canadiana oenipontana 9

Ursula Mathis-Moser, Günter Bischof (dirs.)

Acadians and Cajuns. The Politics and Culture of French Minorities in North America Acadiens et Cajuns. Politique et culture de minorités francophones en Amérique du Nord

innsbruck university press SERIES canadiana oenipontana 9

iup • innsbruck university press © innsbruck university press, 2009 Universität Innsbruck, Vizerektorat für Forschung 1. Auflage Alle Rechte vorbehalten.

Umschlag: Gregor Sailer Umschlagmotiv: Herménégilde Chiasson, “Evangeline Beach, an American Tragedy, peinture no. 3“ Satz: Palli & Palli OEG, Innsbruck

Produktion: Fred Steiner, Rinn www.uibk.ac.at/iup

ISBN 978-3-902571-93-9 Ursula Mathis-Moser, Günter Bischof (dirs.)

Acadians and Cajuns. The Politics and Culture of French Minorities in North America Acadiens et Cajuns. Politique et culture de minorités francophones en Amérique du Nord

Cajun PoliticsinLouisiana: Charles D.Hadley 55 and LouiseOlivier, orthePursuitof Authenticity ...... Susan EvangelineWalker Anding, DudleyLeBlanc, Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960: W. FitzhughBrundage 39 Acadia: A HistoryofCulturalEncounterand Transfer ...... Ursula Lehmkuhl Beatitudes Herménégilde Chiasson Histoire etpolitique History andPolitics 27 Acadiens, CadiensetCajuns:identitéscommunesoudistinctes? ...... Maurice Basque Beatitudes Herménégilde Chiasson En guised’introduction By Way ofanIntroduction Ursula Mathis-Moser–GünterBischof Avant-propos Introduction Contents — Table desmatières – – BéatitudeS BéatitudeS , UniversitédeMoncton ...... 7 ...... , FreeUniversityofBerlin , UniversityofNewOrleans ...... 35 ...... 23 ...... , UniversityofNorthCarolina ...... 35 ...... Laissez lesbonstempsrouler ...... 23 ......

...... 71 ......

Contents — Table des matières Contents — Table des matières Auteurs Contributors 183 La chansontraditionnelledansl’Acadiecontemporaine ...... Ronald Labelle 169 The ChangingFaceof Acadian FolkSong ...... Jeanette Gallant 155 Gumbo This: The StateofaDish ...... John Laudun Beatitudes Herménégilde Chiasson Culture populaire:cuisineetmusique Popular Culture:CuisineandMusic 139 Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia andtheContinental Paradigm ...... François Paré 125 Présence /absencedelaLouisianeenlittératureacadiennecontemporaine ...... Raoul Boudreau 107 La diasporaacadiennedansuneperspectivelinguistique ...... Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh How Much Acadian is There inCajun? Klingler Thomas A. Beatitudes Herménégilde Chiasson Langue etlittérature Language andLiterature – – ...... 193 ...... BéatitudeS BéatitudeS , UniversityofLouisiana , UniversityofWaterloo , UniversitédeMoncton , UniversitédeMoncton , UniversityofOxford , TulaneUniversity ...... 151 ...... 87 ...... 87 ...... , UniversitédeRegensburg ...... 91 ...... 151 ...... Herménégilde Chiasson, Evangeline Beach, An American Tragedy

5 6 “Cajuns” ofSouthLouisianawerepartthediasporadisplaced Acadians. global hegemonic position in the world. French Acadians fromTheir American Homeland Knopf, 1986. 1980 historian BernardBailynhasappropriatelycalled“thepeoplingof America”. much largertransatlanticmigrationfromEuropetothe Americas, whichHarvard can Frenchspeakingminorities. These Frenchémigrés,ofcourse,wereparta the starting point of our journey through the comparative history of two North Ameri- murder, rape,landtheft,andculturalhomogenizationaspartofthatprocess. 3 2 1 part of France’s burgeoning North American empire in the early 17 French émigrés to Acadie, the Maritime provinces of today’s Canada, which were of thesymposiumpublishedinthisvolume. preference,andthesameholdstrueforproceedings whatever thespeaker’s tral Austrian terrain,theentireproceedingswereconductedinEnglishorFrench, of questioning some of the old mythologies about Cajuns and Acadians. On neu- Herménégilde Chiasson from New Brunswick, accomplished the remarkable task scholarly meetingofSeptember2007,undertheauspicesLieutenantGovernor in February1982withafi tween theUniversityofInnsbruckandNewOrleans,starting exchanges across the Atlantic, which form part of the partnership agenda be- Canada andtheCajunsofsouthernLouisiana September 6 and 7, 2007. This symposium on the Acadians of eastern Maritime of FrenchMinoritiesinNorth America” that washeldinInnsbruck, Austria, on jointly organizedthesymposium“AcadiansandCajuns. The PoliticsandCulture Acadian Studies and the Institute of Acadian Studies of the University of Moncton, at theUniversityofNewOrleans,supportedbyInternational Association of The CanadianStudiesCentreattheUniversityofInnsbruckandCenterAustria Introduction –Avant-propos in themid-18 improve theirimperialpositionsinNorth America, theProtestantBritishprevailed sion, in20 time provinces. Yale historianJohnMackFaragherhasrecentlycalledthisexpul- 17 John Mack Faragher, A Great and Noble Scheme: The Tragic Story of the Expulsion of the B. Abernathy, David BernardBailyn,ThePeoplingofBritishNorth America: An Introduction th and18 , NewHaven(CT), Yale UniversityPress,2000. th th -century diction,an“ethniccleansing”,withtheuglysubtextoftorture, centuriestheEuropeanpowersFranceandGreatBritainviedfora th centuryanddisplacedtheCatholicinhabitantsofFrenchmari- The Dynamics of Global Dominance: European Overseas Empires 1414- rst internationalconferenceonfederalism. The lively 2 , New York, W.W. Norton, 2005. As a result of that interminable struggle to fi t wellintothelongtraditionof , New York,New , AlfredA. th century, are 1 Inthe 3 The

7 Introduction – Avant-propos 8 Introduction – Avant-propos Susan Evangeline Walker Anding, Dudley LeBlanc, and Louise Olivier became fronted withassimilationto Anglo lifeinLouisiana.Fromthe1920sto1960s, Acadian mythology, anaccountembracedbythe Acadian eliteswhowerecon- liam Wadsworth Longfellow’s heroic poem “Evangeline”played apivotalrolein urban Creoles,wholookeddownuponthepoorrural Cajuns. American poetWil- in Louisianawho“exploited” Acadian memoryandculture,partlyinreactionto city”. F. Brundage concentrates on three champions of the Cajun identity revival attention is drawn to Louisiana and the construction of “authenti- the reader’s With FitzhughBrundage’s (UniversityofNorthCarolina,ChapelHill)contribution history.of Acadian cultures in contact and makes a remarkable contribution to anew interpretation networks. In so doing she takes up contemporary concepts of how to describe which induced Acadians todevelopaself-helpsystembasedonextendedfamily encounters, ofculturaltransferandtransculturality, andofcolonialgovernance, 84. U.Lehmkuhlconcludesbydiscussing Acadian historyinthelightofcultural critical time-space constellations as the 1680s, the 1730s, 1748–55, or 1755– of subdivisionwhereasthethirdone,inlinewithNaomiGrif 1755. The secondapproachtakesthedominantmetropolitanpowerasacriterion memory is defi deportation and after, stressing how the entire trajectory of Acadian history and The history: to Acadian North American Studies,FreeUniversityofBerlin)combinesthreeapproaches community”, GermanhistorianUrsulaLehmkuhl(JohnF. KennedyInstituteof 4 deavour toadequatelydescribewhatBenedict Anderson The chapter“HistoryandPolitics”openswithhistoricalperspectives.Inheren- insights. also makesthepointthatpopulardiscourseisfarfromintegratingthesescholarly use ofFrenchasapossiblemarkerthethreeidentities;however, M.Basque He discussesrecentstudiesthatdealwiththesecomplexitiesandfocusonthe one andthebasedontoday’s realitiesandcontemporary Acadian society. presents thetwodominantvisionsof Acadian identity:thegenealogical,“virtual” intimately linkedtothehistoryofLouisiana.BywayanintroductionM.Basque vinces ofCanadaisverydifferent fromtheCadienandCajunidentitiesthatare identities andproposesthattoday’s Acadian identityfoundinthe Atlantic Pro- Louisiana context. Recent scholarship, however, has shed a new light on these scribe the same identities with regional variations depending on the Acadian or “Cajuns”, whichformostpeopleareinterchangeablewordsandsupposedtode- (University ofMoncton)criticalre The startingpointofthepresentvolumeisCanadianhistorianMauriceBasque’s BenedictAnderson, ned by the traumatic expulsion of the French settlers from Acadie in Imagined Communities fi rst onesubdivides Acadian historyinto thetimebefore fl ection ontheterms“Acadiens”,“Cadiens”,and , London–New York, Verso, 4 hascalled“animagined fi ths, focusesonsuch 2 1991. “Louisiana French”. ler also shatters another myth by pleading for a more generic use of the term nents, onlyoneofwhichwastheFrench Acadian exiles. Moreover T. Kling- neous resultofacomplexprocesslanguagecontact thathadmanycompo- T. KlinglerconcludeswiththeassumptionthatLouisianaFrenchisheteroge- only fewaffi is sodiffi Cajuns. The lexicalrelationshipofthewords of several groups that played a role in forging a new ethnic group known today as culture, despiteevidencefromthehistoricalrecordsthat Acadians wereonlyone Acadian originscontinuestoshapeviewsofLouisianafrancophonehistoryand Tom Klingler(Tulane University) argues thateventodaythepervasivemythof ence and reciprocal perceptions of “the Other” in literary texts. American linguist of questioningcommonlyheldtopoi,concentratingonquestionslinguisticin Chapter IIIoftheproceedings,“LanguageandLiterature”,continuesinvein contributed signi timhood” was codi Maritimes; thelanguagewasrevived,andhistoricalnarrativeof Acadian “vic- of Louisiana Acadians wasformed;“pilgrimages” wereorganizedtotheCanadian of Cajunidentitythroughthepreservationlanguageandfolklore. An Association dedicated Cajunboostersandpublicactiviststhatledthecrusadeforrevival less, Cajunsareclearlynot clusively inEnglish,whichinitiatedthedeclineofFrenchLouisiana.Neverthe- Constitution of 1879, e.g., mandated that in public schools students be taught ex- The CivilWar andReconstruction,however, destroyedtheFrenchin bates intheLouisianaHouseofRepresentativeswerestillconductedFrench. tion of1845calledforaneducationsysteminbothEnglishandFrench,de- The LouisianaConstitutionof1812wasstillhandwritteninFrench;theConstitu- Catholic SouthLouisianaCajunandFrench-Creolein cian in Washington after World War II. Prior to this recent rise of Cajun politicians, U.S. Senator Allen J. Ellender from Acadiana was the longest serving Cajun politi- Cajun provincesofSouthLouisiana,asdidlong-termU.S.SenatorJohnBreaux. ernor Kathleen Babineaux Blanco (2003–2007) also hails from “Acadiana”, the Governor EdwinEdwardsdominatedLouisianapoliticsfrom1972;therecentGov- leans) analyzestheCajuns’ roleinLouisianapolitics: The colorfulfour-timeCajun In hispaper American politicalscientistCharlesHadley(UniversityofNewOr- but exilesinthe American South. cultural modernityrejected: The CajunswereneitherSouthernersnor Americans cult tomovebeyondthe“Acadianmyth”althoughLouisianaFrenchhas nities withtheFrenchspokeninMaritimeprovincesofCanada. fi cantly toitspoliticalculture. fi ed. The romance of cultural authenticity was reaf a quantiténégligeable Cajun inLouisianapoliticsbuthave andAcadian fl uences weremoresubtle. explainswhyit fl uence. The uence. fi rmed and rmed fl u-

9 Introduction – Avant-propos 10 Introduction – Avant-propos scapes, and poetry became its privileged medium of expression. Acadian history, Identity wasfurthermoreexperiencedasanopenness forthevirtualityofland- lish contactswiththe American literarysceneandthecounter-culturalmovement. It encouragedthemtoexplorethemultiplefacetsof “Americanness”,toestab- authors oftheMonctonareasuchasGéraldLeblanc orHerménégildeChiasson. to see the importance of urban Moncton, his essay had an enormous impact on genealogical rootstothedeploymentofanopenterritoriality. Although Royfailed he atthesametimetriedtoshiftidentitydebatein Acadia fromthesearchof core. IfRoycondemnedthenarrownationalismoftraditional Acadian elite, continental Acadian identity that places nomadism and urban itinerancy at its perdue Waterloo) completesthissectionwithapaperonMichelRoy’s essay Canadian literaryhistorianandcriticFançoisParé’s contribution(Universityof ing inthemodernFrench-speakingsocietyoftoday’s Acadie. the exoticfl importance to Louisiana than to Acadie, being quite obviously more fascinated by then turnstotheliteraryinstitutionsofFrancewhichquiteobviouslyattachmore liberty and sensuality, and a powerful stimulant to creative writing. R. Boudreau Leblanc, DyaneLéger, andRoseDesprésconsideredLouisianatheemblemof tic and cultural heritage, as a place where traditions are being preserved, Gérald terature, Antonine Maillet, who depicted Louisiana as a source of Acadian linguis- tions of Louisiana in recent Acadian texts. After “la grande dame” of Acadian li- Ancelet or Zachary Richard, R. Boudreau focuses on the few relevant representa- tween Louisianaand Acadie andpayingtribute to suchLouisianaauthorsasBarry Louisiana and Acadie. After examining the complexities of editorial exchanges be- when analyzingtheliteraryexchangesbetweenwritersandinstitutionsin critic RaoulBoudreau(UniversityofMoncton)exploreshithertountroddenpaths as the works of Acadian authors are concerned. Canadian literary historian and The image of the distant cousin is also re of Acadian Frenchvarieties. that Cajun French thus appears to be the most distant “cousin” within the family survived inspeci French, someofthecharacteristic Acadian featureshaveeitherbeenlostoronly Louisiana Acadian French has always been in close contact with other varieties of thetical continuum,CajunFrenchoccupiesaspecialposition:Sinceinsouthern continuum based on the structural space which separates them. In this hypo- da andLouisiana,sheseesthevarietiesof Acadian French as aninterlinguistic different perspective.Looking atlinguisticpatternsintheFrenchidiomsofCana- part, alsodeconstructsthe“Acadianmyth”althoughshedoessofromaslightly German linguistIngridNeumannn-Holzschuh(UniversityofRegensburg),forher (1979),whichheinterpretsasastartingpointfortheconstructionof avour oftextsbelongingtoasouthern“diaspora”thanbythoseevolv- fi c areas.Linguisticallyspeaking,I.Neumann-Holzschuhstates fl ected in literary texts, at least as far L’Acadie try, Bluegrass,andRock. A realfolkrevival,however, didnottakeplaceuntil1990 larized folksongs,andinthe1970sband1755combined folksongwithCoun- the mid-centurychansonnierslikeÉdithButlerappeared onthesceneandpopu- the sametimenewmusicalstyles,suchasCountryand Western, fi century preferred newly composed patriotic songs to traditional folksongs while at World Music festivals: For “moral” reasons, the educated elite of the early 20th Acadie despitethefactthat Acadian folksingers are internationallyacclaimedat this lineofargumentandexplainswhytraditionalmusicisstillmarginalizedin its socialfunctionandrisksbecomingapureartefact.RonaldLabelletakesup federal state,shealsodeploresthattraditional Acadian musichasgraduallylost buted tothe Acadians beingacceptedasalinguisticminoritywithintheCanadian played animportantroleinupholdingnationalprideandthatithasevencontri- present day. WhileJ.Gallantarguesthatthetraditional Acadian folksonghas and illustratethechangingfaceof Acadian folksongfromthe1880sto versity ofMoncton)roundoff thepresentvolume. They bringusbacktotheNorth Gallant (University of Oxford) and of folklorist and historian Ronald Labelle (Uni- The contributions of British music lecturer, conductor, and performer Jeanette J. Laudunputsit,wasthelawofland. high degreeofculturalintegrationintheSouthevenwhensocialsegregation,as essential difference, gumbo has come to symbolize that there has always been a ing, Europeanroasting,andWest African frying”–farfromde cuisine hasalsoseenmanyWest African infl Americans used to “brown” corn as their “roux” and, without question, Louisiana when ricecametoLouisianaagriculturediditbecomethestapleofchoice.Native “fi that ishowCajunfoodwayshavetobeunderstood.Eventheoldfolkwisdom intersected byothervectors. The newethnographystressesmicrosystemsand Louisiana, the“seafoodline”,“smokeand “garlic line”,arethemselves goes to great lengths to demonstrate how the so-called “gumbo lines” in South imply. A blendofdifferent ingredients,Cajunfoodwaysarehybrid,andJ.Laudun dun warns against the “essentialization of difference” that the gumbo trope might the trope “gumbo” that de to acceptthenotionsof African and Asian infl thus tellsusagreatdealaboutculturalpatterns.Louisianiansarelittleinclined of Louisiana, Lafayette) analyzes Cajun foodways and “gumbo on our minds” and contribution American anthropologist and ethnographerJohnLaudun(University Chapter IVaddresses“PopularCulture”,inparticularmusicandcuisine.Inhis small nations. F. Paréconcludes,thusrepresentsakeyparadigmintheculturalgeographyof rst you make the roux” is not true. Early gumbo was served on corn mush; only fi nes South Louisiana food. At the same time J. Lau- uences. “Native American parch- uences intheircuisine,yetitis fi ning theCajuns’ lled theair. By 11 Introduction – Avant-propos 12 Introduction – Avant-propos the academicandculturalevents,lookingafter participants’ well-being in two offi At the Canadian Studies Centre, Julia Stiebellehner and Ingrid Niederwieser, the they receivedfrommanysides. help fromtheirrespectivehard-workingstaffs andthegenerous International Association of Acadian Studies. They aregrateful fortheenormous received fromtheInstituteof Acadian StudiesoftheUniversityMonctonand their tenth anniversary celebrations. Both centres are grateful for the support they national discourses at their respective universities. This conference was part of are smallunitsbutactivebodiesinsponsoringandencouraginginnovativeinter- at theUniversityofNewOrleansorganizedsymposium.Boththesecentres The CanadianStudiesCentreattheUniversityofInnsbruckandCenterAustria chapter openings. recent volumesofpoetry, works ofartanditiswithhispermissionthatweincludeextractsfrommost a politician.Itistohimthatweowethereproductionsofseriesimpressive a dramatist,universityteacher, anda transform what is Acadie’s identity today. He does so in many ways: as a poet, of poems,MouriràScoudouc of poetryinEnglish,French,andGerman.Sincethepublicationhis H. Chiasson,thecurrentLieutenantGovernorofNewBrunswick,gaveareading Katrina documentaries( the retreatingLouisianacoastlinetoworld,ashedidinanumberofpost- G. PitrestressedthatCajunfi poetry. a panel. All threeofthemaremulti-talentedartistswhoalsowrite Benoît – were present to discuss the nature of Acadian and Cajun Austria. BothH.ChiassonandG.Pitre–withhiswifecollaboratorMichelle Pitre’s romantic feature fi topoi or a reinterpretation of facts and data in the light of current scholarly North America, ifthetenorofmostthem isareconsiderationofestablished for amoresophisticated understanding ofthetwoFrench-speakingminoritiesin If theessaysassembledinthisvolumechallengemythsandmakeastrongplea rather thanNewBrunswick. The struggleagainstoblivionstillgoeson. and waslimitedtosmaller communities inNovaScotiaandPrinceEdwardIsland ings ofHerménégildeChiasson’s 1995documentary symposium werenotmentioned. The conferencewasconcludedwith this introductionwouldbeincompleteiftheculturaleventsthataccompanied ce coordinators, did a wonderful job preparing the conference, organizing Hurricane ontheBayou,2006;AmericanCreole2006). lm BéatitudeS Belizaire the Cajun (1974),hehasnotceasedtocreate,recreateand lm-makers have anobligationtotellthestoryof andBeatitudes fi lm-maker; asanartist,adiplomat,and (1986), both of them premieres in L’Acadie retrouvée , bothpublishedin2007,as fi nancial support nancial fi lm-making on lm-making fi ction and/or ction fi fi lmscreen- rstvolume andGlen fi ndings, for theirhospitality. Zach, MayoroftheCityInnsbruck,andHorstBurmann fromtheCulturalOf Groschup forbothscreeningsintheLeokino.We wouldalsoliketothankHilde National Film Board of Canada for providing us with an Acadian their help.We equallyexpressourgratitudetoHerménégildeChiassonand the Susan McCawandKarinSchmid-GerlichfromtheEmbassy’s CulturalDivision for the screeningofaCajun encouragement. The American Embassyin Austria providedagranttosupport hardus, EugenStark,andWolfgang Stoiberwereallgenerouswiththeirhelpand bara Weitgruber, ChristophRamoser, JosefLeidenfrost, Alois Söhn,FlorianGer- Austrian MinistryofForeign Affairs, alsohelpedwithagrantandhisadvice.Bar- Exchange Service. Ambassador EmilBrix,directorofculturalprogramsinthe Science, which has been giving special grants through the Austrian Academic tion, theÖsterreichischeForschungsgemeinschaft,andFederalMinistryof tries, theUniversityofInnsbruck,UNO, Austrian MarshallPlanFounda- Fritscher –,the Association ofCanadianStudiesintheGerman-SpeakingCoun- lar gratitudeto Ambassador MarieGervais-Vidricaire, JenniferMay, andRoswitha regular funding,theCanadianGovernment–wewouldliketoexpressourparticu- scholarly endeavour. FinancialsupportcamefromtheCanadianStudiesCentre’s are institutionsthatseethenecessityforandintellectualbenefi Financing internationalconferencesisalwaysacostlyaffair. Thankfully there strong supporterofourpartnershipagenda. and bookproduction.UNO’s Chancellor Timothy Ryanalwayswasandstillisa guide theprojectandapproved UNO’s fi lege, andSusanKrantz,DeanoftheCollegeLiberal Arts atUNOalsohelped Franz MathisinInnsbruck.RobertL.Dupont,outgoingDeanofMetropolitanCol- also lentahelpinghand,asdidEllenPalli,MargaretDavidson-Steininger, and Scherl andMarionWieser, twoUniversity of InnsbruckfellowsatCenterAustria, Hannes Richter were particularly helpful in the early organization phase. Sandra At CenterAustriaGertraudGriessner, the offi of theproceedings. tor Karlheinz Töchterle have greatlysupportedthesymposiumandpublication Märk, andboththeoutgoing Rector ManfriedGantneraswellthecurrentRec- Faculty of Theology, Jozef Niewiadomski, the Vice-Rector for Research, Tilmann Dean of the Faculty of Languages and Literatures, Hans Moser, the Dean of the Public Relations Of go toMathiasSchennach,thedirectorofInternationalRelationsOf laner, andwebmasterMarkLöf Innsbruck. They were supported by Kathrin Fleisch, Sonja Schöpf, Paula Weit- fi ce, and to the Service Centre of the Faculty of Theology. The fi lm inInnsbruck–wewouldliketothank Ambassador fl er. The CanadianStudiesCentre’s specialthanks nancial contributionstothesymposium ce coordinator, andwebmaster fi lm and Helmut ts ofsucha fi ce, tothe fi ce 13 Introduction – Avant-propos 14 Introduction – Avant-propos tie intégrantedecetteNouvelle-Francenaissantaudébutdu17 L’émigration françaiseen Acadie (lesprovincesmaritimes du Canadaactuel),par- les actesducolloques. nants, soitenfrançaisanglais,etceprincipefutégalementpoursuivipour dire, les communications furent présentées, suivant les préférences des interve- les pluscoriacessurCajunset Acadiens. Sur“terrainneutre”,pourainsi gilde Chiasson,s’engageaàquestionneravecsuccèsquelques-uns des mythes tembre 2007, qui eut lieu sous les auspices du Lieutenant-gouverneur Herméné- février 1982 avec un colloque sur le fédéralisme. La rencontre scienti entre l’Université d’Innsbruck et l’Université de la Nouvelle-Orléans, inauguré en tradition d’échangestransatlantiquesquifontpartieduprogrammedepartenariat adoptant uneperspectivecomparatistececolloques’inscrivitdanslongue Bretagne, se disputent la suprématie dans le monde. 17 7 6 5 juns. Politiqueetculturedeminoritésfrancophonesen Amérique duNord”. diennes del’UniversitéMoncton,organisèrentlecolloque“AcadiensetCa- par l’Associationinternationaledesétudesacadiennesetl’Institutd’étudesaca- d’Innsbruck etleCenterAustriadel’UniversitélaNouvelle-Orléans,soutenus Du 6au7septembre2007,leCentred’étudescanadiennesdel’Université scholarly discourseontwoofthemostinterestingminoritiesinNorth America. there would not be a book to present to the public that will hopefully spark off more special people mentioned above the conference would not have taken place and Without thesupportoftheseinstitutionsandloyaltyfriendshipvery Ellen andWolfgang Pallifor theirexcellentlayoutandformattingofthebook. to BirgitHolznerfrom“innsbruck Wolfmeyer, JuliaPröll,andHemma Allemann forproof-readingandcorrections, ticularly grateful to Doris Eibl for the translations into French, to Sonja Bahn, Hilde we wouldespeciallyliketothankMauriceBasque.Lastbutnotleast,arepar- the UniversityofInnsbruck,andInternational Association of Acadian Studies– As tothepublicationofproceedings, (Université d’Havard)taxesipertinemmentde“peopling ofthe Americas”. du, d’unemigrationtransatlantiqueplusimportanteque l’historienBernardBailyn Amérique duNord.Lesémigrés français del’époquefaisaientpartie,bien enten- de départ de notre voyage à travers l’histoire de deux minorités francophones en Cf. Abernathy 2000. Cf.Abernathy Cf.Bailyn1986. NousremercionsDorisEiblpourlatraductionenfrançais. e et18 e siècles,lesgrandespuissanceseuropéennes,laFrance etlaGrande universitypress”foreditorialsupervision,andto fi nancial supportcamefromtheUNO, 7 Dans le but d’affermir leurs e siècle,estlepoint fi que de sep- 6 Aux 5 En 9 8 puissances déboucha,aumilieudu18 positions impérialesen Amérique duNord,l’interminablecon terminologie propreau20 prendre encharge,àdévelopperunréseaud’aidebasé surdesliensdeparenté. enfi le jour de rencontres culturelles, du transfert culturel et de la transculturalité et 1748–55 ou1755–84.U.Lehmkuhlconclutenanalysant l’histoireacadiennesous constellations spatio-temporellesimportantesdontcellesdesannées1680,1730, que latroisième,ensuivantlesprémissesdeNaomiGrif puie sessubdivisionssurlapuissancemétropolitainedominantedumomentalors trauma de l’expulsion de l’Acadie des colons français en 1755. La seconde ap- point l’entièretrajectoiredel’histoireetlamémoireacadiennesestinvestiedu toire acadienneenuneépoqued’avantladéportationetd’après,soulignantàquel derson proches de l’histoire acadienne qui lui permettent d’illustrer ce que Benedict An- titute of North American Studies, Université libre de Berlin) combine trois ap- contribution del’historienneallemandeUrsulaLehmkuhl(JohnF. KennedyIns- Le chapitre“Histoireetpolitique”s’ouvresurdesperspectiveshistoriques.La d’intégrer cesvuesscienti en question. M. Basque nous avertit, cependant, que le discours populaire est loin l’emploi dufrançaiscommeundesmarqueurspossiblespourlestroisidentités discute desétudesrécentesportantsurlescomplexitésinvoquées et focalise sur “virtuelle”, l’autre inspirée des réalités actuelles et de la société civile acadienne. Il présente les deux visions dominantes de l’identité acadienne, l’une généalogique, profondément liéesàl’histoiredelaLouisiane.Enguised’introduction,M.Basque est profondémentdifférente des identitéscadienneetcajun,cesdernières étant montrent que l’identité de l’Acadie actuelle des provinces maritimes du Canada du contexte acadien ou louisianais. Cependant, des recherches récentes dé- voient àuneseuleetmêmeidentitéavecdesvariantesrégionalesdépendant diens” et“Cajuns”qui,pourlaplupartdesgens,sontinterchangeablesren- Basque (UniversitédeMoncton),analysel’emploidestermes“Acadiens”,“Ca- La premièrecontributiondecevolume,cellel’historiencanadienMaurice Louisiane duSudfaisaientpartiedeladiasporades Acadiens déplacés. ture, lemeurtre,viol,voletl’homogénéisationculturelle.Les“Cajuns”dela Yale) désignacetteexpulsioncomme“ethniccleansing” maritimes francophones. Récemment, l’historien John Mack Faragher (Université britanniques qui,parlasuite,déplacèrentleshabitantscatholiquesdesprovinces Cf.Faragher2005. Anderson n sousceluidelagouvernance coloniale.Celle-ciincitales Acadiens àse 9 quali 2 fi 1991. e de“communautéimaginaire”:lapremièreapprochedivisel’his- e fi siècle,enrelevasonhorrible subtexte, àsavoirlator- ques. e siècle,enunevictoiredesprotestants 8 et,parl’emploid’une fi ths, focalisesurdes fl it entrelesdeux 15 Introduction – Avant-propos 16 Introduction – Avant-propos politique delaLouisiane. dans leurensemble,lesCajunsontcontribuédemanière signi en anglais, ce qui engendra le déclin du français en Louisiane. Il n’empêche que, désormais, lesélèvesdesécolespubliquesseraient exclusivementenseignés abolirent l’in lement furent tenus en français. Cependant, la guerre civile et la reconstruction constitution de 1845 réclama un système scolaire bilingue et les débats du par- tile. LaconstitutiondelaLouisiane1812futencoremanuscriteenfrançais; les CajunsetFranco-Créoles catholiques duSuddelaLouisianefut plus sub- réussites denombreuxprofessionnelspolitiquescajuns,l’in travaillé àWashington aprèslaDeuxièmeGuerremondiale. Avant cettesuitede J. Ellenderfrom Acadiana futl’hommepolitiquecajunquialepluslongtemps na”, c’est-à-diredesprovincescajunsdusuddelaLouisiane.Lesénateur Allen temps, lagouverneureKathleenBabineauxBlanco(2003-2007)vientd’“Acadia- 1972; toutcommeJohnBreauxquifutsénateurdesÉtats-Unispendantlong- Edwards futélugouverneurquatrefoisetdominalechamppolitiqueàpartirde léans) examinelerôledesCajunsdanslapolitiquelouisianaise:CajunEdwin La contributiondupolitologueCharlesD.Hadley(UniversitédelaNouvelle-Or- étaient desexilésdansleSudaméricain. culturelle réfutée:lesCajunsétaientnides“Southerners” Américains; ils acadienne. Lalégendedel’authenticitéculturellefutréaf revitalisation delalangueetcodi dians, l’organisationde“pélérinages”danslesprovincesmaritimesduCanada,la populaires. Cetterelèvemenaàlafondationd’une Association ofLouisiana Aca- relève de l’identité cajun appuyée sur la préservation de la langue et des traditions Dudley LeBlanc et Louise Olivier se consacrèrent à la cause cajun, prônant une années 1920 aux années 1940, les activistes Susan Evangeline Walker Anding, en Louisiane,lesélitesacadiennesadoptèrentdebongrécette légende. Des central danslamythologieacadienne.Menacéesd’assimilationàvieanglaise héroïque “Evangeline”del’américainWilliam Wadsworth Longfellowjouaitunrôle dédain des Créoles urbains face à la pauvreté des habitants cajuns. Le poème tous puisèrent dans la mémoire et la culture acadiennes, en partie en réaction au F. BrundagerenvoieàtroisreprésentantsdelarelèvecajunenLouisianequi se concentresurlaLouisianeetquestiondeconstructiond’ “authenticité”. L’étude deFitzhughBrundage(Université delaCarolineduNord,ChapelHill) tion del’histoireacadienne. contact, U.Lehmkuhlcontribuede façon remarquableàunenouvelleinterpréta- Ainsi, ens’appuyantsurdesconceptscontemporainsd’analysedecultures fl uencefrançaise.Laconstitutionde1879,parexemple, décrétaque, fi cation delanarrationhistorique“victime” fi rmée ettoutemodernité fl uence exercéepar fi cative àlaculture notions nauté ethniquequenousappelonsaujourd’huilesCajuns.Laparentélexicaledes groupes jouèrent un rôle important dans la constitution de cette nouvelle commu- cela malgrélesdocumentshistoriquesmettantenévidencequeplusieursautres marquer laperceptiondel’histoireetcultureLouisianefrancophone, le mythe omniprésent des origines acadiennes continue, de nos jours même, à littéraires. Le linguiste américain Tom Klingler (Université Tulane) démontre que les perceptionsmutuelles,c’est-à-direde“l’Autre”dansdestextes tains lieuxcommunsetposedesquestionsportantsurl’in Le troisièmechapitre,“Langueetlittérature”,relancelamiseenquestiondecer- sensualité, inspiratrice puissante et muse littéraire. R. Boudreau passe alors aux ne LégeretRoseDesprés conçoivent uneLouisianeemblèmedelibertéet culturel, unlieuaussioùlestraditionsfurentpréservées, GéraldLeblanc,Dya- Maillet, pourquilaLouisianeestsourcedupatrimoine acadienlinguistiqueet acadienne actuelle. Après “lagrandedame”delalittératureacadienne, Antonine sur lesquelquesreprésentationsimportantesdela Louisiane danslalittérature tels queBarry Ancelet ouZacharyRichard,R.Boudreaufocalise par lasuite Louisiane au niveau de l’édition et rendant hommage à des auteurs louisianais Louisiane. Examinantd’abordlescomplexitésdeséchangesentrel’Acadieetla lysant leséchangeslittérairesentredesécrivainsetinstitutionsd’Acadiede Raoul Boudreau(UniversitédeMoncton) explore desterrainsinconnus enana- en toutcasdansceuxd’auteursacadiens.Lechercheurcanadienlittérature L’image du cousin lointain, on la retrouve également dans des textes littéraires, est le“cousin”pluslointaindanslafamilledesvariétésdufrançaisacadien. Neumann-Holzschuh souligne que, d’un point de vue linguistique, le français cajun diennes furent perdues ou ne survécurent que dans des régions spéci avec d’autres variétés du français, quelques particularités proprement aca- étant donnéquelefrançaisacadiendusuddelaLouisianefuttoujoursencontact Dans cecontinuumhypothétique,lefrançaiscajunoccupeuneplacespéciale: comme unesuiteinterlinguistiquebaséesurl’espacestructurelquilessépare. nada etdelaLouisiane,ellevientàconcevoirlesvariétésdufrançaisacadien différente. ExaminantdesschémascaractéristiquesidiomesfrançaisduCa- déconstruit, elleaussi,le“mytheacadien”maisd’uneperspectivequelquepeu La linguiste Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh (Université de Regensburg), de son côté, l’emploi plusgénériquedel’expression“LouisianaFrench”. exilés. Deplus,T. Klinglers’attaqueàunautremytheencoreenrevendiquant contact linguistique investi de nombreux éléments dont le français des Acadiens que laLouisianefrançaiseestlerésultathétérogèned’unprocessuscomplexede provinces maritimesduCanadasontminimes.Enconclusion,T. Klingleravance the acadien”, et cela malgré le fait que les af Cajun et Acadien explique pourquoi il est si dif fi nités avec le français parlé dans les fi cile de surmonter le “my- fl uence linguistiqueet fi ques. I. ques. 17 Introduction – Avant-propos 18 Introduction – Avant-propos pean roasting,andWest African frying”:loindedé également l’in pour letransformeren“roux”,etilestcertainque la cuisinelouisianaisesubit gumbo; les Amérindiens, deleurcôté–,avaientl’habituderissoler/frire lemaïs lorsque lerizfutintroduitenLouisiane,celui-cidevint unalimentdebasepourle roux”, cecin’estpascorrect.Danslestemps,gumbo futserviavecdelabroye; habitudes alimentairescajuns.Mêmesi le folkloreditque“ tèmes, etc’estdanscesensqu’ils’agitdecomprendrelaportéesigni La nouvelleethnographies’intéresseplusparticulièrementàl’étudedemicro-sys- et la“garlicline”(àbased’ail),sontelles-mêmescroiséespard’autresvecteurs. de laLouisiane,“seafoodline”(fruitsmer),“smoke(alimentsfumés) d’hybrides, et J. Laudun démontre comment lesdites “gumbo lines” dans le sud cajuns sontunmélangededifférentsingrédients,ellesméritentd’êtrequali impliquée par le trope de “gumbo”. Dans la mesure où les habitudes alimentaires temps, J.Laudunnousavertitdesdangersde“l’essentialisationladifférence” nimité: cetropeparaîtapteàdéfi africaines ou asiatiques dans leur cuisine mais dans le cas du “gumbo” il y a una- çois Paré (Université de Waterloo) propose une analyse de l’essai En dernièrecontributionàcechapitre,lechercheurcanadienenlittératureFran- français modernedel’Acadiecontemporaine. téresse plus aux textes émergeant de la diaspora de la Louisiane qu’à ceux en institutions littérairesdelaFrancequi,pourdesraisonsd’exotismelittéraire,s’in- spécifi tudes alimentairescajunset“gumboonourminds”et,parcettevoie,élucidedes américain John Laudun (Université de la Louisiane, Lafayette) analyse les habi- à la musique et à la cuisine. La contribution de l’anthropologue et ethnographe Le quatrièmechapitreestconsacréàla“Culturepopulaire”etplusparticulièrement dans lagéographieculturelledespetitesnations. Paré conclutensoulignantquel’histoireacadiennereprésenteunparadigmeclé la virtualitédespaysagesetpoésiedevintsonmoded’expressionprivilégié.F. ricaine et la contre-culture. L’identité fut vécue désormais comme une ouverture à tiples facettesde“l’américanité”,àentrerencontactaveclascènelittéraireamé- Gérald LeblancetHerménégildeChiasson.Illesencourageaàexplorermul- Moncton, son essai in territorialité ouverte. Même si Roy n’arriva pas à voir l’importance de l’urbanité de acadien de la recherche des racines généalogiques vers le déploiement d’une de l’éliteacadiennetraditionnelle,Roys’efforcedéplacerledébatidentitaire nomadisme etlevagabondageurbain.Tout encondamnant lenationalismeborné construction d’uneidentitéacadiennecontinentaleaucœurdelaquelle (1979) deMichelRoy. SelonF. Paré,cetessaiconstituelepointdedépartla cités culturelles.Généralement,lesLouisianaisréfutentl’idéed’in fl uence del’Afriquel’ouest.“Native American parching,Euro- fl uença largement les auteurs de la région de Moncton, dont nir lacuisinedeLouisianedusud.Enmême fi nir ladifférenceessentielledes fi rst youmakethe L’Acadie perdue fi fi ante des ante gurent le fl uences fi ées

