October 2012 Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region

Introduction Table 2. Groups of Interest in the Gulf of Mexico Region Below you will find the fourth in a series As part of a larger project that Percentage of reviews. This review examines demographic and com- Racial/Ancestry Group of Total Number discusses the experiences munity-level changes in the Gulf of Population of Cajuns in the region. Mexico region, we reviewed racial African-American 19.14 2,568,703 Acadians, or Cajuns, are and ethnicity literature for eight key Cajun 7.81 1,092,377 a unique group of people groups with significant influence Croatian 0.05 6,422 who now reside primar- in part, or all, of the region. The Latino 29.72 3,988,491 ily in 22 parishes in south Gulf of Mexico region Cajunsis incredibly Louisiana and are often diverse – with more than 13.5 mil- Native American 0.64 85,455 characterized by their lion residents who trace their origins Other Asian 2.95 396,007 unique culture (Riviere to scores of places in Europe, Africa, Vietnamese 1.15 154,669 2009, see map next page).1 Asia and Latin America (see Table 1). White 63.72 8,912,239 Table 2 Data from ACS 5-year estimates and 2010 U.S. Decennial Culture is one of the Of these various groups, we Census. Numbers do not add to 100 percent because individuals can most visible elements of focused our reviews on eight spe- indicate more than one race, ethnicity or ancestry group. “Other Asian” refers to Asian groups other than Vietnamese. this group, dominated by cific racial, ethnic and ancestry a French speaking Catho- groups: African-Americans, Cajuns, These eight groups emerged as lic history full of strife and persever- Creoles, Croatians, Latinos, Native significant through the existing lit- ance. Predominately located in a tri- Americans, Vietnamese and Other erature that details their unique in- angular region, known as the Cajun Asians (not Vietnamese). Although fluences in building the culture, eco- triangle, which ranges from the Gulf some of these groups are small in nomic stability and political climate of Mexico to the intersection of the numbers, their effects on the region in the region, as well as their ties to Mississippi River and the Red River has been substantial (see Table 2). the oil and gas industry operating in and between the Gulf of Mexico For instance, although only about the Gulf of Mexico. For each group, 7.8 percent of the residents in the we have focused our review on com- region identify as Cajun/French, this mon elements such as the culture, Contents group contributed significantly to history, immigration, ties to the Introduction...... 1 shaping the cultural and economic oil and gas industry and economic A Note about Terminology . . . . .2 climate of the region through the standing of each group. In addi- tradition of Mardi Gras, ethnic food tion to these common elements, we Origins and History ...... 2 ways, commitment to Catholicism examined other prominent themes Oil and Gas ...... 4 and culture of revelry. that emerged for particular groups. Ecology...... 5 For instance, the Environmental Justice ...... 6 Table 1. Diversity in the Gulf of Mexico Region effects of Hur- Re-establishment...... 7 Percentage ricane Katrina on Primary Occupations...... 7 Ancestry Category of Total Number the Vietnamese Culture...... 8 Population fishermen living in Conclusion ...... 17 British 15.36 2,147,789 southern Louisiana Additional Reading ...... 17 French 7.81 1,092,377 was widely dis- Appendix...... 17 cussed by scholars German 8.71 1,218,236 Works Cited...... 18 Middle Eastern 0.49 68,544 and thus became a prominent discus- Northern/Eastern European 5.24 733,424 sion in our review 1 While this report refers primarily to Cajuns, all charts and Southern European 3.09 432,724 of the literature on maps include people of French or French Canadian ancestry Subsaharan African/West Indian 1.22 170,670 Vietnamese living as well. We decided to do this because of measurement issues with the Cajun population in the Decennial Census Total Population: 13,985,914 in the region. that are detailed later in this report (see section titled Table 1 Data from ACS 5-year estimates. Population).

1 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns anans, French-speaking Cajuns, French, and French Canadians in the Gulf of Mexico Region Louisianans, Acadians, Mississippi Alabama Cajuns and Coonasses. Louisiana (! (! Florida (! (! Originally called Aca- (! (! (! (! (! (! (!(! (! (! (! (!(! (!(!(! (!(! (!(!(! (! (! dians, especially before (! (! !(! (! (! (! (! (! ((! (! (!(! (! (! (! their settlement in Texas Louisiana, the name was corrupted by the English Legend speaking Anglo popula- (! Census Tracts Either 1,000+ or 25%+ Cajun, French, and French Canadian tion who pronounced (! (! 10 Census Designated Places in Each State with Highest % Cajun, French, and French Canadian their title as A’cajun, (! which then morphed into Interstate Highways Cajun (Sexton 2006). The Lakes ² two predominant titles for these people have Data from 2010 Decennial Census. Counties selected from Fannin et al. 2011. been Acadian and Cajun. As will be addressed and New Orleans, the Cajun people diaspora of the Acadian people led in the Culture section represented approximately 50 them to settle on the land outside below, the label Acadian has not percent of the state’s white popula- of New Orleans. This migration and been associated with any negative tion in the early 1940s (Kollmorgen resettlement shaped their culture stereotypes. Cajun, however, has and Harrison 1946). More recently, as an insularly one focused on been used as a negative identifier at there has been some dispute about self-preservation. Cajun culture is times throughout Cajun history. For the actual representation of Cajuns famous in the United States today simplicity’s sake and as an attempt in the current Louisiana population as one of spice and revelry, of Mardi to maintain the language of the au- (see Population below). Despite this, Gras and Gumbo and in this paper, thors cited here, the terms Acadian according to the 2010 American its shall be seen that Cajun culture and Cajun will be used interchange- Community Survey, those of Ca- has been shaped by its history, ties ably jun, French and French Canadian to the land, and non-Cajun cultural Similarly, the regions known as descent represent an estimated 17.3 influences. New Acadia, Acadiana, the Cajun percent of the state’s population. A Note about Terminology Triangle, Cajun Country, the Bayou and other geographical references to After religious and political strife Cajuns are referred to throughout the location of Cajuns in Louisiana in their native Acadiana, a French- historical and academic literature will refer, unless otherwise specified, occupied colony in modern-day by several different names including, to the land in south Louisiana where Nova Scotia, Canada, and expul- but not limited to, French Louisi- sion from their homeland, the great the Cajun population first settled and remains today. Origins and History France and French Colonialism Calvinism was introduced into France in the 1520s (Brasseaux 2005). Formerly a country com- posed of devout Roman Catholics, the number of French Calvinists, or Huguenots, rapidly grew through- out the 1550s and 1560s, and as religious tensions grew, a series of civil wars broke out in France in the later part of the 16th century (Brasseaux 2005). As a result of the civil and religious strife, Huguenots set out to find a religious haven Data from 2010 ACS 5-year estimates. Percentage of total population presented as data label. Cajun, French (Brasseaux 2005). Since many Hu- and French Canadian combined.

2 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns guenots were merchants, they had By the 1760s this forced deporta- on either side of the banks of the access to extensive maritime fleets tion of Acadians resulted in ap- Mississippi River outside of New and attempted to start colonies in proximately 6,000 individuals sent Orleans (Parenton 1938; Walsh and several areas of the Americas, but into exile (Brasseaux 2005). Newly Wells 1978). those were unsuccessful (Brasseaux settled Acadians attempted to 2005). The French did find some escape their new placement, scat- These French Acadian travel- success, however, in the establish- tered around the various colonies, ers were only one of many groups ment of Acadia in present day Nova and return back home. During this migrating to Louisiana at the Scotia, Canada, in 1604 (Gilmore time, they lost about half of the time, Many immigrants of varying 1933; Brasseaux 2005). As the exiled Acadian population to mal- decent, especially European, were Huguenots began to thrive as fur nourishment and disease (Brasseaux moving into the area (Davis 1988). trappers and farmers, in 1632, the 2005). In all colonies, the exiles As the Acadians and other migrants French Catholic government took resisted assimilation into their new moved onto the land of Louisiana, over colonization and appointed new homes. Those Acadians who were they also interacted, traded and colonial leaders and encouraged the concentrated in Halifax, after much dealt with various tribes of Native migration of French natives, includ- oppression by the government there, Americans, such as the Choctaw, ing thieves, prostitutes and convicts were able to secure a ship’s passage Chickasaw and Natchez, who al- to the new colonies (Aubert 2002; to New Orleans where they intended ready occupied much of the land in Brasseaux 2005). Over the next 50 to then sail up the Mississippi River the Mississippi Valley (Bowie 1935; years, French Catholic colonists and cross the land through Illinois Woods 1978). continued to arrive in intervals to to Quebec (Brasseaux 2005). Once in Now settled in their new land, settle the newly founded American New Orleans, however, the Acadians traumatized by the mistreatment of landscape known as Acadia (Gilm- ran out of funds and were unable their people and the forced removal ore 1933). to acquire any governmental assis- from their homeland, the residents tance, so they remained in Louisi- British Rule and the Acadian Exile of New Acadia became a closed soci- ana and founded a settlement called ety, avoiding contact with outside After many years of turmoil, New Acadia (Brasseaux 2005). not only between Protestant and groups, insulating their culture and Catholic factions, but also between New Acadia protecting their society against the French and British governments Knowledge about the Acadian’s the infiltration of outside fads and fighting for colonial control, Acadia uprisings throughout the colonies values, including the rise of capital- finally became the official property and in France worried the bankrupt ism and Protestantism (Brasseaux of Great Britain through the Treaty New Orleans government enough 2005). The New Acadians relied on of Utrecht in 1713 and was then re- that no trouble was directed at the their former Nova Scotian group named Nova Scotia (Begnaud 1964). new arrivals and they were al- identity to develop a self-contained English-French tensions were high lowed to settle in Louisiana without society and were the first group of as the British government wanted governmental protest (Brasseaux European decedents to develop a the fertile farmlands owed by the 2005; Voorhies 1976). Soon after, the distinctly North American culture French and saw the economic and Acadian migrants sent messages to (Brasseaux 1987; Brasseaux 2005). religious standing of the French up- their friends and families who were As the Acadians found their per class as a threat (Gilmore 2003). spread throughout the mid-Atlantic place in New Acadia, they began to These factors, compounded in 1755 colonies and France to invite them accumulate wealth and became suc- by the refusal of former Acadians to to come to New Acadia to rebuild cessfully self-sustaining (Arceneaux pledge an oath to support the Brit- their culture and their people (Bras- 1982; Brasseaux 2005). Given land ish crown, the British government seaux 2005). and supplies by the French govern- began the calculated removal of the ment, the Acadians settled in the French Acadians from Nova Scotia Over the 30-year period between 1760 and 1790, approximately 4,000 rural lands outside of New Orleans (Walsh and Wells 1978). Deporta- and began sustenance farming tion tactics included the detaining Acadians arrived in small groups to this new settlement (Davis 1988; (Gilmore 2003). In addition to small of Acadian men and their relocation farming, many Acadians became to various ports along the Atlantic Nash 1988). The first of these settle- ments outside of New Orleans was hunters, fishermen and trappers Coast between Massachusetts and (Brasseaux 2005; Trewartha 1938). Georgia. Some who were denied entry called the Attakapas Post and was located far enough away from the Although slave ownership and mar- into Virginia were sent as far away as riage with non-Acadians was re- England and France (Brasseaux 2005). Mississippi River to avoid flooding (Voorhines 1976). Others settled sisted, as time passed some Acadians

