therese Oueslati-Porter University of South Florida, [email protected]
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School January 2011 The aM ghreb Maquiladora: Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone Claire Therese Oueslati-Porter University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Scholar Commons Citation Oueslati-Porter, Claire Therese, "The aM ghreb Maquiladora: Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone" (2011). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3737 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Maghreb Maquiladora: Gender, Labor, and Socio-Economic Power in a Tunisian Export Processing Zone by Claire Oueslati-Porter A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Kevin Yelvington, Ph.D. Chair: Stephen Thornton, Ph.D. Mark Amen, Ph.D. Maria Crummett, Ph.D. Susan Greenbaum, Ph.D. Rebecca Zarger, Ph.D. Date of Approval: October 28, 2011 Keywords: globalization, culture, women, factory, stratification Copyright © 2011 Claire Oueslati-Porter Dedication I thank my parents, Suzanne and Terry, for instilling in me a belief in social justice, and a curiosity about the world. -
The Development of Libyan- Tunisian Bilateral Relations: a Critical Study on the Role of Ideology
THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBYAN- TUNISIAN BILATERAL RELATIONS: A CRITICAL STUDY ON THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY Submitted by Almabruk Khalifa Kirfaa to the University of Exeter As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In December 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: Almabruk Kirfaa………………………………………………………….. i Abstract Libyan-Tunisian bilateral relations take place in a context shaped by particular historical factors in the Maghreb over the past two centuries. Various elements and factors continue to define the limitations and opportunities present for regimes and governments to pursue hostile or negative policies concerning their immediate neighbours. The period between 1969 and 2010 provides a rich area for the exploration of inter-state relations between Libya and Tunisia during the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century. Ideologies such as Arabism, socialism, Third Worldism, liberalism and nationalism, dominated the Cold War era, which saw two opposing camps: the capitalist West versus the communist East. Arab states were caught in the middle, and many identified with one side over the other. generating ideological rivalries in the Middle East and North Africa. The anti-imperialist sentiments dominating Arab regimes and their citizens led many statesmen and politicians to wage ideological struggles against their former colonial masters and even neighbouring states. -
State and Revolution in the Making of the Indonesian Republic
Jurnal Sejarah. Vol. 2(1), 2018: 64 – 76 © Pengurus Pusat Masyarakat Sejarawan Indonesia https://doi.org/10.26639/js.v%vi%i.117 State and Revolution in the Making of the Indonesian Republic Norman Joshua Northwestern University Abstract While much ink has been spilled in the effort of explaining the Indonesian National Revolution, major questions remain unanswered. What was the true character of the Indonesian revolution, and when did it end? This article builds a case for viewing Indonesia’s revolution from a new perspective. Based on a revisionist reading of classic texts on the Revolution, I argue that the idea of a singular, elite-driven and Java-centric "revolution" dismisses the central meaning of the revolution itself, as it was simultaneously national and regional in scope, political and social in character, and it spanned more than the five years as it was previously examined. Keywords: Revolution, regionalism, elite-driven, Java-centric Introduction In his speech to Indonesian Marhaenist youth leaders in front of the Istana Negara on December 20, 1966, President Soekarno claimed that “[The Indonesian] revolution is not over!”1 Soekarno’s proposition calls attention to at least two different perspectives on revolution. On the one hand, the Indonesian discourse of a continuous revolution resonates with other permanent leftist revolutions elsewhere, such as the Cultural Revolution in Maoist China, Cuban Revolution in Castroist Cuba, or the Bolivarian 1 Soekarno, Revolusi belum selesai: kumpulan pidato Presiden Soekarno, 30 September 1965, pelengkap Nawaksara, ed. Budi Setiyono and Bonnie Triyana, Cetakan I (Jakarta: Serambi Ilmu Semesta, 2014), 759. Jurnal Sejarah – Vol.