du reculdelacôtelouisianaise,qu’ilraconta,son côté,dansplusieursdocu- G. Pitresoulignaquelesréalisateurscajunsavaient l’obligationdedirel’histoire domaines artistiquesetsontaussiécrivainset/oupoètes. tographique acadienne et cajun. D’ailleurs, tous les trois excellent dans plusieurs et collaboratrice de ce dernier, discutèrent les conditions de la production cinéma- Autriche. Lorsd’unetableronde,H.Chiasson,G.Pitre etMichelleBenoît,femme métrage de fi du documentaireL’Acadie retrouvée sium passaient sous silence. Le colloque se termina par les projections d’abord propos serait incomplet si les événements culturels ayant accompagné le sympo- ments entenantcomptedel’étatactuellarecherche.Cependant,cetavant- reconsidère les topiques établis ou exigent une réinterprétation des faits et docu- phones en Amérique du Nord. La plupart des contributions insistent à ce que l’on revendiquent unecompréhensionplussophistiquéedesdeuxminoritésfranco- Les essaisrassemblésdanscevolumeremettentencausecertainsmytheset Nouveau-Brunswick. Laluttecontrel’oublicontinue. nautés en Nouvelle-Écosse et sur l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard; elle n’atteignit pas le de lachansonpopulairen’eutlieuqu’en1990etselimitaà des petites commu- populaire aveclecountry, lebluegrassetrock.Cependant,unevraierelève chanson populaire,etdanslesannées1970,legroupe1755combinala niers commeÉdithButlerparurentsurscèneetcontribuèrentausuccèsdela comme lecountryandwesterns’imposaient. Au milieudusiècle,deschanson- laires traditionnelles,alorsque,aumêmemoment,desstylesnouveaux préférait leschansonspatriotiquesnouvellementcomposéesauxpopu- music. Pourdesraisons“morales”, l’élite intellectuelledudébut 20 de nombreuxchanteursacadiens,notammentàl’occasionfestivalsworld traditionnelle restemarginaliséeen Acadie etcelamalgrélesuccèsinternational Suivant les propos de J. Gallant, Ronald Labelle explique pourquoi la musique ait graduellement perdu sa fonction sociale et risque de devenir un pur artefact. dération canadienne,J.Gallantdéplorequelamusiqueacadiennetraditionnelle à l’acceptation des Acadiens comme minorité linguistique à l’intérieur de la fé- tionnelle joua un rôle important pour le maintien de la années 1880 à nos jours. Tout en démontrant que la chanson acadienne tradi- dans leNordetprésententl’évolutiondelachansonpopulaireacadiennedes ton), folkloriste et historien, complètent le présent volume. Elles nous ramènent sique, chefd’orchestreetchanteuse,deRolandLabelle(UniversitéMonc- Les contributionsdeJeanetteGallant(Universitéd’Oxford),professeuremu- Sud etcelamêmeauxpiresmomentsdelaségrégation. Cajuns, gumbo ction fi nit parreprésenterl’importancedel’intégrationculturelledansle Belizaire the Cajun (19995)d’HerménégildeChiassonetdulong (1986) de Glen Pitre, deux premières en fi erté nationale et contribua e siècle 19 Introduction – Avant-propos 20 Introduction – Avant-propos mentaires réalisésaprèsKatrina( derniers recueilsdepoèmes, d’une série d’œuvres d’art fort impressionnante ainsi que quelques extraits de ses généreuse collaboration que nous pouvons inclure à ce volume les reproductions et réalisateur;entantqu’artiste,diplomatehommepolitique.C’estgrâceàsa acadienne denosjours:entantquepoète,dramaturge,professeurd’université (1974), iln’ajamaisarrêtédetravailleràcréer, àrecréerettransformerl’identité Depuis lapublicationdesonpremierrecueilpoèmes, Brunswick, ole, 2006).HerménégildeChiasson,l’actuelLieutenant-gouverneurduNouveau- l’Université d’Innsbruck Julia StiebellehneretIngridNiederwieserduCentred’étudescanadiennesde collaborateurs infatigablesetdugénéreuxsupport nationale desétudesacadiennes.Ilssonttrèsreconnaissantsdel’aideleurs l’Institut d’étudesacadiennesdel’UniversitéMonctonetl’Associationinter- anniversaire. Lesdeuxcentressonttrèsreconnaissantsdel’aidelapart ment. Cecolloquefi et innovateursdansleursuniversitésrespectiveslessoutiennent petite taille,lesdeuxcentrestravaillentàencouragerdiscoursinternationaux de l’UniversitélaNouvelle-Orléansontco-organisécecolloque.Malgréleur Le Centred’étudescanadiennesdel’Universitéd’InnsbrucketleCenterAustria 2007, qui l’Université de la Nouvelle-Orléans, nous accordèrent leurs précieux conseils et Metropolitan College,etSusanKrantz,doyenneduCollège desartslibérauxde Innsbruck, nousontaidésàmaintségards.RobertL. Dupont,l’anciendoyendu le-Orléans, ainsi que Ellen Palli, Margaret Davidson-Steininger et Franz Mathis à et MarionWieser, en2007programmed’échangeàl’UniversitédelaNouvel- nous épaulèrent,notammentaudébutdelaphased’organisation. SandraScherl Gertraud Griessner, secrétaireduCenterAustria,etlewebmestreHannesRichter généreusement soutenulecolloqueetlapublicationdesactes. teur ManfriedGanterainsiqu’àsonsuccesseurKarlheinzTöchterlepouravoirsi Niewiadomski, auvice-recteurpourlarecherche,Tilmann Märk,etàl’ancienrec- langues etlittératures,HansMoser, audoyendelafacultéthéologie,Jozef de lafacultéthéologie.Ungrandmerciégalementaudoyendes Bureau derelationsinternationales,lepubliqueset Le Centred’étudescanadiennesremercieMathiasSchennach,ledirecteurdu par KathrinFleisch,SonjaSchöpf,PaulaWeitlaner etlewebmestreMarkLöf pour assurerlebien-êtredesparticipantsàInnsbruck.Ellesfurentsoutenues ganisant lesévénementsacadémiquesetculturelsfaisanttoutleurpossible fi gurent endébutdechaquechapitre. fi t unelecturedesespoèmesenanglais,françaisetallemand. t partiedesfestivitésorganiséesàl’occasiondeleurdixième fi rent untravailmagni BéatitudeS Hurricane ontheBayou et Beatitudes fi que, préparantlaconférence,or- fi nancier detouslescôtés. , touslesdeuxpubliésen , 2006;AmericanCre- Mourir àScoudouc fi nancière- fl er. Il estinvariablementdif toujours leprogrammedepartenariatentrelesdeuxuniversités. l’Université delaNouvelle-Orléans.LechancelierTimothey Ryansoutientdepuis approuvèrent le support et à l’Offi Schmid-Gerlich. DemêmenoustenonsàdiremerciHerménégildeChiasson jection d’un fi L’ambassade desÉtats-UnisàVienne nousdonnaunesubventionpourlapro- dus, Eugen Stark et Wolfang Stoiber pour leur aide et les mots d’encouragement. Weitgruber, Christoph Ramoser, Josef Leidenfrost, Alois Söhn, Florian Gerhar- pour sesprécieuxconseilsetsonsoutien Brix, directeurdesprogrammesculturelsauMinistèreaffairesétrangères, Service d’échangeacadémiqueautrichien.Nousremercionsl’ambassadeurEmil fédéral dessciencesquinousaccordasubventionssupplémentairesparle Plan Foundation,delaÖsterreichischeForschungsgemeinschaftetduMinistère versité d’Innsbruck,del’UniversitélaNouvelle-Orléans, de l’AustrianMarshall l’Association d’étudescanadiennesdanslespaysdelangueallemande,l’Uni- l’ambassadrice MarieGervais-Vidricaire, JenniferMayetRoswithaFritscher–,de canadiennes, ausoutienduGouvernementCanada–noustenonsàremercier Le colloquefutenpartiefi institutions qui comprennent leur nécessité et saisissent leur béné plus fascinantesminoritésen Amérique duNord. espérons quecelivreengendrerad’autresdiscours scienti tionnées, laconférencen’auraitpaseulieuetlelivre n’aurait pasvulejour. Nous Sans lesupportdesinstitutionsetl’amitiéloyaledetouteslespersonnesmen- pervision etàEllenWolfgangPallipourlaparfaitemiseenpagedecelivre. travail rédactionnel, à Birgit Holzner de l’ “ Bahn, Hilde Wolfmeyer, Julia Pröll et Hemma Allemann pour les corrections et le rice Basque.En internationale desétudesacadiennes,et nous remercions particulièrementMau- l’Université delaNouvelle-Orléans,d’Innsbrucketl’Association Pour cequiestdelapublicationdesactes,ellefut fi merci également à Hilde Zach, la maire d’Innsbruck, et à Horst Burmann de l’Of- acadien etàHelmutGroschuppourlesdeuxprojectionsauLeokino.Ungrand ce culturel delavilled’Innsbruckpourleurhospitalité. ce national du fi Ursula Mathis-Moser, CanadianStudiesCentre,UniversityofInnsbruck lm cajun – nous remercions l’ambassadrice Susan McCaw et Karin fi n merciàDorisEiblpourlestraductionsenfrançais, àSonja fi Günter Bischof,CenterAustria,UniversityofNewOrleans cile de cile lm du Canada pour avoir mis à notre disposition un fi nancier pour le colloque et la publication de la part de nancé grâceauxfondsréguliersduCentred’études fi nancer descolloques.Heureusement,ilya innsbruck fi nancier. UngrandmerciàBarbara fi university press” pour la su- nancée grâceausoutiende fi ques surdeux des fi ce intellectuel. fi lm 21 Introduction – Avant-propos 22

of conscience,memory, andbeauty work’s brutaldevotiontodenythemostfundamentalrights once andforalltheneeddreamsideasinfaceof those whobuildvastsystemsofscaffolds tojustify mémoire, delabeauté nier lesdroitsplusfondamentauxdelaconscience, et desidéesfaceaupouvoirbrutaldontletravails’appliqueà justifi ceux quiéchafaudentdevastessystèmesenvue En guised’introduction By Way ofanIntroduction er une foispourtouteslanécessitéetlebesoindesrêves Fredericton, GooseLaneEdition,2007,44. Herménégilde Chiasson, Herménégilde Chiasson, Sudbury, Prisedeparole,2007,48. BéatitudeS. Beatitudes. 23 By Way of an Introduction – En guise d’introduction 24 By Way of an Introduction – En guise d’introduction Soirs d’hiver Herménégilde Chiasson, 25 By Way of an Introduction – En guise d’introduction 26 By Way of an Introduction – En guise d’introduction affi Québec, Pressesdel’UniversitéLaval,2007,79–103. ceptions”, in:MartinPâquet–StéphaneSavard(dirs.), 1999. Pourunecritiquedececoncept,cf.JulienMassicotte,“Leterritoire acadien.Contextesetper- ternational derechercheetdocumentationlafrancophonie–Année francophoneinternationale, die del’Atlantique et Terre-Neuve etLabrador. Àcesujet,cf.MauriceBasque–NicoleBarrieauStéphanieCôté, vinces duCanadaatlantique,soitleNouveau-Brunswick,la Nouvelle-Écosse, l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard Chiasson, “Visions deGérald”,in: jugeait commeappartenantàcequel’onpourraitquali Parole, 2007,106.LeregrettépoèteacadienGéraldLeblancétaittrèscritiquedecesestimationsqu’il la UniversityofNewOrleans,aeulieuàInnsbruckles6et7septembre2007. loque, organiséparleCentred’étudescanadiennesdel’Universitéd’InnsbrucketCenterAustria Acadiens et Cajuns. Politique et culture de minorités francophones en Amérique du Nord cheurs en Acadie de l’Atlantique ces chercheursproviennentdelaLouisianeetduQuébec,cartrèspeucher- texte est de les présenter et de les comparer brièvement. La grande majorité de ont établidesdistinctionsentre Acadiens, CadiensetCajunsl’objectifdece 3 2 1 pour autant qu’une étude sérieuse ait jamais été effectuée a “grande famille acadienne” ou diaspora acadienne, et qui serait composée, sans des termes interchangeables qui réfèrent à ce qui est communément appelé la Acadiens, CadiensetCajuns.Pourplusieurs,cesmotssontdessynonymes, Cajun identitiesarenotverywellintegratedinthepopulardiscourse. what makes an Acadian or a Cajun. As will be argued, competing de markers of identity, on the important role played by the French language in the de how recentstudiespresentthecomplexitiesofthisquestionbyfocusing,amongother Cajun identities that are intimately linked to the history of Louisiana. This paper examines found mostlyinthe Atlantic ProvincesofCanadaisverydifferent fromtheCadienand light on the historical evolution of those identities and proposes that the Acadian identity tions dependingonthe Acadian orLouisianacontext.Recentscholarshiphasshedanew same meaningsincetheyaresupposed to describe thesameidentitieswithregionalvaria- For most people, Acadians, Cadiens Abstract identités communesoudistinctes? Acadiens, CadiensetCajuns: L’Acadie de l’Atlantique correspond aux régions acadiennes et francophones des quatre pro- Joseph Yvon Thériault, Ce texte est une version modi rmation, 2 de quelquesmillionspersonnes.Cependant,plusieurschercheurs , Moncton,SociétéNationaledel’Acadie–Centred’étudesacadiennes–Centre in- Faire société. Société civile et espaces francophones Revue del’UniversitéMoncton fi ée d’une communication présentée au colloque international and Cajuns are interchangeable words that have the 3 se sont penchés sur une lecture comparative fi er dedéliredémographique.Cf.Herménégilde Balises etréférences. Acadies, francophonies 1 Université deMoncton 30,7(2007),12. fi nitions of Acadian and Maurice Basque fi n de vérifi , Sudbury, Prise de er cette er fi nition of nition . Ce col- L’Aca- , 27 Acadiens, Cadiens et Cajuns: identités communes ou distinctes? 28 Maurice Basque tives historiques 1710. Imperial,Colonial,and Aboriginal Constructions (1994). in: Recherches sociographiques Clarke, “Pêcheetidentitéen Acadie: nouveauxregards sur lacultureetruralitéenmilieumaritime”, tation etinnovation:expériencesacadiennescontemporaines d’Etudes Acadiennes etQuébécoises–Centred’études acadiennes, 2003; André Magord(dir.), taires collectivesetdéveloppementauseindesréalitésacadiennes (avec lacollaborationdeMauriceBasqueet Amélie Giroux), sociologue Joseph Yvon Thériault, citéedanslanote2,nouspensonsentreautresà André Magord la grande majorité des Cadiens sont devenus des Cajuns. D’ailleurs, des publi- culture nord-américaine, les Cadiens. Vers la 4 villages qui naissent à la dienne nedisparaîtpas;ellecontinueàêtrelabasedeplusieursnouveaux Malgré lesconséquencesdévastatricesduGrandDérangement,l’identitéaca- American BorderPeople1604-1755 identité acadiennedanssonœuvremagistrale C’est le cas par exemple de Naomi E.S. Grif acadienne existait en Acadie coloniale avant les années du Grand Dérangement. La majoritédeshistoriennesethistorienss’entendentsurlefaitqu’uneidentité rappelons-le, n’enfontqu’un. d’une dé tera les grandes lignes, tout en précisant qu’il n’existe pas d’unanimité au sujet question, notammentlagéographie,l’histoireetsociologie.Cetexteenprésen- d’opinion se retrouvent dans les différentes disciplines qui se sont intéressées à la entre l’identitéacadienne,cadienneetcajun.Deplus,d’importantesdivergences 6 5 acadiennes quis’yinstallentvontdonnernaissanceau19 dans l’archipelfrançaisdeSaint-Pierre-et-Miquelon.EnLouisiane,lesfamilles la Madeleine, dans le sud de la Gaspésie, dans le nord de l’État du Maine et Cap-Breton, danslarégionÉvangélinedel’Île-du-Prince-Édouard,auxÎles nord-est duNouveau-Brunswick,danslesud-ouestdelaNouvelle-Écosseetau de laNouvelle-Écosse. partie d’ungroupedistinctdontlesBritanniquesveulentdébarrasserleurcolonie cristalliser, puisquelesvictimesdecetévénementsontidentifi milieu rural.LeGrandDérangementrenforcecetteidentitéacadienne,qu’ilvient çaise, desréseauxfamiliaux,delareligioncatholiqueetl’appartenanceàun du peupleacadien,commeparexemplelefaitdel’importancelalanguefran- niale enterred’Amériquequiacontribuéàfaçonnerlesgrandstraitsidentitaires donc quecetteidentitéacadienneestnéedanslecontextedel’expériencecolo- Cf.Ronnie-GillesLeBlanc(dir.), DuGrandDérangementàlaDéportation:nouvellesperspec- Cf.égalementJohnReid–MauriceBasqueElizabeth Manckeetal., Ilexistedetrèsnombreusespublicationssurlaquestionidentitaireacadienne.Hormiscelledu fi nition identitaireclairetouchantàcestroisgroupes,quipourcertains, , Moncton,Chaired’étudesacadiennes,2005. 6 39, 1 (1998), 59–101, et Études canadiennes / Canadian Studies fi n du 18 4 publiéeen2005. e siècle dans le sud-est, le nord-ouest et le , Toronto, Universityof Toronto Press, 2004. fi ths, qui développe la thèse d’une fi n du 19 From Migrantto Acadian: A North , Bruxelles,P. Lang,2006;PatrickD. L’Acadie plurielle:dynamiquesidenti- 5 L’historiographie reconnaît e siècle et surtout au 20 e , Moncton–Poitiers,Institut siècleàunenouvelle The ‘Conquest’ of Acadia, ées commefaisant Adap- 37 e , s’est développéeau20 dawaska, danslenord-ouestduNouveau-Brunswick,uneforteidentitérégionale pour seconsidérerunvéritableacadien, la réalité était touteautre. Ainsi, auMa- et du20 d’études acadiennes,2005,25–54. Au 19 Cajuns sontmaintenantdesanglophones. retrouve auCanadaatlantique,entreautresparcequelatrèsgrandemajoritédes que l’identité des Cajuns est différente aujourd’hui de l’identité acadienne que l’on dans destextesdelafi d’importance auxexpérienceshistoriquesdel’identitéacadiennedocumentée 10 9 8 7 tes acadiennes du 19 tôt insistersurlefaitquel’identitéacadienneestuneproductiondespremièreséli- Pour leurpart,certainssociologues,notammentJoseph Yvon Thériault, vontplu- cations récentes, dont celles de l’historien cajun Shane K. Bernard d’une régionnéo-brunswickoiseauXX d’Acadien. Cettedé des déportés,oùqu’ilssoientdanslemonde,notammentenLouisiane,statut l’identité acadiennepuisqu’elleconfèreàtouslesdescendantesetdescendants l’identité acadienne.Lapremièremetdel’avantunedé À l’heureactuelle,deuxgrandesthèsessemblents’affronter encequiconcerne mes à partir de la fi breuses famillesd’originecanadienne-françaisequisesontétabliesauxMariti- événements tragiques de la Déportation. C’est le cas par exemple des très nom- individus oudesfamillesdontlesancêtresn’ontpasnécessairementétéliésaux dienne vacommenceràsetransformerenincluantdanslegroupeacadien,des territoires del’identité:perspectivesacadiennesetfrançaises,XVII quand mêmeuneappartenanceaugroupeacadien. n’avait pasjustementdesracinesgénéalogiquesacadiennes,maisprofessait dien. britannique (Anglais,ÉcossaisetIrlandais)quisesontassimilésaugroupeaca- (2000), 299–365. et régionalismes en Acadie. Culture, espace, appartenance”, in: Brunswick Transformation ofaPeople,1803-1877 Jackson, University Press of Mississippi, 2008. Cf. également Carl A. Brasseaux, sissippi, 2003,et,dumêmeauteur, Cf. Sylvain Godin – Maurice Basque, Histoire des Acadiens et Acadiennes du Nouveau- Ils’agitdel’Île-du-Prince-Édouard,duNouveau-BrunswicketlaNouvelle-Écosse. ShaneK.Bernard,TheCajuns: Americanization ofaPeople,Jackson,UniversityPressMis- JacquesPaulCouturier, “LaRépublique du Madawaska etl’Acadie:laconstructionidentitaire 9 C’estdoncdirequemêmesiuncertaindiscoursidentitaireacadiendu19 e siècle,surtoutdanslesProvincesmaritimes e , Tracadie-Sheila, LaGrandeMarée,2007,96–97.Cf.également PatrickD.Clarke,“Région siècleprônaitl’importancedela n du 18 fi nitionminimisel’importancedugroupeacadienquiexisteau e siècle, grand siècle des nationalismes. Ils accordent moins n du 17 e siècle,l’identitébrayonne,dontunepartiedesadhérents e siècle, ainsi qu’aux nombreux anglophones d’origine Cajuns andTheir Acadian Ancestors. A Young History Reader’s e , Jackson,UniversityPressofMississippi,1992. etdu18 e siècle”,in:MauriceBasque–JacquesPaulCouturier, e siècle. fi liationaveclesdéportésdeGrand-Pré 10 Recherches sociographiques 8 duCanada,l’identitéaca- e -XX fi nition généalogiquede e siècles,Moncton,Chaire Acadian to Cajun: 7 , proposent 41, 2 Les e ,