3 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns acquired field hands and began to The Entrance of the Oil and Gas GI Bill after World War II, schools participate in intermarriage with Industry taught math, science and engineer- the local Creole population (Bras- The first oil well was drilled in ing classes that formerly blue collar seaux 2005). St. Mary Parish in 1896 (Gramling Cajuns needed to break into the 1982,) and oil was recognized as white collar jobs found in the oil Acadian or Cajun culture was so available in large quantities in Aca- industry (Bernard 2003). strong in Louisiana during this time diana, or the Cajun bayou and sur- that it influenced many European rounding areas, in 1901 (Broussard While there were economic oppor- settlers, Native Americans and Afri- 1977). Morgan City, La., along with tunities to be had, however, many can slaves (Brasseaux 1986; Lubbers other Cajun towns, was a mega-cen- Cajuns found the oil industry had 1952; Marshall 2007). Moreover, it ter of the oil industry, especially in negative effects on their way of life, even successfully assimilated many the 1930s and 1940s because of its as well (Bernard 2003). The marsh German and other Anglo settlers location near the Gulf of Mexico’s dredging and waste dumping caused that came to the region after the oilfields (Peltier 1960). The oil indus- by the oil industry polluted the 1880s into the Cajun culture itself try lured Anglo-Americans (especial- land Cajuns traditionally had used (Sexton 2006; Sexton 1996; Smith ly from Texas) to the region looking for hunting, fishing and trapping and Vernon 1938). Not replac- to extract oil and gas in hopes of (Bernard 2003). Moreover, the influx ing authentic Cajun surnames like making it rich (Bernard 2003). of outsiders brought mainstream Babineaux and Thibodeaux, but American culture with it, introduc- finding their place alongside them, Speeding up the pace of life, and ing new values from consumerism Anglo surnames such as Ancelet, changing the former agricultural to Protestantism to new types of Clark, Romero and Veroni became towns of Acadiana to thriving cities music, movies, entertainment and prevalent in south Louisiana as of the “oil patch,” the oil industry television that featured English, Cajun women married non-Cajun and this new influx of non-Cajun instead of the Cajun’s native French men (Brasseaux 2004). Still, Cajun individuals not only changed the (Bernard 2003; see Americanization women were sure to keep the Cajun cultural landscape of Cajun life, but below). tradition alive with their children also provided employment opportu- by enforcing the Catholic faith, nities for many impoverished Cajun From Boom to Bust ensuring they learned and spoke communities (Ancelet 1987; Bernard During the 1970s, while the rest Cajun French and instilling in them 2003). In fact, one scholar (White of the United States was in the the values of family and commu- 1998) cites the development of the middle of an energy crisis, Cajun nity (Brasseaux 2004; Smith and oil industry as the first major source country was booming due to the Vernon 1938). While some people of wage labor among Cajuns, aside large amounts of petroleum found viewed the early Acadian migrants from agriculture. Moreover, by the there (Bernard 2003). More than as unfortunate exiles struggling in a 1950s, Cajuns became the backbone 14 billion barrels were produced in new land, some outsiders who lived of the Gulf Coast oil industry (Ber- Louisiana by 1979 (Ruston 1979). among them defended these set- nard 2003). The oil industry not While the national economy was on tlers as honorable individuals whose only brought jobs to Cajun towns the decline, Louisiana was attract- ancestors helped shape the history but also stores, theaters, hotels, ing prospective workers from other of Louisiana (Uzee 1986). restaurants, bakeries and automo- states to fill the labor demands of bile dealerships (Bernard 2003). One the oil industry (Maruggi and Wart- Oil and Gas article notes that the Superior Oil enberg 1996). Although the cost of Overview Co., established in 1932 in Acadia oil was at an all-time high, however, The oil and gas industry has Parish during the Great Depression, in 1981, it then plummeted (Marug- significantly influenced the Acadian helped boost the local economy by gi and Wartenberg 1996). This sud- or Cajun culture since the industry’s employing Cajuns to build homes den glut of oil quickly changed the establishment in Louisiana in the and open grocery stores and restau- oil industry in Louisiana and caused early 1900s. Scholars agree that, for rants (Ancelet 1987). Moreover, the oil companies to institute layoffs, better or for worse, Cajun culture establishment of The Superior Oil not only affecting workers and would look wholly different than it Co. in this area brought in outsiders their families but the economy of does today without the discovery to work for the company who used Louisiana as a whole (Maruggi and of and sanctioned drilling for oil these local services, bringing more Wartenberg 1996; Bernard 2003). and gas in the bayou regions (Nash money into the area (Ancelet 1987). Cajuns, in particular, were affected 1988). In addition, with more Cajuns en- when big oil companies left the tering the academic world due to the region (Bernard 2003). Not only did they no longer have jobs with these

4 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns oil companies, but they could not go French-speaking areas, challenged ated by the thousands of offshore back to many of their traditional the Francophone tradition. Not oil rigs and production platforms occupations of hunting, fishing only was the Cajun language now have affected fishing, shrimping and and trapping because the waste left in danger, but the Cajun religion, other livelihood activities performed behind by oil drilling contaminated too. As Protestants moved into by Cajuns in the Gulf Region the land and waters where Cajuns traditionally Catholic Cajun areas (Ruston 1979; Gramling 1982). once had found their livelihood to work in oil refineries, establishing The increased algae production on (Bernard 2003). Some Cajuns left congregations and places of worship the artificial reefs has caused large their homeland to find work else- as they settled, evangelical religions numbers of inedible sports fish to where (see Reestablishment below). were simultaneously experiencing a thrive in the Gulf, complicating the revival across America. These two ability of commercial and for-profit The Oil Industry and Cajun Culture factors led many Cajuns away from fisherman to operate (Ruston 1979). After the oil industry established their Roman Catholic roots and into This has caused territory battles itself and became a thriving in- Protestant churches (Bernard 2003; between commercial fishermen fluence not only on the economic Clarke 1985). The oil industry also and sports fishers, often leading to prosperity of some Cajuns but also began to change the family struc- lawsuits and the intervention of on developing the region’s infra- ture. While men went off to work the wildlife and gaming commission structure – turning towns into cities on offshore oil drilling rigs hundreds (Ruston 1979). Moreover, offshore – it additionally began to alter the of miles into the Gulf of Mexico oil drilling has caused the erosion of Cajuns’ traditional culture (Bernard and other places far from home for the delta and the widening of marsh 2003). With the introduction of weeks at a time, women increasingly canals. Oil and gas extraction, along mainstream American media, in- became in charge of handling the with the transportation methods cluding the television (and electric- family’s economics and running all used by the oil industry to install ity), instead of going to traditional aspects of the home – in the absence rigs, has caused severe land erosion fais do-do, or communal dances of the traditionally male dominated (Ruston 1979). This land erosion, in usually held on Saturday nights, family and home (Bernard 2003). turn, not only affects the land and or gathering to have dinner, share waterway structures but also the stories and perhaps play or dance to Offshore Oil Drilling lives of those in the areas. This ero- music, Cajuns increasingly stayed The first offshore oil well and sion has altered the shrimp and fish home to watch TV (Bernard 2003). drilling platform was installed off populations that previously thrived The addition of television in the the shore of Louisiana outside of in the now disappearing estuaries home not only altered the tradi- Morgan City in the Gulf of Mexico (Ruston 1979). Overall, the land, tional Cajun culture of communal in the 1940s (LaBourde 1996; Peltier livelihood and food source alteration dances and food but also decreased 1960). The offshore oil and gas has caused many bayou Cajuns to the value placed on the French industry brought jobs to Cajuns just move further inland away from their language, since TV and other media as the onshore oil industry had. For bayou homes (Ruston 1979). was presented only in English (An- example, many Cajuns previously celet 1987; Bernard 2003). The oil had been building boats for personal Ecology industry also attracted outsiders to fishing or for sale to commercial Land Structure the region. Many of these new “oil fishers. But that changed, and some Historically, the land in Louisiana men” entering regions tradition- builders began to build boats to ac- has sustained both plantation and ally occupied by Cajuns maintained commodate the needs of incoming family farming. Large commercial values and lifestyles that clashed sports fishers and the demand for rice, cotton and sugar plantations with those of already established boats from the oil industry (Ancelet dominated the south and central Cajuns (Savvels 1993). Most Cajun 1991). In Morgan City, La., alone, regions of the state along with fruit families felt new pressures to main- such oil companies as Kerr-McGee, and vegetable farming around urban tain their cultural traditions while Shell, Gulf, Phillips, Pure, Sinclair, areas like New Orleans. The north- also competing with these newly ar- Sun, Texaco, California Continen- ern part of the state was populated rived workers for economic stability tal, Mobil and Humble all occupied by smaller family farms also grow- (Savvels 1993). Texans were a large office buildings and bases to sup- ing cotton, fruits and vegetables group of individuals who moved port their offshore drilling activities (Bennett 1952; Bowie 1935; Ekberg east into Louisiana to settle and (Broussard 1977). Although the 1996; Kollmorgen 1943). partake in the oil industry (Western oil industry brought jobs to some 1973). These Texans, and other An- Cajuns, however, it also altered their The prairie of southern Louisiana glophones who moved into Cajun, ways of life. The artificial reefs cre- was used by Cajuns as agricultural