29 Acadiens, Cadiens et Cajuns: identités communes ou distinctes? 30 Maurice Basque vante: http://www.cma2009.ca/img/imgtiny/CHRONIQUES/Chronique12.pdf. Cf. lesitewebduCongrèsmondialacadien2009,consulté24septembre2008,àl’adressesui- ritaires duCanadaetd’ailleurs. complétude institutionnellequifaitl’enviedesautressociétésfrancophonesmino- d’une Acadie réelle,dynamiséepar, entreautres,unréseauassociatiffortetune rangement. Ellerefuseainsil’imaged’une Acadie virtuellepourembrassercelle son groupeàl’obligationdeporterunnomfamille“canonique”duGrandDé- française peuvent y participer. des régions de l’Acadie de l’Atlantique et tous les élèves des écoles de langue des meilleursexemplesàciter:depuis1979,ilsontannuellementlieudansl’une 15 14 13 12 11 vivre danscettesociétéetyparticiperpleinement. considérés comme Acadiennes et Acadiens touteslespersonnesquiveulent nominateur commundel’identitéacadiennecontemporaine.Peuventdoncêtre Cette Acadie de l’Atlantique présente la langue française comme étant le dé- français dans la région. phique qu’elle fait démarrer en 1604, année de l’arrivée des premiers pionniers velle sociétéacadienneestdoncancréedansunecontinuitéhistoriqueetgéogra- survivants duGrandDérangementa reconstruit unenouvelle Acadie. Cettenou- ces régions géographiques qu’une partie très importante des survivantes et des tés delanguefrançaisedesquatreprovincesduCanadaatlantique.C’estdans plus surlanotiond’unesociétécivileacadienne,quiexistedanslescommunau- La deuxièmethèsevéhiculéeausujetdel’identitéacadiennereposebeaucoup que nousici,lesfrancophonesvivantdansl’estduCanada.” et plusparticulièrementlesCadiensdelaLouisiane,sont Acadiens aumêmetitre du Nouveau-Brunswick, véhiculent le discours suivant: “ [...] les Acadiens du Sud, acadien 2009,quidoitavoirlieudans la Péninsuleacadienne,danslenord-est diens quiontlieudepuis1994.D’ailleurs,lesorganisateursduCongrèsmondial l’identité acadienne se retrouve célébrée lors des grands congrès mondiaux aca- à cechiffre, rappelons-le, n’est,àcejour, pasencoreconnue.Cettedéfi et d’Acadiensdispersésàtraverslemonde.Laméthodeutiliséepourenarriver l’accent surune Acadie virtuellequicompterait quelquesmillionsd’Acadiennes Canada atlantiqueetdesonprojetsociétéd’yvivreenfrançais,mettant vitent les Acadiens duSud”,in: 231–254. Cf.aussiBasque–BarrieauCôté1999. dienne associatifs”, in:SimonLanglois–JocelynLétourneau,Aspectsdelanouvellefrancophoniecana- jeunesse acadienne:LesJeuxdel’Acadie dans lesProvincesmaritimesduCanada”,in:Jean-Pierre Cf.CarolDoucet, “UnedélégationduCMA 2009bientôtenLouisiane:les Acadiens duNordin- Greg Allain, “Fragmentationouvitalité?Regardsociologique surl’Acadieactuelleetsesréseaux NicolasLandry–NicoleLang, Cf.Greg Allain, “Genèse,structureetbiland’unemanifestationsportiveidentitairepourla Cf.JamesLaxer, The Acadians. InSearchofaHomeland (= Collection Culture française d’Amérique), Québec, Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 2004, 12 Cette identité ne limite cependant pas l’appartenance à Chronique duCMA Histoire del’Acadie 15 13 Ces jeux ont également eu lieu dans des grandes (2009);Chronique , Sillery, Septentrion,2001,13–21. 14 , Toronto, Doubleday, 2006,282–285. LesJeuxdel’Acadiesontl’un 12(semainedu14avril2008). 11 nition de nition 2000, 259–270;DavidCheramie,“Contrel’oubli:laraisond’êtrede lalittératurecadienne”,in:Robert Cadjin?’”, in:RobertViau (dir.), siane”, in:Magord2003,497–505;BertilleBeaulieu,“Commentpeut-on êtreCadien?Ou‘Quoiçaein Septentrion, 2008, 169–196; Zachary Richard, “L’émergence d’une littérature francophone en Loui- “Mémoires d’unCadienpassionné”,in:DeanLouder–EricWaddell (dirs.), poésie acadienne en Louisiane”, in: Dianne Guenin-Lelle,“TheBirthofCajunPoetry: An Analysis ofCrissurlebayou:naissanced’une Thèse de doctorat en études francophones, Lafayette, Université de la Louisiane à Lafayette, 2004; Louisiana Paris, Belin,1999;JacquesHenry–SaraLeMenestrel(dirs.), Geographical Journal fl à Lafayette,ainsiqueDavidCheramie,directeurduCODOFIL,portenthautle décédé en2008,etleprofesseurBarryJ. Ancelet, del’UniversitélaLouisiane Zachary Richard,unpetitgroupedeCadiens,dontleregrettéRichardGuidry, 19 18 17 16 Augustin – Christine Dallaire (dirs.), cadien ou cajun. ascendance française se sont mises à s’identi que d’autresfrancophonesdelaLouisianeainsidespersonnesayantune mouvoir entreautreslalanguefrançaise.L’in Louisiana), un organisme créé par l’état de la Louisiane en 1968, a fortement entretenuparleCODOFIL (CouncilfortheDevelopmentofFrenchin francophone sontdesréalitésindissociables.Lediscoursidentitairecadienest aux discours identitaires véhiculés en Acadie de l’Atlantique où être Acadien et deux mondesdifférents. Le Cadienparlefrançaisetserattachebeaucoupplus souvent présentéscommeétantdessynonymes,CadienetCajunrenvoientà fait peudeplaceauxCadiensetCajunslaLouisiane.Mêmes’ilssont La lecture de cette dé qu’elles seréclamentmembresàpartentièredel’Acadiel’Atlantique. tions d’Acadiennesetd’Acadiensexistentmaintenantdanscesmilieuxurbains veau-Brunswick etHalifaxenNouvelle-Écosse,puisqued’importantesconcentra- villes à majorité anglophone du Canada atlantique, tel que Saint-Jean au Nou- siane. Cf.,parexemple,SaraLeMenestrel,LavoiedesCadiens.Tourisme etidentitéenLouisiane Nouveau-Brunswick”, in: de lavitalitésocioculturellechezlesminoritésfrancophonesenmilieuurbain:deuxcas Acadie du veau-Brunswick, soit celles de Fredericton, Miramichi et Saint-Jean. Cf. Greg Allain, “Les conditions trois livressurdescommunautésacadiennesenmilieuurbainmajoritairementanglophoneduNou- langue deleursancêtres,parnouvellesgénérationsjeunes. organisme, l’avenirdesCadiensenLouisianepasseparl’utilisationdufrançais, chard, unecertaineruptures’estétablieentreCadienetCajunpuisqueseloncet en avril1996parl’auteur-compositeur-interprèteetactivistecadienZacharyRi- Maison desSciencesdel’Hommed’Aquitaine,2007,95–137. ambeau delalanguefrançaiseenLouisianecadienne. Ilexiste detrèsnombreuxarticles,livresetthèsesportantsurlesréalitéscadienneslaLoui- Bernard2003,149. Cécyle Trépanier, “TheCajunizationofFrenchLouisiana:ForgingaRegionalIdentity”,in: EncollaborationaveclesociologueGreg Allain del’UniversitéMoncton,nousavonsécrit , Westport, Praeger, 2003;ChantalK.Saucier, 17 157,2(juillet1991),161–171. Mais avec la naissance de l’organisme Action Cadienne fondé Francophonies d’Amérique fi nition de l’identité acadienne de l’Acadie de l’Atlantique La créationlittérairedansle contexte de l’exiguïté The French Review Jeux, sports et francophonie. L’exemple du Canada 20(automne2005),133–146. 70, 3 (février 1997), 439–451; Richard Guidry, Acadie tropicale:colonisationetassimilation fi fl ercommefaisantpartiedugroupe uence duCODOFIL futsigrande Working theField. Accounts from French 19 Franco-Amérique , Beauport,MNH, 18 Enplusde fi n d’y pro- 16 , Pessac, , Sillery, The , , 31 Acadiens, Cadiens et Cajuns: identités communes ou distinctes? 32 Maurice Basque diquent decesgroupes. d’évoluer a les défi permis d’assimilerplusieursautresidentitésàlaleur. Cequiestcertain,c’estque fi langue française,soitcommematernelleouseconde;et ce petitgroupedeLouisianaisd’ascendanceacadiennequiveulentmaintenirla l’on retrouveprincipalementen Acadie del’Atlantique;le deuxième, lesCadiens, en Amérique duNord.Lepremiergroupeestconstituéparles Acadiens, que 21 20 Studies 37(1994),159–180. Allard, “IdentitésacadiennesenLouisiane,PoitouetàBelle-Île”, in: Arceneaux”, in: Equinoxes Viau 2000, 271–279; Clint Bruce, “La trahison du trahi: vers une traduction du poète cadien Jean titaire, dontl’unedesclefsseretrouvepeut-êtredanslesparolesdelachanson Aujourd’hui, leschercheurscontinuentdetravailleràrésoudrececasse-têteiden- atlantique, laLouisiane,leQuébec,Saint-Pierre-et-MiquelonetBelle-Île-en-Mer. origine del’Acadiecolonialedansdesterritoiresaussidifférents queleCanada dienne: ironie du sort, leur geste a contribué à multiplier les identités qui tirent leur au pointunesolutionradicaleafi En 1755,lesautoritéscolonialesdelaNouvelle-Écossepensaientavoirmis au tournantdu18 sociopolitiques quionttransformél’identitéacadienne,dontlagenèseremonte groupe nous semble faire titaires des Acadiens, desCadienset Cajuns. Vouloir lesassocieràunseul Bref, nombreusessontlesdé des Cajuns. l’une desnombreusesidentitésquiadonnénaissanceàl’identitécontemporaine intellectuels cajuns,Bernardpropose,rappelons-le,quel’identitéacadienneest crit l’historienShaneK.Bernarddanssonouvrage travers le monde pour sa cuisine et sa musique. C’est ce groupe qu’a très bien dé- sur uneparticipationàculturetrèsdynamique,lacajun,connue fait d’êtrecajunnereposepassurlapratiquedelanguefrançaise,maisplutôt l’Atlantique s’identi jorité despersonnesayantunlienhistoriqueréelouconstruitavecl’Acadiede Mais ces Cadiens sont bien minoritaires en Louisiane, car la très grande ma- Congrès mondialacadien Doucet, groupe acadienmêmes’ilsneparlentpasnécessairementlalangue française.Àcesujet,cf.Clive An EssayReview”,in:LouisianaHistory nalement, les Cajuns, pour qui la formule américaine du “melting pot” leur a Par exemple, de plus en plus d’anglophones aux ascendances acadiennes seréclamentdu Cf.également, parexemple,MichaelJamesForet,“AcadianVersus Cajun:What’s InaName? nitions au sujet des identités acadiennes, cadiennes et cajuns ne cessent Lost andFoundin Acadie, Halifax,Nimbus,2004,et,dumêmeauteur, Acadian Homecoming: fi n derépondreaunombregrandissantpersonnesquisereven- 20 e siècleenterred’Acadie,aumoinstroisnouvellesidentités fi ent comme Cajuns,c’est-à-diredesanglophonespourquile , Halifax,Nimbus,2005. 2 (automne/hiver 2003-2004), et André Magord – Rodrigue Landry – Réal 21 fi des processus historiques, culturels, linguistiques et fi nitions quitententdecernerlesdimensionsiden- 33,4(automne1992),417–421. n d’assimileretd’acculturerlapopulation aca- The Cajuns Études canadiennes/Canadian . Commed’autres par Waylon Thibodeaux etRolandGauvin. Waylon Thibodeaux, Roland Gauvin et Jac Gautreau, musique de Waylon Thibodeaux et interprétée 22 “Si longtemps séparés”, chanson thème du 2 lieu enLouisiane1999: Extrait de la chanson thème du 2 Et lespiedsenlaLouisiane. Le coeuren Acadie Qu’est-ce quec’estd’avoir Ne peuventpascomprendre Ceux quinesontpas Acadiens Du paysoùjesuisné Mais jenepeuxpasmedétacher Je pensesouventàtoi Chère Acadie Et leCadienl’accordéon Quand l’Acadienjoueduviolon Je voismêmequ’onseressemble Et quandlafamilleserassemble 22 e Congrès mondial acadien, 1999, composée par Sheryl Collins, e Congrès mondial acadien qui a eu 33 Acadiens, Cadiens et Cajuns: identités communes ou distinctes? 34 d’or oùchacuncroitretrouversonauréoleperdue il s’amuseàdéposersurl’eaujadissibleueune immensément séduisant,semblableausoleilsurlamerquand reprendre tranquillementforme,impeccablementsigni celles quiremettentleurslunettes,revoyantlemonde halo golden with waterthatwasoncesoblue,coveringitathin immensely seductive,likethesunonseawhenitplays the worldtakeshapeagain,impeccablymeaningfuland those whoputontheirglassesandcontentedlywatch Histoire etpolitique History andPolitics fi lm on whichallbelievetheymight fi nd their lost Fredericton, GooseLaneEdition,2007,54. fi ne pellicule ne Herménégilde Chiasson, Herménégilde Chiasson, Sudbury, Prisedeparole,2007,59. fi ant et ant BéatitudeS. Beatitudes. 35 History and Politics – Histoire et politique 36 History and Politics – Histoire et politique Historic NewOrleansCollection 37 History and Politics – Histoire et politique 38 History and Politics – Histoire et politique Griffi ume. Mostoftheargumentspresentedinpaperwereoriginally developed andpublishedbyNaomi d’horizon about Acadian historyandthuslaythehistoricalbasesforpapersfollowinginthisvol- of Acadian history. The followingtextisnotbasedonoriginalresearch.Itwrittentoprovideatour to thank the organizers for inviting me and for thus giving me the opportunity to enrich my knowledge and Cajuns. The PoliticsandCultureofFrenchMinoritiesinNorth America”, 6.–7.9.2007. Iwouldlike du 19 nées 1780–1790, pour établir une identité culturelle, sociale et – dans la seconde moitié les efforts delapopulation colonialeetdeceuxquisontretournésen Acadie danslesan- l’identité acadienneetutilise,commeprinciped’organisationdutextedel’argumentation, cle, avec le Grand Dérangement de 1758 comme axe historique. Il étudie le problème de 2 1 and insomewaysconstitutesan‘actoffaith” To talk about the history of Acadia is as Léon Thériault argues “a paradox in itself discussions présentéesdanscevolume.Lapériodetraitéevade1631àla Ce travail présente un tour d’horizon de l’histoire de l‘Acadie et sert de base historique aux Résumé Cultural Transferand Acadia: A HistoryofCulturalEncounter rière’s in 1935, Exiles, publishedin1916,EmileLauv- Arthur G.Doughty’s TheAcadian ton, 1995,45. of theMaritimes.ThematicStudiesfromBeginningtoPresent , Moncton,UniversitédeMonc- 20 fl tions andcharacteristicsof Acadian history. These traitsaredealtwithandre- community thatexperiencedexistentialthreatsthroughoutitshistoryarecondi- it didnotceasetoexist.Beinganationwithoutterritoryorstateandcultural since 1763 Acadia hasnoof appelle aujourd’hui“histoirecroisée”. l’histoire acadienneestunlaboratoirededestransfertsculturelsetcequ’on les cosmologiesquiconstituentlefondementsociocultureldupeuple.Enmêmetemps, glaises etamérindiennessere un exemple modèle de l’histoire des rencontres culturelles, les in ected especially by the early historical work presented during the Léon Thériault, “Acadiafrom1763to1990. A HistoricalSynthesis”,in:JeanDaigle(dir.), This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the Innsbruck Conference “Acadians th ths towhomIowe alotregardingmyownunderstandingof Acadian history. century, like Antoine Bernard’s Histoiredelasurvivanceacadienne e siècle – nationale. En conclusion, l’article constate que l’histoire acadienne est La Tragédie d’unPeuple fl étant trèsvisiblementdanslessymboles,mytheset fi 1 cial territoryandnopoliticalstatus.Nevertheless, , published in 1924, or John Bartlet Brebner’s , publishedin1924,orJohnBartletBrebner’s 2 . Itisaparadoxinitselfbecause Free UniversityofBerlin fl uences françaises, an- Ursula Lehmkuhl fi rst half of the fi n du19 , published Acadia e New siè- 39 Acadia: A History of Cultural Encounter and Cultural Transfer 40 Ursula Lehmkuhl like tobeginbysuggestinganoutlineofsomebasicfactsaboutl’Acadie Acadian origin”?InordertobeablediscusstheseandotherquestionsIwould we going to approach the “history of Acadians” or of “Canadians or Americans of And if we cannot write the history of Acadia as political or national history, how are Anderson hascalled“animaginedcommunity” state. Acadia was and is a construct that may be best described by what Benedict which atleastuntil1884wasmissingthefundamentalprerequisitesofanation ing basedonmethodologicalnationalism. They triedtotellthestoryofanation These studies started from a historical perspective that today is criticized for be- people, 1604–1755 Evangeline P.S. King&SonLtd.,1927; Arthur George Doughty, The Acadian Exiles: A Chronicle oftheLand (= Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, 293), New York–London, Columbia University Press– Viateur, 1935;JohnBartletBrebner, NewEngland’s Outpost: Acadia BeforetheConquestofCanada Co.–J. Lovell,1895;PhilipHenrySmith, Acadia, MissingLinksofaLostChapterin American History,2vols,New York–Montréal, HomeBook Its FirstDiscoverytoSurrenderEngland résurrection chez l’auteur, 1884;EmileLauvrière,BrèveHistoiretragiquedupeuple Acadien: sonmartyreetsa Acadians areadistinctcommunitystrugglingagainststrongassimilativepres- “Acadians” thathelpsustoanswerthequestionofhowapproachtheirhistory: fi 6 5 4 3 England’s Outpost: Acadia BeforetheConquest ofCanada,publishedin1927. the informationprovidedonfollowingpagesisbasedthese twoentrances. Canadian History 1999, entrance“Acadia”.Forfurtherinformationcf.alsoGeraldHallowell, ism, London,Verso, 1983. cal Norumbega,morestuff oflegendthanhistory”,asCharlesMahaf political and cultural existence does it have? Is Acadia something like the “mythi- If Acadia isanationwithoutterritoryorcommunity withoutstate,whatkindof against strongassimilativepressures.” nity; andinLouisianatheyhavepartlysucceededpreservingtheirculture Maritime ProvincesandLouisiana.IntheMaritimestheyformadistinctcommu- them livinginvariouspartsofNorth America, withthelargernumbersettledin the FrenchsettlersinAcadie.Itisestimatedthatthereareatleast1.000.000of From Acadians andAcadie:HistoricalBackground Acadian history. nition alreadymentionsonesigni CharlesD.Mahaffi R. Anderson, Benedict AntoineBernard,Histoiredelasurvivanceacadienne,1755–1935 The CanadianEncyclopedia The CanadianEncyclopedia , Toronto–Glasgow, Brook&Company, 1916;JamesHannay, , Paris,Librairied’Amériqueetd’Orient,1947. , Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, entrance “Acadia”. If not otherwise indicated , Halifax,Nimbus,2003,7. e, A landofdiscordalways: Acadia fromitsbeginningstotheexpulsionof Imagined Communities:Re , Year 2000Edition, Toronto–Ontario, McClellandandStewart, Acadia. A LostChapterin American History fi welearnthat Acadians are“descendantsof cant characteristicoftheethnicgroupcalled , St.John(N.B.),McMillan,1879;EdouardRichard, 6 Itisinterestingtonotethatthisshortde- fl ections ontheOriginandSpreadofNational- 4 . , Montréal,LesClercsdeSaint The Historyof Acadia, from The OxfordCompanionto fi e suggests? , Pawling(N.Y.), and 5 3

in Amerika: vierJahrhunderte Geschichte undLiteraturder Akadier. EinePublikationdesCIFRAQS – RobertoMannMauriceBasqueEvaBenseGeorgBense, Akadien:einfranzösischerTraum 7 valley and was called Canada. The origin of the name distinguish this part from the western part, which began with the Saint Lawrence the New World – i.e. the eastern or maritime part of New France, in order to The name Acadie fi ada –namely, NovaScotia,NewBrunswick,andPrinceEdwardIsland.Hencewe the Acadian people”, consisting of what are today the Maritime Provinces of Can- answer: The article “Acadia” af Acadian people? poric situations, how can we talk about “Acadia” understood as the territory of the This, however, leadstoanotherfundamental question:If Acadians liveindias- situations thatchangeovertime. ets intheMaritimesandLouisiana.Partsofthiscommunitythuslivediasporic sures. This communityhas beenscatteredacrossNorth America withlargepock- that isusuallyreferredtoasthefoundationof Acadia. French settlers,the“fi Germain-en-Laye restoredthecolonytoFrance. That sameyearthreehundred Calvinists seizedPortRoyal,oustingtheFrenchuntil 1632, whenthe Treaty ofSt. veloping thecolony. In1628–29SirWilliam Alexander andagroupofScottish Jean de Biencourt de Poutrincourt, assumed control again, however without de- seat atPortRoyal)languishedfrom1607to1610.In1610itsformergovernor, De Monts’ proprietorship was revoked in 1605, however, and the colony (with its and furtradetoPierreDuguay, SieurdeMonts. until 1604, when France granted a ten-year monopoly on the region’s ended withtheSeven Years’ War (1756–63). The colonyitselfwasnotfounded became involved in the century-long struggle between England und France that by England as a result of John Cabot’s and Humphrey Gilbert’s voyages and thus Provinces andpartsofMaineQuebec. They overlappedthe territories claimed clearly de it wasnormallyreferredtoasAcadie Already Gastaldi’s mapof1548showstheterritoryas Carolina. The namegradually made itswayupNorth America’s easternseaboard. da Verrazano, who around 1524 used it to identify what is today Kitty Hawk, North name was fi from “Akade”,awordmeaning“Paradise”intheregion’s Micmaclanguage. The defi nd twoseeminglycon David Hackett Fischer, Champlain’s dream nitively traced.Mostofthehistoriansnowagreethatname fi ned butprobablywereintendedtoincludewhat arenowtheMaritime rst applied to a New World locale by the Florentine explorer Giovanni The OxfordCompaniontoCanadianHistory was given by France to her Atlantic seaboard possessions in rstfamilies”of Acadia, arrivedatPortRoyal. This isthe date fl icting interpretations–homelandanddiaspora. fi rmatively states that “Acadia is the homeland of . The boundariesofthecolonywerenever , New York, Simon & Schuster, 2008; Ingo Kolboom 7 Larcadie Acadie givesaveryclear has never been , andafter1604 Acadia fi sheries stems , 41 Acadia: A History of Cultural Encounter and Cultural Transfer 42 Ursula Lehmkuhl structed beforetheirexpulsion. and began the slow work of re-creating much of the culture that they had con- members expelledbyBritishgovernors;and1755–84,whenmanyexilesreturned tity; 1748–55, when Acadian society reached its apex only to have most of its time Europeanimmigrantsandtheirdescendantshadacquiredacoherentiden- Nova ScotiaandNewBrunswickfi stellations: the 1680s, when the French settlements in the areas now known as critical juncturesin Acadian history, therebypinpointingcertaintime-spacecon- riod of Acadian history, offers athirdapproachbyorganizingherresearchalong Contexts of Acadian History, 1686to1784 tions ofculturalencounter, andprocessesofculturaltransfer. of living,theinteractionbetweensettlersandindigenouspopulation,situa- of thecommunityassuch:waysettlersorganizedtheircolony, theirway the dominant metropolitan power is of importance, but so are the characteristics the historyof Acadia. Inidentifyingthesetime-spaceconstellationsthequestionof larly in consolidated, and then to ask what kind of time-space constellations were particu- 9 8 du Fleuve,1988;NicolasLandry–NicoleLang,Histoiredel’Acadie, Sillery, Septentrion,2001. Heidelberg, Synchron,2005;LéopoldLanctôt, 1758 andtotheendof19 sense to start from the two eras of pre- and post-deportation, meaning 1604 to What Iwouldliketopresentisacombinationofthethreeapproaches.Itmakes of Canadiannationalism. in theDominionofCanadadominatedbyPrimeMinisterMacdonaldandhispolicy the early Dominion, and “Transformations sociales et économiques, 1880–1914” British domination,“Intégrationsociale,économiqueetpolitique,1850–1880”in anglaise” (1713–1763),“Reconstructionterritorialeetsociale,1763–1850”under Histoire del’Acadie as acriterion. This iswhat forexampleNicolasLandryandNicoleLangdointheir way ofstructuringthehistory Acadia istotakethedominantmetropolitanpower is to subdivide Acadian History into the time before deportation and after. A second and Acadians? Aof Acadia development periods inthehistoryof Acadia andwhatevents hadastructuringimpactonthe ers that help to structure the story they are telling. What then are characteristic After having identi University Press,1992. NaomiGriffi Landry–Lang2001. fl uential forcertaintimeperiodshelpingtoexplaincrucialdevelopmentsin ths, The Contextsof Acadian History, 1686–1784 fi ed a starting point, historians usually look for historical mark- . They analyse“L’Acadie française”(1604–1713),“L’Acadie 8 NaomiGriffi 9 rst achievedpermanence;the1730s,bywhich th centurywhen Acadian nationalidentitywas L’Acadie desorigines,1603–1771 ths, inheradmirablyconcisevolume fi rst andveryroughwayofperiodization , althoughonlylookingattheearlype- , Montreal–Buffalo, McGill–Queen’s , Montréal,Éditions The 10 glish colonists from the South, and they became embroiled in the con Acadians facedseriousobstaclesfromthebeginning. They wereraidedbyEn- Source: Sleeper-Smith2002 Comparative PopulationsofNewFrance, Acadia, NewEngland France, andNewEnglandlookssmall. Abenakis in Maine. Compared to these numbers the population of Acadia, New Micmacs, mostlyinNovaScotia,5.000MaliseetNewBrunswick,and10.000 There existedthree major IndiantribesintheareawhenFrench arrived, 4.000 are the 300 settlers brought from France to Port Royal between 1632 and 1635. quoddy Bayin1604,butasonlyafewofthesesurvived,theirrealancestors Historically Acadians can be traced to the early Huguenot settlement at Passama- Indian-Acadian Cohabitation(1604–1713) The Consolidationofan Acadian NationalIdentity(1880–1914) Pre-Deportation History(1604–1758) The Acadian Renaissance(1864–1884) The Dynamismof“l’AcadieduSilence”(1758–1864) LivingintheDiaspora “LeGrandDérangement”(1755–1762) The Thirty Years Peace(1713–1748) Indian-AcadianCohabitation(1604–1713) fi encounter, andbyapatternofcolonialgovernance thatdiffered fromtheoneswe ized bymultifariousexperiencesoftransculturation,theexperiencecultural In order to tell Acadian history as a history of an imagined community character- Critical JuncturesandTime-Space Constellationsin Acadian History Publishers, 2006. Sheila Nelson, would liketoproposethefollowingstructure: space constellationswhichareofexplanatorysigni nd in Nouvelle-France or New England Cf.SheilaNelson,Britain’s Canada,1613–1770 Post-Deportation History(1758–1914) Pre-Deportation History(1604–1758) 1710 1750 1670 Year 1608 The settlementofNewFranceand Acadia, 1524–1701 .0 0 51.900 115.100 1.700 500 360.000 12.000 16.000 55.000 8.000 10 28 e rneAai NewEngland Acadia New France 10 , and to subdivide it into critical time- , Philadelphia,MasonCrestPublishers,2006; fi cance for Acadian history, I , Philadelphia,MasonCrest - fl icting inter- icting 43 Acadia: A History of Cultural Encounter and Cultural Transfer 44 Ursula Lehmkuhl 11 (1941),193. in North America. in between New France and the Thirteen Colonies. Acadia developed as a minority would blendinauniquefashiontoformthedistinctive Acadian identity. religious beliefs,politicalnorms,economicpractices,andartistictraditionsthat 13 12 11 end ofthe17 increase waslargelyduetothenaturalofthosealreadysettled. At the ically self-sustaining. While newcomers were still arriving in the colony, population years. In 1700 the colony was both demographically self-generating and econom- al inNorth America, theyexperiencedaperiodofpeacethatlastedmorethan30 France, itusheredinaneweraforthe Acadians. Forthe to developit. Although theyear1713markedlossofimportantcoloniesfor Royale (present-dayCape Breton Island)intheGulfofSt.Lawrenceand planned Britain: HudsonBay, Newfoundland,and Acadia. FranceretainedthecolonyofÎle According to Article 12ofthetreaty, threeFrenchterritorieswerecededtoGreat The Treaty ofUtrechtin1713changedthe balanceofpowerinNorth America. The ThirtyYears(1713–1748) Peace America.” devote alltheirenergytostrengtheningalifestylethatwastotallyuniqueinNorth network of Acadian familiespreferredtoconcentrateontheirowninterestsand Peoples. JeanDaigleexplains:“Unitedbytiesofbloodandaffection, thelarge its EnglishneighbourstotheSouthandmaintainedsolidcontactswithNative far from being isolated from the outside world, established a modus vivendi with ests ofFranceandEngland.Despiteitsmarginalposition,the Acadian population, 14 structions, Toronto–Buffalo, Universityof Toronto Press,2004. Charles Lawrence. Under his rule the Acadians were forcibly expelled from their kins whoassumedgovernorshipin1752;thefollowing yearhewassucceededby First ideas to do something about this problem were launched by Peregrine Hop- rity problem. Their settlementsdidnot 1755. The new rulers soon discovered that the Acadians might become a secu- out the Acadians and disperse them among the British colonies, taken on July 28, of thestorythatledto“leGrandDérangement”,i.e.Britishdecisionmove Halifax tocountertheFrenchstrongholdatLouisbourg. This wasthebeginning rived in 1749 with some 2.500 English colonists and a plan to build a fortress at A newerabeganforNovaScotiaandthe Acadians whenEdwardCornwallisar- “Le GrandDérangement”(1755–1762) JeanDaigle, “Acadiafrom1604to1763: A HistoricalSynthesis”,in:Daigle1995,2. Griffi Cf.alsoJohnG.Reid, The “Conquest”of Acadia, 1710:Imperial, Colonial,and Aboriginal Con- GustaveLanctot,“L’Acadie etlaNouvelle-France,1603–1763”,in: ths 1992,35. 11 Acadia served,asGustavLanctotdescribed it,asa“Wall of China” th centuryonecandistinguishin Acadia manyofthesocialcustoms, 13 fi t intothedefensivestrategyofBritish. fi rst timesincetheirarriv- Revue del’Universitéd’Ottawa 14

12

Metairie, Rieder, 1977; Albert J.Robichaux, New York, FarrarStrausGiroux,1979. (LA), HebertPublications,1981;WilliamFaulknerRushton, vey (LA), Robichaux, 1978; Albert J. Robichaux, (LA), HebertPublications,1983; Albert J.Robichaux,The Acadian exilesinNantes,1775–1785 Milton P. Rieder–NormaGaudetRieder, Edward Island.In1755thispre-eminencewasended.Ittookmorethanseventy covered by the present-day provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Acadians had been the dominant society of European descent within the territory defi “the timeofexile”,or“leGrandDérangement”havebecomecentraltotheself- board shipandsecondonarrivalattheirvariousdestinations.“TheDeportation”, The Acadians suffered appalling losses in consequence of the deportation, 16 15 Living intheDiaspora Post-Deportation History(1758–1914) dian powerbutnot Acadian identity. The policy carried out by Lawrence both succeeded and failed. It destroyed Aca- and becomeabsorbedintothemassofotherculture.Lawrenceexplained: and aboveall Acadians shouldceasetoexist asacoherentandseparatesociety arate colonyandbecomeundifferentiated fromthemajoritywithineachcolony; arate community; Acadians shouldbeassimilated withinthecontextofeachsep- become impossibleforthe Acadians toorganizethemselvesasadistinctandsep- August 11, 1755 the following reasons for the deportation were given: It should In acircularletterfromGovernorLawrencetotheGovernorsonContinent of France relinquishedclaimstoNorth American territories. native land;andtheirpersecutiondidnotceaseuntilthepeaceof1763when Exiled People dians leavetheoldcontinent,theirdestinationNewOrleans:TheHistory of Acadia, theOdysseyofan State UniversityPress,1987;Gérard-MarcBraud,FromNantestoLouisiana.In 1785, 1.600 Aca- of New Acadia: TheBeginningsof Acadian LifeinLouisiana, 1765–1803 Canada sity Press,2005;JanetB.Jehn,AcadianexilesintheColonies migrant to Acadian: A North American border people, 1604–1755 Forthediasporichistoryof Acadians cf.e.g.Bernard1935;Carl A. Brasseaux, As quoted by John Bartlet Brebner, New England’s Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of nition oflatergenerations Acadians. Formorethanahundredyears,the all possibleexpeditionforthatpurpose. colonies onthecontinent,andthatasuf their lands, it would be most proper to send them to be distributed amongst the several possible their attempting to return and molest the settlers that may be set down on After matureconsiderationitwasunanimouslyagreed,that,topreventasmuch , New York, B.Franklin,1973,221. , English ed., Lafayette, La Rainette, 1999; Doughty 1916; Naomi E. S. Grif 16

The Acadian exilesinthe American Colonies The Acadian exilesinChatellerault, 1773–1785 The Acadian exiles in Saint-Malo, 1758–1785 15 fi cientnumberofvesselsshouldbehiredwith The Cajuns:from Acadia toLouisiana , , Covington,Jehn,1977;Lanctôt1988; , Montreal, McGill–Queen’s Univer- , BatonRouge,Louisiana The Founding , 1755–1768, fi ths, fi , Eunice , Eunice rst on , Har- From

45 Acadia: A History of Cultural Encounter and Cultural Transfer 46 Ursula Lehmkuhl McGraw–Hill Ryerson,1973. to establishanotherinLouisiana. surmount theexileandlaterrebuildtheircommunityinMaritimes,aswell identity and the right to live in a particular place. This allowed the Acadians to but they were a distinct culture. They were a society possessing both a group legitimate countrywas“AcadiaorNovaScotia”. that believed that the Acadians were a people distinct from others and that their forged apeopleaccustomedtoarguingwithauthority. A communitydeveloped Acadians before 1755 gave the exiles not only a known pattern of leadership, but supported the individuals in the strange new lands. The political experience of take placeduringtheexile,therealwaysremainedaweboffamilylinkageswhich society wasbuiltontheextendedfamily. Thus, whilebrutal family separationsdid the Acadians took with them into exile were social and political strength. Acadian what ithadmeantforthe Acadian community. The mostimportantresourcesthat a shared Acadian belief had evolved about why the deportation had occurred and lies a period that Léon Thériault has described as “l’Acadie du Silence”. Between deportationandthere-emergenceof Acadians asadistinctcommunity The Dynamismof“l’AcadieduSilence”(1758–1864) Naomi Griffi 20 19 18 17 characterize the third time-space constellation in the post-deportation period. In time Provincesinboththepoliticalandeconomic From the 1860s onward there were considerable structural changes in the Mari- The Acadian Renaissance(1864–1884) explain thedevelopmentofan Acadian identity attheendof18 but the Acadians’ interpretation of the deportation and its aftermath that helps to Acadian history. And here it is not so much the history of what actually occurred The timeofdeportationandexileiseminentimportanceforthedevelopment in thesummermonthsbeforedeportation. years for the Acadian population within the Maritimes to reach the level that it had distinct literary and musical tradition. The 18 development ofaself-consciousnessexpressingitselfinthe vival of Acadian communitystructures,and Acadian culture,andpromotingthe was notasilentbutverydynamicperiodin Acadian history, leadingtoare- characterization hasbeenstronglycriticized. And indeedtheperiod1758–1864 LéonThériault, Griffi Griffi Griffi ths 1992,124f. ths 1992;NaomiE.S.Grif ths 1992,95. ths has shown in her numerous studies, by the end of the 18 La questiondupouvoiren Acadie: essai fi ths, 20 The Acadians: Creationofa people, Toronto–New York, 17 th -century Acadians were not a nation, 18

, Moncton,Éditionsd’Acadie, fi elds. These structuralchanges th century. As th century 2 1982. 19 This education constituted another theme for the nationalists. of Acadian leaders was the Acadianization of the church. Acadian journalism and in most Acadian undertakingsofacollectivenature.Onethemajorconcerns “L’Union faitlaforce”.UntilWorld War I,thenationalistagendamanifesteditself bols endedwiththechoiceofaninsigniatobeworn asalapelpin,andmotto, make dowithAve MarisStella 21 the Frenchtricolour, withagoldenstarintheblue that hadbeenstartedthreeyearsearlierinMemramcook. The were made in Miscouche to complete the process of choosing national symbols were held at irregular intervals in different regions of the Maritimes. In 1884 efforts to celebratesuchaholidayon August 15.Subsequently, othermajorconventions subjects wasthechoiceofanational Acadian holiday. The assembly a sortofmini-governmentMaritime Acadians. Oneofthemosthotlydebated were setup,oneofwhichwastheSociéténationaledel’Assomption,resembling church. Decisionsweremadeaboutdirectionstotakeandstandingcommittees colonization, problemsofemigration,education,journalism,andtherole following year in Memramcook. The main themes of this meeting were agriculture, that meeting it was decided to hold a major national convention of Acadians the Francophones in America atamajormeetingtobeheldinJuneofthatyear. At Jean-Baptiste deQuébec impetus andencouragementcamefromQuebecin1880,whenthe a comprehensiveprogramin“national”direction.Itshouldbenotedthatsome 1880s Acadian leadersfeltthattheywereinastrongenoughpositiontodevelop 1857; guage textbooks(Guidedel’instituteur fi ation ofcollectiveculturaltools,likethefoundingLeMoniteuracadien, The consolidationofan Acadian nationalidentitywas The Consolidationofan Acadian National Identity (1880–1914) taking controlofitsdestiny, especiallyintheculturaldomain. the Anglophones ralliedtoit. Acadian societywasmovingmoreandtowards New Brunswick Acadians wereunitedinrejecting Confederationin1867whereas tuted achallengetothesenseofidentitythathaddevelopedsince1780s. Finally, theunionofMaritimeProvinceswithCanadainafederationconsti- the Acadians begantospeakout,buttheir in Acadia theelitesbegantopayattentionhighereducation;in of tending were less well prepared for such a discussion. After debating the merits of Acadia. The choiceofanationalanthemwasalsoconsidered,butthoseat- times hasnotbeenstudiedinanycomparablewaytowhatwefi rst French-languagenewspaperintheMaritimes,productionofFrench-lan- Inthis contextitisquitesurprisingthatthequestionofFrenchlanguageeducationin the Mari- Un Acadien errant Un Acadien Traité d’arithmétiquecommerciale and La Marseillaise extendedaninvitationto Acadians tojoinwithother , areligioushymn. The discussionofnationalsym- , 1852;Grammaireélémentairefrançaise , 1877).Finallyatthebeginningof , it was decided quite spontaneously to fl uence wasstillnotverystrong. fi eld expressingthespeci nd withregardtoQuebec.Forthe fi nally spurredbythecre- 21 Lastly, in the fi fl ag chosenwas fi Société Saint- eld ofpolitics fi nally agreed eld of lit- fi city , 47 Acadia: A History of Cultural Encounter and Cultural Transfer 48 Ursula Lehmkuhl 20 ary, Darwinianmeaningsthatitwouldcometore there werenomeaningfulracialcategories.Racedidnotconnotetheevolution- assumption thatwhenEuropeancolonizationofthe Americas beganinearnest, ation andsplinteringcharacteristicofsocialrelationsingeneral.Itstartsfromthe confl 23 22 Moncton, 2005;Kolboom–MannBasqueBense2005. en Acadie dernité history of nationalization of Acadia cf. e.g. Bernard 1935; Ghislain Clermont – Janine Gallant, the Acadian languagewerethemainpreoccupations oftheseintellectuals. erature, certain Acadians began to recover their heritage. History, genealogy, and cultural continuity” as Sleeper-Smith shows in her thought-provoking book on and, secondly, also encourage “the evolution of strategic behaviors that ensured between different culturalgroupsthat,forone,changetheparticipating counters refl American, non-White, or non-Indian changed all this. The history of cultural en- and the denial of equal rights to those perceived as being non-European, non- relations. colonial history, thehistoryofwestwardexpansionandIndian-White The perspectiveofthehistoryculturalencounterdevelopedincontext Acadian HistoryasaofCulturalEncounter transfer andtransculturality”,third“Colonialgovernancein Acadia”. as ahistoryofculturalencounter”;second“Acadian understanding thespeci research perspectives that I think are especially well suited for analyzing and colony andtheemergenceof Acadian identity, Iwouldnowliketodiscussthree developments thathadasignifi After thistourdeforcethrough Acadian history focusingoncertaineventsand British ColumbiaPress,1979. Micmacs andcolonists:Indian-WhiterelationsintheMaritimes,1713–1867 ing/Washington, D.C.] on ResearchintheHistoryofIndian-WhiteRelations,June15–16, 1972,TheNational Archives Build- White relations: A persistent paradox [papers and proceedings of the National Archives Conference Jane F. Smith–RobertM.KvasnickaUnitedStatesNational Archives andRecords Service, States: A bibliography of works published 1975–1980 Buffalo, University of Toronto Press, 1991; Francis Paul Prucha, Press, hide theheavens: A historyofIndian-WhiterelationsinCanada York, Cambridge University Press, 1991; for more general information cf. J. R. Miller, Lakes region,1650–1815 Cf.especiallyRichardWhite,Themiddleground:Indians,empires,andrepublicsintheGreat 21982. Cf.Thériault th centuries. The dispossessionofindigenouspeoples,theinstitutionslavery, icts, thisperspectivetriestotracetheformationofalliances,amalgam- 3 2000; J.R.Miller, Sweetpromises: A readeronIndian-WhiterelationsinCanada,Toronto– 23 Insteadoffocusingongroupboundariesandculturalclashes ects thistransformationprocess.Itfocusesoninteractionprocesses (= Collection Mouvange, 12), Moncton, Chaire d’études acadiennes, Université de , Washington, HowardUniversity Press,1976;LeslieFrancisStokesUpton, (=CambridgeStudiesinNorth American IndianHistory),Cambridge–New fi c historicalexperienceof Acadiens: cant infl uence orimpactonthedevelopmentof , Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1982; , Toronto–Buffalo,of TorontoUniversity fl ect bythelate19 Indian-White relations in the United , Vancouver, Universityof fi rst “Acadianhistory th andearly Skyscrapers 22 La mo- Indian-