5 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns land and is known as the Cajun to sustain themselves by planting resources of the Mississippi Delta Prairie. The Cajun Prairie is a long small home gardens (Gilmore 1933). region, a traditionally Cajun area of strip of grassland that, given the land (Brassieur 1988). climate and soil composition, nor- Moving away from the Cajun mally would foster the development inland, the Cajun dominated bayou Environmental Justice of forestland (Fearn 1995). Due to area consisted of long fingerlike Overview (also see Oil and Gas) poor naturally occurring drainage strips of land that reached out into During the 1960s, Louisiana’s oil and soil that’s not drought resistant, the Gulf of Mexico. Most Cajuns industry was expanding at such a however, the land is occupied by lived on the land near the coast that rapid pace that it followed closely on tall grass instead of the lush forest provided tillable soil for farming. the heels of Texas, the top-ranked found in the northern part of the But some Cajuns made their living state for oil production (Bernard state and the Louisiana coastline by settling further out in marshes to 2003). In addition, Cajun Country (Fearn 1995). take advantage of fishing and wood produced 60 percent of the total and moss gathering opportunities mineral wealth of Louisiana in 1965 The Louisiana coastline, occupied (Gilmore 1933). (Bernard 2003). This added up to and used by many Cajun farm- Land Possession $1.7 billion in minerals such as clay, ers, fishers, shrimpers, and oyster lime, salt, gravel, sulfur, sand and producers, is dominated by marsh- Acadians in the 18th century were owners of small parcels of land, shell in addition to natural gas and land, where exposed land often is petroleum (Bernard 2003). altered by rising water levels and farming crops and ranching only weather (Gilmore 1933). Along these to sustain their families and local With this extraction of mineral marches and swamplands are found communities. Acadian land holdings resources, however, Cajun lands natural levees created by streams were generally too small to par- were being destroyed. Pollution and bayous that have helped to form ticipate in commercial agriculture. created by oil drilling and march natural settlement and property Because inheritance laws and land dredging ruined lands formerly boundaries among the Cajun people prices inhibited them from acquiring used by Cajuns for hunting, fishing (Gilmore 1993). One particular area more land, individual land owner- and trapping (Bernard 2003). Such of Cajun settlement is along the ship decreased among the popula- drilling byproducts as asbestos, Atchafalaya River system and the tion, and many landless Acadians carbolic acid, arsenic, barium, mer- Atchafalaya Basin (Reilly 1997). became laborers in the sugar indus- cury, radioactive isotopes and other try (Brasseaux 2005). Moreover, chemicals destroyed the land, and The dominance of water and wa- cultural, linguistic and geographic some argue it directly compromised terways around southern Louisiana barriers caused many Cajun farmers the health of many Cajuns (Bernard and Acadiana caused many Cajuns to be isolated from national agri- 2003). Some scholars have implied to use boats as their primary means cultural developments (Kollmorgen that this increase of chemicals of transportation (Gilmore 1933). and Harrison 1946). Therefore, most released into the land and water due For many reasons, roads were slow of the Cajuns’ available farmlands to the industrialization of the area to develop in the bayou region – re- were taken over by competing ethnic affected the health of those living ducing exposure to commercial trav- groups, the government or large- in the area. For example, it has been elers by Cajuns overall. This lack of scale farmers within the first cen- found that between 1950 and 1969 exposure to outside sources caused tury of their migration to Louisiana those parishes that use Mississippi Cajuns to rely increasingly on the (Kollmorgen and Harrison 1946). River water for drinking showed the land for sustenance (Gilmore 1933; By the 19th century, the steady highest mortality rate due to cancer Reilly 1977). Using the resources decrease in land possession and reli- in the country (White 1998). that were found in the forests and ance on employment from outside the Gulf, such as trees for logging, groups caused many Acadians to In addition to the introduction Spanish moss, wildlife and fish, Ca- lose their economic independence of unnatural amounts of chemicals juns established an economy based (Brasseaux 2005). released into the environment in on the land on which they resided Acadiana, much of the land also (Gilmore 1933; Kollmorgen and Toward the end of the 20th was destroyed due to the intrusion Harrison 1946). In addition, because century, national historical pre- of salt water (Bernard 2003). Oil ca- the marshland often flooded, the serves and historical parks were nals that were dug into the marsh- land was fertile for growing fruits established in Louisiana. The Jean lands brought in salt water that and vegetables year-round. There- Lafitte National Historical Park, for harmed the Cajun fishing industry fore, many Cajun families were able example, was established in 1978 and its grounds (Bernard 2003). with the intention of preserving the While these canals damaged the

6 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns environment, some scholars argue looking to settle and obtain jobs in wood and moss gatherers using the they actually increased the produc- the South. This post-1880 wave of wilderness that the bayou provided tivity of some fisheries by providing new entries into the paid workforce for sustainability (Bowie 1935; better human access to them (Gram- were unable to obtain jobs that Gilmore 1933). ling 1982). Other scholars blame would provide upward mobility. the oil industry, in general, for the Therefore, they took jobs doing the After the Civil War, what little decline in the success of commercial most menial tasks in small towns land was held by the Acadians was agriculture in Louisiana. One au- and on farms (Sexton 2006). During ravaged and often unsalvageable. thor describes how the oil industry this time, increasing mechanization Yet individuals did not stray far affected the production of local hot on farms left farmhands with little from their homes and destroyed peppers, a tradition in Cajun cuisine to do except for the most basic and lands to provide for their fami- (Schweid 1989). Claiming Louisiana tedious of tasks. Although some lies. For example, many Cajuns as the top hot pepper producer in Cajuns took jobs replacing the remained behind to barter their 1938, Schweid (1989) explains that labor formerly performed by slaves fish and fur or gather moss for sale due to the agricultural complica- on large crop plantations, many to local shops (Jones 2004). More- tions brought about by the develop- Cajuns began to move from their over, Cajun farm tenants began ment of the oil industry – including rural homes to more urban settings to replace labor formerly supplied the loss of agricultural workers who in search of better employment op- by slaves on plantations (Gilmore left farms to work for big oil compa- portunities (Gilmore 1993; Sexton 1933) – although most impoverished nies – Louisiana quickly became the 2006). Cajuns sought work as lumberjacks, lowest hot pepper producer among huntsmen, fishermen and trappers all of the other southern states by After the Oil Industry in the marshes of the Louisiana 1978 (Schweid 1989). After the oil crash in 1981 and coast (Brasseaux 2005; Jones 2004). following the trend of many Loui- Meanwhile, those Cajuns who Re-establishment sianans (Marguggi and Wartenberg had upper-class status or educa- Overview 1996), many unemployed Cajuns tion moved into more urban areas, Those of Acadian or Cajun decent who formerly were employed with seeking employment as attorneys, have had a tumultuous history of the oil industry left their homeland educators, clerks and even factory movement. Beginning with their in search of employment oppor- workers (Brasseaux 2005). tunities in cities such as Nashville expulsion from their home in Aca- In the years after the 1880s, rice dia/Nova Scotia and resettlement in and Austin to places as far away as Chicago, Denver, New York City and farmers began to develop the land Louisiana to their continual wan- in south Louisiana. A few Cajun dering between their rural homes San Francisco. Although this exodus separated Cajuns from their homes, farmers took up the rice crop as and the urban landscape in search landowners, but most Cajuns in the of employment (Dormon 1984a), it allowed the Cajun culture to spread increasingly throughout the region worked digging irrigation ca- Cajuns have settled and resettled nals or providing labor to tend and all over the country. As discussed country. Many Cajuns opened Ca- jun-style restaurants and organized harvest the rice crops (Sexton 2006; in several sections of this paper, it Ulmer 1949). can be seen that while Cajuns call Mardi Gras celebrations in their new the Louisiana bayou country their communities (Bernard 2003). Later, in the early 1900s through home, Cajun individuals and Ca- Primary Occupations the Great Depression of the 1930s jun culture can be found across the and beyond, the oil industry found United States. Outlined below are Late 1700s to Early 1900s its way to the bayou – providing two examples of Cajun migration Originally working as sustenance employment for the local Cajun cited by scholars. One example is an farmers on smaller plots of land and population (see Oil and Gas and illustration of rural to urban move- lacking the ability to increase their Ecology). ment, and the other example shows land holdings in the 18th and 19th the migrant patterns of Cajuns to centuries, many Acadians sought World War II and After locations outside of Louisiana (also employment in the commercial ag- During the late 1930s and into see Origins and History, Oil and ricultural industry as overseers and the 1940s, many Cajuns enlisted in Gas, Ecology, and Culture). laborers with such crops as sugar- the U.S. armed forces and served in cane and cotton (Cortez and Rubiski World War II, some of them even Post-1880 Movement 1980; Tentchoff 1980; Ulmer 1949). fighting on the French shores from After the Civil War, there were Cajuns also were self-employed as which their ancestors came hun- many African-American individuals boat builders, fishers, trappers and dreds of years before (Kube 1994).

7 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns During the war, many Cajuns served states such as Florida, Georgia and Culture as interpreters due to their famil- Tennessee looking for occupational Overview iarity with the French language opportunities (Brasseaux 2005). Much of Cajun culture developed (Kube 1994). After WWII, Cajun out of the melding of the Acadian veterans took advantage of the Today French customs that the Cajun Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of Between the 1990s and 2000s, migrants brought with them from 1944, also known as the GI Bill, and data shows many Cajuns still their French homeland. These enrolled in college, leaving former located in Louisiana have more customs, combined with the culture folk occupations such as farming, working-class jobs than upper-class of the natives and Europeans with trapping, logging and fishing behind positions. For example, in both whom they interacted once they while seeking education and better 1990 and 2000, it was found that were settled in Louisiana, created a employment opportunities (Bernard a Cajun individual over the age of culture unique to the United States. 2003; Theriot 2007). 16 was more likely to be employed in the transportation, manufactur- The opposing combination of being During this time, many Cajuns, ing or construction industries and stereotyped as outcasts and the need including those who were not college less likely to occupy a position as to interact with individuals of out- bound, began leaving rural areas a manager or a professional person side cultures for work and economic and entered more urban settings in than any other non-Hispanic white stability caused Cajuns to develop search of better paying blue-collar ethnic group (Henry 2005). a very eclectic and uniquely pre- jobs such as carpenters, mechanics, served, albeit endangered, culture butchers, grocers, electricians and In addition, during the past few (Brasseaux 2005; Deutsch and Pey- oil field workers (Bernard 2003). decades, Cajuns have found eco- ton 1979; Dormon 1983; Jones 2004; Those Cajuns who remained behind nomic opportunity in the tourism LaPlante 2008). Estaville (1987) to work the land predominantly industry. Drawing from their long very aptly summarizes the history participated in cotton farming and history as storytellers, or racon- of the ever-changing Cajun culture increasingly in rice and soybean teurs, and community entertainers, this way: “In the 17th century they production (Sexton 2006). many Cajuns have used their skills were becoming Acadians. In the to entertain tourists interested in 18th century they were becoming The Oil Industry (also see Oil and witnessing Louisiana culture. The Cajuns. And in the 19th century Gas) allure of “Cajun swamps” and they were becoming Americans.” During the 1970s, while the rest “The Cajun Man” as part of Ca- of the country was in a recession, jun folklore has drawn individuals Population the oil industry was booming in to the region to take swamp tours Today there is some debate as to Louisiana. There was employment and experience other Cajun perfor- the exact number of self-identifying to be had with petroleum and gas mances (Wiley 2002). Many Cajuns Cajuns living in Louisiana. The sta- companies looking to hire any peo- have used their involvement in the tistics published by the U.S. Census ple willing to work as pipe fitters, tourism industry as a way to recover Bureau for the year 2000 reported welders, drillers, mud engineers and from the economic hardship brought about 42,000 individuals reported the like (Brasseaux 2005). Respond- on by the fall of the oil industry in being of Cajun ancestry (Donato ing immediately, many Cajun teens the bayou (Wiley 2002). 2004). Experts, however, have es- dropped out of school to pursue timated that there were between these high paying blue-color jobs Moreover, many Cajuns have 500,000 and 700,000 Cajuns living in (Brasseaux 2005). opened successful Cajun-style res- Louisiana at the turn of the century taurants and are producing frozen (Donato 2004). Yet another scholar Jobs in the oil industry were and precooked meals that are sold offers that in the 1990s, about 10 promising and lucrative for young across the United States (Teneyck percent of Louisiana’s population Cajuns, but this lasted only as long 2001). Promoting their unique was of Francophone decent (Webre as the oil and gas industry boomed. culture and traditional food items, 1998). This would add up to ap- When the oil industry faltered in has led to the commodification of proximately 400,000 individuals but the early 1980s, many Cajuns were Cajun culture, however good or bad, would include not only self-identi- left unemployed and without high so these Cajuns are not only enter- fied Cajuns but also individuals of school diplomas because they had taining those who want a bit of the Spanish, German, African or Native dropped out of school years earlier Cajun experience but are feeding American decent that might have (Brasseaux 2005). Therefore, in the them, too (Jones 2004; Means 2003). married into the Acadian popula- mid-1980s, many Cajuns moved by tion (Webre 1998). the tens of thousands to nearby

8 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns Some complexities lie in this constructed, Cajun was no longer and removed from the decennial self-identification as Cajun. For listed as an example and resulted in census, adding to the difficulty of example, one researcher notes that a steep decline in the Cajun popu- accurately tracking the Cajun popu- some African-Americans who speak lation when the report came out lation across time. These method- a dialect of Louisiana French, (Henry 2005, U.S. Census Bureau, ological problems are evident when whether it be Cajun, Creole or other, Population Division). For example, considering the presence of Cajuns self-identify as Cajun but that out- in 1990, 431,651 individuals in in the Gulf of Mexico region, and in siders would not consider them so Louisiana reported being of Cajun the nation, from 1980 on. (Tentchoff 1975). decent (Henry 2005). Remarkably, however, this number dove drastical- Despite significant methodologi- The confusion with popula- ly to only 44,960 Louisiana Cajuns cal and measurement issues regard- tion estimation using census data in 2000 – a drop of about 90 percent ing Cajuns, some scholars suggest among self-identifying Cajuns has (Henry 2005). In 2010, measure- that this alone does not account for been discussed by several scholars. ment of ancestry was transferred the decline in Cajuns in the United Researchers considered factors to the American community survey States. In the end, it has been de- such as methodological issues with termined the drop was a result of a the census survey, higher death rates, outmigration of Cajuns from Louisiana, a cultural movement away from Cajun pride and the like as barriers to accurate estimation (Henry 2005). One of the primary methodologi- cal problems with measuring “Ca- juns” through the decennial census is what some scholars refer to as the “example effect.” It wasn’t until 1980 that the census began measur- ing ancestry with the open-ended question: “What is your ancestry?”, which was posed to a sample of 15 percent of the population (Henry 2005). After the question, a list of Data from U.S. Decennial Census SF3 and 2010 ACS 5-year estimates. (Cajun, French and French Canadian example ancestry groups was meant population in millions in parentheses.) to aid in prompting people to think of their heritage. In 1980, the list included African-American, Eng- lish, French, German, Honduran, Hungarian, Irish, Italian, Jamaican, Korean, Lebanese, Mexican, Nige- rian, Polish, Ukrainian and Venezu- elan (U.S. Census Bureau, Popula- tion Division). For the 1980 census, Cajuns were not considered a unique group but instead were reported as French. The ancestry question was added to the entire census in 1990 in a slightly different form, and Ca- jun was listed as an example. As a result of “Cajun” being listed as an example in 1990, there was a surge of people reporting Cajun ancestry that year. When the 2000 census was Data from U.S. Decennial Census SF3 and 2010 ACS 5-year estimates.

9 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns national and statewide shift toward the diverse ethnic groups found in used the Cajun dialect on the radio identifying Cajuns as American – a Louisiana (Bankston III and Henry and in publications to ridicule Cajun surge of encouragement to reduce 1999). Although findings show that politics and shape outsiders’ views the importance of cultural unique- this in-group marriage may be of Cajun culture (Richardson 2007). ness and identify as part of the related to socioeconomic homogamy In the 1960s, however, during the general society (Henry 2005). (Bankston III and Henry 1999), Cajun Renaissance (also see Cajun it remains a demonstration of the Renaissance), Cajuns attempted Family interconnectedness of the Cajun to claim this dialectical humor for By the early 1800s, Cajuns had family. themselves and to use it to redefine become stable enough to increase outsiders’ perceptions of the Cajun family size and began to marry chil- Also Known As Cajuns culture (Richardson 2007). dren off at earlier-than-average ages The name Cajun came from the (Arceneaux 1982). Almost all Cajun Anglo mispronunciation of their There are many misconceptions children were married, and court- original clan name: Acadians. among the general public about ship was brief (Arceneaux 1982, Acadians, or Cajuns, are the direct what Cajun culture actually is. To Ruston 1979). Some interesting descendants of the group of French remedy this issue, in the mid-1990s, cultural notes include that women colonists who were deported from a group of individuals sought to were allowed to refuse a marriage modern day Nova Scotia (under educate the population on what it proposal from their suitors, some- British Rule and Acadia under means to be Cajun (Webre 1998). times by sending her suitor a cut out French rule) when Great Britain These Cajun cultural enthusiasts paper man in an envelope or that conquered the territory in the mid- have composed a cluster of Web fathers could encourage suitors by 1700s (Brasseaux 2004). By the pages called Cyberacadiana, wherein whitewashing the top of the chim- 1880s Cajun became the common they seek to define and promote Ca- ney, a sign that an eligible daughter term for Acadians (Henry 1998). jun culture and dispel any assumed was available in that home (Ruston negative stereotypes (Webre 1998). 1979). Marriage was so prevalent At that time, there was an in- To illustrate how prevalent these and fertility rates were so high that creasingly predominant separation websites were, one researcher cited by the 1820s there is evidence that between the rising of an Acadian that on a Web page called Cajuns birth limitation techniques were be- upper class and lower class (Henry of the Net, 236 links were provided ing practiced (Arcenaeaux 1982). 1998). The lower class retained to additional Cajun cites in 1998 the label Cajun and from there the (Webre 1998). Regardless of family size, how- Cajun ethnicity carried with it a ever, Cajun culture always has been negative connotation (Henry 1998). In addition to the names Acadian one of a close-knit family structure Now, the term is used especially and Cajun, Cajuns also have come to based on a nuclear family and that to describe individuals who live in be known as Coonasses. This term family’s involvement with the local Louisiana with a generally agrarian has been used to refer to Cajuns for community. To illustrate just how lifestyle and participate in the Ca- more than 70 years, and while there important the idea of home and jun language and culturally identify has been much speculation by both family interaction is to some Cajuns, as Cajun (Brasseaux 2005). While Cajuns and non-Cajuns regarding one scholar who observed Cajun some scholars have shown that the the origin of this title, the origins servicemen leaving their homes saw Cajun ethnicity is still associated are unverifiable (Sexton 2009). that they were very visibly emotion- with lower socioeconomic status and ally disturbed by this act (Kollmor- lower-class jobs, namely those in the Understood generally as an insult, gen and Harrison 1946). This same oil and textile industries (Henry and Cajuns view the term in different scholar also noted that in the 1940s Bankston III 1999), they also have ways, depending upon who is using about 40 percent of Cajuns who left shown Cajuns have attempted to it and in what context. It seems not their families to join the Catholic use this negative stereotype placed all Cajuns feel the same way about priesthood left the seminary due to upon them by outsiders to rework being identified as a Coonass. For homesickness (Kollmorgen and Har- their image and portray themselves example, the term Coonass often is rison 1946). in a more positive light (Henry and considered a vulgar name, but many Bankston 2001). Cajuns in Avoyelles Parish use it as Perhaps it is this connection to a term of endearment when speak- family and the Cajun culture that One of the ways that outsiders ing to each other (Riviere 2009). causes Cajuns to maintain high rates created the public view of Cajuns Similarly, some Cajuns use the term of endogamy. Cajuns tend to marry as uneducated or backwards was with pride. These generally are within the Cajun ethnicity, despite through humor. Non-Cajun satirists individuals who are very involved in