Indi- century survived,howtheycreatedtheircommunity while beingconstantlychal- against thePeoplesof Acadia Plank demonstrates in his study tern ofinteractiontheyhadestablishedprovedresistanttochange. As Geoffrey and commercialconnectionslinkedtheMicmac Acadians, andthepat- nominal sovereigntyovertheprovincein1710. A weboffriendships,familyties, Micmac lived side by side for more than one hundred years before the British took established closerelationsespeciallywiththeMicmacbands. Acadians andthe lands. They livedinmore orlessconstantwarfareagainsteachother. Acadians area thatwaspopulatedbythreeIndiantribes. Their bandsinhabitedtheeastern Acadia wasapeopledlandwhentheEuropeansarrived. Acadians settledinan 26 25 24 Lakes, publishedin2001. an Women and French Men: Rethinking Cultural Encounter in the Western Great Acadia, Philadelphia,UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2001. Lakes. Native Americans ofthe Northeast Sleeper-Smith, before 1900: A guidetoresearchandwriting tributors tothesurvivaland indigenous people.Grif articulation and development of Acadian culture based on the interaction with the the imperialrivalrybetweenBritainandFrance;Micmacpolitylifeways; ten extensively about: Anglo-Micmac relations and the position of the Micmac in settlers. Itistheseandotheraspectsof Acadian historythathistorianshavewrit- assist thegovernmentinitsongoingeffort torecruitProtestant,English-speaking cultural infl the twogroupswouldestablishpeaceinregion,increasepoliticalpower, porting theminanyotherway. The provincialauthoritiesbelievedthatseparating hibiting thevillagersfromtradingwithMicmac,providingthemlodging,orsup- that bound the Micmac to the Acadians. The provincial council issued orders pro- governors andthecouncilofNovaScotiaconsistentlysoughttoseverties peoples, Acadian andMicmac,duringtheearly17 for example, for explaining the cordial relationship that was built between the two 1604 to the treaty of Utrecht in 1713. I have not yet found a convincing answer, need studies focusing on the fi the focus of research for many years, we de fi Although thehistoryofIndian-WhiteculturalencounterinMaritimeshasbeen with the Amerindians, willhelpustounderstandhowthesettlersinearly17 patterns, studyingthehistoryofeverydaylife Acadians intheirinteraction Griffi Geoffrey GilbertPlank,AnUnsettledConquest:TheBritishCampaignagainstthePeoples of Rebecca Kugel – Lucy Eldersveld Murphy, ths 1992,25. uence,andeconomicpositionofEnglish-speakersinNovaScotia, Indian WomenandFrenchMen:RethinkingCulturalEncounterin theWestern Great fi ths explains,that“Micmacwerecertainlypositivecon- 24

fl ourishing ofthe Acadians” 25 , from1710throughthe1750sBritishcolonial rst century of Acadian settlement, starting from , Amherst, UniversityofMassachusettsPress,2001. An Unsettled Conquest. The British Campaign , Lincoln,UniversityofNebraskaPress,2007;Susan Native women’s history in eastern North America nitely need more of this and we th century. Analysing interaction 26 . th

49 Acadia: A History of Cultural Encounter and Cultural Transfer 50 Ursula Lehmkuhl eral researchperspectiveswhichwillnotbeelaboratedhereindetail. The programmaticdiscussionaboutthehistoryofculturaltransferpointsoutsev- tural elementsthatwecouldqualifyas“transcultural”. and in enough about how cultural encounters and cultural transfer processes reinforced networks meldedthevariousindividualinheritancestogether. And wedonotknow widely. of social traditions. We already know that e.g. the expectations for women differed degrees andinvaryingways.Equallythemigrantsbroughtwiththemadiversity art ofknittingwaspartthemigrants’ repertoireofskillsfromEurope,invarying techniques of cooking, ways of working wood and of spinning nets, and the new ploughs andspades,wasonlypartofwhattransferred.Patternsclothes, 29 28 27 ica. The extraordinarymultiplicity ofcustomandlanguagein17 Acadian migrantsbroughtatrueheritageofdiversityfromEuropetoNorth Amer- Acadian HistoryasaofCulturalTransfer andTransculturality with averydifferent andabove allcon whereas theEnglishsettlersinNewEnglandstartedtheirlivesWorld Why weretheyabletoestablishtrustandfriendshipwiththeindigenouspeople did theyperceivetheindigenouspeoplelivingonlandthattriedtosettle? mindedness of the early Acadian settlers. What were their world views and how and newinteractionpatterns.We havetoaskourselveswhatexplainstheopen- lenged bynewsituationsintheNewWorld, demandingnewpatternsofbehaviour schaft”, in: well asEuropeancosmologicalbeliefs. with themaconsiderableamountofmaterialculturefromtheirformerlives,as has, however, notyetbeengivenenoughscholarly attention. The migrantsbrought Johannes Paulmann, “Internationaler Vergleich und interkultureller Transfer. Zwei Forschungsansätze den Sozial-, Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften im Fernverhältnis”,in:HartmutKaelble–JürgenSchriewer, Verhältnis”, in:Comparativ10,1(2000),7–41;Jürgen Osterhammel, “Transferanalyse undVergleich geli, 2004,141–64;MatthiasMiddell,“KulturtransferundHistorische Komparatistik– Thesen zuihrem sizioni inEuropatraottoenovecento:spazi,organizzazione,rappresentazioni della relazionespecialeanglo-americana”,in: Alexander C.T. Geppert–Massimo Baioni(dirs.), sula Lehmkuhl, “Una mietitrice come catalizzatore: la Great Exhibition del 1851 e la costruzione sociale Anglo-American Relationsinthe19thand20thCentury of the Special Relationship”, in: Ursula Lehmkuhl – Gustav Schmidt (dirs.), kuhl, “Creating Anglo-American Friendship: The GreatExhibitionof1851andthe SocialConstruction parative and international working-class history Paris, PuF, 1999;DirkHoerder, For an overview cf. Michel Espagne, “Kulturtransfer und Fachgeschichte der Geisteswissen- Cf.Sleeper-Smith2001. Cf.Griffi fl 28 uenced each other, developing into new interaction patterns and new cul- We do not know, however, how the variety of family structures and kin Comparativ ths 2005. ths 10,1(2000),42–61;MichelEspagne, Cultures incontact:Worldmigrationsthesecondmillennium.Com- , Durham, Duke University Press, 2002; Ursula Lehm- fl ictual attitude? ictual 27 The useoftoolssuchasaxesandguns, , Frankfurt–New York, Campus, 2003, 439–468; , Augsburg, WißnerVerlag, 2005,27–51;Ur- Vergleich undTransfer. Komparatistikin Les tranfertsculturelsfranco-allemands From Enmity to Friendship: , Mailand,Franco An- th -century France 29 InsteadI Espo- , 1713 –placedthemunderBritishjurisdiction. to cometermswitha shifting internationalpoliticalcontextthateventually –in bring theirdiverseheritagestobearuponthepotentialitiesofnewhomeand Rather, sheshowsthatdistinctivenessemergedslowlyoutofimmigrantefforts to 32 31 30 649–685. zur europäischen Geschichte des 18. bis 20. Jahrhunderts”, in: laboratory fortransculturalstudies. in thecolonies?Especiallyhistoryof“legranddérangement”lendsitselfasa those others? And howhasEuropeanhistorybeenshapedbythedevelopment the peripheries.HowhaveEuropeanconstructionsofotherbeenshapedby entanglement andre history of Acadia and Acadians, themostinterestingoneformeispointingat The concept of transculturality raises several sets of questions. With regard to the inter-cultural transfer. Hence, itconceptualizeshistoryasprocessesofculturalconvergencecarriedby which are included or assimilated by way of a productive process of appropriation. elucidate which elements of the respective “extraneous culture” are rejected and dians andtheBritishSettlers,orIndiantribes.Insteadtransferhistorytriesto and Britain,ortheUnitedStatesGermany, orinourcasebetweenthe Aca- concerned with chronicling in from thequitecommonresearchperspectiveonmutualin would like to highlight one signi tinctiveness rested on “the transferance of an identity already forged in Europe” origins oftheFrenchimmigrants.Her Griffi several transculturalisms coexisting and reinforcing each other. It is again Naomi the particular nature and the distinctiveness of Acadian culture as an example of ably. And I think that we need this different perspective in order to understand history as a history of cultural transfer changes this master narrative consider- gamate Acadian traditions into those of the dominant society. Studying Acadian community againstthenegativeexternalin develop ethnicandlateronnationalidentitytoremainupholdadistinct master narrativeof Acadian history, ahistoryofpermanentstruggletokeep and struktion indenUSA vordemBürgerkrieg”,in: Griffi Griffi UrsulaLehmkuhl,“EinKristallpalastfürNew York: KulturtransferundnationaleIdentitätskon- ths who pointed in this direction when she surveyed the diverse geographical ths 2005;Griffi ths 1992,78. ths 1992. ths fl 30 exivity ofthehistorymetropolesand This research perspective runs very much counter to the fl uences between two historical actors, like France fi cant argument: Transfer history distances itself Rechtsgeschichte fi ndings dismissedclaimsthat Acadian dis- fl uences tryingtointegrateandamal- 32 9(2006),12–35. Historische Zeitschrift fl uence; henceitisnot 267 (1998), 31 . 51 Acadia: A History of Cultural Encounter and Cultural Transfer 52 Ursula Lehmkuhl community life” lenging yetanotherclichéof Acadian history, “weretheindispensablearbitersof and supportiveframework.” dian tenants to ful fi America had little effect on the socio-economic landscape of the colony. In the from theNewEnglandtype. The establishmentoftheseigneurialsysteminNorth ernance, Acadia differed notonlyfromthesysteminNouvelleFrancebutalso on, New England, and the West Indies. With regard to patterns of colonial gov- moved about freely, and had wide contacts with the outside worlds of Cape Bret- Nevertheless, itdidnotceasetoexist. article: Since1763, Acadia hashadnoof munity lifethathelpstoexplaintheparadoxmentionedatbeginningofthis 39 38 37 36 35 34 33 or “aunited,contentedpeasantry” Naomi Griffi Colonial Governancein Acadia men andcraftsmen” formed communities not of habitants but of “yeoman and tenant farmers, common” withtheseigneurialsystemthatdevelopedinNewFrance, Acadians ideas of a rank-ordered system of land ownership” and had “almost nothing in ing, and trade, and a pattern of land occupation that was “relatively unfettered by policy of neutrality” system ofrepresentationbydelegatesthatallowedthemtopursuea“distinctive Acadians had achieved a considerable measure of self-governance through a concerns aboutaccumulationandprotectingproperty. networks. Acadians wereactivelyengagedin“ruralpolitics”andmanifesteddeep Instead Acadians developedaself-helpsystembasedontheextendedfamily their exile. powerful senseofcommonalitythatenabledthemtoresistassimilationduring Their achievements as “a free and fl ture. It was this political action around which the concept of identity revolved. the provisionoffoodandshelter, education,andtheestablishmentofinfrastruc- – onecouldperhapstalkaboutanearlyformofcivilsociety. Settlersorganized nal analysis, Jean Daigle argues: “The seigneurial system did not prompt Aca- Griffi Griffi Griffi JeanDaigle,“Acadiafrom1604to1763: A Griffi HistoricalSynthesis”,in:Daigle1995,20. Griffi Griffi ths 1992,33,91. ths 1992,71. ths 1992,95–96. ths 1992,31. ths 1992,21. ths 1992,31. 39 ths rejected traditional images of Acadians as being either an isolated And itisperhapsthisspeci 38 . Acadians developedspeci fi 37 l their obligations, since it failed to provide an organizational . Those delegates, and not the clergy, Grif 34 . They livedinnuclearhouseholds anddispersedfarms, 35

33 . Withaneconomybasedonagriculture, ourishing people” provided Acadians with a fi c elementof Acadian cultureandcom- fi cial territoryandnopoliticalstatus. fi c ways oforganizingcommunitylife 36 Bythemid-18 fi ths writes in chal- th century fi sher- fi sh- Historic New Orleans Collection

53 54 its culture during the 20 of thehistoricalmemorytheirbeloved Acadia andofthepersistinginterestin of cultural preservation and revival is an appropriate focus for a reconsideration western Louisianaandtheylaboredtopromoteawarenessofit. Their campaign thentic. They cataloguedwhattheybelievedtobetheauthenticcultureofsouth- national l’idéedupeuplecajunnonpascommeun promoteurs delarelèveacadienneonten tion culturelleouhistoriqueavecleursvoisinsafro-américains.Danslesannées1960, guaient nonseulementdelamajoritéanglo-protestante,maisniaientégalementtouterela- à distanceparrapportlapolitiqueracialeduSudségrégationniste. Ainsi ilssedistin- régionaliste etàl’idéed’uneculturedistinctetoutenproposant,parcettevoie,unemise dans larégion.Pourlespromoteursdecetterelève,ilétaitfacilel’associeràrelève dienne danslesud-ouestdelaLouisianeenpro in a defi Susan EvangelineWalker Anding, DudleyLeBlanc,andLouiseOlivierparticipated Au débutdu20 Résumé and LouiseOlivier, orthePursuitof Authenticity Susan EvangelineWalker Anding, DudleyLeBlanc, Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960: Acadian Louisianaseemsmore,notless,exoticwith each passingyear. dian Louisianaseemslessanddistinctfromthe restofthenation. Thus, New Orleans, the nation’s most unique city, the larger South that surrounds Aca- able fromthoseelsewhere,andnowthattheeffects ofKatrinaaretransforming zation hastransformedlargeswathsoftheSouthinto landscapesindistinguish- with the South have spread their in America and Asia have given way to the desegregated “Sunbelt” South, now that immigrants from Latin every genreofculturalexpression. Third, nowthattheJimCrow“solid”Southhas century. Second,ithasinspiredcountlesspractitionersandenthusiastsinalmost has gainedastrikingvisibilityintheUnitedStatesandworldduringpast rants carefulconsiderationforseveralreasons.First, Acadian (néCajun)culture le SudetdanslesEtats-Unis. ning project of 20 e siècle,lesactivistescajunsontpréconiséunerelèvedel’identitéaca- fl ocked toDixie,nowthatevangelicalchurchesassociated th th century. The Acadian Revival of the 20 -century culture – the pursuit and celebration of the au- fl uence across the nation, now that suburbani- fi n réussiàinscriredansl’imaginairerégionalet fi tant delafascinationpourl’authentique University ofNorthCarolina du maiscommeunpeuple W. FitzhughBrundage th century war- dans

55 Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960 56 Fitzhugh Brundage hardships thatovertookthe Acadians whosettledinLouisianaduringthe18 precarious peoplingofNorth America byEuropeans. Yet, forallthechangesand Suffi 2 1 of the Acadians fromtheiridyllichomelandbytracingtheill-fatedromanceof popular poem“Evangeline”,publishedin1847.Longfellowrecountedtheexile romantic renderings, especially Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s exceptionally These earlynegativedepictionsof Acadians wereoffset partiallybycompeting, Let mepassoverthehistoryofLouisiana’s Acadians priortothelate19 the 20 My contention, simply put, is that Acadian memory and culture since the dawn of Anglos. feasting, gambling and drinking, grated on the sensibilities of many Protestant and resultingpoverty. Inaddition,theirallegedhedonism,manifestedindancing, Anglo observersridiculedtherustic Acadians fortheirallegedlackofambition cultural tieswithFrance,the Acadians lackedcosmopolitanre ants. IntheeyesofurbaneLouisianaCreoles,whotookprideintheircontinued 19 the Acadians inLouisiana. have founditusefultolocateandtapwhattheyinsististhe“authentic”cultureof why bothresidentsofsouthwesternLouisianaand Americans outsidetheregion tic” culture.NordoIintendtooffer adefi unlikely toprovidemuchguidanceorclarityaboutthepropermeasureof“authen- culture, whetherinsouthwesternLouisianaorthehollowsofWest Virginia, are tic comparedtowhat?” Those Americans whohavebeenkeenestto ture maynotbepossible. Any defi the challenge of de conception of Acadian culturewasthepursuit oftheauthentic.Hereweconfront enduring divisionsamongtheregion’s andthenation’s peoples.Centraltothis Carolina Press,1989. Real Thing:Imitationand Authenticity in American Culture,1880–1940 Louisiana History 1983, 63–69;LawrenceE.EstavilleJr., “ChangelessCajuns: Nineteenth-CenturyRealityorMyth?”,in: The PeopleCalledCajuns: An IntroductiontoanEthnohistory tion of a People, 1803–1877 early yearsofthe Acadians in Louisiana, cf.Carl A. Brasseaux,From Acadian toCajun:Transforma- Age: Acadian Life,1713–1748”,in:HistoireSociale–SocialHistory Deliberate Per Homeland Their American Faragher, dian Life in Louisiana, 1765–1803 west Louisiana,1865–1900 On the expulsion, cf. Carl A. Brasseaux, Thestartingpointforthehistoryof“authenticity”in20 th centuries,theyneverthelessacquiredareputationastradition-boundpeas- cetosaythattheywere part ofthatextraordinarilyjarring,unpredictable, and th century have been exploited to af 2 A GreatandNobleScheme:The Tragic StoryoftheExpulsionFrench Acadians from fi dy or Cruel Necessity? 28(Spring1987),117–140; DonaldJ.Millet, fi nition. An intellectually compelling de , New York, Norton,2005;NaomiE.S.Griffi , Ph.D.diss.,BatonRouge,LouisianaStateUniversity, 1964. , Jackson (Ms.), University Press of Mississippi, 1992; James H. Dormon, 1 , Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1987; John Mack , Toronto, Copp Clark, 1969; Naomi E. S. Griffi nition islikelytoprovoketheresponse,“authen- The Founding of New Acadia: The Beginnings of Aca- nition. InsteadIproposethatweponder fi rm purportedly primordial, innate, and th -century UnitedStatesisMilesOrvell,The , Lafayette,CenterforLouisianaStudies, The EconomicDevelopmentofSouth- 17(May1984),21–34.Onthe , ChapelHill,UniversityofNorth fi th, nition of “authentic” cul- The Acadian Deportation: The Acadian fi nement. Likewise, nement. fi th, “The Golden nd authentic th century. th and line Evangeline 9–14, passim.Cf.alsoBarryJ. Ancelet, “ElementsofFolklore, HistoryandLiteratureinLongfellow’s of Evangeline:BirthandEvolutiontheEvangelineMyth 4 3 “American” lifemadethemkeenlyawareofboththedistance thatseparatedthem Anglo worldofLouisiana. Almost certainlytheirexposuretoandassimilationinto fi pecially acute among elite Acadians – merchants, planters, lawyers, and public of- social changeposedtoinheritedvalues. These concernsappeartohavebeenes- elsewhere in the country, evinced worry about the threat that rapid economic and waning of Acadian traditions. Members of the regional elite, like their counterparts braced thisaccountofEvangelineinpartre That membersof the whiteeliteinsouthwesternLouisianaenthusiastically em- lished newspapercolumnsandeventuallyabook, lawyer. Onthebasisofreportedrecollectionshisgrandmother, hepub- tablish thehistoricalauthenticityofEvangelinewasa prominent St.Martinville actual personwhohadlivedinexileLouisiana.Leadingthecampaigntoes- Louisiana, Acadian activistsduringthe1890sproclaimedthatshehadbeenan history in Louisiana. Whereas the mythic Evangeline had lingered only brie revised Longfellow’s mythicaccountinordertoaccentuatetheromanceoftheir ians adoptedLongfellow’s EvangelineastheirJeanned’Arc.Louisiana Acadians Canada andLouisianawhowereeagertorefutepejorativestereotypesof Acad- Acadian tenacityanddevotiontotradition.Notsurprisingly, those Acadians in of the deportation of the Acadians and the culture thatreachedaudiencesaroundtheworld. The poemrevivedawareness Acadians, itneverthelesscreatedapowerfulandenduringdepictionof Acadian However much Longfellow’s poetic epic deviated from the recorded history of the she discoversher tal. There, atthecloseof Longfellow’s poemofpatheticandunful for him, Evangeline eventually devotes herself to nursing at a Philadelphia hospi- that hehasdepartedshortlybeforeherarrival. After yearsoffruitlesssearching tracks herGabrieltoLouisianawherehehas the hardshipsoftheirpeople’s dispersal.Evenso,Longfellow’s resilientheroine notorious expulsionofthe Acadians bythe British,EvangelineandGabrielendure two Acadians, Evangeline and Gabriel: Separated on their wedding day by the in thequainttown. that hehadmarried. The real-lifeheroinethenhaddiedofgriefandbeenburied Arcenueax, the Gabriel of Longfellow’s poem, to St. Martinville only to discover recounted the tragic saga of the love-lorn Acadian exile who had tracked Louis cials –whomovedback andforthbetween Acadian communities andthelarger FelixVoorhies, AcadianReminiscences Foranexcellentdiscussionof Longfellow’s poemand itsimpact,cf.Carl A. Brasseaux, : The Birthand Acceptance ofaLegend”,in:Acadiensis ”, in:LouisianaReview fi 4 ancé onhisdeathbed. 11 (Spring1982),118–126; NaomiGrif , Boston, The PalmerCompany, 1907. fi gure of Evangeline came to personify , Thibodaux (La.),BlueHeronPress,1988, fl ed. To herdismay, shediscovers fl 11 (1982),28–41. ected theiranxietiesaboutthe Acadian Reminiscences fi ths, “Longfellow’s ths, fi lled romance, lled In Search Evange- 3 , that fl y in y 57 Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960 58 Fitzhugh Brundage hour longpageant. The 19 10.000) watched the cast of approximately 2.000 perform the three-and-a-half 4.000 and6.000spectators(atatimewhenthepopulationoftownwasabout provided the pretext for their historical production. On April 6, 1923, between a communal spectacle. The centennial celebration of Lafayette Parish in 1923 Nearly a decade passed before pageant boosters ful others abouttheirheritage. would promotecommunityunitywhileenablingresidentsto teach themselves and ette planners intended their celebration to be an avowedly didactic spectacle that exile. Like pageant enthusiasts elsewhere during the early 20 ful contentment” in Nova Scotia and subsequent British “TYRANNY” and forced “lineal descendantsofthe Acadians”, wouldportrayahistory“ofthriftandpeace- Evangeline”. Their plannedpageant,tobestagedbyacastofhundredsthe there a“morepicturesque,romantic,ordistinctivehistory”thaninthe“landof Carolina Press,2000,276. Grow: History, Memory, and Regional Identity in the American South Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960”, in: W. Fitzhugh Brundage (dir.), 6 5 that couldnotlongsustainacollectiveidentity. Inkeepingwiththetenorof No matterhowimpressivetheLafayettePageantwas, itremainedasingleevent poetry andthestage” Company, which,bymeansofa“presentationhistorythroughhistory, allegory, early as1914membersoftheLafayetteForumestablished Acadian Pageant petuation of Acadian culture.Publicfestivals seemedwellsuitedtothistask. As fl These Acadian boostersandantiquarians recognized theneedtoextendin- promotion of Acadian heritagewenthandin handwithlocalboosterism. Acadians, whowereclusteredinthe towns oftheregion,especiallyLafayette, imply hideboundoppositiontomodernityorprogress. To thecontrary. Forgenteel sonal andregionalidentity. Thus, theirinterestincelebrating theirheritagedidnot By resurrecting Acadian heritageandculture theysoughttovalidatetheirper- their heritage. Acadian elites,likeeliteselsewhere, equatedculturewithancestry. from their ancestors and the condescension of both Creoles and Anglos toward ditions, andoldvillagedances. valor, and the “the simple village life of the Acadians”, their quaint domestic tra- romantic tragedy of Evangeline as a personi you know. Iwouldrecommendverylittle.”Instead,thepageantfocusedon to the pageant supervisor, “How much of the Civil War you want to emphasize, Civil War apparently merited little attention. One pageant planner had suggested uence oftheirnostalgiatothelargerpopulationwhowereessentialper- Brundage,in:Brundage2000,276–277. Forthisandthefollowingquotations,cf.W. FitzhughBrundage,“LeRéveilde laLouisiane: 5 , proposedtodemonstratethatnowherein America was th -century historyofthe Acadians andtheirroleinthe 6 fi cation of Acadian perseverance and fi lled their ambition to create , Chapel Hill, University of North th Where These Memories century, the Lafay- local fairstoraisemoneyforthemonument. construction fundfortheEvangelinepark.Shealsoorganizedboothsatstateand gia, sheappealedtoschoolchildreninLouisianacontributetheirpenniesthe the campaign to fund a monument to the Confederacy at Stone Mountain, Geor- monument planstoradiolistenersacrosstheDeepSouth.Borrowinganideafrom Evangeline NationalMonument Association. As earlyas1925shebroadcasther cials, andmembersofthe Acadian, Anglo andCreoleelitestojoinherLongfellow- Employing uncannypromotionalskills,shecoaxednewspapereditors,publicof and appliedthetechniquesofadvertisingtocause Acadian culturalidentity. St. Martinville. Anding simultaneouslyhitchedtheapparatusofcivicorganizing establishing a permanent national monument to Evangeline and the Acadians in repressible promoterofcivicorganizationsandgoodroads.In1925sheproposed of theindustriousclubwomanera,sheearnedaregionalreputationasanir- mental bondwithherfi Acadian whichshetracedtoherlifelongexposure to Acadian culture and asenti- Acadian ancestry, sheneverthelessnurturedastrongattachmenttoallthings for tourists than Susan Evangeline Walker Anding. Although she could not claim No one better appreciated the potential signi and topadtheirwallets. ern Louisianalookedtotourismasawaysimultaneouslypromotetheirheritage refugees fromwintertofl region had limited their numbers. Automobile travel now enabled af 7 moved to the window of a New York City department store. In 1928, in what a local well suited to the commercial atmosphere of the era that it subsequently was the PhiladelphiaSesquicentennialExposition.Sopopular wastheexhibitandso in 1926 when she exhibited a mannequin clothed in an Evangeline costume at the Acadian past.Shefi period whenEvangelinelived”toarouseinterestinandevoketheromanceof Her mostsuccessfulpublicityploywasheruseof“charmingcostumesthe throughout the late 19 tity. The LouisianalandscapeimmortalizedbyLongfellowhad attractedsightseers decidedly secular and commercial, inspiration for the promotion of Acadian iden- ism thendevelopingamongFrenchCanadians. Tourism providedanother, albeit who servedtheregionintroduced Acadians tothelinguisticandculturalnational- inspiration, including the Catholic Church. Some of the French Canadian priests tions to promote their cultural identity. This impulse drew upon many sources of times, Acadian boosters took tentative steps toward forming enduring organiza- 36–39. St. MartinvilleWeekly Gazettefrom1925to1931.Forasummaryofherefforts, cf.Brasseaux1988, Lafayette, LouisianaHistorical Association, 1988,14.Mrs. Anding’s campaignmay be followed inthe GlennR.Conrad,“SusanEvangelineWalker Anding”, in: ctional namesake,Longfellow’s Evangeline. The epitome th rst experimentedwithrepresentingalife-likeEvangeline century, but the inconveniences of travel to and in the ock totheregion’s attractions.Residentsofsouthwest- fi 7 cance ofthe Acadian pastasadraw Dictionary ofLouisianaBiography fl uentnorthern fi - , 59 Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960 60 Fitzhugh Brundage Anding’s geniuswastoadapt theparlorgameof impulse topersonifyEvangelinebespokethepublicitycrazedtenorofera. stance. Longfellow’s Evangeline, ofcourse,wasanestablishedicon.Butthe The success of Evangeline as a motif for Acadian identity was hardly happen- stirred interestinthehistoryof“EvangelineCountry”. bodices, lovingbluesatindresses,andwoodenshoes”attractedattention ever the “Evangeline girls” went, their quaint garb of “prim white hats, tight black “Evangeline girls” to the Republican and Democratic national conventions. Wher- articles [thancan]befoundanywhere[else]” managers boastedthattheparkhoused“morerelicsandantiquesofreal Acadian ing Evangeline, came to pass during the 1930s. By the end of the decade park scape. Anding’s vision of a tourist landscape, complete with a park commemorat- tion ofmanythetropes Acadian revival,andforitslegacyontheland- Anding’s campaignwasremarkableforthepublicityitgarnered,itspropaga- fi through hervictimizationduringtheexpulsion. Thus, she,farbetterthananymale she couldnothavebeenexpectedtocontrol,actuallyprovedherwomanlyvirtue But aromanticheroinelikeEvangeline,whowasbuffeted byhistoricalforces were expelledfromNovaScotia,couldnoteasilybeturnedintoheroic Men powerlesstoprotecttheirdependants,suchasthe Acadian patriarchswho Acadian acknowledge thosetraditionsevenastheywithered.Moreover, nomythicmale ues offamily, community, andheritagethatencouraged Acadians andothersto attire and props of domesticity, such as spinning wheels, conjured timeless val- traditions fromtherushofprogress. The combinationofthegirls’ old-fashioned vertising, theidealized Acadian girlsremainedstaticintime,seeminglysheltering necessarily hadtobefeminine.Likeotherimagesofwomenincontemporaryad- modern tasteforbeautyqueens.Moreover, theiconof Acadian revivalalmost ices” and perky demeanor simultaneously radiated a sex appeal attuned to the charms ofyesteryear. If Acadian “girls”induced nostalgia, their “tightblackbod- accurate attire, she catered to the contemporary nostalgia for the authenticity and of amodernpublicitycampaign.Byswaddlingthe“Evangelinegirls”inhistorically 9 8 newspaper salutedas“aprogressivestunt” united bytheirshared Acadian heritage. Thus, whentheChambersofCommerce the landscape,sheencouragedher Acadian neighborstoimaginethemselvesas Anding setinmotionthepermanentinscriptionof Acadian historical memoryonto home of Louis Arceneaux, the reputed inspiration for Longfellow’s Gabriel. When venient (and mistaken) discovery that an old house on the park grounds was the gure, couldbecomeanallegoryfor Acadians in general. Brasseaux1988,46. Forthisandthefollowingquotations,cf.Brundage,in:Brundage2000,279. fi gure couldhaveevokedromancetheway“Evangelinegirls”did. 8 , shechaperonedagroupofreal-life 9 . Inaddition,theymadethecon- tableaux vivants toservetheends fi gures. ville Meridional Brasseaux 1988,46. State ParksCommissionofLouisiana,1936–1937 isiana, 1936–1937 sas Clarion-News union ofFrenchcommunitiesinNorth America. Louisiana Acadians, theexperiencemotivatedLeBlanctoadvocatecultural Democratic candidates.Beyonddeepeninghisappreciationoftheuniqueness to campaignintheFrench-speakingcommunitiesofNewEnglandonbehalf received washisspeechthattheDemocraticNationalCommitteerecruitedhim 13 12 11 10 ings thatdrewFrench-speakingaudiences from acrosssouthwesternLouisiana. Scotia. LeBlancenthusiasticallytookupthecauseandorganizedmassmeet- Acadians tothe175thanniversarymemorialof Acadian expulsionfromNova the CanadianMaritimesin 1930, LeBlancorganizeda“pilgrimage”ofLouisiana into contactwith Acadian activistsinCanada.Followingavisitby Acadians from LeBlanc’s wideningtieswiththeNorth American Acadian communitybroughthim 18 LeBlanc’s knowledgethathisancestorshadbeenprominent Acadian exilesinthe in FrenchCanadiannationalismwasacatalystforLeBlanc’s project.Inaddition, ship with a French-Canadian priest in Louisiana who had a long-standing interest between Acadians in Louisiana and in Canada. Almost certainly LeBlanc’s friend- LeBlanc’s interestinhis ethnic heritagefueledhisenthusiasmforforgingties everything frompatentmedicinesandtobaccoproductstoburialinsurance. western Louisiana)inLafayette. After graduating hebecamerichbypeddling until he entered Southwestern Louisiana Institute (now the University of South- was adescendantof Acadian exilesandhad livedintheFrench-speakingworld the distantpast,andinternational Acadian diaspora.Unlike Anding, LeBlanc entrepreneur ofspectacularability, forgedthelinkbetween Acadian identity, western Louisianawithsymbolsof Acadian memory, DudleyLeBlanc,an Acadian If Anding’s promotional campaign helped to infuse the public spaces of south- manifest the“imaginedcommunity”thatSusan Anding hadlaboredtofoster. announcements claimingthetitleof“Acadianheartland”in1927,theymade in thefi “most romantic and tragically unfortunate of all the [Acadian] exiles” the 6.000gathereddelegates,LeBlancdescribedLouisianabrethrenas to aconventionofNorth American Acadians heldinMassachusetts. Addressing Publishing Co.,1973,ChapterOne. Floyd Martin Clay, Coozan Dudley LeBlanc: From Huey Long to Hadacol Brundage,in:Brundage2000,282. th centuryurgedonhisactivism.In1928heledadelegationoffour Acadians Lafayette Tribune, 31 August 1928;St.MartinvilleWeekly Messenger St. MartinvilleWeekly Messenger ve countiessurroundingtheproposedEvangelinemonumentissuedpublic , 8September1928,27October1928. , 23January1930;SecondBiennialReportoftheStateParksCommissionLou- , NewOrleans,StateParksCommission,1937,65;FourthBiennialReportofthe , 13July, 3 August, 17 August 1929,8February1930;Opelou- , NewOrleans,StateParksCommission,1941,28; 13 , 8September1928;Abbe- , Gretna (La.), Pelican 12 . So well 11 10 61 Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960 62 Fitzhugh Brundage 15 14 customs”. they were exiled; how they settled in Louisiana; [and] their present modes and life in Acadia beforetheexile;crueltiesandsufferings ofthe Acadians when he awardedmedalstoyoung Acadian essayistswhohadrecounted“thepeaceful during theunveilingofamonumentcommemoratingEvangelineinSt.Martinville, language contesttocoincidewiththevisit.WithCanadianvisitorswatching most of their public speeches in French. LeBlanc scheduled a region-wide French isiana, theCanadianvisitorsandtheirLouisianachaperonespointedlydelivered who joined the pilgrimage. And at a time of declining French pro core elementof Acadian identitywasthe28Canadianclerics,includingabishop, in thecelebrations.OnemeasureofimportanceattachedtoCatholicismasa women. The shared faith and language of the Acadians also Evangeline girlswhohadtouredCanadathepreviousyearandothercostumed gion, theCanadiansweregreetedbyyoungmendressedasGabrieland by 138FrenchCanadianstoLouisiana. Throughout their of sharedcross-border identity. In the following April, LeBlanc organized avisit LeBlanc andhisCanadianpartnerswereeagertoperpetuatethisrevivedsense at home”. exile oftenheardfromtheolderpeople...Ineverfeltthatwasanywhereelsebut To beinNovaScotia,shecontinued,“broughtbacktomethestoriesofourearlier trip “helpedtocementuscloserthelandfromwhencewecamenorth”. with their Acadian heritage.Oneofthereturning Evangelinegirlsravedthatthe garnering nationalpublicity, thetripintensi Pullman cars announced them as “Acadians of the Evangeline Country”. Beyond with PresidentHooverattheWhiteHouse;andbannersonsidesoftheir the girlspresentedthroughouttrip;nationalnewspapersreportedtheirvisit Acadians attracted widespread publicity. A news service geline girls”, began a two week pilgrimage to Canada. The colorfully costumed In August 1930thirty-eightLouisianans, including twenty Acadian girlasitsrepresentativeattheCanadiancelebrations. techniques, heandhisassociationinvitedeach Acadian communitytoappointan limited todescendantsofthe Acadian exiles. Borrowingfrom Anding’s publicity He alsofoundedthe Association ofLouisiana Acadians, whosemembershipwas 1936 LeBlancledanotherpilgrimagetoCanada. Ten yearslater, afteraninter- March 1930, 26 July 1930, 16 August 1930; 1 March1930,28June19July16 August 1930; New IberiaWeekly Iberian Vero Beach(Fl.),n.p.,1930. participants, cf. James T. Vocelle, 1930; Brundage,in:Brundage2000,284. BothquotationsfromBrundage,in:Brundage2000,282–283.Cf.also Opelousas Clarion-News 14 15 Trans-national Acadian exchanges continued in subsequent years. In Lafayette Daily Advertiser , 17July1930,4September1930;Lafayette , 14,21 August 1930.FortheperspectiveofonePilgrimage The Triumph of the Acadians: A True Story of Evangeline’s People New Iberia Enterprise fi ed theidentifi St. MartinvilleWeekly Messenger,15 , 12–19 July 1930, 16 August 1930; fi lmed the spectacle that cation ofthe“pilgrims” fi ve-day tourofthere- fi ve costumed“Evan- fi gured prominently gured Abbeville Meridional fi ciency in Lou- , 13,25 August , , ernment from the responsibility of having committed the crime” of the Acadian experiencehad“distortedthefactsinordertoshieldBritishgov- credibility offormalhistoricalscholarship. He complainedthatpreviousaccounts Reminiscences could claimwhatyoucanjustlyandproudlyboastforyours.” cause tobeproudofyourancestors...Nootherracepeopleintheworldever tually classical”.“Ifyouarean Acadian”, hetriumphantlyconcluded,“youhavejust of mountaindialects,toutedtheFrench spoken bytheLouisiana Acadians as“ac- enthusiasts for Appalachian culturewhoboastedoftheElizabethanauthenticity culture bypointingto Acadians’ continuingfealtytoCatholicism. And LeBlanc,like of changeuponhispeople.Hewassatis nied anyrupturebetween Acadian traditionandmodernityignoredtheeffects their subsequentcenturyandahalfinLouisianaheldlittleinterestforhim.Hede- decades immediatelyfollowingtheirexpulsionfromNovaScotiawas“amiracle”, condemn “anobleraceintoutteroblivion”.Whilethesurvivalof Acadians inthe and “noble” Acadians whofellvictimtoaperfi the tragedyof“simple”,“moral”,“temperate”,“happy”,“peaceful”,“chaste”, interspersed withbreathlesscelebrationsof Acadian heritage.LeBlancrecounted was apasticheoflengthyquotesfrompublishedhistoriesandprimarysources cannot besuccessfullycontradicted”.Hisnarrativeofthe Acadian “persecutions” work issupportedbyauthoritieswithappropriatecitations”and“thesestatements insisted uponthecredibilityofhisaccount:“Everycontroversialstatementinthis 18 17 16 In 1927,hepublished to the Acadian revivalwastocodifyahistoricalnarrativeof Acadian victimhood. Louisiana Acadians andtheircousinstothe north,LeBlanc’s signalcontribution Beyond promoting Acadian awarenessby organizing on-goingcontactsbetween grueling tourofsouthwesternLouisiana. ruption caused by World War II, he escorted twenty Canadian “Acadian girls” on a Publications, 1998. 1986), 133–143. ger, 11–25 October1946,251946; News, 10, 24 October 1946; Iberia Enterprise course, hadfi to beamanifestoof Acadian historicalconsciousness. The hardshipsofexile, revised andre-publishedin1932again1967.LeBlancintendedhisbook Louisiane: Octobre 1946”, in: 20 October1946;AbbevilleMeridional Picayune Forthisandthefollowingquotations,cf.Brundage,in:Brundage2000,285–286. DudleyJ.LeBlanc, TheTrue Storyofthe Acadians, Reprint,Pawtucket(RhodeIsland),Quintin St. MartinvilleWeekly Messenger Crowley Weekly Acadian , 12October1946;Crowley gured prominentlyinbothLongfellow’s “Evangeline”andin , 18 Daily Advertiser April 1931;Lafayette . Butnopreviousaccountclaimedtheprecisionorasserted The True Storyofthe Acadians New Iberia Enterprise Les cahiers de la Société historique acadienne , 19October1946;ClémentCormier, “Tournée triomphaleen , 4 April 1931;NewIberiaWeekly Iberian Abbeville Progress 16 , 10 October 1946; St. Martinville Weekly Messen- fi ed tovouchfortheintegrityof Acadian , 17October1946;OpelousasDailyWorld dious andcruelBritishcampaignto , 9–22October1946; , 12October1946;NewOrleansTimes- 17 , whichhesubsequently 17 (October-December 18 . He, in contrast, , 16 April 1931;New Opelousas Clarion- Acadian , 18, 63 Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960 64 Fitzhugh Brundage 19 feel weareoutstandingpeoplesaturatedwithrelics of apassingculture!” the erosionoftraditional Acadian culture.“Personally”,sheexplainedin1943,“I Her teaching experience made her keenly aware of what she perceived to be folk culture. expertise inbothmusicandFrenchwhilealsoencouragingherinterest Acadian program to promote French throughout Louisiana. The position called upon her received anappointmentin1938asthe After teachingFrenchinpublicschoolsandattheLouisianaStateUniversity, she convents there and in New Orleans, she earned degrees in music and French. nity shepledgedtoserve.Borninan Acadian villageandeducatedatCatholic Olivier, likeLeBlanc,hadadeeppersonalattachmenttothe Acadian commu- brought specializedtrainingandendlessstaminatothecrusade. culture. But,unlikeotherenthusiasts,shewasaprofessionalculturalactivistwho by nomeans,uniqueinherdeepaffection fortheFrenchlanguageand Acadian trast, wagedalongcampaigntorevive“authentic” Acadian folkways.Shewas, ways – had been virtually ignored by previous Acadian boosters. Olivier, in con- stories, the marrow of Acadian culture – handicrafts, music, food-ways, and folk- tire sportedbywomendressedasEvangelineandtheretellingofsome Acadian played little concern for preserving traditional folkways. Aside from the mythic at- publicity stunts.Mostearlypromotersof Acadian heritage,includingLeBlanc,dis- dismiss the Acadian revivalasLeBlanc’s ethnicchest-thumpingand Anding’s Without thecontributionsofLouiseOlivier, an Acadian activist,askepticmight between themythiceraofEvangelineandpresent. ized expressions of historical memory that explicitly asserted historical continuity tributions tothenascent Acadian revival.His periodicpilgrimagesbecameritual- the Louisiana Acadians and promotion of Acadian pride were conspicuous con- business enterprise or his candidacy for public of out fail LeBlanc’s promotion of all things Acadian coincided with either his latest hucksterism wasalwaysconspicuousinhiscelebrationsof Acadian identity;with- either sustainedorcomprehensiveculturalpreservation.Instead,hiscompulsive tion untiltemporarilyrevivedduringhispilgrimages.Hedisplayedlittleinterestin than avehicleforLeBlanc’s caprices.Itenduredinastateofsuspendedanima- tionalization ofthe Acadian revival.But,in reality, theorganizationwaslittlemore LeBlanc’s Association ofLouisiana Acadians represented,inprinciple,theinstitu- disappearing.” Traditional Acadians neededtobereinforcedintheirpresumed modern progress– The customsandeventhelanguageof Acadians arefast change inthenewgenerationsofdescendants of the Acadians broughtby fortunately”, shelamented,“withinthelast Forthisandthefollowingquotations,cf.Brundage,in:Brundage2000,286f. fi eldrepresentativeofanLSU-sponsored fi fty yearstherehas beensucharapid fi ce. And yet his hagiography of 19 “Un- 22 21 20 produced” our womenof Acadian ancestry”and“to crafts ofour Acadian ancestors”;“tofurnishanoutletfortheself-expressionof her energiestoanambitiouscampaign“preserveasaculturethetraditional to travel and promote French throughout the state. Consequently, she redirected crafts. Gasoline rationing and other wartime exigencies sharply curtailed her ability more enduringcontributiontotherevivalwasherpromotionof Acadian handi- French-speaking parishestostagefestivitiesthatfocusedonlocaltraditions.Her by recruitingpublicschooladministrators,teachers,andcommunityactivistsin going seriesofFrenchbroadcasts.Overtime,sheexpandedher“Assemblées” broadcasting weekly French language radio programs, Olivier launched an on- campaigns topreserveFrenchinLouisiana.BuildingonLeBlanc’s precedentof Her early efforts included pioneering one of the forms of Acadian handicrafts. archaic artifactsasbraidedpalmettofansandwovenbabybonnetsaboveother music was not. Her taste and principles similarly led her to value such essentially to honorthemusicaltraditionsshevalued.Old Acadian songsweregood;newer modern in dians tovaluetheirtraditionalculture.She,forinstance,advocatedpurgingvulgar task wastomoderatethedestructiveimpactofmodernitybyre-educating Aca- the valueattachedtovariousexpressionsof Acadian culture.Herself-appointed ing as an expert on Acadian folkways, Olivier exerted considerable in struggle toholdontotheircultureinthefaceof“progress”.Becauseherstand- preserve Acadian folkways. preserve Acadian measures, Olivier by the 1950s earned national recognition for her campaign to French language, customs, etc.” into their annual celebrations. Through these Festival andthe Abbeville DairyFestival,to incorporate thepreservationof“the state facilities.Shecoaxedorganizersoflocalfestivals,suchastheCrowleyRice dressed inEvangelineattire,attheLongfellow-EvangelineStateParkandother installed permanentexhibits,includingcraftdemonstrationsby Acadian women vinced of the value of establishing “THIS MOVEMENT AS AN INDUSTRY”, she dian crafts which were exhibited at public libraries, club meetings, and fairs. Con- net makers, and palmetto braiders to produce items for traveling displays of Aca- (MA thesis,BatonRouge,LouisianaStateUniversity, 1959),88–89. AHPR, Box1,LSU;ElizabethMaeRoberts,“FrenchRadioBroadcasting inLouisiana,1935–1958” Clay Shaw, 23March1953. AHPR, Box4,LSU. AHPR), Box1,LSU;OliviertoHenryD.LarcadeJr., 11 August 1949. AHPR, Box5,LSU;Olivierto “Resume of Louisiana State University French Project Activities, 1938–1944”, undated [1944?]. Fortheseandthefollowingquotations,cf.Brundage,in:Brundage2000,288f. LouiseOliviertoH.B.Wright, 23 April 1943. Acadian HandicraftsProject Records(hereafter fl 21 uences from Acadian musicandhelpedorganizeanationalfolkfestival . Beginningin1942,sheenlistedtraditionalweavers,quilters,sunbon- 22