10 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns the Cajun community, for example heritage but have Scottish, Irish as the Cajun Renaissance (see Cajun (Sexton 2009). Some older Cajuns and English surnames (Bond 1931). Renaissance), or the revival of the with working class backgrounds The Cajuns of Alabama tend to Cajun ethnicity beginning in the use the term regularly without be Methodist or Baptist, and the 1960s, grew, some scholars saw the the intention of vulgarity (Sexton surrounding community considers fascination of America with the Ca- 2009). Yet some Cajun youth use them to be uncouth, unintelligent, jun festival of Mardi Gras and the the word for self-referral to distin- backwoods, and poor (Bond 1931). increasing commodification of it as guish themselves from their parents an example of the Americanization and grandparents who these youth Trends Toward Americanization of the Cajun culture (Bankston III would consider real Cajuns (Sexton During the Civil War, most Aca- and Henry 2000). It has been shown 2009). Similarly, some Cajuns use dian farmers and landowners sup- that modern Cajuns are increasingly the term for self-referral to distance ported Cooperationist candidates, being assimilated into mainstream themselves from their Acadian or but as tensions rose, poor Acadians American society through economic French past (Sexton 2009). On the increasingly supported the separa- and educational institutions, but other hand, some Cajuns, regardless tionist movement (Brasseaux 2005). many Cajuns still retain many of age or even socioeconomic class, After the Confederate government cultural traits that uniquely identify take offense to the title Coonass by seized crops and livestock to sustain them as Cajun (Clarke 1988; Green anyone at all, but most especially the Confederate Army, however, 2005).Yet, while some individuals non-Cajuns (Sexton 2009). many Acadians welcomed the Union today, even those of Cajun decent, Army as liberators only to find they revere the Cajun culture of their an- Although there are some shared were no friendlier than Confederate cestors, many feel Cajuns have lost labels applied to Cajuns and French- soldiers (Brasseaux 2005). much of their Francophone unique- speaking Creoles, such as unculti- During the Reconstruction period, ness and have become steadfastly vated, simple-minded, illiterate and Americanized (Abbott 2006). lazy, Cajuns and Creoles are not one amidst much political turmoil, and the same (Dubois and Horvath many of the wealthier Acadians Language 2003). Creoles (hailing from Afro- shunned their heritage and inte- Although the French only had French descendants) were marginal- grated into mainstream Louisiana control of Louisiana for a short ized by society because of economic culture. Meanwhile, poor Acadians period in Louisiana’s long history status and skin color. What they were left economically devastated, as a colony (Haggard 1945), the shared with Cajuns were this mar- and the stigma of being lower class French language became a domi- ginalization and the French lan- became increasingly associated nant language in the region and has guage (Dubois and Horvath 2003; with the Cajun identity by outsid- continued to influence the languages Hodges 1972). Since World War II, ers (Dormon 1984a). Upper-class of Louisiana today, including the however, Louisianans have come to Acadians who moved to urban areas English spoken in places such as embrace the culture of both Cajuns seeking assimilation into Anglo New Orleans (Eble 2009). During and Creoles as uniquely Louisianan society disassociated themselves as the time when Acadians, or Ca- through music and food (Dubois and Cajuns and began to speak English juns, were settling in Louisiana, so Horvath 2003). only and educate their children in too, were peoples of other ethnic English schools, leaving poor Cajuns origins. Germans, Spaniards and Cajuns of Alabama with the stereotype of being poor Italians were beginning to settle There is a small group of individ- and uneducated (Brasseaux 2005). in the French colony (Kollmorgen uals who live on a strip of land only and Harrison 1946). This variety 9 miles wide about 30 miles north After WWII many Cajuns who had the opportunity to go to college of cultures caused the melding of of Mobile County, Alabama (Bond languages and influenced the devel- 1931). Sometimes known as The due to the GI Bill, used the skills they learned in the military or in opment of what is now known as Lost Tribe of Alabama, they also are Cajun French (Bodin 1990; Kollmor- called the Cajuns of Alabama. Al- factories during WWII and there- fore increased their opportunities gen and Harrison 1946). Moreover, though there is no known ancestral many Native Americans in the relationship with the Cajuns of Lou- for upward mobility (Theriot 2007). After WWII, the new Cajun genera- region adopted the French language, isiana, like the Louisiana Cajuns, and as intermarrying occurred be- the term Cajun carries a derogatory tions of the 1950s and 1960s did not shun their Cajun ancestry like those tween the Native Americans and the connotation for the Alabama Cajuns Cajuns, Louisiana’s Francophone (Bond 1931; Griessman and Hen- a century before them. Instead, they embraced and promoted their Cajun community became ever more com- son 1975). The Cajuns of Alabama plex (Dajko 2009). claim to have Native American identity (Brasseaux 2005). In fact,

11 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns Early on, Cajun French had been This law prohibiting French from tural heritage. They have said their influenced by the English language, being spoken or taught in schools language helped them define who stemming from the Acadian’s tu- also brought with it a stigma that they were as a Cajun people (Riviere multuous history with the British Louisianans who spoke French were 2009). colonizers in Canada and later the uneducated and unintelligent (Camp English living in Louisiana (Fortier 2010). Therefore, many parents In 1941, it was estimated that 1891). Throughout Cajun history, stopped teaching their children about a half million whites and the English and French languages French to avoid stigmatization thousands of African-Americans have influenced each other. More- (Camp 2010). Yet, before this law living in Louisiana spoke a dialect over, informal speech between was passed, Cajun French was the of French (Meigs 1941). It was esti- Cajuns increasingly incorporated primary language used in Cajun mated in 1955 that approximately words adopted from the European churches, in the home, at com- 40 to 50 percent of the Louisiana and Native American languages munity events and in other social population was of French decent found in the variety of cultures settings (Riviere 2009). Even today, (Bertrand 1955). Today, approxi- around them (Kollmorgen and Har- reeling from statewide labeling and mately 250,000 individuals speak rison 1946). Although influenced persecution decades before, many Cajun French (Ryon 2002). But by cultures outside of the Cajuns, Cajuns and non-Cajuns still refer this number is quickly declining as this unique Cajun patois was not to Cajun French as Broken French, the Louisiana French dialects erode used for written communication and Bad French or Bayou French (Riv- (Ryon 2002). outsiders were not exposed to it, so iere 2009). The transmission of Cajun French few outside of the Cajun commu- between generations is dependent nity understood it (Kollmorgen and After World War I and the Red Scare, Cajun children were chastised upon assimilation of Cajuns to the Harrison 1946). As this distinctive non-Cajun culture around them language predominated in the Cajun additionally at school for speaking French. Just decades later, how- (Bankston III and Henry 1998). community, it encouraged group co- For example, some scholars have hesion and inhibited communication ever, in the 1960s, during what was deemed the Cajun Renaissance, found that since the Cajun ethnicity with the outside world (Kollmorgen is associated with lower socioeco- and Harrison 1946). Cajun French had a revival in the culture, and the interest among Ca- nomic advantage, those individuals Still, as Cajun French was, in fact, juns to learn and use the language who identify with and maintain the derived from the formal French grew (Camp 2010). There was such a traits of the Cajun ethnicity tend language. There is evidence that it renewed interest in teaching French to be more disadvantaged because retains many similarities with the in public schools during this time of this identification (Bankston III French spoken outside of the tradi- that French teachers from France and Henry 1998). Therefore, Cajun tional Acadian territories (Johans- and Belgium were brought in to parents are less likely to pass on son 1981; Lane 1934; Picone 2006). support such efforts (Green 2004). these disadvantageous traits to their Some scholars have identified the Some scholars saw the beginnings children, and ironically non-Cajun similarities and differences found of this revival of southern dialecti- parents or parents living outside in these various Louisiana French cal languages like Cajun French as of traditional Cajun areas who are dialects and argue the differences incredibly important because the assimilating to non-Cajun culture between them can be traced back to preservation of regional language are more likely to encourage iden- their ancestors’ heritage from even is important for the retention of tification with ethnic traits such as before the Acadian exodus from cultural heritage (Leich 1977). learning Cajun French (Bankston Canada to Louisiana (Rottet 2004). III and Henry 1998). Still, other Yet, Cajun youth in school today scholars have found that the more The Cajun French language has are reluctant to speak the language an individual has access to the Ca- been on the decline since the early of their ancestors and report that jun language, the more the individ- 20th century (Sexton 2000; Trè- the Cajun French spoken at home ual comes to self-identify as Cajun panier 1988). In fact, as a wave of is very different from the French (Dubois and Melançon 1997). nationalism took over the United they learn at school (Camp 2010). States, Louisiana legislators passed Still, with lingering memories of Among all French dialects found a ban on the French language in the the importance of language in their in Louisiana today, Cajun French classroom and in 1921 constructed a culture, older Cajuns have reported is the most commonly spoken and law in the state’s constitution to en- feeling sad and disappointed that maintains the most prestige – even force the ban (Bernard 2003, Camp younger generations are not learning more than the Louisiana Creole that 2010, Riviere 2009, Wiley 2002). Cajun French as part of their cul- is said to have highly influenced

12 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns many aspects of the language itself Mardi Gras (or Carnival) Mardi Gras travelers would take out (Johansson 1981; Baronian 2005). Mardi Gras is celebrated by Ca- grievances upon their neighbors by In a study comparing Cajun French juns annually on the Tuesday before forcing the women to dance, stealing and Creole, it has been found that the Lenten season begins (Ancelet food or vandalizing property (Ance- Cajun French is associated with 1991). Mardi Gras is a traditional let 1991). values linked to females and the celebration that has morphed out older generation as well as a sense of pagan springtime fertility, death In cities or towns, Mardi Gras of social superiority while Creole and resurrection ceremonies and is developed as an organized parade of is conversely linked to values as- based on rituals that emphasized street performers, dancers and musi- sociated with males, the younger nudity, seduction and trickery that cians to entertain the crowds (An- generation and social equality date back to medieval times (Ance- celet 1991). Musicians would play (Tentchoff 1977). Although some let 1991; Lindahl 1996; Sawin 2001). the traditional Mardi Gras song and scholars believe the dialectic pres- Stemming from the general French other Cajun folk music while revel- ervation of Cajun French is on the Louisiana population in the 18th ers and entertainers alike wore the decline (Picone 1997), others have and 19th centuries, Mardi Gras has traditional Mardi Gras colors of yel- encountered encouragement in the become identified as specifically low, purple, green and red (Ancelet academic system for the introduc- Cajun since the 1960s when a revi- 1991). Parades eventually developed tion and sensitization of various talization of the local Cajun culture into large processions with floats southern dialects, including Acadian occurred (Sexton 1999). Specific where merchants and aristocrats French and Cajun English through practices that have survived and would throw goods out to the crowd literature for children in elementary are still used in Mardi Gras today (Shrum 1996). school (Cross and Aldridge 1989). include costumes and masks that In both the city and country represent the opposite of one’s place In addition to forming their own celebrations, the festivities ended at in society and provide anonymity midnight in honor of Ash Wednes- unique dialect of French, the Cajun that allows for chaotic behavior and culture also has developed its own day, the first day of Lent (Ancelet celebration in public spaces (Ancelet 1991). In south Louisiana especially, dialect of English known as Cajun 1991). Mardi Gras traditionally is English that is still spoken today king’s cake is eaten on Ash Wednes- celebrated in a processional manner day. Baked inside the cake is a bean (Riviere 2009). Mainly, this form of through town and city streets where English is distinguished by a very or plastic baby, which a symbol of alcohol is consumed to increase the fertility, and the person who receives a particular accent used in word altered state of consciousness for pronunciation (Dubois and Horvath the piece with the bean or baby is revelers encouraging the shedding of king for the day (Ancelet 1991). 1998; Oetting and Garrity 2006). inhibitions (Ancelet 1991). For example, pronouncing the work Cross-dressing has been a preva- think as tink or that as dat (Dubois The development of Mardi Gras lent phenomenon throughout Mardi and Horvath 1998). Among Cajuns among the Cajuns in Louisiana var- Gras celebrations. Often, men dress it has been shown the majority of ied between those who lived in the as women to identify what they are individuals who tend to speak with countryside and those who resided not (a common theme in Mardi Gras this accent are the older and young- in cities. In the country, men dressed costuming), and in early times, it er generations, while middle-aged in costume would travel between was said that only those men who Cajuns show less signs of speak- farms offering entertainment in were truly masculine could pull off ing with the Cajun English accent exchange for gifts and donations of dressing as a woman without arous- overall (Dubois and Horvath 1998). food items to the communal gumbo ing suspicion of the individual’s Similarly, other scholars have found that would be eaten later that day sexuality (Ancelet 1991). Moreover, that not all Cajuns maintain an (Ancelet 1991). Often the gift was in the very early days of Cajun Mar- accent or are necessarily associated a chicken the Mardi Gras traveler di Gras, only men were allowed to with the Cajun ethnicity because of had to chase and catch – provid- participate in the traveling celebra- their accent (Walton 1994). Other ing entertainment to the family tions (Ancelet 1991). Some say this Cajuns use French inspired slang who was being visited (Ancelet is because women did not want their words in their everyday English. Us- 1991). This chicken might be used men, in disguise, to attempt to have ing words such as beignet for fritter, for the communal gumbo or might sexual relations with other women pirogue for rowboat and kyoodle for be kept by the Mardi Gras traveler (Ancelet 1991; Ruston 1979). mutt, many Cajuns, particularly in to give to his wife who would later the New Orleans area, prove their sell the eggs for spending money Generally, in those early days, the French heritance (Hall 2000). (Ancelet 1991; Ruston 1979). Some female involvement in Mardi Gras

13 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns was to design and sew the costumes act, along with many others, is an The ability of Cajuns to adapt and masks for the men and to cook illustration the celebration of Mardi their cuisine to the unique Louisi- the gumbo (Ware 2001). Now, how- Gras continues to thrive and change ana ecosystem and mesh of cultures ever, women participate in Mardi over time. around them has proven their envi- Gras in many of the same ways ronmental competence and ability men do (Ware 2001). Some women Cuisine to be innovative (Gutierrez 1983; have worked to change rural Mardi The uniqueness of Cajun cuisine Kniffen 1960). This ability has led Gras traditions to fulfill their own serves to unite the diverse Cajun to the diverse and even improvisa- needs and tastes (Ware 1994). Some population, providing them with tional character of Cajun cuisine. women, called Lady Mardi Gras, a distinct culinary character. A Modern Cajun dishes start out with even ride, masked, through small national fad, perhaps replacing the a basic foundation but then lend towns entertaining for money or French language as the most im- themselves to a variety of ingredi- food, just as men traditionally have portant element in Cajun culture ents in the everything-in-the-kitchen done (Ware 1994). (Trèpanier 1988), Cajun cuisine is style that has come to be known as popularly known as being spicy, uniquely Cajun (Ruston 1979). In smaller towns today, Mardi fried, creative and innovative. But Gras celebrations have reduced in there are a variety of influences and Gumbo, jambalaya, sauce piquant size and number. Many individuals techniques that have been incorpo- and etoufee are three traditional and are unable to attend due to modern- rated over the years to make Cajun very popular food items made by day work schedules or fear of injury cuisine what it is today (Ten Eyck Cajuns everywhere. To make gumbo, and subsequent loss of income 2001). one always starts with a roux, which (Sawin 2001). But Mardi Gras is flour slowly browned in butter or still thrives in the larger southern Cajun cuisine began with the animal fat (Ruston 1979). Next, add Louisiana cities, most especially French and Acadian styles used onion, bell peppers and garlic, the New Orleans (Ware 2003). The by the original Acadian migrants, trifecta of Cajun ingredients known diverse group of Cajun individu- who used cooking techniques and as Mon Dieu (Ruston 1979). For als today who organize many of ingredients that they brought them the main ingredient, gumbo gener- the Mardi Gras activities all agree from their native France (Leistner ally is made with any meat except Mardi Gras events should reflect 1986). Yet, once settled in their new beef; most traditionally a combina- and promote the Cajun ethnicity. home in Louisiana, many Cajuns tion of oysters, shrimp, crabmeat, Due to pressures to acculturate by interacted with the natives, who sausage or bacon is used (Ruston the non-Cajun community, however, taught them unique cooking styles 1979). Gumbo is derived from an some disagree on exactly how this and food items (Mandelblatt 2003; African word for okra, which also should be done (Esman 1982). Many Ten Eyck 2001). For example, na- is included in the gumbo for flavor Cajuns from older generations feel tives taught the new migrants how and sauce thickening (Ruston 1979). youngsters participating in Mardi to extract sugar from sugarcane, Jambalaya is a rice dish inspired by Gras in modern times are not aware and crawfish was introduced to the the early Spanish influence on the of the meaning of Mardi Gras, are new migrants’ diet (Ten Eyck 2001). Cajuns (Ruston 1979). Jambalaya is not familiar with the traditions of Reciprocally, many French colonial- a crawfish or meat roux cooked with Mardi Gras and are only interested ists took Native American foods and rice and water, tomatoes, onions and in drinking and partying (Sawin demonstrated how they could be whatever leftovers are around and 2001). “civilized” by cooking them in the need to be cooked (Ruston 1979). French fashion (Dawdy 2010). In Sauce piquante is a dish that has Some scholars link the public addition to the Native American in- a bullion base used in other dishes, drunkenness and the misconduct fluence, Cajun cuisine has integrated but this one has pepper or spices that follows to the anonymity various ingredients and styles from and a variety of meats that could be Mardi Gras costumes provide the the German, Spanish, Irish, Italian, added to it (Ruston 1979). Tradi- participants (Sexton 2001). Perhaps African and other cultures that also tionally, sauce piquant is cooked the most notorious act of modern migrated into the Louisiana area with one or more of the following: day Mardi Gras debauchery is the (Hill and Barclay 2008; Mandelblatt squid, frog’s legs, turtles, quail, exposure of a woman’s breasts in 2003). Examples of this include the chicken, squirrel, rabbit or pigeon exchange for beads. The origins of use of okra brought by Africans and (Ruston 1979). Another popular this practice, which began in the the creation of jambalaya, which is meat used specifically in Cajun 1970s, cannot be concretely de- similar to Spanish paella, without cuisine is crawfish. Cooked in many termined (Shrum 1996). Still, this saffron (Hill and Barclay 2008). ways, one of the most delectable is

14 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns crawfish etoufee, which is a concoc- accompaniment of the bass, the Cajun music, always joyous, lent tion of onions, garlic, celery, bell triangle and the guitar. itself easily to dance. Therefore, peppers and crawfish tails cooked Cajun dances existed from the very in crawfish fat and served over rice The accordion is the main staple origins of Cajun folk music. Each (Ruston 1979). of Cajun folk music and was intro- family member generally knew how duced into Cajun culture by the to play at least one instrument, so Politics German migrants who came from large family gatherings often ended While not widely discussed by the Midwest to Louisiana in the with music and dancing where all scholars, one author did indicate 1880s looking for work in the rice the furniture would be moved out that politically Acadians tended to fields and laying railroads (Ruston of one room and gumbo and beer remain apolitical during the late 1979). Cajun music also has been placed out while the adults danced 18th and early 19th centuries. As heavily influenced by the French and the children were put to bed universal suffrage was granted to Creoles, who introduced western (Ancelet 1991). Household dances males in Louisiana in 1845 and with French folk music, and the Native that included friends and family Jacksonian politics on the rise, how- Americans in south Louisiana, who and were held in the rural areas of ever, many individuals became inter- contributed their unique wailing Cajun country usually took place ested in governmental politics, and singing style (Ancelet 1991; Spitzer on Friday and Saturday evenings by 1850s many Acadians supported 1988). Later, black Creoles col- and featured socializing, alcohol the Democratic Party (Brasseaux laborated with Cajuns, lending new consumption and gambling (Sexton 2005). Some scholars have measured rhythms, percussion styles, impro- 1990). Eventually, family gatherings the voting trends in Cajun parishes visational techniques and even the evolved into community gatherings in Louisiana to better understand blues from their own cultural music in halls where entrepreneurial Ca- possible patterns of racism in elec- known as Zydeco to Cajun folk styl- juns sometimes began to charge for tions. It was found that individuals ing (Ancelet 1991; Jolly 2000). admittance, especially after World in these areas tended to vote for the During the 1930s and 1940s, War II (Ancelet 1991; Sexton 1990). white candidate over any nonwhite With increased Americanization candidate, regardless of politi- amplification of electronic music altered the traditional Cajun folk and the introduction of mainstream cal party association (Skinner and music and dance styles, the forms of Klinkner 2004). sound, and Cajun music became increasingly recorded in studios Cajun dance has altered, but dance The Cajun Flag and released for sale (Ancelet 1991). has remained an integral part of Ca- The Cajun flag was adopted in Cajun swing music became popular jun culture (Bernard 2003; Sexton 1965. Dean Thomas Arceneaux in the late 1930s and for the decade 1990). crafted a flag that illustrated three that followed (Brasseaux 2004). The Cajun Renaissance fleurs-de-lis harkening to the Cajun This particular style incorporated The Cajun Renaissance began culture’s French roots, presented amplified orchestras along with tra- around 1964 during the civil rights on a blue field with a gold castle ditional instruments like fiddles and movement in the United States on a red backdrop illustrating the drums (Brasseaux 2004). Starting and was supported by Cajuns who settlement of the exiled Acadians after World War II and into the Ca- wanted a revitalization of Cajun in Spanish colonized Louisiana, and jun music of today, what is known food, music, and language (Dor- evoking the Cajun religiosity, a gold as progressive Cajun music com- mon 1984b). Until the 1960s, the star with a white background for bines the traditional folk sound with term Cajun was a derogatory term the patron saint of Acadians, Our a mixture of rock-n-roll, country, (Trèpanier 1991), and Cajuns were Lady of the Assumption (Bernard bluegrass and jazz (Ruston 1979). working to remove the stigma of the 2003). Cajun music is one way the Cajun Cajun identity as a negative one. culture and worldview is expressed Music/Dance In addition, the Cajun Renaissance (Brasseaux 2004). It promotes the served as an opportunity for Cajuns Cajun music is diverse and versa- living of a full life that may have tile (Savoy 1984). Cajun folk musi- to reclaim French Cajun after it had struggles rather than a life where been banned in schools earlier in the cians generally play all instruments one simply exists. Cajun music tells in the band. When one puts an century (Bernard 2003; Brasseaux its listeners that a full life is attain- 2004). instrument down, he or she picks able and that one should laugh and up the next along the way. Gener- sing loudly and love and trust rather During this time, Cajun activists ally, the Cajun folk band consists of than complain, fear or fight (Ruston organized film festivals and founded the accordion and the fiddle as the 1979). radio and television programming in lead instruments, with the rhythm