20 fi nd amarketforthehandicraftobjects fi rst sustained and widespread fl uence over uence 65 Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960 66 Fitzhugh Brundage 24 23 bands, etc.thatIcouldscream” am sotiredofhearing‘aprettygirlonashiny when shecomplainedthat“allseemstocountconsistsofnoiseandglitter. I during theLouisianabicentennialcelebrationsof Acadian expulsionin1955 corded to it. Her frustration with frivolous evocations of Acadian heritage mounted ing the 1940s and 1950s, she nevertheless resented the super the incorporation of Acadian culture in the fairs and festivals that proliferated dur- “Evangeline Girls”, were actual artisans. Although she was largely responsible for displays wore clothes intended to evoke romance, they at least, unlike previous She comforted herself that although the women she recruited to staff the craft before her, employedEvangelineout “authentic” Acadian cultureonthe Acadian revival.She,like Anding andLeBlanc Yet, Olivierwasnotentirelysuccessfulinimposingher sensibilities orzealfor Cultures ana, 1968–1994”,in:RichardH.King–Helen Taylor (dirs.), 291–294; RobertLewis,“L’Acadie Retrouvée: The RemakingofCajunIdentityin Southwestern Louisi- LSU. Olivierto“Keed”,15March1955. AHPR, Box5,LSU. and blackCreoleaswellCajuntraditions. Louisianans andoutsidersalikethattheregion’s Frenchcultureincludeswhite Acadian revivalistshasbeensogreatthatmuchinknowisdevotedtoreminding mantic andcosmopolitanCreolesofNewOrleans.Sincethen,thesuccess obscure ifexoticfi revival andtheinstitutionsthatsustaineditendured. A centuryago Acadians were often tumultuouschangesthatbesettheSouthfollowingWorld War II,thecultural Louisiana andthe Acadian diasporaintheUnitedStates.Despiterapidand Anding, LeBlanc,Olivier, andtheirallieshadfar-reachingeffects onsouthern tions of the earliest boosters. Taken together, the cultural revivals promoted by The Acadian identity has attained an in promotion oftheFrenchlanguageand Acadian folkways. doing so,sheestablishedaprecedentforcontinuingstatefundedsupportthe had been applied in other “folk” communities in the United States and Europe. By ern Louisianaandtointroducetherethetechniquesofculturalpreservationthat the Acadian revivalwastoinstitutionalizesystematicculturalinterventioninsouth- otherwise hadlittlemarketablevalue.Mostimportant,hersignalcontributionto couraged thirty-some Acadian craftswomentoreviveandperpetuatetradeswhich aging merchantstodeveloptheirownsourcesof Acadian crafts.Herprojecten- gauge was her success at attracting wide publicity for Acadian crafts and encour- of the Acadian craftsthatshepromoted.Suchsaleswereneverlarge. A better The signifi Onmorerecent developmentsinCajunculturalpreservation,cf.Brundage,in:Brundage2000, OliviertoSarah[GertrudeKnott],undated[1956?], AHPR, correspondence1955–56, Box7, , New York, New York University Press,1996,67–84. cance of Olivier’s laborscannotbemeasuredsolelybytheactualsales cance ofOlivier’s gures overshadowedinthe American consciousnessbythero- 23 . fi ts toarousepublicinterestinhercampaign. fl uence and stature far beyond the ambi- 24 fl oat’ andpoliceescortsbrass Dixie Debates:PerspectivesonSouthern fi cial respect ac- Like other pockets of pure “folk” culture among the Gullah of South Carolina, Mis- apparently uncorruptedculture. They, admittedly, werenotuniqueinthisregard. themselves in the regional and national imagination by exploiting the allure of their We canonlymarvelathowdeftlythe Acadian revivalistscarvedoutaplacefor South –happenedtootherpeopleelsewhere. and turnsoftheregion’s past–slavery, sectionalism,andthetraumasofNew rative ofsouthernhistoryastoldbyotherwhitesoutherners. The historicaltwists not reallyoftheSouth;peasant-like Acadians hadnoplaceinthefamiliarnar- neighbors in Louisiana. Cajuns, the revivalists told themselves and others, were alized a Cajun ethnic consciousness that divided them from their white non-Cajun al traits that had pristine “Old Country” origins. The Acadian movement institution- Acadian musicandcuisine, Acadian revivalistsplayedupexclusivelythosecultur- Despite the obvious incorporation of African American (and other) in Acadians hadineitherslaverybeforetheCivilWar ortheConfederatecause. aspects of African American culture. Acadian revivalistsdownplayedanyrolethat pect ofthe Acadian revivalwasthatitdistanced Acadians inLouisianafromall most reviledcommunityintheregion– African Americans. Indeed,astrikingas- majority withoutinanywayimplyingculturalorhistoricalconnectionwiththe geline. And bydoingsotheydistinguishedthemselvesfromthesurrounding Anglo ploited thepowerandprestigeofLongfellowhiscanonicalaccountEvan- apparently timeless aspects of their identity and heritage. By doing so they ex- It ishardlysurprisingthatthe Acadian revivalistselevatedthemostromanticand the Acadian revivalismof Anding andLeBlanc. rabid anti-Catholicmessage,inpostWorld War ISouthprovidedthebackdropto surfaced in violence and bigotry. The vigor of the revived Ku Klux Klan, with its southern Protestants harbored powerful anti-Catholic sentiments that periodically cious ofanyidentitythatmightthreatenwhiteracialsolidarity. Moreover, white centuries codi linguistic communities.Whitesouthernelitesduringthelate19 underscored that many Anglos were deeply suspicious of unfamiliar ethnic and Likewise, theviolencedirectedagainstMexican-Americansinneighboring Texas Orleans asinveteratecriminalsoffered acautionaryexampleofwhiteintolerance. in Louisiana and the South. The violent scapegoating of Italian immigrants in New the same time arousing suspicions or provoking repression from white Anglo elites stake outacollectiveidentitythatacknowledgedtheirculturalheritagewithoutat region thathadnomodernhistoryofpluralism,thechallengefor Acadians wasto when they strove to distinguish themselves from other white southerners. In a in whichthe Acadians labored,theyfacedknottyquestionsandsevereobstacles apart andoutsideofthefamiliarstory American South.Giventhecontext Acadian revivalistsforgedanidentityfortheregionanditsresidentsthatsetthem fi ed whitesupremacyinlawandtraditionwereopenly suspi- th andearly20 fl uences in uences th

67 Memory and Acadian Identity, 1920–1960 68 Fitzhugh Brundage – thepursuitofauthenticitytodefenseandpreservationtheiridentity. dian revivalists instead yoked one of the signal cultural enthusiasms of their era oppression thataccompaniedanyassociationwith African-Americans, the Aca- saga oftriumphant Anglo-Saxonism, yetanxious toavoidthemarginalizationand cause of their ethnic origins) and unwilling to shoehorn their history into a national gled fromwhiteracistassumptionsaboutinnateblackprimitivism.Unable(be- fascination withexotic African-American subcultures cannotbeeasilydisentan- culture that elsewhere had been debased by modernity and immigration. And the the residents in the hollows of the South had preserved undiluted Anglo-Saxon lenges. The romance of white Appalachian culture was bound up in the notion that the solventofmodernity. Acadian revivalists,however, facedsomeuniquechal- seekers of authenticity evidence that some American folkways were resistant to sissippi Deltabluesmen,andwhite Appalachian bards,the Acadians providedto Herménégilde Chiasson, Ange

69 70 fact, “LouisianawasfoundedmainlybyCanadians,along withsomeFrenchmen the statesofMaryland,Virginia, NorthCarolina,SouthandGeorgia. In and PrinceEdwardIsland,Canada,itcontinuedindirectly fromCanadabywayof Although theimmigrationof Acadians beganin1754directlyfromNovaScotia contrast totheProtestantismofEastCoastcolonies ruledbyGreatBritain. 1763) and Spain (1763–1803), hence its ubiquitous Roman Catholic religion in Louisiana politicsisuniquebecauseofitsrootsas a colonyofFrance(1718– Setting theContext ont mêmeélargileursphèred’in dant lapériodecolonialeontdoncréussiàoccuperdespositionspolitiquesimportanteset Parti démocratiqueetaurépublicain.LesCajunsvenusduCanadaenLouisianepen- of Representatives.Mêmedansl’histoirepolitiquerécente,lesCajunssontliésàlafoisau chacune despériodes,USsénateurscajunsetmembresdelaHouse la présence des Cajuns dans la politique: le fait qu’il y avait des gouverneurs cajuns dans norme contemporaine des deux partis. Sera relevé ce qui lie les trois périodes, c’est-à-dire tique etdeuxfactionspolitiques–les“Longs”“Anti-Longs”;3)l’émergencedela dant le siècle après la Guerre civile, une politique agencée à l’intérieur du parti démocra- à unepolitiquedominéeparlesFranco-Cajuns;2)ladedeuxpartissimuléepen- la dominationdesFrançaisetpartransitiond’unepolitiqueessentiellementfranco-créole des Cajunsdanslapolitique:1)lespremièresannéesde“statehood”furentmarquéespar approfondir, en trois étapes, à la fois la question de la politique cajun et celle de la place culture dominante.Cetarticleproposed’aborduneanalysedececontextepourensuite public. Deplus,sapopulationafricaine,principalementdesesclaves,semétissaavecla françaises ce qui affectait non seulement sa législature mais aussi son système scolaire “melting pot”d’immigrants.Sacultureetsescoutumes,cependant,restaientlargement migration fut importante, et la Louisiane d’avant la Guerre civile s’avérait comme un vrai velle-Orléans. LaNouvelle-OrléansétantalorslaplusgrandevilleaprèsNew York, l’im- la Louisianefutconfrontéeàl’immigrationeuropéenne,notammentparle port delaNou- l’acquisition de la Louisiane fut négociée et conclue par les États-Unis). Avec “statehood”, le restantdelapériodecoloniale(àl’exceptiondesvingtderniersjourspendantlesquels la Louisiane.Quelquesquarante-cinqansplustard,coloniefutcédéeàl’Espagnepour phones – La Louisiane est née française, un statut renforcé par les immigrants canadiens franco- Résumé Laissez lesbonstempsrouler Cajun PoliticsinLouisiana: fi nalement appeléslesCajuns–quisesontinstallésdanslesud-ouestruralde fl uence duPartidémocratiqueaurépublicain. University ofNewOrleans Charles D.Hadley 71 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 72 Charles D. Hadley University Press,2004,12. Farrar StrausGiroux,1979,316–323. man Descent source; J.HannoDeiler, Orleans beginningin1721togrowthecropsnecessarygivecity’s residentsadependablefood ers, moreover, wererecruitedtoimmigratecolonialLouisiana,andtheysettledupriverfromNew versity Press,1992,61. Logsdon (dirs.),CreoleNewOrleans:Raceand Americanization French languagenewspaper, two tooneby1830and Anglo-Americans wereinthemajorityby1840. numbered seventoonebyFranco-Americansin1806,butthegapwascut make theirfortunesinNewOrleansandLouisiana. Anglo-Americans wereout- Louisiana ingreatnumbersfromthesurroundingstatesand Atlantic Coastto the migrationof“Americans”,morespecifi newly independentUnitedStates,andLouisianastatehoodopenedthedoorto Protestants byreligion. the mostpart, Anglo-American migrantsweresmallfarmersbyprofessionand even moreprominentbetween1840and1860,especiallyforNorthLouisiana:For Anglo-American migrationsurgewasdramaticforthe1820to1840period,it 6 5 4 3 2 1 habits ofcuisineandfestivity, buttheyshowedlittleinterestinlearningtheFrench well-rooted CatholicchurchinNewOrleans[anditsenvirons]andadoptedthe in large numbers afterward were Roman Catholics who “drew solace from the Germans andIrishwhocamebeforetheCivilWar andtheItalianswhocame grated throughthePortofNewOrleanshadreligionasacommonattribute– second onlytoNew York asaportofimmigrationfromEurope. Those whoimmi- Its RomanCatholicreligiousbiaswasreinforcedbecauseNewOrleans action. from France which only got it back from Spain 20 days before the 1803 trans- tiations foritendedwiththepurchasethatincludedvastLouisiana Territory the focus of negotiations set in motion by President Thomas Jefferson, the nego- tect MississippiRivertradefromforeign encroachment. WhileNewOrleanswas cosmopolitan French-speaking city in the European tradition established to pro- Louisiana, moreover, wasuniquebecause ofthepresenceNewOrleans,a and somepiratesfromtheCaribbean”. France. eign French”fromSaintDomingue(renamedHaiti),theFrenchWest Indies,and Louisiana StateUniversityPress,1971,14–15;22–26;40–44. PerryH.Howard,PoliticalTendencies inLouisiana Wayne Parent,InsidetheCarnival:UnmaskingLouisianaPolitics Rushton1979,323. Compiled from William Faulkner Rushton, PaulF. Lachance,“TheForeignFrench”,in:Hirsch– Logsdon1992,101–130.Germanfarm- Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, “The Formation of Afro-Creole Culture”, in: Arnold R. Hirsch – Joseph 4 The LouisianaPurchase literally doubledthephysicalsizeofrelatively 2 The Acadians orCajunsastheycametobeknownevenestablisheda , Philadelphia, Americana GermanicaPress,1909. The SettlementoftheGermanCoastLouisianaandCreoles ofGer- 6 Le MoniteurdelaLouisiane The Cajuns: From Acadia to Louisiana 1 There alsowasanimmigration of“For- cally Anglo-Americans, whomovedto , revisedandexpandededition,BatonRouge, , BatonRouge,LouisianaStateUni- , BatonRouge,LouisianaState , in1794. 3 5 Whilethe , New York,, 1974 the South,BatonRouge,LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1972,525–587. Howard, “Louisiana: Resistance and Change”, in: William C. Havard (dir.), richest agrarianstateby1860;Parent2004,22. eled afterthe1799KentuckyConstitution, maintained itsfootholdin–andcametodominateSouthLouisiana. kept theirownnativelanguageandcustoms.Collectively, the Catholic population 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 in French accomplished withaprintedEnglishtranslationofitsConstitutionwrittenbyhand 1812, effective on the April 30 anniversary of the Louisiana Purchase, and it was Louisiana gainedstatehoodbyan Act oftheUnitedStatesCongresson April 8, The PoliticalSystem Early Statehood language” Billings –EdwardF. Haas(dirs.),InSearchofFundamentalLaw:Louisiana’s Constitutions cess abriefbiography. States_Senators_from_Louisiana. Accessed August 8,2007.Clickonaspeci Senators: “List of United States Senators from Louisiana.” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_United_ htm. Accessed August 8,2007.Clickonaspeci (Statehood/Antebellum Period[1812–1861]throughthepresent), http://www.sos.louisiana.gov/gov-1. can beaccessedforeachbyaclickofthemouse;LouisianaGovernors, “GovernorsofLouisiana” phies for all of the Governors and United States Senators are linked to their names on these lists and members oftheHouseRepresentatives,SenatorsforLouisianaareinClasses2and3.Biogra- members of the Senate were appointed/are elected every two years in conjunction with elections for lists ofLouisiana’s GovernorsandU.S.Senatorsbeginningwithstatehood.Becauseonethirdofthe Louisiana StateUniversityPressfortheHistoricNewOrleansCollection,1975. and Englishversions,cf.CecilMorgan, gates. Forcommentaryonthe1812ConstitutionalongwithfacsimilecopiesofprintedFrench unassailable controloverstatepolitics” 1812 was designed to keep Creoles in power; it “gave Franco-Louisianans almost the two highest vote getters in the general election. The Louisiana Constitution of sembly selectedtheGovernor every two years from district units. Sitting together, members of the General As- for twoyeartermsof Representatives, whichhadmemberselectedfromdistrictsbasedonpopulation rather than “parish” in it. Collectively the General Assembly included the House of Cf. Howard for an excellent political history through the 1960s: Howard 1971, 197; Perry H. NewOrleans,infact,wasthefourthlargestcityUnited States in1840,andLouisianathe Hirsch–Logsdon1992,97. Morgan1975,3–15. Judith K. Schafer, “Reform or Experiment? The Louisiana Constitution of 1845”, in: Warren M. LouisianaGovernors(2007)andSenatorsrespectivelyprovidechronological The ConstitutionhandwritteninFrenchborethesignaturesofconstitutionalconventiondele- , Lafayette,CenterforLouisianaStudies,1993,22. 10 7 . Not unlike the French and Spanish before them, the new arrivals , ataconstitutionalconventionwithFrenchCreolemajorityandmod- 9 fi ce, andtheSenate,whichhadhalfofitsmemberselected 12 foranon-renewablefouryeartermof The FirstConstitution of theStateLouisiana 13 fi c Governortoaccessabriefbiography. Louisiana . 11 hencetheuseofword“county” The Changing Politics of fi c U.S.Senator toac- , BatonRouge, 8 fi ce from ce , 1812– 73 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 74 Charles D. Hadley Center, LouisianaStateUniversity, 1987. Formative Years,1803–1839 236 (1958–59),42–60;RichardHolcombeKilbourneJr., middle class, portant to note that Free Blacks were the heart of a well established New Orleans cially giventhelargenumbersofFreeBlacksandracialintermarriage. those ofFrenchorSpanishancestryborninLouisiana,regardlessrace,espe- The General Assembly wasdominatedby Creolesde 18 17 16 15 14 remains thesametoday. sequently wasadoptedbytheLegislaturein1870. The Louisianalegalsystem to blendtheFrenchandSpanishcivilcodes American criminallaw. Itsub- the LegislatureonOctober21,1868,andthistimeitwaswrittenonlyinEnglish and anewconstitutionforcedanotherrevisionoftheCivilCodeauthorizedby and itsrevisionwasrejectedasecondtimebytheCourtin1827. The CivilWar Napoleon, but it was rejected by the Louisiana Supreme Court in an 1817 case Legislature adopted a Civil Code based principally on that of France ordered by Civil Code stand). Written in French and translated into English side by side, the the Legislaturein1806,buthewasforcedtobowpublicpressureandlet legal systembasedonEnglishcommonlawbyvetoingtheCivilCodepassed ritorial GovernorWilliamC.C.Claiborneattemptedforforcetheadoptionofa state althoughoftenmistakenlythoughttobetheCodeNapoleon(Orleans Ter- – ablendofFrenchandSpanishcodesuniquetothenewCreole-dominated The LouisianalegalsystemrestedonaCivilCodethatrefl The LegalSystem “Graduates oftheschoolswereexpectedtobecomefl system ofbilingualFrench-Englishpubliceducation,theexpectationbeingthat it permittedlegislativedebatein representation to the parishes in the Senate (up to four members). Moreover, also wasmodi erty quali The Louisiana Constitution of 1845 modi Judicial District,“The Adoption andDevelopmentofthe LouisianaCivilCode”,in: Hilton, August 30–September 2, 1990, 1–3); cf. also Honorable John T. Hood Jr., Judge, Fourteenth for deliveryatthe Annual Meetingof The American PoliticalScience Association, The SanFrancisco ton and20timesofthoseinBaltimoretogiveoneaperspective). million in real estate in 1850 (approximately 50 times the holdings of those in Bos- CharlesD.Hadley– RalphE. Thayer, “LouisianaStateCourtsinPolitics”(paperprepared Hirsch–Logsdon1992,192,100. Parent2004,15. Hall,in:Hirsch–Logsdon1992,63. Hirsch–Logsdon1992,93. fi cation to vote,aphenomenonwhichvastlyincreasedthefranchise.It 16 fi numbering some 20.000 by 1840 and holding approximately $ 2.5 ed topermitthedirectelectionofGovernorandgiveequal , Baton Rouge, The Publications Institute of the Paul M. Hebert Law 18 either FrenchorEnglish,anditestablisheda fi edthe1812documenttodropprop- A HistoryoftheLouisianaCivil Code:The uent inbothlanguages” fi ned variouslytoinclude ected itscolonialpast 17 Louisiana Reports 15 Itisim- 14 .

quired Englishasthelanguageofinstructioninmandated parishpublicschools, for the enfranchisement of former slaves, it was the Constitution of 1879 that re- 1868.” “Louisiana remainedbilingualuntilthepost-CivilWar ‘CarpetBag’ Constitutionof anans andtheotherimpactingBlackor Afro-Louisianans. According toMorgan, enshrined intheLouisianaconstitutions,oneimpactingFrench-speakingLouisi- The CivilWar andeventssurroundingitprecipitatedtwodrasticsocialchanges The EndofanEra when Creoleswerenolongerinthenumericalmajority. being moreimportantgenerallyinelectoralpoliticsthanplaceoforiginand/orrace term fromwhichheresignedbeforeitscompletion(1849–1853),perhapsFrench was democratically elected in 1847 for a partial term of three months and to a full in Castillion-en-Couserans,France,andthereforeconsideredForeignFrench, lected bytheGeneral Assembly (1837–1842)whileDemocratPierreSoulé,born tion. National Republican Dominique Bouligny, Louisiana born French, was se- nated General Assembly. Two otherUnitedStatesSenatorsmeetthisexpecta- selection of Mouton as United States Senator and Governor by a Creole domi- always outsidethecreolecircle.” gan LouisMoreauLislet,despitetheirimpeccableGalliccredentials,remained such as Frenchmen Pierre Derbigny and Etienne Mazureau, or the San Domin- of New Orleans, claimed a place as creoles without question, while foreign-born native [Louisianans] no less than A. B. Roman of St. James or Bernard Marigny It is interesting that “Acadians such as Alexander Mouton and Paul O. Hébert, where helivedatthetimeofhiselection. with 52,35%ofthevote.HewasborninPlaquemine,seatIbervilleParish, off-year gubernatorialelection providedforintheLouisianaConstitutionof1852 ernor, then,wasDemocratPaulOctaveHébert (1853–1856),whowonthefi under the Constitution of 1812. The 22 21 20 19 fi Lafayette Parish. Technically electedwith60%ofthepopularvotetobecome the the UnitedStatesSenate(1837–1842)afterhavingbeenastatelegislatorfrom The Cajuns inPolitics majority voteoftheGeneral Assembly bly. rst DemocraticGovernorofLouisiana, Morgan1975,5–6. JosephG. Tregle Jr., “Creolesand Americans”, in:Hirsch–Logsdon1992,138. MembersoftheHouseRepresentativesandSenatesittogether toformtheGeneral Assem- Howard1971,45. fi rst CajunGovernorwas Alexander Mouton(1843–1846),who 22 Whilethatconstitutionprovidedfortheintegrationofpublicschoolsand 21 This phenomenonmightwellexplainthe fi rst democratically elected Louisiana Gov- 20 19 fromamongthetwohighestvotegetters Moutonhadtohavebeenappointedby fi rst servedin rst 75 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 76 Charles D. Hadley and rule. Catholic south [that] furnished a convenient advantage” for the oligarchy to divide being 164.000, 125.000, and 92.000 or a reduction of 44% for those years. comparable voterregistration in 1897to5.3201900and1.3421904(areductionofnearly99%),the registration. Inroundnumbers,blackvoterregistrationplummetedfrom130.000 dency requirement,literacytest,andpropertyownershipasprerequisitesforvoter 1898 mandated segregated public schools. That constitution also imposed a resi- the gainsmadebyformerslaveswereshort-livedbecauseConstitutionof 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 also be taught in French if it could be done without extra expense” “but inparisheswhereFrenchwasthepredominantlanguage,exercisesmight ical ConsequencesSince1945 to servetheRomanCatholicsinSouthwestLouisiana;Rushton1979, 11. The lowestnumberofBlacksregisteredtovotewas886in1940,less thanonetenthofpercent. 1964. Howard’s tableincludestheUnitedStatesCensusnumbersforvotingageBlacksandWhites. Press, 1991,11. sion of discontent”. crosscurrents that“contributedtothepreventionofsocialcatharsisexpres- oligarchy because“thepresenceofalargeFrenchCatholicpopulation”introduced unparalleled in the South”, and its neo-Populism was smothered by a potent ruling and Nation When V.O. KeyJr. wroteaboutLouisianainhisclassic Simulated Two-Party Politics bon elite–merchants,bankers,andplantersforthetimebeing. rolls removed poor Whites as well, and it left the state under the control of its Bour- racy” ashesubtitledhischapteronthestate, “and animplicitwhitesupremacy” the late1880s,moreover, creoleshadbecome identi and DeVries’ scale perhapsgranderthananywhereelseintheUnitedStates.” traditional publictoleranceforpoliticalcorruptionandarecordofexposureon Bass–DeVries 1976,160. JackBass–Walter DeVries, TheTransformation ofSouthernPolitics:SocialChangeandPolit- Key1949,156. Key1949,160. The dioceseofLafayettewassplitoff fromthedioceseofNewOrleansin1918 V.O. Key, Tregle, in:Hirsch–Logsdon1992,181. Hargrave1991,11–12. Cf.Howard1971,422,forLouisianavoterregistrationbyrace,1900– LeeHargrave,TheLouisianaStateConstitution: A ReferenceGuide 27 Key, moreover, sawLouisianapositionedon“theseamysideofdemoc- , heobservedthatstate’s “Populismwasrepressedwithaviolence Southern PoliticsinStateandNation 29 discussion of Huey Long; they wrote, “[T]here is no question of a 26 It was the “[d]ifferences between the Protestant north and the , New York, BasicBooks,1976. fi gures forWhites,morespeci 25 . The effort toremoveBlacksfromthevoter , New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1949,156–182. 28 anargumentthatsurfacesinBass fi ed withracialpurity(white) Southern PoliticsinState , Westport (CT),Greenwood fi cally poorWhites, 30 23 . However, 24 By Politics: FestivalinaLabyrinth Press, 1990. Earl K.Long:TheSagaofUncleandLouisianaPolitics,BatonRouge,StateUniversity The Earl of Louisiana Hopkins UniversityPress,1956; T. HarryWilliams, were directbene these projects, they earned the political support of the poor and uneducated who Even thoughtheLongsandmembersoftheirfactionbene works projects,e.g.,thesystemofCharityHospitals. attended (public,private,orCatholic)andtobuildroads,bridges,otherpublic timber, andotherstosupplytextbookschildren regardlessofthetypeschool ernment” faction. Long had taxes imposed on the 37 36 35 34 33 32 31 1952 andto31,1by1960. eligible Blackswereregisteredtovote,apercentagethatincreased22,5by elections andintheearlyyearsofCivilRightsMovement,only5,8%age- ana politics.Fouryearsafter Like religion,racere-emergedtoplayaprominentroleincontemporaryLouisi- the Anti-Longs or the “liberal” Long faction faction ticketsthatsimulated powers ofthatfi governor (1939–1940;1948–1952),builtaruthlesspoliticalmachinewiththe governor (1928–1932),theLongs,HueyandhisbrotherEarl,whohimselfwas control ofthestateawayfromitsBourbonoligarchy. Fromthevantagepointof Democrat HueyP. Long,aself-styledpopulistandchampionofthepoor, wrestled (dirs.), The1984PresidentialElectionintheSouth ical ScienceReview Blacks inSouthernPolitics ganizations inLouisianaPolitics”,in:LaurenceW. Moreland –RobertP. Steed– Tod A. Baker(dirs.), supported it;Key1949,165,note15. nor John J. McKeithen Whites wastwoandahalftimesgreater(76,9%). the toleranceofLouisianaCatholics. in comparisonwiththeothersecessioniststates,andtwoscholarsattributeditto ington Edwardsin1972thatendedtheeraofbi-factionalpolitics. transitional one for the state’s black population, it was the election of Edwin Wash- reelected with81%ofthevote(1964–1968and1968–1972),mayhavebeen CharlesD.Hadley, “Louisiana”,in:RobertP. Steed–LaurenceW. Moreland– Tod A. Baker JohnH.Fenton–KennethN.Vines, “NegroVoter RegistrationinLouisiana”,in: Charles D. Hadley, “The Transformation of the Role of Black Ministers and Black Political Or- JohnK.Wildgen,“Voting BehaviorinGubernatorial Elections”,in:JamesBolner(dir.), ForadiscussionofMcKeithenandhispoliticalleadership,cf.Bass–DeVries 1976,166–171. Key 1949,156–182.Cf.also Allan P. Sindler, OrganizedlaborandthefewBlackswhocouldvotewerenotpartofLongfaction,butthey 60(1957),704–713. fi , New York, Simon and Schuster, 1961; Michael L. Kurtz – Morgan D. Peoples, ciaries oftheseprojects. ce andfashionedabi-factionalpolitical system completewith , Westport (CT),Praeger, 1987,136. 33 , a Long candidate and fi , BatonRouge,LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982,319–344. 35 This wasaveryhighproportionofregisteredBlacks two-partypoliticsundertherubricofLongsand Smith versus Allwright Smith 36 Incontrast,the1960voterregistrationfor , New York, Praeger, 1986,23. Huey Long 31 Huey Long’s Louisiana 32 versus the “conservative good gov- WhiletheadministrationofGover- rst two-term governor who was 37 , New York, Knopf,1970; A.J. Liebling, Aided bytheefforts ofrapidly fl edgling oil and gas industry, (1944)endedwhiteprimary fi ted , Baltimore, The Johns 34 fi nnily from nancially American Polit- Louisiana 77 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 78 Charles D. Hadley Maryland, ana apart from its former secessionist partners in the South, making it more like The strengthofpartyorganization,moreover, isanotherfactorthatsetsLouisi- 44 43 42 41 40 39 38 ator John F. Kennedy] because roughly 45 percent of the whites are Catholic” the 1960presidentialelectionitsCatholicism“wasapoliticalasset[forU.S.Sen- in Figure1belowsetsitapartfromalloftheformersecessioniststates,and Certainly, itsSouth-NorthdivisionbetweenCatholicsandProtestantsdepicted Yet, at the same time, Louisiana remains somewhat unique among the states. ministers, expanding black political and/or community organizations led largely by black Review Elections: LouisianaPartyProfessionalsontheOpenElections System”, in: runoff primary, general electionsystem;CharlesD.Hadley, “SupportfortheReturn toClosedPrimary overwhelmingly considereditamistaketohavechangedfromthe closedpartyprimary, closedparty other in a runoff primary. After experience with the system, surveyed state Democratic Party of majority ofthevote,toptwovotegetters,regardlesspolitical partyaffi election whereallcandidatesforanof ernment 58(Winter1986),152–157. The systemreplacedthegeneralelectionwithanopenprimary Press, 1986,104–105. state beforetheCivilRightsMovement,cf.Fenton–Vines 1957,704–713. as well, and Catholicism is attributed to the unusually large number of Blacks registered to vote in the records byraceandpoliticalpartyamongotherfactors. and Activists, Westport (CT), Praeger,tions 1995, 145–146. Louisiana maintains voter registration Party Conservatism”, in: Charles D. Hadley – Lewis Bowman (dirs.), leans”, in:Hirsch–Logsdon1992,262–319. a Matter of Black and White: The Transformation of Race and Politics in Twentieth-Century New Or- Cf. theexcellentexaminationbyHirsch,althoughitisNewOrleansspeci form duringits2007session. donkey. The Louisiana Legislature, moreover, began to change the election system back to its original offi for stateelectionsandin1976theelectionofitsfederal tions SystemputinplaceatthebehestofGovernorEdwinW. Edwardsin1975 factor infl Key gavetohisLouisianachapter. over, Louisianaremainson “the seamysideofdemocracy”,tousethesubtitle that ingly selectedtheDemocraticParty(98,9%). being 75,9and77,9.WhenBlacksregistered to vote,moreover, theyoverwhelm- presidential contestitwasatnearparitywithWhites,therespectivepercentages portion ofage-eligibleBlacksregisteredtovote61,6%in1972andbythe1992 Key1949,156. CharlesD.Hadley, “TheImpactoftheLouisianaOpenElectionsSystemReform”,in: Parent2004,12–13. DavidR.Mayhew, PlacingPartiesin American Politics,Princeton(NJ),University Bass–DeVries 1976,164–165. A substantialnumberofBlacksinSouthLouisianaareCatholics, TheinformationinthisparagraphisfromCharlesD.Hadley–JenniferHoran,“Louisiana: Two- Hadley, in:Moreland–Steed –Baker1987,133–148;cf.alsoBassDeVries 1976,176–179. ce ranunderthesymbolofroosterandthosefornational 13(Fall1985),167–177.Italsoendedthepracticeof“ticketing”, whereDemocratsforstate uencing LouisianapoliticalpartiesandpoliticsisitsuniqueOpenElec- 38 41 theimplementationofVoting Rights Act of1965pushedthepro- another state with large immigrant and black populations. fi ce runina“free-for-all” primary, and,ifnocandidategetsa 44

Laissez lesbonstempsrouler 39 fi ce ranunderthesymbolof Southern State Party Organiza- fi c: Arnold R.Hirsch,“Simply fi liation ifany, faceeach ceholders. Southeastern Political describesthe 42 Another State Gov- 43 More- fi cials 40 .

rinth, BatonRouge,LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1982. Press, 1992,295–317;“FestivalinaLabyrinth”:JamesBolner, J. Hrebenar(dirs.),InterestGroupsintheSouthernStates,Tuscaloosa,of University The Alabama rilleaux, “LobbyingLouisiana: The Final Throes ofFreewheelingWays?”, in:Clive S. Thomas –Ronald val”: Parent2004;“TheFinal Throes ofFreewheelingWays?”: CharlesD.Hadley–J.Bar- and SouthernPolitics, in: LaurenceW. Moreland–RobertP. Steed(SpecialIssueEditors): The 2002PresidentialElection Spicy”: JonathanO.Knuckey–ChristineL.DayCharlesD.Hadley, “Louisiana:HotandSpicy!”, port (CT),Praeger, 1997,77–93.Variants oftheterm capturedintitlesandsubtitlesinclude“Hot Laurence W. Moreland – Robert P. Steed (dirs.), The 1996 Presidential Election in the South 47 46 45 NationalCouncilofChurchesChristintheU.S.A.,BureauResearchand Source: Figure 1 Cajun culture, tion, The Washington Hilton, August 31–September 4,1988,23). Culture” (paper prepared for delivery at the Annual Meeting of The American Political Science Associa- life includingitstumultuouspoliticalcampaigns. Figure1isfromCharlesD.Hadley–RalphE. Thayer, “Louisiana: The UnfoldingofitsPolitical Charles D. Hadley – Jonathan O. Knuckey, “Louisiana: Rushton1979,241–259. 47 : Religious Distribution for Louisiana Parishes by the Dominant Religion, Roman Catholic orProtestant,1957 York: National CouncilofChurchesChrist,1957). tion and Analysis byCounties,StatesandRegions Survey, 45 but it somewhat uniquely describes all facets of Louisiana political Churches andChurchMembershipintheUnitedStates: An Enumera- The American ReviewofPolitics 26(Spring2005),65–84;“InsidetheCarni- 46 Laissez les bon [sic] temps rouler! Louisiana Politics:FestivalinaLaby- , SeriesC,Number45(New , West- ”, in: 79 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 80 Charles D. Hadley 1984. registered tovoteforeveryblackcitizenin1966,aratiothatdropped31by larger groupofpoorwhitecitizens.Infact,morethanfourWhites(4,36)were ing Rights Act of1965anditsextensionsalsore-enfranchised Louisiana’s much religious geographic divisions. Little noticed, however, was the fact that the Vot- isiana witnessed the re-enfranchisement of its black citizens who cross-cut both the latter being the electoral base for Cajuns in Louisiana politics. Finally, Lou- its South Louisiana Catholics who tended to be somewhat liberal and Democratic, North LouisianaProtestantswhotendedtobeconservativeandRepublican grees wereimportanttoitscontemporarypolitics:religiousdivisionbetween beginning ofaperiodcompetitivetwo-partypolitics. Three factorstovaryingde- 51 50 49 48 Charles E. “Buddy” Roemer, III David C. Treen (1980–1984). Treen wasfollowedbyRepublicanGovernors In 1979, Louisiana elected its Republicans As the state neared the end of its period of bi-factional politics, A ContemporaryTwo-Party Norm to 21%). –44%),thegrowthbeingamongbothRepublican(2%to25%)and“Other”(0,6 of the registered voters in 1968 to 54% in mid-2006 (nearly half of whom are black registration doesnotrefl Bobby Jindalregardlessofitsminoritypartystatusinthechamber. Whilevoter of Representatives with the intervention of newly elected Republican Governor in theSenate(41%),andtheycapturedpositionofSpeakerHouse hold 49of105seats(47%)intheHouseRepresentativesand1639 the heartofCajuncountrycenteredinLafayette.InLegislature,Republicans the U.S. House of Representatives, including the traditionally Democratic seat in two U.S.Senateseats.Republicansalsoheld Commissioner of Agriculture, Commissioner of Insurance, and one of the state’s cans heldthestatewideof served twoterms(1996–2000;2000–2004). At thebeginningof2008,Republi- 145–151. I have argued that the Open Elections System retards Republican voter registration because ence. All threearealsoawarethatnonedominates.”(Parent 2004,29) Americans arefoundthroughoutmostofthestate. All three coexistandareawareoftheothers’ pres- home to a rural American South culture. South Louisiana contains a French Acadian culture. African Parent concludeshisdescriptionofLouisianapoliticalculturewith thefactsthat“NorthLouisianais Roemer weredefeatedforre-electionbyCajunDemocratEdwinW. Edwardsdiscussedbelow. Hadley, in:Steed–Moreland–Baker1986,24–29;Hadley –Horan,in:HadleyBowman1995 Roemer changed political parties from Democrat to Republican while in of ComputedfromHadley, in:Steed–MorelandBaker1986,23.Cf.alsoParent2004,7–30. Hadley, in:Steed–MorelandBaker 1986,22–29. 49 51 ectitselectoralstrength,Democratshavesunkfrom97% fi ces ofGovernor, SecretaryofState,State Treasurer, 50 fi rst Republican Governor since Reconstruction, (1988–1992) and Murphy J. “Mike” Foster, who fi ve ofthestate’s sevenseatsin 48 fi it witnessed the ce. Both Treen and from French” with English interpreters being used to prepare a land-title suits or divorce actions or auto-accidents […] were often questioned in continued to conduct his practice in French” and the “[e]lderly witnesses in simple early 1960s,Edwardsnotedthat“olderclientswould he was “one of only two attorneys who could write a French will”. In recalling the practicing lawyerbyage21,thehandsomeand 1980, 1984–1988, and 1992–1996). Fluent in French from early childhood and a troversial EdwinW. Edwardswhoservedfourtermsof and won the closest election ever held for governor (in 1971). According to Bass and DeVries, Edwards ran for governor as a reform candidate ing onthegovernorshipwherehetookhis City Council, Louisiana Senate, and U.S. House of Representatives before mov- endearment to his Cajun constituents was parlayed into election to the Crowley 53 52 Quarterly_Statistics/Statewide/, accessedJanuary16,2008. Demographics.asp, www.senate.legis.state.la/Senators/Data.asp, andwww.sos.louisiana.gov/stats/ in theparagraphwereascertainedfromfollowingwebsites:www.house.louisiana.gov/H_Reps_ – MorelandBaker1986,21–44. Again thatis about tochangeinthenearfuture. The it removedtheincentivetoregisterinthatpartyparticipateprimary elections;Hadley, in:Steed The onlyCajunGovernorelectedinthe20 the generalelection. ination in Allen’s place in the Democratic runoff primary tantamount to election in use hispositionasSpeakeroftheHouseRepresentativestosecurenom- winning theDemocraticnominationforvacantseat,pavingwayhimto Huey P. Longandamemberofthefaction, Allen diedunexpectedlyafter ganization. FortunatelyforEllender, afl expected torunforandbeelectedtheseatwithsupportofLongor- complete hisSenatetermbyGovernorOscarK.(O.K.) Allen, aLongallywhowas Senator Huey P. Long in 1935, his wife Rose McConnell Long was appointed to Parish, was in the right place at the right time. After the assassination of U.S. temporary period.U.S.Senator Allen J.Ellender (1937–1972),from Terrebonne Cajun Democrats were the lynchpin of their party’s electoral success in the con- Cajun Democrats Bass–DeVries, 1976. Rushton1979,284. in therunoff. Withanew ethnicpriderefl percent) residein Acadiana, theyconstituted31,5percentofthosewhoactuallyvoted the statewideaverage.Whileonlyaboutone-fourthofvoting-agepopulation(26,8 of thevote...[but,healsohada]turnoutmorethan5percentagepointshigher the 22parishesof Acadiana, orCajuncountry,… [where he] not only polled 68 percent oor leaderintheLegislatureforGovernor ected inbumperstickersthatread“Cajun th fi centurywasthecharismaticandcon- rst-term oathoffi fl amboyant Edwardsnotedthat fl ock tohisoffi fi ce (1972–1976,1976– fi nal legal record. 53 ce in French. His victory came ce becausehe fi gures cited gures 52 His 81 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 82 Charles D. Hadley the needsofpoorwhites.” ingness toaccommodateblackneeds,whichinmostinstanceswerethesameas councilman, statesenator, andmemberof Congress[asone]whoshowedawill- descent.” He went on to note, “I was making overtures and had a record as a city coalition ofblacks,farmers,andpeoplefromSouthLouisianaFrenchCajun closely contestedgubernatorialelection. As hehimselfsaid,“Iwaselectedbya Blacks whoprovidedthenecessaryvotesforhimtowinhardfoughtandvery and puttingtogetherabiracialcoalitionthatincludedthenewlyre-enfranchised the momentbyutilizinghisSouthwestLouisianacongressionaldistrictasabase 59 58 57 56 55 54 and DavidDuke, Governor CharlesE.“Buddy”Roemerunexpectedly Opportunity knockedagainin1991whenincumbentDemocrat-turned-Republican term. Longs proud,especiallywiththeelectionofEdwardsforanunprecedentedthird and Edwards $ 19 million excluding in-kind contributions, would have made the tion.” The audience laughed. The 1983 gubernatorial campaign, which cost Treen honest, too.ButsinceIamneither, Ihaveahardtimecommentingontheques- loss forwords,thequick-wittedEdwardsshotback,“I’dratherbeineptthandis- to adebatequestion, Treen said,“I’dratherbeineptthandishonest.”Neverata Edwards consideredhimself“apoorman’s friend,alittleman’s God”.Responding of savior. Hetoldthehundredswhogreetedhimateachstop: and endedaweekbeforetheelection.OnstumpEdwardsassumedrole a campaignthattouchedall64parishesinsome80stopsninedays ed a whirlwind campaign stump in his 1983 bid for an unprecedented third term, Reminiscent ofthecolorfulgubernatorialcampaignspast,Edwardsmount- Characterized as a “skillful politician” with a “ 111–112. OnEdwards’ biracialcoalition,cf.alsoBass–DeVries 1976,172. Theirrespectivepercentagesofthevotewere34,32,and27. QuotedinHadley, in:Steed–Moreland –Baker1986,22. Forthisandthefollowingquotationscf.Hadley, in:Steed–Moreland–Baker1986,22. Quoted in Alexander P. Lamis, The Two-Party South, New York, Oxford University Press, 1984, Bass–DeVries 1976,171. Bass–DeVries 1976,171–172. shall returnethandmakeyewell. Republican Governor David C. Treen], take heart. Take heart, for ... the great healer disabled, you that have suffered these long three and a half years [under incumbent You thatare elderly andhaveseenyourfundscut,youthatarecrippled,blind,poor, wide. Power,” 76,2 percent of the voters there turned out, compared with 71,1 percent state- 58 54 59 neo-NaziandformerleaderoftheKuKluxKlan,who received 56 57

fi rst ratemind” fi nished thirdafterEdwards 55 , Edwards seized 61 60 Charles J. “Charlie” Melancon (2005–continuing), James A. “Jimmy” Hayes (1986– Five CajunMembersofCongressarenote:W.J. “Billy” Tauzin (1980–2005), unpopular inpublicopinionpolls,diddecidetooptoutofare-electionbid. to run for governor after much media speculation, but Governor Blanco, extremely the place of Blanco by prominent Louisiana Democrats. He ultimately chose not of politicalretirementandreturntoLouisianafromMarylandrunforgovernorin in 1987,makingnoisesaboutrunningforgovernor. Breauxwasurgedtocomeout sentatives in a 1972 special election where he served until his move to the Senate himself, who was elected to Edwards former seat in the U.S. House of Repre- U.S. Senator John B. Breaux (1987–2005), a protégé of Edwards and a Cajun the storm,andofLouisiana’s recoveryeffort. Itdidnothelptohavepopularformer United States),especiallyherunpopularhandlingoftheimmediateaftermath lems createdbyHurricaneKatrina(theworstnaturaldisasterinthehistoryof to the severe criticism she received over her handling of the multitude of prob- woman governorofthestate,appearstohaveendedherpoliticalcareerdue Governor KathleenBabineauxBlanco(2004–2008),anotherCajunandthe certifi who hadsurvivedanearyear-longfederaltrialforallegedlysellinghospitalneed by handing a 61 to 39% victory to the three-term former Governor Edwin Edwards stickers “Vote For The Crook. It’s Important” and “Better A Lizard Than A Wizard” rock andahardplace,citizens,manyoutofsheerfear, tooktoheartthebumper and thenRepublicanPresidentGeorgeH.W. Bush,amongothers.Leftbetweena and even old political adversaries like former Republican Governor David C. Treen nent people from all walks of life – professional sports stars, military personnel, a unitedbusinesscommunity, thetourismandhospitalityindustries,promi- Louisiana votersreceivedanintenseandsustainedanti-Dukemediabarragefrom on LarryKingLive,PhilDonahue, The Today Show, andMeetthePress. Edwin Edwardsasmuchfromoutsidewithinthestategivenhisappearances ganza, Dukeenteredthegubernatorialrunoff electionagainstformerGovernor low turnoutspecialelection.Inanothernationalandinternationalmediaextrava- to get elected to the state House of Representatives as a Republican in a very of thefree-for-allOpenElectionsSystemandloosenesspartyaf celebrity statusfromthenationalandinternationalmediawhenhetookadvantage in: of NorthCarolinaPress,1992,197–241. Douglas D.Rose(dir.), racketeering, mailfraud,andextortion. year term in federal prison having been found guilty in 1998 on 17 of 26 charges including wire fraud, former governor, arguablythemostpopulargovernorin thehistoryofstate,isinmiddlea10 FromCharlesD.Hadley, “Louisiana: The ContinuingSagaofRace,Religion,andRebellion”, DouglasD.Rose–GaryEsolen, “DuKKKeforGovernor:‘Vote fortheCrook.It’s Important’”,in: The 1992PresidentialElectionintheSouth cations duringthatthirdterm. The EmergenceofDavidDukeandthePoliticsRace 61 , Westport (CT),Praeger, 1994. Today thefl , ChapelHill,University amboyant 60 fi liation fi rst 83 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 84 Charles D. Hadley Harvard UniversityPress,2002. 62 follow theRepublicantrendlongevidentinSouth that beganin1972.Withthissaid,itappearsCajunpoliticianshavebegunto election ofU.S.Senator Allen J.Ellender, andtheyheldswayinthemodernera returned asforceinLouisianapoliticstheperiodofbi-factionalwith rather thanthestateGeneral Assembly, aperiodjustbeforetheCivilWar. They beginning intheJacksonianperiodwhengovernorsbecameelectedbypeople Cajuns have been a force in Louisiana electoral politics, especially as Democrats, Conclusion to HayesJohn. Lafayette-based seatinCongressthatwentfromDemocratsEdwardstoBreaux lican stronghold to win in the parlayed hisconservativeSouthLouisianabasewiththeNorthRepub- John was defeated by Republican congressman David Vitter, who successfully for theU.S.SenateseatvacatedbyJohnBreaux,whoendorsedhim;however, (1997–2005) waselectedtoCongressin1996andlefthissafeCajunseatrun constituency asatwo-termState Treasurer. DemocratChristopher“Chris”John Senate seatwonbyDemocratMaryLandrieuwho,atthetime,hadastatewide 1995, butheendedhispoliticalcareerthefollowingyearwhenranforU.S. Hayes, like Tauzin, was elected as a Democrat and became a Republican in succeeded Tauzin whotriedtopasshisseatonsonwiththesamename. he lefttobecomealobbyistforthepharmaceuticalindustry. DemocratMelancon ments ofhischoice,instantlymakinghimapowerbrokerinWashington, D.C.,until retain hisseniorityinthechamberandgavehimStandingCommitteeassign- Democrats. Inmakingthechange,however, thenewRepublicanmajoritylethim tives, ostensiblybecauseconservativeslikehimwereunwelcomeamongthe in 1995afterDemocratslostmajoritycontroloftheU.S.HouseRepresenta- (2005–continuing). Tauzin changedpoliticalpartiesfromDemocrattoRepublican 1996), ChristopherC.“Chris”John(1997–2005),andCharlesW. BoustanyJr. As notedintheNewOrleans The stateremainsontheseamysideofdemocracy, tolerantofpoliticalcorruption. EarlBlack–MerleBlack,TheRiseofSouthernRepublicans the beginning of the end of the “Louisiana Way.” And yet, after years of scrubbing, the convictions of Edwin Edwards and son, which [U.S.] government lawyers hailed as This celebrationofcleansingLouisianastartedearlythiscentury withtheracketeering Times-Picayune fi rst primary. Republican Boustany now holds the , , Cambridge(MA),BelknapPressof 62 andLouisianapolitics. 63 politics continue. publican U.S. Attorneys who worked for the U.S. Department of Justice. Louisiana Secretary ofStateamongothers,allwhomwereDemocratsprosecutedbyRe- to Edwards,aretwosuccessiveLouisianaCommissionersofInsuranceanda mer Orleans Parish School Board President. In federal prison already, in addition to bethenextNewOrleansmayor. Pleading guiltynotlongbeforehimwasafor- very popularNewOrleansCouncilman-at-LargeOliver Thomas thoughtbymany In fact,themostrecentpoliticiantopleadguiltyinfederaldistrictcourtwas August 22,2007,B-7. JohnMaginnis,“The‘LouisianaWay’ isn’tgoingaway”,in: much moreroomwehaveforimprovement. Louisiana Way doesnotseemtobegoingaway, aseachnewindictmentrevealshow Laissez lesbonstempsrouler! 63