15 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns which only Cajun French was used commemorate the Acadian exo- describes a time of national unity (Brasseaux 2004). Through the work dus from Canada (Bernard 2000). that occurred after the Civil War of these activists, along with other The celebration featured a series and features the story of the con- community leaders, the Council of events that lasted almost a full version of the Cajuns to speaking for the Development of French in year and honored the Cajun culture the English language (Herbert- Louisiana, also known as CODO- and its traditions (Bernard 2000). Leiter 2005). Kate Chopin and other FIL, was founded to educate the Due to the political climate in the female writers have used the Cajun public about Cajun culture. It also United States at the time, however, culture as an example of how female confronted the psychological and at the height of the Cold War, and sexuality is controlled in literary political ramifications of the nega- the celebration’s attempt to satisfy portrayals by patriarchal controls tive stigma attached to Cajuns for mainstream American values, it (Herbert-Leiter 2005) and they so long (Brasseaux 2004; Dormon neglected to include the interests of have used Louisiana and its Catho- 1984a). Other formal organizations many Louisiana Cajuns and there- lic Cajun culture as a backdrop to were formed in the late 1960s and fore did not achieve the sense of eth- illustrate the human, particularly 1970s to preserve and commemorate nic solidarity that was its original feminine, experience of sacrifice for Cajun culture. For example, in 1968 goal (Bernard 2000). belonging and the role of women as the Council for the Development of in-group and out-group participants French in Louisiana was established, Housing (Beard 2009; Simpore 2009). While along with the Center for Louisiana One of the many housing features these three works portray a more history and the Center for Acadian introduced to the Cajun lifestyle mythical, less tangible depiction of and Creole Folklore in the 1970s, by their fellow migrants includes Cajun culture, other works of the which was spearheaded by the Uni- the Cajun barn (Comeaux 1989). 20th century present a more sincere versity of Southwestern Louisiana Initially used by Germans, the barn representation of Acadian culture (Ancelet 1988). Some scholars argue, structure was incorporated among (Herbert-Leiter 2005). Authors like however, that this revitalization of Cajun farmers in the 18th century Ernest Gaines, James Lee Burke French Louisiana culture is incom- but has been replaced by newer and Dave Robicheaux write about plete since it has only focused on architectural structures in recent the racial status of Cajuns and their the Cajun ethnicity and ignored the years (Comeaux 1989). The shot- loss of innocence as Americaniza- black Creoles and French-speaking gun style house was used by many tion crept into the culture (Herbert- Native Americans in the region (Trè- Cajuns in coastal bayou areas, and Leiter 2005). panier 1991). various other styles, like the Mid- western style or open-passage type, Plays also have been written in Food festivals and other communi- were found predominantly in the honor of the cultural dilemma of ty rituals (Gordon 1991) are exam- prairie region (Kniffen 1936). Some the Cajuns. Mille Miseres and Les ples of the many ways Cajuns have unique features of Cajun houses Attakaps describe the assimilation, expressed their unity and cultural include using the attic as a sleep- acculturation and Americanization identity during this renaissance pe- ing space and the outside porch as a of the Cajuns (Heylen 1994). riod. Adopting the crawfish from the gallery (Ostrom 2005). In the upper Native Americans, the Cajuns have bayou area, Biloxi style houses Scholars have documented and used the crawfish as a symbol to were built by the Cajuns. These had examined the Cajun and Creole folk- unite Cajuns with varying heritage a sloping roof from front to back tale tradition as one that is intergral and ideologies from across Louisiana (Bowie 1935). Often, Cajun homes to understanding Cajun culture and (Esman 1981; Gutierrez 1983). The were simple and had only two or have found that even modern day Crawfish Festival has become one of three rooms (Bowie 1935). folktales align with their Cajun self the largest and most predominant idenity (Deutsch and Peyton 1979; Cajun festivals in Louisiana and is Literature Eisenman 1995; Klesener 1988; an illustration of Cajun group soli- Cajun culture has been immortal- Lopez 2010). Some scholars have darity (Esman 1981). ized in the literature of Acadian looked at Cajun folktales to under- people. A few literary works com- stand the culture from a sociopsy- Still, even before the Cajun Re- posed in the late 1800s specifically chological perspective, analyizing naissance, Cajuns expressed their depicted the Cajun culture and Cajun values, and esentially have ethnic pride in large social events presented it to the nation. Evange- found that the Cajun worldview was similar to festivals like the Crawfish line, by Henry Wadsworth Long- accurately reflected in their folk sto- Festival. For example, in 1955 the fellow, told about the Acadians as ries (Mixon 2000). Presentations of Cajun community organized the an inherently American culture Louisiana French in literature and Acadian Bicentennial Celebration to (Herbert-Leiter 2005). Bonaventure expression through writing are illus-

16 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns trations of its decline (Brown 1993). Appendix For example, many of the Cajun folk stories and children’s books (Taylor, Overview of Cajuns in the Gulf of Mexico Region Williams and Kamienski 2010) that Section Broad Conclusions are written today to educate Cajun children about their culture focus on Origins and History Religious and political strife in their native Acadiana, a French- occupied colony in modern day Nova Scotia, Canada, and the English language only. expulsion from their homeland resulted in the Acadian people Conclusion leaving their homeland to resettle elsewhere. Migration The Acadian exiles caught a ship to New Orleans with the intent The Cajuns are a people who have to travel to Quebec, but they ran out of funds once they got maintainted the integrety of their to New Orleans and thus remained to settle permanently in cultural heritage throughout the cen- Louisiana. turies. Dispite hardship and discrim- Culture Cajun culture is famous in the United States today as one of ination forced upon them and their spice and revelry and of Mardi Gras and gumbo. In this paper, it ancestors, they have proven to be has been shown that Cajun culture has been shaped by its his- a resillient people. There have been tory, ties to the land, and non-Cajun cultural influences. ebbs and flows in their economic op- Occupations Many Cajuns still located in Louisiana have more working class jobs than upper class positions. For example, in both 1990 and portunities, ability to pass on their 2000, it was found that a Cajun is more likely to be employed in culture to their children and their the transportation, manufacturing or construction industry and overall well-being, but the Cajuns are less likely to occupy a position as a manager or a professional a uniquely American culture that service person than any other non-Hispanic white ethnic group. people from all over the nation have Oil and Gas Industry The oil and gas industry has significantly influenced the Aca- come to revere. Their relationship dian, or Cajun, culture since its establishment in Louisiana in to the enviornment and struggles the early 1900s. Scholars agree that, for better or for worse, Ca- with the oil industry and the greater jun culture would look completely different than it does today without the discovery of and sanctioned drilling for oil and gas American culture, both supporting in the bayou areas. Similarly, many Cajuns are employed in the and posing threats to their ways industry or related industries such as fishing. of life, has altered their cultural Ecology For many reasons, roads were slow to develop in the bayou construction and sustainability. region where Cajuns settled. This resulted in a lack of exposure Although it seems there is a trend to outside sources and caused Cajuns to increasingly rely on among Cajuns to move out of Loui- the land for sustenance by using the resources that were found siana to seek employment and other in the forests and the Gulf, such as trees for logging, Spanish moss, wildlife and fish. opportunities and that some may reject their Cajun ethnicity, Cajuns Environmental Justice Mineral extraction of clay, lime, salt, gravel, sulfur, sand and shell in addition to natural gases and petroleum resulted in have proven their resourcefulness Cajun lands being destroyed. Similarly, pollution created by and adapatability when faced with oil drilling and marsh dredging ruined lands formerly used by having to perserve their heritage. Cajuns for hunting, fishing and trapping.

Brasseaux and Foret (1985) offers a comprehensive bibliography of Additional Reading historical, cultural and genealogical material referencing Acadian cul- For more information on the overall history and cul- ture and features a collection of books, articles, photographic essays, ture of the Cajun people, a brief annotated bibliography art books and the like found between 1955 and 1985. has been presented below. Conrad (1978) presents a collection of 12 essays each focused on a dif- ferent aspect of the Cajun story. This collection addresses not only the Ancelet et al. (1987) provides a deeply thorough account of Cajun his- historical Acadian exile but also acculturation, cultural traditions and tory, starting from its roots in Canada, and follows the development the influence of Cajun culture in Louisiana today. and expansion of Cajun culture in Louisiana. This book highlights Conrad and Brasseaux (1982) offer a bibliography of collected litera- geographical settings, social organization, folk life, language and cul- ture that describes New France and colonial Louisiana. This bibliogra- tural resources and features interviews, oral histories and participant phy features manuscripts, theses and dissertations, as well as articles observation narratives. and monographs. Baker and Kreamer (1982) present a series of essays compiled by Eisenman (2004) provides a review of two books focused on Ca- teachers and administrators in St. Landry Parish as part of an ethnicity jun culture: “The Cajuns: Americanization of a People,” by Shane K curriculum used to help train teachers on how to teach to a multicul- Bernard, and “Mardi Gras, Gumbo and Zydeco: Readings in Louisiana tural classroom. Topics in this collection include essays on the history, Culture,” by Marcia Gaudet and James C. McDonald. ethnic traditions and culture of the various ethnic groups in St. Landry Parish, as well as teaching tips for multi-ethnic classrooms.