The [NewOrleans]Times-Picayune , 85 Cajun Politics in Louisiana: Laissez les bons temps rouler 86 sur euxlesparolesquileurfonttraversermiroirs sincérité naïvesd’enfantsétonnésdupouvoirmagiquequ’ont luisant depagesqu’ellesvénèrentaveclaprofusionet métamorphosant enbijouxprécieuxsertisdansleblanc paroles quileurarriventtelsdessecoursinespérés,lesmotsse celles quilisenttouthaut,leursvoixséduitespardes words thattakethemtotheothersideoflookingglass the naivesincerityofchildrenawedbymagicpower the glossywhitepagestheyveneratewitheffusiveness and that transformthemselvesintopreciousgemsembeddedin words thatcometothemlikeunexpectedlifeboats, those whoreadoutloud,theirvoicesseducedby Langue etlittérature Language andLiterature Fredericton, GooseLaneEdition,2007,43. Herménégilde Chiasson, Herménégilde Chiasson, Sudbury, Prisedeparole,2007,47. BéatitudeS. Beatitudes. 87 Language and Literature – Langue et littérature 88 Language and Literature – Langue et littérature 9 FrenchPoets– Apollinaire Herménégilde Chiasson, 89 Language and Literature – Langue et littérature 90 Language and Literature – Langue et littérature been consciouslyandskillfullypromotedintheearlytomid20 Fitzhugh Brundageexplainhowthe Acadian elementinLouisiana’s historyhad ever, IhadheardHerménégildeChiassonspeakofthe“myth” Acadian origins, harmonious chorusofcelebration.Bythetimemyturntopresenthadcome, how- ana’s francophoneculture,wouldsoundanunwelcomesournoteinotherwise exaggerated importance that they have assumed in our understanding of Louisi- rent research, which is concerned with exploring the limits of those links and the are welldocumentedand,indeed,causeforcelebration,Iwasafraidthatmycur- isiana “Cajun”culture. And whilethehistoricallinksbetweenLouisianaand Acadia uncritical reaffi was apprehensive. The conference,Iassumed,wouldbetheoccasionforan When Iwasfi Introduction dants des exilés acadiens arrivés en Louisiane au 18 Ce travailmetencauselemytheselonlequellesCadiensseraientavanttoutdescen- Résumé How Much Acadian is There inCajun? et lefrançaisdesprovincesmaritimesduCanada. linguistiques comparatives révèlent relativement peu d’af peu importeleurorigine.Àlalumièredecefait,iln’estpassurprenantquedesétudes siècle afaitqu’ondésigneparcenomlaplupartdesfrancophoneslouisianaisaujourd’hui, des francophonesenLouisiane,mêmesil’extensionsémantiqueduterme“cadien”au19 démontre queles Acadiens etleursdescendantsn’ontjamaisconstituéqu’uneminorité mythe, quivoudraitquelefrançaiscadiendériveprincipalementduacadien.Je already beenclearedforquestioningthe Acadian-ness ofCajunculture. I wasingoodcompany, anditwassomethingofarelieftoseethatthepath had participants, Iworriedthattheywouldseembanal.But atleastIknewthenthat instead ofbeingconcernedthatmyremarkswouldshock theaudienceandother tion thatthe Acadian exilesunderwentaftertheirarrivalinLouisiana. At thatpoint, be consideredpartofthe Acadian diaspora,sodramaticwastheculturalevolu- Basque make the audacious assertion that Louisiana’s Cajuns should not even ries of Acadian “boosters”,innosmallpartforcommercialpurposes,andMaurice rst askedtoparticipateintheCajunsand Acadians conference,I rmation and celebration ofthefundamentally Acadian rootsofLou- e siècle, ainsi que le corollaire de ce fi nités entre le français louisianais Thomas A. Klingler Thomas A. Tulane University th centurybyase- e

91 How Much Acadian is There in Cajun? 92 Thomas A. Klingler 1765–1803 free populationofLouisiananumbered5.611, andthetotalpopulation,including Table 1showsthat,in1766–wellbeforemostofthe Acadians hadarrived–the ty venturedtoperipheralareas. dians tended to remain near their original areas of settlement; only a small minori- later arrivals settled primarily along Bayou Lafourche. In both cases, the Aca- the then-Spanish colony. in Louisiana to the Acadian exiles who settled along the bayous and marshes of French –ishistoricallyrelatedto It isawell-establishedfactthattheword“Cajun”–Cadien The CajunLabelandtheMythof Acadian Origins of whoLouisiana’s francophones areandwhattypeofFrenchtheyspeak. “Acadian” and“Cajun”thewaysinwhichthisconfusion(mis)informsourview it is necessary to consider the confusion that surrounds the use of the labels correspondences betweenLouisianaFrenchand Acadian French.First,however, settlement, beforeturningtotheavailablelinguisticdatasearchforpossible of Louisianatoseewherethe Acadians fi to approachthisproblemfromtwoangles,looking 2 1 variety thatthe Acadian exilesbroughtwith theminthelate18 spoken inLouisianatodayoughttobeconsideredthedescendantoflanguage Louisiana, andmorespeci My ownsmallcontributiontothisendeavorisfocusedontheFrenchlanguagein fi dian exilesmadetheirwaytoLouisianabetween1764 and 1785. They settled had beencededtoSpain. According tothebestestimates,atmost3.000 Aca- 1699, the Acadians didnotbeginarrivinguntilsixty- It is important to remember that, whereas the Louisiana colony was founded in its propercontext. tory of francophone Louisiana makes this clear by placing the Acadian element in sion of other important historical sources. A brief review of the demographic his- out itsproperly Acadian elementandfocusingundueattentiononit,totheexclu- blurred ourviewofthehistoryCajunpeople,culture,andlanguagebysingling the etymologyofword“Cajun”andwayitwasbroughttoLouisianahas 15. glossaire acadien rst alongtheMississippiRiver, Bayou Teche, andattheOpelousaspost, Carl A. Brasseaux, CarlA. Butforevidence thattheoriginalformof , BatonRouge–London,LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1987,93. , Édition critique établie par Pierre M. Gérin, Moncton, Éditions d’Acadie, 1993, 14– The foundingofNew Acadia: The beginningsof Acadian lifeinLouisiana, 1 I would argue, however, that the general awareness of fi cally, onexaminingtheextenttowhichFrenchasitis Acadien l’Acadie t intothebroaderpictureoffrancophone andAcadiethusowesitsexistence wasinfactlaCadie fi fi rst at the demographic history ve yearslater, afterLouisiana [kɑʤɛ th , cf.PascalPoirier, century. Ipropose ̃] inLouisiana 2 while Le de Asuntos Exteriores,DirecciónGeneraldeRelaciones Culturales,1979. 3 notes Carl Brasseaux, the most authoritative historian of the Cajuns, the Acadians tiny minorities in these heavily French-speaking parishes. In such circumstances, ures fromthe1870Censusshowingthatresidentsof Acadian descentconstituted elles, PointeCoupee,St.Charles,andJohntheBaptist. Table 2presents example, inparishesoutsidethecoreareasof Acadian settlement,suchas Avoy- in particular when they found themselves in the minority. This was the case, for populations; indeed, it is likely that some Acadians were themselves assimilated, no reasontobelievethattheyoverwhelmedandsubsumedtheotherfrancophone had numerousoffspring andreadilyassimilatedotherculturalgroups.Butthereis It istruethat,asminoritiesgo,the Acadians wereparticularlyin ing thedominantlanguage. come the American stateofLouisianaatatimewhenEnglishwasquicklybecom- until the Civil War, further reinforcing the francophone population of what had be- Orleans fromformerSt.DomingueviaCuba.ImmigrationFrancecontinued them slaves,onethirdfreepeopleofcolor, andonethirdWhites–arrivedinNew years 1809–10alone,morethan10.000persons–approximatelyonethirdof the slaverevolttherethatresultedinfoundingofrepublicHaiti.In riving fromFranceandtheformerFrenchcolonyofSt.Domingue,following ber of Acadian immigrants was dwarfed by that of new francophone groups ar- case ofFrench-speakingslaves, Africa. Moreover, intheensuingyears,num- speaking populationsthathadoriginallycomefromFrance,Quebec,and,inthe The Acadians, then,arrivedasaminorityincolonywithwell-establishedFrench- Rodríguez(1979,413;cuadro1.2 A; 438,cuadro1.8 A; 440,cuadro2.2 A; 458, Source: FreeandenslavedpopulationinLouisiana Table 1: were enslaved. isiana’s populationhadswelled to42.621,ofwhom19.455werefreeand23.166 some varietyofFrench.In1788,threeyearsafterthelast Acadians arrived,Lou- may assumethatthevastmajorityoffreepersons,aswellmanyslaves,spoke colony withSpanish-speakingcolonistsbeyondsoldiersandadministrators,we slaves, numbered 11.410. Since the Spanish made little effort to populate the Antonia Acosta Rodríguez, AntoniaAcosta TOTAL Enslaved Free cuadro 2.8 A). cuadro around thetimeof Acadians’ arrival 3 La poblacióndeLuisianaespañola(1763–1803) .9 23.166 5.799 140 42.621 11.410 .1 19.455 5.611 1766 1788 fl uential, asthey , Madrid,Ministerio fi g- 93 How Much Acadian is There in Cajun? 94 Thomas A. Klingler dants ofsettlershavingcometoLouisianadirectlyfromFrance. University PressofMississippi,1992,107.“Creole”isusedherein referencetosettlersanddescen- al : Residentsof Acadian origininparishes Table 2: It isimportanttounderstand,fi Once again, the work of Brasseaux provides the relevant background information. and inparticularattheevolutionthatmeaningofterm“Cajun”underwent. viewed byoutsiders. As Brasseauxexplains: the term brought about an even greater blurring of ethnic boundaries, at least as poured intotheregionafter1803LouisianaPurchase. Their broaderuseof glos, who did not understand the complex nuances of Louisiana’s ethnic mosaic, term “Cajun”wasconsiderablyexpanded,in particular asgrowingnumbers of An- much incommonwiththe Acadians. At thesametime,semanticrangeof case of poor white Creoles who, linguistically and socio-economically, already had groups becameblurred. This blurringwasespeciallylikelytotakeplaceinthe cess of cultural and ethnic mixing occurred such that the lines separating these Anglo extraction, but also people of African and American Indian descent – a pro- entered intocontactwithothergroups–includingWhitesofFrench,Spanish,or 5 4 alies areexplainedifwelookatdevelopmentsthatoccurredinthe19 their residentstodayconsiderthemselvestobeCajuns. These apparentanom- designated as“Acadiana”bytheLouisianalegislaturein 1970, andthat manyof It mayseemcurious,then,thattheseparishesformpartoftheregionfi Brasseaux(1992,107). Source: cultures” were “vulnerabletorapidassimilationintothedominant Anglo- andCreole-based Brasseaux1992,104–105. Brasseaux, Carl A. groups. sifi ever poorandnouveaupauvre and bayouregionscametobepermanentlyidenti tury, thisclassaloneretaineditslinguisticheritage.HencepoorCreolesoftheprairie nomic standing,regardlessoftheirethnicaf [...] cation forthemulticultural amalgamofseveralculturallyandlinguisticallydistinct Cajun 4 peripheral tothe Acadian core,1870 St.Charles St.John Avoyelles PointeCoupee Parish . 5

was used by Anglos to refer to all persons of French descent and low eco- Acadian toCajun:Transformation ofaPeople,1803–1877,Jackson–London, rst, thatasthe Acadians andtheirdescendants Number ofresidents Acadian originin1870 ... The term Cajun fi liation. Bytheendofnineteenthcen- 220 (1.6%) 220 237 (1.8%) thusbecameasocioeconomicclas- 20 44 fi ed asCajun,joiningthe Acadian th century, cially simply beinvokedor, atmost,retracedinitsbroadoutlines,wheneverneeded. age ofknowledgethatissowidelyaccepteditneeds noexplaining,butcan its becomingakindofschemaforunderstandingthe Cajuns, aready-madepack- apparent clarity and simplicity of the Acadian-to-Cajun narrative that have led to origins that,byobscuringtheircomplexity, isclearandeasytounderstand.Itthe all theeasiertoequatetwoandappearslegitimateanexplanationofCajun toric events. The obviousrelatednessofthelabels“Cajun”and“Acadian”makesit myths oforigins,thattheCajuns,thoughgrosslyoversimpli regained throughthefoundingofanewhomelandinLouisiana. Also likemany beginning withanidylliclifein Acadia thatisdisruptedbythetragedyofexilebut peal. Likemanymythsoforigin,thattheCajunsmakesacompellingnarrative, origins andcultureasamythisapt,becauseithelpstoexplainitsirresistibleap- 6 links betweenLouisianaand Acadia intheearlytomid-20 of local and regional Acadian “boosters” played in highlighting and reinforcing the volume isilluminatingfortheinsightitprovidesintocrucialrolethataseries ing Cajunethnicityandculture.FitzhughBrundage’s contributiontothepresent Cajuns thatexcludesothergroupswhoalsoplayedanimportantroleinconstitut- dian aspects of Cajun history has helped to fashion a contemporary vision of the however, is how a narrow focus by scholars and cultural activists on the Aca- are not necessarily cause for concern. What is troubling in the case of the Cajuns, Such processes of ethnic rede themselves Cajuns,eveniftheydonothave Acadian ancestry. increasingly commonforyoungerpeopleinthesamecommunitiestoconsider who refusetheCajunlabelandcontinuetoreferthemselvesasCreoles,itis francophones, aswell.Whileitisstillpossibleto Eventually, thisbroadeneduseof“Cajun”tookholdamongmanyLouisiana experience acrossthecontinent other culture?”, in: Dean Louder – Eric Waddell (dirs.), them synonymous” and by constantly interchanging the terms on the Acadian aspectofthehistory, settlement,andcultureofFrenchLouisiana ing has served to reinforce and legitimate the myth by focusing almost exclusively ticular howitisexacerbated by theuseoflabels.Heobservesthat“scholarly writ- own work. This phenomenonhasbeenexaminedbyWaddell, whonotesinpar- Scholars haveoftenboughtintothisviewand,inturn,consecrateditthroughtheir efforts thatweoweourcurrent,widelyacceptedviewsofwhotheCajunsare. promote, andcommercializeCajunculture,itisinnosmallmeasuretothose on Acadian originsconstitutedanessentialcomponentoftheirefforts topreserve, EricWaddell, “FrenchLouisiana: An outpostof 6 . Waddell’s characterization of the prevailing view of Cajun , BatonRouge–London,LouisianaStateUniversityPress,1993,239. fi nition are common in the history of societies and l’Amérique française Cajun French America: Mobility, identity, and minority and Acadian fi nd olderwhitefrancophones th century. The emphasis oranothercountryandan- fi ed, isrootedinhis- , thereby rendering 95 How Much Acadian is There in Cajun? 96 Thomas A. Klingler Parish, Louisiana what Inowbelievetobeundueemphasisonits Acadian source: nuanced enoughtoencompassmorethan Acadian French,itneverthelessplaced the descendantsof Acadians. Whilemycharacterizationof“Cajun”Frenchwas ago, shortlybeforeIbeganseriouslyquestioningthemythofCajunsas(primarily) schema. Ioffer bywayofillustrationmyownwords,publishedjustafewyears that theirviewofthelanguageCajunsshouldalsobeinformedby avoiding having to deal with – the history of the Cajuns, it is perhaps inevitable If linguistsarepronetoadoptthe Acadian-origins schemaindealingwith–or with theneedforfurtherelaboration. the origins of the Cajuns to the single group that is their namesake and dispensing settled inLouisianabetween1765and1785”,thusasentencecircumscribing scendants of Acadians from the province of Nova Scotia in Canada who originally an articleonCajunsandCreolesbydeclaringsuccinctlythat“Cajunsarede- American Speech French andCreoleinLouisiana time-saving invocation of the Acadian-origins schema, Dubois and Horvath refer totheparticipantsinhersurvey. And in aparticularlystrikingexampleofthe 10 9 8 7 minological equivalencyWaddell laments.Bodin’s 1987dissertation doesn’t havetolookfar, forexample,to questions ofhistorytolanguage,theirmainobjectstudy. One other scholars,whichhastheadvantageofallowingthemtomovequicklyfrom surprise that some readily adopt the schema of Acadian origins perpetuated by tangling thecomplexhistoryofregion’s populations,itshouldcomeasno studying theFrenchlanguageand,understandably, arelessconcernedwithun- Since linguistsworkingonfrancophoneLouisianaare primarily concernedwith Dialectal OriginsofLouisiana ers infourLouisianaparishes,Dubois calls Acadians ratherthanCajuns. A decadelater, inherstudyofFrenchspeak- she usesthelabel“Acadian”inreferencetoFrenchspokenbypeople Hill (NC),UniversityofNorthCarolina,1987. Sylvie Dubois – Barbara M. Horvath, “Creoles and Cajuns: A portrait in black and white”, in: Sylvie Dubois, “Field method in four Cajun communities in Louisiana”, in: Albert Valdman (dir.), CatherineClaireBodin, Thomas A. Klingler, Thomas A. well (emphasisaddedhere). ancestry directly to France and has been adopted by Louisianans of other origins, as British repressioninNovaScotia,Cajunisalsospokenbypeoplewhotracetheir dialect broughttoLouisianaintheeighteenthcenturyby Acadians times signi The label“CajunFrench”encompassesanumberofspeechvarietiesthatdiffer, some- , BatonRouge–London,LouisianaStateUniversityPress,2003,xxix. fi 78,2(2003),192. cantly, from region to region. While the main source of these was the If I could turn my tongue like that: The Creole language of Pointe Coupee The dialectaloriginsofLouisiana Acadian French , New York–London, PlenumPress,1997,47–70. 10 Acadian French(myemphasis),andthroughout, 8 usesthesamelabelsinterchangeablyto fi nd linguistsengaginginthekindofter- , Ph.D.diss.,Chapel 7 istitledThe 9 fl begin eeing they were neither “especially salient, nor prestigious” tion of Acadian linguisticfeaturesthat,inother areas,wereabandonedbecause tion, poverty, and close-knit [Acadian social] networks” encouraged the preserva- “geographically isolatedfromthe Acadian heartland”,shespeculatesthat“isola- center for Acadian settlement. Although Duboisacknowledgesthat Avoyelles is the parishes under consideration – Avoyelles – was, as we have seen, never a the speechofLouisianafrancophonesinfourparishes.However, atleastoneof a similarassumptioninexaminingwhatshecalls“traditional Acadian features”in force ofthemythmanifestsitselfat back to the Acadian exiles. Like an invisible hand that guides his analysis, the Acadian origins, which requires that today’s Cajuns and their language be traced quickly runs into dif ment ofthevarietysourcesFrenchfoundinearlycolonialLouisiana. study by Caldas some characterizationsofFrenchspokeninLouisiana,ascanbeseenarecent lowing the Acadians’ arrival. Yet itisapparentthatthemythcontinuestoshape more attentiontotheFrenchofothergroupspresentinLouisianapriorandfol- has begun to move away from the Acadian-origins myth by devoting considerably As Iwillshowbelow, recentworkonLouisianaFrench,includingthatofDubois, descendants constitutedonly1,6%ofthepopulation. 1870, more than 100 years after the Acadians began arriving in Louisiana, their stretch toattributean Acadian sourcetheirpresencetodayinaregionwhere ing of /œ to / Ø/ – are also attested in other varieties of French, and it seems a Acadian featuresshestudies–suchastheconfusionof/ 15 14 13 12 11 must comefromtheFrenchoftheir Acadian ancestors.Dubois their nameimplies,theCajunscomefrom Acadians, thensurelyCajunFrench understanding oftheetymologyword“Cajun”:If,“asweallknow”andas the linguistic domain of the myth of the Cajuns’ Acadian origins, reinforced by my make wasnotbasedonanyscienti In rereadingthewordsinboldfacetypetoday, Ihavetoadmitthattheclaimthey Downloaded April 11, 2004. Louisiana StateUniversitywebsite,http://www.artsci.lsu.edu/fai/Cajun/CF_report_ French Linguistics Sylvie Dubois, “The Cajun French Project”, LSU OSR Final Report. NSF grant SBR-9514831. Caldas2007,451. Caldas2007,451. StephenJ.Caldas,“FrenchinLouisiana: A viewfromtheground”,in:Dalila Ayoun (dir.), Dubois,“TheCajunFrenchProject”,2004,4. emphasis) the thenSpanishterritoryofLouisiana, Scotia bytheBritishbetween1755and1759introducedanotherdialectofFrenchto The Acadians whobeganarrivinginLouisianafollowingtheirdeportationfromNova , Amsterdam–Philadelphia, JohnBenjamins,2007,450–477. 13 . The author begins auspiciously enough with a nuanced treat- fi culty when he tries to reconcile this diversity with the myth of fi c evidence,butratheronmyextensionto fi rst mention ofthe Acadians: a varietynowtermedCajunFrench. 12 . Yet many of the purported ɑ̃/ andɔtherais- 11 appearstomake fi nlpf n.d. nal.pdf, 14 Yethe Applied 15 (my 97 How Much Acadian is There in Cajun? 98 Thomas A. Klingler called Cajunstobeconsideredaseparatedialect. numbers ofbothgroupsdo,infact,speakavarietyFrenchthat istooclosetothatofthepeople 17 16 shows acertainamountofregionalvariation. of LouisianaFrench(inadditiontoCreole,whichisclearlydifferent) that in Louisiana, such that today it is possible to speak of a single, generalized variety guistic leveling reduced the distance between the various types of French spoken tion but requires further investigation – it is likely that a widespread process of lin- At the same time – and this is a point that has been the subject of much specula- French speakers,regardlessoforigin,aswell as to thetypeofFrenchtheyspoke. described by Brasseaux, the term “Cajun” came to be applied to all poor, white ishes. A moreplausibleexplanationisthat,bytheprocessofsemanticextension dians, including Avoyelles, Evangeline, St. Charles, and St. John the Baptist par- today inmanyregionsthatwereneversettledbysigni Such a scenario cannot account for the fact that French is still widely spoken any extent,CajunandCreole[...].” fi a coupleofexceptions,theyhavesimplydisappeared:“Bytheturntwenty- varieties of French that came before and after the Acadians? Apparently, with just considered to have gone on to be labeled “Cajun French”. What, then, of the other Acadian-origins mythisnowapparent:OnlytheFrenchof Acadians willbe The strategy for reconciling the diversity of sources of Louisiana French with the diffi Cajuns (evenwhenbroadlyde when appliedtolanguage:Becausethetermissoinextricablylinked toaparticularethnicgroup,the Dajko, personal communication). This is a striking example of a serious problem with the term Cajun J. Rottet,LanguageshiftinthecoastalmarshesofLouisiana Terrebonne Parish suggests that their French differs very little from that of their Cajun neighbors (Kevin isiana French”,in:AmericanSpeech72,2[1997],117–153). Yet linguisticworkamongtheIndiansof (Caldas 2007,452;MichaelD.Picone,“EnclaveDialectContraction: An ExternalOverviewofLou- is alsoavarietyofFrenchspokenin Terrebonne parishamongtheHoumaIndians(Picone1997)” is notspokenbypeoplewhoconsiderthemselvesCajuns,cannotbeconsideredCajunFrench:“There was simplygivenupastheyassimilatedtotheirEnglish-speakingsurroundings: thanks to the relative isolation of its speakers, whereas the French of other groups rst century, essentiallyonlytwovarietiesofFrencharestillspokeninthestateto Caldas2007,458. Caldas2007,452. There isoneotherexception–avarietyofFrenchthatapparently, becauseit cult toapplyittheFrenchofnon-Cajuns,suchas IndiansandCreolesofcolor. Yet signi New Orleans. glish-speaking population, especially those francophone communities that lived in speaking communities in Louisiana have long ago assimilated into the majority En- variety ofFrenchstillspokeninLouisianatodayisCajunFrench. The otherFrench- making tripstothecitybuyandsellgoods. This ispreciselywhythemajornative relatively isolated, some only accessible by boat, with inhabitants only infrequently Many of the Acadian French-speaking communities outside of New Orleans were 17 fi ned toincludemorethanjustthedescendantsof Acadians), it is 16 CajunFrench,itwouldseem,hassurvived , New York, PeterLang,2001;Nathalie fi cant numbersof Aca- fi cant amples oftheseformsfromLouisianaFrenchinclude only form attested in Acadia, but is also found in other varieties of French. Ex- The formquiisattestedinseveralFrenchdialects,butnot Acadian; inanimate interrogativeterms (4) (3) More recently, otherlinguisticstudieshavetendedtocon population. and thefairlymodestdemographiccontributionof Acadians totheLouisiana light ofwhatwehavejustseenregardingthemultiplesourcesLouisianaFrench 21 20 19 18 while it is not unreasonable to attribute the presence of and the French spoken in them is widely known as “Cajun” French. Moreover, France. Yet all of the regions he examines are today considered part of Acadiana, while mainly inareaswhere Acadian settlementwasheavy, suchasVermilion Parish, region tendstocorrelatewiththesettlementpatternsofthatregion: Rottet is able to show that the presence of one form or the other in a particular (2) (1) lost inthe“Acadian”FrenchofLouisiana. “a coherent phonological system and dialect lexicon”, these had somehow been origins, shefoundit“inexplicable”that,whereasNorthern Acadian hadpreserved deed, sinceshewasoperatingwithintheframeworkof Acadian mythofCajun French turnedupfewtracesoftheNorthern Acadian FrenchofNovaScotia.In- Bodin wassurprisedwhenherstudyofthephonologyLouisiana“Acadian” Acadian FeaturesinCajunFrench 1963, 151. Journal ofFrenchLanguageStudies ence ofnon-Acadianforms.Rottet rather limited Acadian in to theexclusionof not the only possible source of this form in Louisiana. Indeed, the presence of widely attestedinnon-AcadianvarietiesofFrenchmeansthat Acadian Frenchis ence inregionsthatwereheavilypopulatedby Acadians, thefactthat Marilyn J. Conwell – Alphonse Juilland, JamesD.Faulk,CajunFrenchI Kevin J. Rottet, “Inanimate interrogatives and settlement patterns in Francophone Louisiana”, in: Bodin1987,abstract. Quoi tuveuxjetefaiscuire?‘Whatdoyouwantmetocookforyou?’ I didn’thavealicense?’ (LafourcheParish) Qui vous-autres aurait fait si j’avais pas de license? ‘What would you all have done if Quoi cequisebrasselà-bas?‘Whatisgoingonoverthere?’ (Vermilion Parish (Lafourche Parish) Qui cequivam’arriverdemain?‘Whatisgoingtohappenmetomorrow?’ qui isfoundinareasthatweresettledbyCreoleswhocamedirectlyfrom qui inNatchitochesParish,whichwasneverasiteof Acadian fl uence inLouisianaFrenchandthewidespreadpres- 14,2(2004),169–188. , Abbeville (Louisiana),CajunPressInc.,1977,276. qui andquoi 19 Louisiana French Grammar examinesthegeographicdistributionof 18 , bothofwhicharefoundinLouisiana. Herfi ndings arelesssurprisinginthe fi , Vol. 1, The Hague, Mouton, rm Bodin’s rm quoi to Acadian infl 21 quoi quoi fi quoi ndings of ndings isused isalso isthe 20 ) quoi u-

99 How Much Acadian is There in Cajun? 100 Thomas A. Klingler de l’UniversitéLaval,2005,287–305. regions of Acadia: inanimate interrogative compares the presence of six typically Acadian features in Louisiana and in four includes arevealingtable,basedmainlyondatafromDubois shown arelativepaucityof Acadian features inLouisianaFrench. The latterwork 24 23 22 parish. Louisiana, ‘+/0’ indicatesthatthefeatureisfoundvariably, butnotnecessarilyinevery Louis. =Louisiana;N.B.NewBrunswick;NFFoundland;N.S.NovaScotia.For 1997 andDubois2005. Adapted fromNeumann-Holschuh–Wiesmath2006,242,whichinturnisbasedonFlikeid Preservationofdialectalandarchaicfeatures Table 3: Recent workbyDubois Louisiana independentlyofthe Acadian exiles. likelihood thatthisform,no doubt likeotherputative Acadian forms,existedin settlement, cannoteasilybeattributedtoan Acadian sourceandsuggeststhe 26 25 255–286. Albert Valdman (dir.), French and Creole in Louisiana tinu”, inCanadianJournalof Applied Linguistics – DeborahPiston-Hatlen(dirs.),Lefrançaisen Amérique duNord: étatprésent as Table3: simple, andnegationwith bal ending - in the third person plural (e.g., ils chantont ), the pronoun je used with the ver- (2006), 233–249. un chari?”‘Doyouknowwhatcallaplow?’ corpus include “Je connais pas quoi ça c’était” ‘I don’t know what that was’; “Tu connais quoi t’appelles work there,conductedin2002and,collaborationwithNathalieDajko,2003.Examplesfromour je...-ons ils...-(i)ont quoi passésimple imperfectsubjunctive negationwith Karen Flikeid, “Structural aspects and current sociolinguistic situation of Acadian French”, in: Dubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005. Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh – Raphaële Wiesmath, “Les parlers acadiens: un continuum discon- Sylvie Dubois, “Un siècle de français cadien parlé en Louisiane”, in: Albert Valdman – Julie Auger The attestation of inanimate interrogative in Acadian andLouisianaFrench point ons in the 23 fi rst person plural, the imperfect subjunctive, the passé andbyNeumann-HolzschuhWiesmath point ratherthanpas. Their tableisreproduced here oi.NB FNS atN.B.west N.S.east NF N.B. Louis. + + / / + +/0 + +/0 +/0 0 0 0 0000+ / / 0++++ 0++++ quoi 9,2(2006)/Revuedel’UniversitéMoncton in Natchitoches Parish comes from my own fi quoi 0 , New York and London, Plenum Press, 1997, 22 (just seen above), the ending - 0 25 , Québec,LesPresses andFlikeid + + 24 hasalso 26 + + + , that 37,2 eld- ont edge thecomplexityofsourcesLouisianaFrench Indeed, whatisinterestingabouttheserecentworksthattheyinfactacknowl- that variety. suming that a feature must come from Acadian simply because it is attested in multiple sourcesforagivenfeatureofLouisianaFrench,andthedangeras- geographical distributionofthesefeatureshighlightsthenecessityconsidering have been present in the French of non-Acadians during the colonial period. The Louisiana areunlikelytohavehadapurely Acadian source,butinsteadmustalso This meansthatbothofthe two “Acadian”featuresin Table 3thatarefound in Acadian source,andNeumann-HolzschuhWiesmath which supposesthatatonetimeitmusthavebeenmuchclosertoapresumed to explaintheabsenceoflargenumbers Acadian featuresinLouisianaFrench, made aboutSalmon’s recentdissertation supposes its status as a variety of Acadian French. Similar observations may be Louisiana Frenchalongacontinuumof Acadian varieties,anenterprisethatpre- 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 19 tested atallinLouisianaFrenchtoday (je ...- What emerges from it is that, of the six features represented, only two are at- Neumann-Holzschuh andWiesmath interrogative Louisiana StateUniversity2007. phonétiques dansleparlerdequatregénérationsfemmescadiennes parmi touslesparlerspopulairesenLouisiane”. dians constitutedadistinctethnicgroupinLouisiana,“leurvariété n’étaitqu’unusagevernaculaire there toeat’ (EvangelineParish); “ilsfaisiont”‘theymade’ (NatchitochesParish). (own) medecine’ (Avoyelles Parish); “les ‘tits enfants étiont là pour manger” ‘the grand-children were in CajunFrench logically tobe,avarietyof Acadian. Thus Dubois dian French, yet they start from the premise that Louisiana French is, or ought analysis, concludethatthisvarietytodayshowsrelativelylittleaf third person plural - Natchitoches parishes,noneofwhich ever hadsubstantial Acadian populations. also showsthefrequentoccurrenceofformin Avoyelles, Evangeline,and and Lafourche,allofwhichsawsigni isiana is restricted to the parishes of Lafayette, Vermilion, Acadia, Assumption, CaroleSalmon, Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath2006,233–249. Dubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen 2005,302. Dubois, in: Valdman – Auger – Piston-Hatlen 2005, 301, for example, notes that, while the Aca- Examplesinclude“lesdocteursségrets ilsfaisiontleurmédecine”‘thefolkhealersmadetheir Rottet2004,169–188. BruceByers,Defi Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath2006,241. th century),andeventhenonlyincertainregions. These featuresareinanimate , Ph.D.diss.,Bloomington,IndianaUniversity, 1988. quoi Français acadian, français cadien: variation stylistique et maintenance de formes andtheverbalending-ontinthirdpersonplural. Although ning normsforanon-standardlanguage: A studyofverbandpronounvariation ont ending (which appears as - 27 , citingByers fi cant Acadian settlement,myowncorpus 34 , whosetitle, ons isattestedsporadicallyinthe 32 speaksof“dédialectalisation” 28 iont in the imperfect) in Lou- andRottet 31 and,basedonlinguistic Français acadien,fran- , Ph.D.diss.,BatonRouge, 33 attempttosituate 29 , claimthatthe fi nity with Aca- with nity 30