17 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns Jumonville (2002) offers a compliation of more than 6,800 sources Bankston III, Carl L., and Jacques M. Henry. 1998. “The Silence of the that have been arranged into a variety of a categories. This bibilog- Gators: Cajun Ethnicity and Intergenerational Transmission of Louisi- raphy organized the literature into categories such as environment, ana French.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development antebellum Louisiana, Civil War and Reconstruction, modern Louisi- 19(1):1-23. ana and the people of Louisiana. —. 1999. “Endogamy Among Lousiana Cajuns: A Social Class Explana- Louisiana Division of the Arts (1999) has developed a website (URL: tion.” Social Forces 77(4):1317-38. http://www.lib.lsu.edu/apps/onoff- http://www.louisianafolklife.org)that documents the folk cultural campus.php?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true resources of Louisiana. This website presents literature and general &db=sih&AN=2106569&site=ehost-live&scope=site information on folk life and how to conduct folk life projects in Loui- —. 2000. “Spectacles of Ethnicity: Festivals and the Commodification siana. of Ethnic Culture Among Louisiana Cajuns.” Sociological Spectrum McKernan (2010) addresses the overall Cajun experience. Beginning 20(4):377. http://www.lib.lsu.edu/apps/onoffcampus.php?url=http:// with the arrival of the Cajuns in Louisiana, this article then discusses search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih&AN=3679036 the Cajun landscape, demographic characteristics, cultural heritage, &site=ehost-live&scope=site familial customs and the Cajun culture in today’s society. Baronian, Luc V. 2005. “A Probable Influence of Louisiana Creole on Uzee (1985) presents a compilation of genealogies and life histories of Cajun French.” La Linguistique 41 (1): 133-140. individuals of Cajun decent living in the Lafourche region of Louisi- Beard, Elizabeth M. 2009. “The Virgin’s Daughters: Catholic Traditions ana. The contents of the entries cover a wide range of topics including and the Post-Colonial South in Contemporary Women’s Writing.” Pp. settlement in the area, land development and culture. 168 in English. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University. Valdman 1997 offers a variety of perspectives on the development Begnaud, Allen E. 1964. “Acadian Exile.” Louisiana History: The Journal and change of the French language in Louisiana. A collection of of the Louisiana Historical Association 5(1):87-91. http://www.jstor. authors have created chapters covering various topics, including the org/stable/4230747 language shift among Cajuns, the language structure of Creole and French folklore. Bennett, Harold Carson. 1952. “Rural Social Areas of Louisiana.” Pp. vii, 86 in Sociology. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University. Works Cited Bernard, Shane K. 2000. “Acadian Pride, Anglo-Conformism: The Aca- Abbott, Lee M. 2006. “Coming to a Post-Colonial Poetics of Being dian Bicentennial Celebration of 1955.” Louisiana History: The Journal Post-Cajun.” Antigonish Review: 125-36. http://www.lib.lsu.edu/apps/ of the Louisiana Historical Association 41(2):161-74. http://www.jstor. onoffcampus.php?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct org/stable/4233656 =true&db=a9h&AN=22559228&site=ehost-live&scope=site —. 2003. The Cajuns: Americanization of a People. Jackson, Miss.: Albrecht, Andrew C. 1946. “Indian-French Relations at Natchez.” University Press of Mississippi. American Anthropologist 48(3):321-54. Bertrand, Alvin Lee. 1955. “The Many Louisianas: Rural Social Areas Allen, H. David, and William B. Bankston. 1981. “Another Look at the and Cultural Islands.” Pp. 44. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State Univer- Southern Culture of Violence Hypothesis: The Case of Louisiana” sity and Agricultural and Mechanical College Agricultural Experiment Southern Studies 20:55-66. Station. Ancelet, Barry J. 1987. “Rednecks, Roughnecks and the Bosco Stomp: Bodin, Catherine. 1990. “Contacts and Characteristics Common to The Arrival of the Oil Industry at Marais Bouleur” Pp. 399-410 in The Acadian French and Louisiana French Creole.” Journal of the Atlantic Cajuns: Their History and Culture, edited by Barry Jean Ancelet, Provinces Linguistic Association (14). Dewey Balfa, David Barry, Carl A. Brasseaux, Jay Dearborn Edwards, Ruth Fontenot, Fred Bowerman Kniffen, Randall La Bry, Elemore Bond, Horace Mann. 1931. “Two Racial Islands in Alabama.” American Morgan Jr., Glen Petre, Robert Smith, and Jane Vidrine. New Orleans, Journal of Sociology 36(4):552-67. La.: U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Jean Lafitte Bowie, Helen M. 1935. “Bayou Lafourche.” Pp. 43. Baton Rouge, La.: National Historical Park, Louisiana. Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College. Ancelet, Barry J. 1988. “Current Research on Cajun Culture.” Pp. 347-50 Brasseaux, Carl A. 1986. “The Moral Climate of French Colonial Louisi- in Proceedings: Eighth Annual Gulf of Mexico Information Transfer ana, 1699-1763.” Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana His- Meeting, December 1987, edited by Geo-Marine Inc., New Orleans, torical Association 27(1):27-41. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4232472 La.: U.S. Department of the Interior, Minerals Management Service, Gulf of Mexico OCS Region. http://www.gomr.mms.gov/PI/PDFIm- —. 1987. The Founding of New Acadia:The Beginnings of Acadian Life ages/ESPIS/3/3691.pdf in Louisiana, 1765-1803. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press. Ancelet, Barry Jean, Dewey Balfa, David Barry, Carl A. Brasseaux, Jay Dearborn Edwards, Ruth Fontenot, Fred Bowerman Kniffen, Randall Brasseaux, Carl A. and Michael James Foret. 1985. A Selected Bib- La Bry, Elemore Morgan Jr., Glen Petre, Robert Smith and Jane Vidrine. liography of Acadian History, Culture and Genealogy: 1955-1985. 1987. “The Cajuns: Their History and Culture.” Pp. xiv, 390; v, 278; iv, Thibodaux, La.: Ellender Memorial Library, Nicholls State University. 435; iii, 300; vi, 725. New Orleans, La.: U.S. Department of the Interior, Brasseaux, Carl A. 2005. French, Cajun, Creole, Houma: A Primer on National Park Service, Jean Lafitte National Historical Park, Louisiana. Francophone Louisiana. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Arceneaux, Maureen G. 1982. “Acadian to Cajun: Population, Family, Press. and Wealth in Southwest Louisiana 1765-1854.” Pp. 453. United States Brasseaux, Ryan A. 2004. “Bayou Boogie: The Americanization of Cajun – Utah: Brigham Young University. Music, 1928-1950.” Pp. 152 in Geography and Anthropology. Baton Aubert, Guillaume. 2002. “’Francais, Negres et Sauvages’: Constructing Rouge: Louisiana State University. Race in Colonial Louisiana.” Pp. 288. United States – Louisiana: Tulane Brassieur, C. Ray. 1988. “National Park Service Ethnographic Studies: University. http://www.lib.lsu.edu/apps/onoffcampus.php?url=http:// An Overview.” Pp. 328-31 in Proceedings: Eight Annual Gulf of Mexico proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=726401061&Fmt=7&clientId=19327 Information Transfer Meeting, December 1987, edited by Geo-Marine &RQT=309&VName=PQD Inc., New Orleans, La.: U.S. Department of the Interior, Minerals Man- Baker, Vaughn B., and Jean T. Kreamer (Eds.). 1982. Louisiana Tapestry: agement Service, Gulf of Mexico OCS Region. http://www.gomr.mms. The Ethnic Weave of St. Landry Parish. Lafayette, La.: Center for Louisi- gov/PI/PDFImages/ESPIS/3/3691.pdf ana Studies, University of Southwestern Louisiana.

18 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns Brassieur, Charles Ray. 1999. Expressions of French Identity in the —. 1984b. “Louisiana’s Cajuns: A Case Study in Ethnic Group Re- Mid-Mississippi Valley. Pp. 163. United States – Missouri: University of vitalization.” Social Science Quarterly (University of Texas Press) Missouri-Columbia. 65(4):1043-57. Broussard, Bernard. 1977. A History of St. Mary Parish. Louisiana, St. Dubois, Sylvie, and Barbara M. Horvath. 1998. “Let’s Think About Mary Parish Library. Dat: Interdental Fricatives in Cajun English.” Language Variation and Brown, Becky. 1993. “The Social Consequences of Writing Louisiana Change 10(3):245-261. French.” Language in Society 22(1):67-101. http://www.jstor.org/ —. 2003. “Creoles and Cajuns: A Portrait in Black and White.” American stable/4168410 Speech 78(2) 192-207. 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Pattern of Religious Affiliation in the Cajun Region of Southwest Loui- Eisenman, Russell. 1995. “Cajun and Creole Folktales: The French Oral siana.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24(4):384-95.http:// Tradition of South Louisiana.” Multicultural Review 4 (4): 62. www.jstor.org/stable/1385989 —. 2004. “The Cajuns: Americanization of a People/Mardi Gras, —. 1988. “Assimilationist Views of an Ethnic Region: The Cajun Gumbo and Zydeco: Readings In Louisiana Culture.” Multicultural French Experience in Southwest Louisiana.” Social Science Quar- Review 13(4):77-77. terly 69(2):433-51. http://www.lib.lsu.edu/apps/onoffcampus. php?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=sih Ekberg, Carl J. 1996. “The Flour Trade in French Colonial Louisiana.” &AN=17078758&site=ehost-live&scope=site Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association 37(3):261-82. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4233311 Comeaux, Malcolm L. 1989. “The Cajun Barn.” Geographical Review 79(1):47-62. http://www.jstor.org/stable/215682 Esman, Marjorie R. 1981. 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Authors Crystal Paul, Louisiana State University Amanda D. Cowley, Louisiana State University Mark J. Schafer, LSU AgCenter http://www.lsuagcenter.com/en/communications/authors/MSchafer.htm Troy Blanchard, Louisiana State University

Acknowledgements This research was funded in part by the Bureau of Ocean Energy Man- agement as part of a larger project studying ethnic groups and en- claves in the Gulf of Mexico region. We would like to acknowledge Harry Luton from the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management for his feedback and encouragement throughout this project. We also would like to thank Diane Austin, Thomas McGuire, Britny Delp, Margaret Ed- www.LSUAgCenter.com gar, Lindsey Feldman, Brian Marks, Lauren Penney, Kelly McLain, Jus- tina Whalen, Devon Robbie, Monica Voge, Doug Welch and Victoria Louisiana State University Agricultural Center Phaneuf, from the University of Arizona, for providing a database of William B. Richardson, Chancellor literature and support. Similarly, we would like to acknowledge Helen Louisiana Agricultural Experiment Station John S. Russin, Vice Chancellor and Director Regis, Carolyn Ware, Bethany Rogers and Annemarie Galeucia, of Loui- Louisiana Cooperative Extension Service siana State University, for their comments and feedback. Finally, we Paul D. Coreil, Vice Chancellor and Director would like to thank Huizhen Niu, of Louisiana State University, for her assistance with GIS mapping. Research Report #118 (275) 10/12

The LSU AgCenter is a statewide campus of the LSU System and provides equal opportunities in programs and employment.

22 LSU AgCenter Research Report #118 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Cajuns