101 How Much Acadian is There in Cajun? 102 Thomas A. Klingler that the French language spoken by the Cajuns is not the descendant of Aca- are nottrulypartofthe Acadian diaspora,thenperhapsitistimetorecognize people andcultureingeneral.Forif,asBasqueclaims, theCajunsofLouisiana the FrenchlanguageinLouisianawhatMauriceBasque hasacceptedforCajun linguists areablefullytodisabusethemselvesofthe Acadian mythandacceptfor Cajuns have an essentially Acadian origin. It seems this paradox will persist until sults appeartocon Louisiana French and ends up revealing its rather un-Acadian nature, these re- turns upaparadox:Whilethisworkdoesjusticetothemultiplicityofsources Louisiana. OursurveyofrecentlinguisticworkonLouisianaFrench,however, variety oftheHoumaIndians,onlyFrench-relatedtohavesurvivedin dian French,becomeCajun,is,alongwithCreoleandthe(supposedlydistinct) of the Acadian myth can lead to absurd results, such as Caldas’ claim that Aca- so diffi to concludethat Acadian in leads hertogivefullconsiderationnon-AcadiansourcesforCajunFrenchand features ingeneral. To hercredit,inspiteofthesepresuppositions,research nance ofAcadian of Acadian origins,whichclearlymotivatesherdecisiontoexaminethemainte- Acadians. Itisapparent,then,thatSalmon,too,verymuchpreytothemyth signi reinforced bytheobviouslexicalrelationshipof ing convenience and simplicity of a unitary explanation of the origin of the Cajuns, portant roleinforginganewethnicgroupknowntodayastheCajuns,appeal- historical recordthat Acadians wereonlyoneofseveralgroupsthatplayedanim- themselves, casualoutsideobservers,orresearchers.Despiteevidencefromthe francophone historyandculture,whetherseenfromtheperspectiveofCajuns The pervasive myth of Acadian origins continues to shape views of Louisiana Conclusion from Franceinthe19 consideration of the numerically and culturally signi 36 35 1755 etultérieurement” sont les descendants des déportés acadiens exilés dans différentes colonies dès and Cajun French, and which states simplistically that “[l]es Cadiens de Louisiane parler dequatregénérationsfemmescadiennes çais cadien:variancestylistiqueetmaintenancedeformesphonétiquesdansle issue deladiasporaacadienne” Salmon2007,51. Salmon2007,33. fi cant francophone populations in Louisiana also preceded the arrival of the cult to move beyond the Acadian myth. As concerns language, the tenacity dialectalfeaturesinLouisianaFrench,ratherthannon-standard fl ict withtheauthors’ assumption –implicitorexplicitthatthe th century, andinspiteofSalmon’s acknowledgementthat 35 andthat“[l]acommunautécadiennedeLouisianeest fl uence onCajunisinfactsomewhatlimited. 36 . Yet thislaststatementcomesafteralengthy Cajun fi cant immigration to Louisiana , explicitlyconnects Acadian to Acadian , explainwhyitis ited tracesofinfl render lesssurprisingthegrowingevidencethatLouisianaFrenchbearsonlylim- component of a geo-linguistic continuum of Acadian varieties, which in turn would to look at Cajun French as a “de-dialectized” form of Acadian or as an outlying dian French.Freeingourselvesofthe Acadian mythwouldmakeitlesstempting of the Acadian exiles. language contactthathadmanycomponents,onlyoneofwhichwastheFrench cord – that Louisiana French is the heterogeneous result of a complex process of we beganourinvestigationswiththeassumption–supportedbyhistoricalre- uencefrom Acadian French.Suchafi ndingwouldseemnaturalif 103 How Much Acadian is There in Cajun? 104 Historic New Orleans Collection

105 106 Julia Hennemannd’avoirmisànotredispositionsesdonnées,collectées danslecadredesathèse oral recueilliauNouveau-Brunswick/Canada entre autresducorpusdeRaphaëleWiesmath, les chercheurs eux-mêmes, soit mis à disposition par d’autres chercheurs. Pour le NB, nous disposons Pourpréciserl’originedechacunedesvariétésacadiennescitées,nousemployons lesabrévia- Neuve (TN),Louisiane(LOU).Labasededonnéessecompose plusieurscorpus,soitrecueillispar tions suivantes:Nouveau-Brunswick(NB),Nouvelle-Écosse(NÉ), Île-du-Prince-Édouard (IPE), Terre- Brasseur –Falkert2005,145–158. (2006) /RUM37,2,233–249;RaphaëleWiesmath,“Lespériphrases verbalesenfrançaisacadien”,in: (dirs.), Wiesmath, “Les parlers acadiens: un continuum discontinu”, in: Robert A. Papen – Gisèle Chevalier Saint-Nicolas, Pressedel’UniversitéLaval,2005,47–504;IngridNeumann-Holzschuh–Raphaële Valdman –Julie Auger –DeborahPiston-Hatlen(dirs.), phaële Wiesmath,“LefrançaisacadienauCanadaetenLouisiane:af taxiques français acadien”,in:PatriceBrasseur– Anika Falkert: dien nich), PatriceBrasseur(Avignon) etmoi-même: 1 deux côtésdel’Atlantique. taines restrictions–enLouisiane,areçul’attentiondenombreuxchercheursdes vinces Maritimes,à Terre-Neuve, auxÎles-de-la-Madeleineainsique–aveccer- Depuis quelquesannéeslefrançaisacadientelqu’ilestparlédanslesPro- La diasporaacadienne French varieties. ing, Cajun French thus appears to be the most distant “cousin” within the family of Acadian have eitherbeenlostoronlymaintainedinspeci in closecontactwithothervarietiesofFrench,somethecharacteristic Acadian features adopts aspecialposition:SinceinSouthernLouisiana Acadian Frenchhasalwaysbeen tact, isolationandlanguagedeath.Inthishypotheticalcontinuum,LouisianaCajunFrench be partiallyapplied. The factors responsibleforthisevolutionseemtobelanguagecon- a complexexampleofcontinuitiesanddiscontinuitiestowhichscalarmodelcanonly grammatical features the paper concludes that the variational space of Acadian French is of Acadian Frenchshowahighdegreeofinternalvariation.Basedonananalysischosen continuum basedonthestructuralspacewhichseparatesthem.Furthermore,allvarieties distant from one another in North America for quite some time, constitute an interlinguistic In this paper, the hypothesis is adopted that the varieties of Acadian French, geographically Abstract La diasporaacadiennedansuneperspectivelinguistique Cetarticles’inscritdanslecadred’unprojetderechercheinitiéparRaphaëleWiesmath(Mu- (GraCoPAc). Pourquelquespremiersrésultatscf.IngridNeumann-Holzschuh, “Lesubjonctifen Les variétésdefrançaisen Amérique duNord.Évolution,innovationsetdescription , RCLA 9,2 , Paris,L’Harmattan, 2005,125–144;IngridNeumann-Holzschuh–PatriceBrasseurRa- 1 Ilestbienconnuquel’espacevariationnelacadientel , Paris,L’Harmattan, 2006.PourlaNÉnousremercions Le françaisacadien. Analyse syntaxique d’uncorpus Grammaire comparéedesvariétésdufrançaisaca- Le françaisen Amérique duNord.Étatprésent Français d’Amérique:approchesmorphosyn- Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh Université deRegensburg fi c areas.Linguisticallyspeak- fi nitésetdivergences”,in: Albert ,

107 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 108 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh the homeland” Acadiens ont,jusqu’àaujourd’hui,gardé“acollectivememoryandmythabout le résultatd’unemigrationdetravail. Tout commelesSépharades/Sefardim, les de nombreuxaspectsdesdiasporaspostcoloniales,quisont,dansleurmajorité, qui remonteparfoisàunedatetrèsancienne.Cesdiasporassedistinguentsous guistics 3.3,Berlin–New York, deGruyter, 2004, 2271–2285. 1997. tion”. Acadiens, nesontguèrementionnésdanslestravauxportantsur lephénomène“langueetmigra- d’autres groupescommelesSépharades/Sefardim,lepeuplediasporique peut-êtreleplusconnu,les französischer Traum in Amerika Der lange Weg zu einer Nation ohne Grenzen”, in: Ingo Kolboom – Roberto Mann (dirs.), approbation” ainsi qu’une “troubled relationship with host societies” Cohen, les deux facteurs “development of a return movement that gains collective recherche desorigines.Sil’onconsulte,cependant,lecataloguecritèresde la construction identitaire passant par l’af doute une“victimdiaspora” Du point de vue des études sur la migration, la diaspora acadienne est sans aucun gnées lesunesdesautres,évoluèrentdefaçonautonomedurant250ans. l’unité acadiennesedé 7 6 5 4 3 L(ouisian) through thespokenword dictionnaire cadien 2001. Àceux-cis’ajouteégalementlecorpusconstituéparValdman etsonéquipedanslecadredu 1995, et Kevin Rottet, Terrebonne andLafourcheparishes,Louisiana dans Kevin Rottet, Language shift and language death in the Cajun French speaking communities of French, Thèse dedocorat,Seattle,UniversityofWashington, 1994,ainsiquesurlesdonnéesfi of NorthCarolina,1950;etJaneS.Smith,A morphosyntacticanalysisoftheverbalgroupinCajun Guilbeau, le temps et asteur. Ein Korpus von Gesprächen mit Cadiens in Louisiana 2001). PourlaLouisiane,nousappuyonssurtoutsurlescorpusdeCynthiaStäbler, (cf. aussi Patrice Brasseur, Dictionnaire des régionalismes franco-terreneuviens doctorat. Leparlerterre-neuvienestlargementdocumentédanslecorpusétabliparPatriceBrasseur s’installa dansleSuddel’ÉtatactuelLouisiane. pays, d’autress’établirentenFrance;laprincipalecoloniederéfugiésacadiens s’étalant parfois sur des décennies, quelques exilés revinrent dans leur ancien niques déporterbrutalementdesmilliersd’Acadiens. Après despérégrinations ethniques del’èremoderne,leGrandDérangement1755,quivitlesBritan- qu’il seprésenteaujourd’huiestlerésultatdel’unedespremièrespuri 2 Cohen1997,26. Cohen1997,26. PaulKerswill,“MigrationandLanguage”,in:Ulrich Ammon etal.(dirs.), RobinCohen,GlobalDiasporas. An Introduction DanslaRomania,ledestindes Acadiens n’estpasuncasexceptionnel.Maiscontrairementà Pourl’histoiredes Acadiens cf.IngoKolboom,“Die Akadier –FrankreichsvergesseneKinder. F(rench) L(anguage) The FrenchspokeninLaFourcheParish,Louisiana 6 , c’est-à-direqueledéracinementetladépossessionontfavorisé À la découverte du français cadien à travers la parole / Discovering Cajun French Language Shift in the Coastal Marshes of Louisiana , CD-ROM2004,éd.parIndianaUniversityCreoleInstitute,Bloomington: fi t etlesvariétésdel’acadien,géographiquementtrèséloi- D(atabase). , Heidelberg,SynchronPublishers,2005,5–322. 4 , c’est-à-direqu’ils’agitd’uncasd’“émigrationforcée” , Thèse dedoctorat,Bloomington,IndianaUniversity, fi rmation de la mémoire collective et la , Seattle,UniversityofWashington Press, 2 Après le GrandDérangement, , Ph.D.diss.,ChapelHill,University , Tübingen, Narr, 1995a; John , Frankfurt a. M., Lang, Handbook ofSociolin- , Tübingen, Niemeyer,, Tübingen, 7 ne s’appli- Akadien: ein La viedans fi cations 3 gurant

5

83–134. elle partaveclesgens to a cultural community”, in: Journal of Sociolinguistics sociolinguistic situationofJudeo-Spanishinthe20 versité de Regensburg, 2007; pour les Sépharades/Sefardim cf., par exemple, Tracy Harris, “The 10 9 8 aspects suivants: Du pointdevuelinguistique,ladiasporaacadienneestcaractériséeparles nué d’êtreunfacteurimportantd’identitéjusqu’au20 les parallèles avec les Sépharades/Sefardim sont assez nets –, celle-ci a conti- quent pasvraimentaux Acadiens. Pource quiestdelalangue,cependant–etlà Geográfi vista InternacionaldeLingüísticaIberoamericana Îles-de-la-Madeleine, à Terre-Neuve, auNouveau-BrunswicketenLouisianene serait doncinapproprié:dufaitdeladiscontinuitégéographique,êtreacadienaux la diversitédesproductionsidentitaires.Parlerdel’identitéacadienneengénéral sité, sesontelles-mêmesdiversi acadien. Ilesthorsdedoutequelessociétésdiasporiques,produitsladiver- historique surlaconstructionidentitairedanslesdifférentes régionsdel’espace Ce n’est pas ici le lieu de ré linguistiques etidentitaires. les Acadiens étaientconfrontésdansladiasporaontfavorisédeschangements moins vaguedel’originecommune(“ancestry”). point devuel’identitélinguistique,avanttoutsuruneréminiscenceplusou ethnique. Lesentimentdecontinuitéentrelesvariétésacadiennesrepose,du ni chezles Acadiens, nichezlesSépharades/Sefardim, unepertedel’identité l’importance delalangueadiminuéconsidérablement,cequin’impliquetoutefois parler commelecréolisteSalikokoMufwene identités socialesetculturellesdanslesnouveauxenvironnements–ou,pour tions purement linguistiques se sont accompagnées de l’émergence de nouvelles dien etl’émergencedenouveauxdialecteslocauxétaientinévitables.Cesévolu- différents contactsavecd’autreslanguesetcultures,ladésintégrationdel’aca- En raisondelaruptureducontactavecleterritoirelanguedépartetdes Neuve, Îles-de-la-Madeleine)asonproprepro chaque régionabritantunepopulationdesoucheacadienne(Louisiane, Terre- variable. Misàpartl’assimilationtotaledes Acadiens dansl’OuestdelaFrance, interne de cet idiome. Le sort qu’a connu l’acadien dans la diaspora a été très dans le temps et dans l’espace, ce qui n’est pas sans importance pour l’histoire contacts sociauxetlinguistiquesdesdifférents groupesderéfugiéss’estmultiplié a constitué le début d’une migration en plusieurs vagues. Ainsi le nombre de Cf.aussiKolboom,in:Kolboom–Mann2005. Cf.SylvieDubois–Megan Melançon,“Cajunisdead–LongliveCajun:Shiftingfromalinguistic SalikokoS.Mufwene,“TheFounderPrincipleincreolegenesis”,in: ca lingüísticadel judéoespañol.Estudiosincrónicoydiacrónico 9 ”. LeGrandDérangemententantque“puri Franco-Americans inMassachussetts fl échir en détail sur les répercussions de l’arrière-plan fi ées etquecepluralismeinternesetraduitpar IV,2 (2006),115–133; Aldina QuintanaRodríguez, th centuryintheUnitedStatesandIsrael”,in:Re- 10 1,1 (1997), 63–93; Edith Szlezák, “La langue : lesécologiesnouvelles fi l sociolinguistiqueetlinguistique. 8 , Thèse dedoctorat,Regensburg,Uni- e siècle. Au siècledernier, , Bern,Lang,2002. Diachronica fi cto ethnique” cation auxquelles 13(1996), 109 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 110 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh (sous presse). national deLinguistiqueetPhilologieRomanes bécois, cequiconfèreàcetarchipelunstatuttoutfaitparticulier. Québec, lesMadelinotssontàla fois étrangers pourles Acadiens etpourlesQué- du rattachementàlaprovinceQuébec.Entantqu’Acadiensfaisantpartie être commelesautres”estuneconséquencedel’éloignementducontinentet cle. à proposduconceptdekoinéisationenlinguistiquediachronique”, in: Vol. 3,Berlin–New York, deGruyter (souspresse);KlausGrübl,“Lesmultiplesoriginesdustandard: linguistique delaRomania.EininternationalesHandbuchzurGeschichte derromanischenSprachen tecture deslanguesromanes”,in:GerhardErnstetal.(dirs.), 14 13 12 11 Pour cequiestdes Acadiens desÎles-de-la-Madeleine, leine etlaLouisiane,deuxsous-espacesparticulièrementintéressants. signi Thèse dedoctorat,Regensburg,Université2007. Düsseldorf, Schwann, dachung/überdachen” deHeinzKloss, 2005, 143–165. Picone – Albert Valdman, “Lasituationdufrançais enLouisiane”,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen de françaiscadienparléenLouisiane”,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005,287-305;Michael der romanischenSprachen Sprachgeschichte /HistoirelinguistiquedelaRomania.EininternationalesHandbuchzurGeschichte Staaten. HistoireexternedufrançaisauxÉtats-Unis”,in:GerhardErnstetal.(dirs.), tence directeavecd’autresvariétésdufrançais,plusprestigieuses,au18 s’est dèsledébuttrouvédansunesituationminoritaire,étantdonnélacoexis- autres sous-espacesdeladiasporaacadienne,leparleracadienenLouisiane Pour cequiestdelaLouisiane,situationdifférente. Contrairementaux cois. observe uneforterésistancedelapopulationàl’assimilationaufrançaisquébé- Falkert, iln’yapasvraimentd’interférencesentreanglaisetfrançais;deplus,on la situation des autres communautés acadiennes – n’est pas minoritaire. Selon ces mêmesMadelinotss’identi gières desCadiens. des conséquencessurlalangueelle-même,ainsiquelesattitudeslanga- du point de vue diatopique et diastratique; cette situation a nécessairement eu standard, gardant très nettement et très longuement un statut fortement marqué des réfugiésaétépartiellement“coiffée” parlesidiomesvoisins,plusprochesdu une situationspécialede“chapeautagelinguistique”,c’est-à-direquelalangue Anika Falkert, Le français acadien des Îles-de-la-Madeleine. Étude de la variation phonétique J’emprunte ces expressions à Koch – Oesterreicher et Grübl qui se réfèrent aux termes “Über- Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh, “Externe Sprachgeschichte des Französischen in den Vereinigten Falkert(2007)parleàjustetitred’une“identitémosaïque” desMadelinots. 13 fi Plusnettementquedanslesautressous-espaces,onesticiconfrontéà e pas forcément la même chose. Prenons par exemple les Îles-de-la-Made- 2 1978. Cf. Peter Koch – Wulf Oesterreicher, “Comparaison historique de l’archi- 14

, Berlin–New York, deGruyter, 2003,911–921; SylvieDubois,“Un siècle Die EntwicklungneuergermanischerKultursprachenseit1800 fi ent àlalangueacadienne,qui–contrairement , Innsbruck,3–8septembre2007, Tübingen, Niemeyer Romanische Sprachgeschichte/Histoire 11 lesentimentde“nepas Actes duXXV 12 e Néanmoins, CongrèsInter- Romanische e siè- , , , munauté linguistique nouvelle (“new spatialities” les conséquences concrètes du facteur “espace” sur la langue ainsi que la com- temps aétéunparamètreimportantpourl’analyseduchangementlinguistique; nelle etlagéolinguistique.Depuistoujours,distancedansl’espacele de la géographie a été démontrée depuis longtemps par la linguistique variation- “The difference that space makes” – l’importance pour la linguistique de ce topos Les discontinuitéslinguistiques de lacomposanteacadiennedanslepeuplementduSudLouisiane. que lesentimentlinguistiquedeslocuteursreposesurunecertainesurévaluation 17 16 15 d’archaïsmes. Lesrecherchesrécentes semble complexedecontinuitésetdiscontinuités,ainsiqued’innovations vue de la linguistique variationnelle, l’espace acadien se présente comme un en- lutions divergentesetdéclenchédesdiscontinuitéslinguistiques?Dupointde Dans quellemesureladiscontinuitégéographiquea-t-elleprovoquédesévo- the originsofspeakersCajun.” assumption isbasedonlittlemorethanfalseequatingofthetwoterms anda volume. louisianais hors de l’Acadiana”, in: Papen – Chevalier 2006, 233–249; cf. aussi Tom Klingler dans ce lier 2006,173–192;Dubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005;MichaelPicone,“Lefrançais (603–637). ling-Estes (dirs.), The Handbook of Language Variation and Change component in the development of an ExpandedView ofRegionalFrenchinLouisiana”(souspresse):“Butthedominance traits decontactinterdialectalenfrançaislouisianais:lescas Journal ofFrenchLanguageStudies pas toujoursétésuf effet, lecadienn’estpas un rejetondirectdel’acadien,etc’estlàfaitquin’a n’appartient quedefaçonpériphériqueàl’espacevariationnell’acadien.En ciser le statut particulier du français louisianais qui, du point de vue structurel, bien pourl’ensembledel’espacevariationnelquecertainssous-espaces de nature spatiale et sociolinguistique, en utilisant le concept de continuum aussi variationnel peut être appréhendé comme un ensemble de plusieurs continuums avec d’autresgroupeslinguistiques.Onpeutpartirdel’hypothèsequecetespace est àmettresurlecomptedel’isolementgéographique,maisaussiducontact du Grand Dérangement, et le nombre des discontinuités linguistiques observables tables. En Acadie, l’unitélinguistiqueestdé ont toujoursétéetsontencoreàl’œuvre,quelesdiscontinuitésinévi- normatif queceluidel’acadien,ilfautpartirduprincipedesforcescentrifuges gie” à l’autre. Pour un espace variationnel aussi morcelé et dépourvu de centre DavidBritain,“SpaceandSpatialDiffusion”, in:J.K.Chambers–Peter Trudgill –NathalieSchil- Jenefaispasmoi-mêmeexceptionàlarègle!Cf.aussi Tom Klingler, “BeyondCajun: Towards KevinRottet,“Inanimateinterrogativesandsettlementpatterns inFrancophoneLouisiana”,in: fi samment soulignéparleslinguistes Cajun 14(2004),169–188;KevinRottet,“Évolutiondifférente dedeux French cannot simply be assumed, in particular if such an 15 ontconsidérablementcontribuéàpré- fi nitivement dissouteen1755àlasuite 17 ) varient pourtant d’une “écolo- quoi etj’avons”,in:Papen–Cheva- , Malden, Blackwell, 2002, 616 16 ; iln’enrestepasmoins fl awed understandingof Acadian 111 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 112 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh a pu montrer que l’acadien de la Baie Ste Marie occupe une place particulière sens: variation topolectale d’une part, intergénérationelle de l’autre. Ainsi, Flikeid en effet quelque chose comme des continuums intralectaux et ce dans un double de FlikeidsurlaNouvelle-Écossepermettent,cependant,penserqu’ilexiste diens, lestravauxdeRottetetDuboissurlecadienlouisianaisainsiqueceux de traitsacadienscensésêtretypiques,comme la terminaisonverbalede3 chaque variété sur ce continuum dépendrait donc de l’absence ou de la présence surtout enNouvelleÉcosse,plusconservatricesquelelouisianais. baseline”, à savoir les variétés de l’acadien parlées dans les Provinces Maritimes, facteur assez important. trait typiquementacadien,lafréquencerelativedecertainsphénomènesestun que le“je-collectif”;cependant,vuladif personne du pluriel – avant ladéportation–elle-mêmesansdoutefortvariableestmalconnu. présentent aujourd’hui;eneffet, l’acadienhistorique,c’est-à-direlavariétéparlée défi des différentes variétés(voir ci-dessous),bienqu’ilsoitentendudif nous avons essayé d’établir un “continuum interlectal” selon le degré d’acadianité peut éventuellementavoirrecoursàcequeFlikeid 22 21 20 19 18 l’intérieur d’unevariétédonnée.DansNeumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath(2006) servent (a) dans l’ensemble de l’espace variationnel de l’acadien ainsi que (b) à est particulièrementprononcée.End’autrestermes,desdiscontinuitéss’ob- comme la Nouvelle-Écosse ou la Louisiane, dans lesquels la variation interne Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005. Les Pressesdel’UniversitéLaval,1994,275–326;Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997;Dubois,in:Valdman – (Picone 2006,223) pulaire assez répandu, tel qu’il se parlait à l’époque de la colonisation initiale au dix-huitième siècle.” ‘cadien’, enycherchantdesparticularitésdialectalesacadiennes, correspond enfaitàunfrançaispo- populations francophoneshorsdel’Acadianapourraitsuggérerque cequenousappelonslefrançais parlers louisianaisaientétéassezsimilairesdèsl’origine.End’autres termes,lepro ce qui est du seul cadien, Picone observe avec justesse qu’“il est également possible que tous les se rendre compte qu’il n’y a que très peu de traits qui soient attestés exclusivement en acadien. Pour la distance intersystémique qui sépare les unes des autres les variétés de l’acadien, il faut cependant raine”, in: Raymond Mougeon – Édouard Beniak (dirs.): Albert Valdman (dir.), FrenchandCreoleinLouisiana de discernerunpointréférenceetespacevariationnelbiendélimité. une variétédiatopique,elle-mêmemorceléeenplusieurssous-systèmes,ilestbeaucoupplusdif variétés, dans la mesure où c’est lui qui leur assigne leur place au sein de l’espace variationnel. Pour Bien qu’il semble possible d’évaluer, à partir d’un certain nombre de paramètres linguistiques, KarinFlikeid,“Originesetévolutiondufrançais acadienàlalumièredediversitécontempo- KarinFlikeid,“Structural Aspects andCurrentSociolinguisticSituationof Acadian French”,in: Pour une langue historique comme le français, c’est le standard qui sert de référence à toutes les Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath,in:Papen –Chevalier2006. nir un point de référence précis pour les variétés de l’acadien telles qu’elles se (i)ont , le pronom interrogatif quoi 22 Pour ce qui est de la variabilité interne des parlers aca- fi culté qu’ilyaàdéterminercequ’estun , New York, Plenum,1997,283(255–286). Les origines du français québécois 20 appellela“Maritimeacadian à la place de que, ainsi fi 21 l linguistique des Laplacede , Québec, fi cile de cile 19 On fi cile 18 e ,

nuellement, notamment celles échappant à toute in fossé intergénérationnelencequiconcernelacompétencelinguistique. 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 processus évolutifspouvantvarierconsidérablementd’unsous-espaceàl’autre. au modelagedel’espacevariationnell’acadien,l’étendueetlarapiditédes Chacun de ces processus a conduit à sa façon à des divergences et par là-même l’érosionlinguistiquegraduelleenLouisiane etdansleMassachusetts. - la conservation d’archaïsmes grâce à l’isolement de certaines communautés - deschangementslinguistiquesinternes,dontquelques-unssousl’in - deschangementslinguistiquessousl’in - langagier? monde acadiena-t-elledonceupourconséquencesdesdiscontinuitésauniveau Dans quellemesureladiscontinuitéspatialequiexistedepuis250ansdansle dans l’espacevariationnelnéo-écossais, 2007. au sein des réalités acadiennes tes”, in: André Magord(dir.), L’Acadie plurielle.Dynamiquesidentitairescollectiveset développement guistique etkoinéisationenLouisiane”,in: (Dis-)Kontinuität inderRomania Akadischen zwischenKontinuitätundDiskontinuität”,in:SabineHeinemann(dir.), 243–259. étiolement enfrançaiscadien:perspectivescomparées”,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005, in KanadaundLouisiana”,in:Kolboom–Mann2005,795–821;Szlezák 2007. en tantqu’energeia dels, München, Fink, 1974, 58, la variabilité ( Philologie Romanes lapertetotaledelangue:les Acadiens quisontrestésdansl’Ouestdela - types d’évolutionlinguistiquepeuventêtredistingués: Rottet2001;IngridNeumann-Holzschuh,“ Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997. Marie-Eve Perrot, “Le français acadien en contact avec l’anglais: analyse de situations distinc- Pour lenivellementlinguistiqueenLouisiane,cf.IngridNeumann-Holzschuh,“Nivellementlin- Kolboom,in:Kolboom–Mann2005,144. SelonEugenioCoseriu, Cf.aussiIngridNeumann-Holzschuh,“ Dubois, in: Valdman – Auger – Piston-Hatlen 2005; Rottet 2004; Kevin Rottet, “Variation et Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997. linguistiques notammentenNouvelle-Écosseetà Terre-Neuve, veau Brunswick, de l’anglais,commeenLouisiane,MassachusettsetdanslechiacduNou- qu’aux Îles-de-la-Madeleine, hexagonal ounord-américaincommeenLouisianeetà Terre-Neuve ainsi parlé dansleurrégionrespective; France après1775(25familles)sesontassimilésaufrançaistelqu’ilétait 25 Misàpartlefait,évident,quetoutesleslangueschangentconti- . , Innsbruck,3–8septembre2007, Tübingen, Niemeyer(souspresse). 29 Synchronie, DiachronieundGeschichte.DasProblemdesSprachwan- , Tübingen, Niemeyer, 2008,41–55. , Moncton, Centre d’études acadiennes, 2003, 267–279; Szlezák 28 Actes duXXV Veränderlich The differencethatspacemakes…DieVarietäten des 27 Si lalanguedisparaît 23 enLouisiane,onpeutobserverunnet fl uence d’autresvariétésdufrançais -Sein) est inhérente à la nature de la langue e CongrèsInternationaldeLinguistiqueet fl uence normative, uence ... –DasakadischeFranzösisch Sprachwandel und 30 26 plusieurs 24 fl uence 31 113 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 114 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh des variétés du français hexagonal parlées par les réfugiés à la de quelques traits censés être typiquement acadiens. Cette “ dite “acadienne”ayanteu pour conséquencelaperte,danscertainesparoisses, à cette coprésence d’une morphologie de type non-acadien et d’une morphologie cée. Lecaractèrespéci – plusprestigieusesquel’acadien–,cettesituationestparticulièrementpronon- paroisses del’OuestcommeVermilion, Acadie, Assumption ouLafayette. sans doute jamais été marqué par l’acadien dans la même mesure que dans les portion d’Acadiens a toujours été relativement faible, de sorte que le français n’a quelques paroisses,notammentdansleNord(Avoyelles, Évangéline),lapro- particulière dansl’espacevariationnelacadien.S’ajouteàcelalefaitque, – ouplusprécisément,cette“ 36 35 34 33 32 contact, non seulement avec l’anglais, C’est unfaitbienconnuquechacunedesvariétésacadiennesestentréeen Contact deslangues teurs mentionnés? Quelles sontlesparticularitéslinguistiquesquipeuventêtreattribuéesauxfac- l’abandongradueldelalanguedansunesituationminoritaire. l’isolementd’unsous-espace, - lecontactdeslangues, - - suivants: Selon nous, les trois facteurs externes ayant déclenché ces processus sont les tion.” l’époque. Àcesvariétéss’ajoutelefrançaisparléparlescolonsvenant enLouisianeaprèslaRévolu- avant de se réfugier en Louisiane avaient été eux aussi en contact avec le français hexagonal de usage vernaculaireparmitouslesparlerspopulairesenLouisiane. Les Acadiens déportésenFrance immigrants acadiensétaientcertainementungroupeethniquedistinct, maisleurvariétén’étaitqu’un français louisianaiscorrespondaitàunecontinuationd’usagesquiavaientcoursenFrance[…].Les mêmes comme‘Créoles’. colonisée par les Acadiens, les francophones établis à cet endroit se désignant encore souvent eux- University Press of Mississippi, 1992; Klingler (sous presse). Avoyelles, notamment, n’a jamais été Hatlen 2005,143–165,etDubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005. Rottet 2001;Wiesmath2006.Pourle grammatical borrowing: A PrinceEdwardIslandFrenchcase study gions –dèsledébutenprésencededifférentes variétésdufrançaiscolonial çais. EnLouisiane,oùleparlerdes Acadiens aété–aumoinsdanscertainesré- Cf.CarlBrasseaux,AcadiantoCajun:transformationofapeople,1803–1877 Cf.Dubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen 2005,302. Cf.Dubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005,301:“Avant l’arrivéedes Acadiens, le Pourlefrançaiscolonial Surl’infl uence del’anglais,quel’onn’approfondira pasici,cf.RuthKing,Thelexicalbasisof fi parlé enLouisiane,cf.Picone–Valdman, in:Valdman – Auger –Piston- que dufrançaislouisianaisestpartiellementattribuable chiac duNB,fortementanglicisé,cf.Perrot,in:Magord2003. désacadianisation 32 mais aussi avec d’autres variétés du fran- ” –confèreaucadienuneplace , Amsterdam, Benjamins,2000; dédialectalisation fi n du 18 , Jackson–London, e siècle 36 33 ou ” 34 35

41 40 39 38 37 La répartition topolectale des pronoms interrogatifs inanimés (c) La désinence verbale de la troisième personne du pluriel – (b) La forme ‘je + –ons’ est toutefois attestée en Louisiane au 19 Lepronomjeentantquesujetdela1 (a) vants: La “désacadianisation”ducadienpeutêtreillustréparlesphénomènessui- dernières années. été, comme on l’a dit, posée à juste titre et de plus en plus souvent au cours des mination aujourd’hui aveclesvariantespluscommunes.Laquestiondesavoirsiladéno- connu un double sort en Louisiane: soit ils n’ont pas survécu; soit ils coexistent Ainsi, les traits caractéristiques des variétés acadiennes traditionnelles ont ton-Hatlen 2005. j’avons Rottet, in: Valdmann – Auger – Piston-Hatlen 2005; Kevin Rottet, “Attestation et disparition du type pronoun variationinCajunFrench Àl’occasion,unmêmelocuteuremploielesdeuxformes. DanslaparoissedeLafourche,lesdeuxformessontattestées. Byers1988;Rottet2004. Rottet,in:Brasseur–Falkert2005;PapenChevalier2006. Cf.aussiBruceByers,Defi Acadia, Lafayette, ainsi que, dans l’Est, à Assumption). paraît que dans les paroisses dites “acadiennes” du Sud-Ouest (Vermilion, nont ‘ils donnent’), caractéristique des parlers acadiens du Canada, n’ap- surtout pourexprimerlapremièrepersonnedusingulier. nada. sinence – 6 quandilscommenciontàtirerlavache.laissaientplusleveautéter(LOU– (6) auCanadailsdi/euhen Acadie ilsdisontaussidubléd’Inde(LOU–Stäbler (5) desfemmesfaisiontdel’étoffe (NB–Wiesmath2006,4,MB393) (4) Pis làjefaisonstouteslespâtes(NÉ–Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997,267) (2) 3 Les plus jeunes, y a beaucoup de quoi que zeux se souvenont point qu’ils ont (3) Je savions pas faire de bière avant que les français a venu par ici (TN – MH (1) au standard. paroisses (surtoutà Avoyelles etÉvangéline),laformeverbalecorrespond qui/que’) suitlemêmeprincipe:laformetypiquementacadienne mant tous deux un référent inanimé (français standard: ‘qu’est-ce qui/que, ce enfrançaiscadien”,in:Brasseur–Falkert2005,213–227;Dubois, in:Valdman – Auger –Pis- 37 Stäbler 1995a,15) 1995a, 7) Flikeid, in:Valdman 1997,265) jamais vu,pislesplusvieuxvenontetilsparlontdetoutsorteschoses(NÉ– 059202) cadien ons) est absent aujourd’hui en cadien mais très fréquent au Ca- ne perturbe pas l’interprétation adéquate des faits linguistiques a 40

41 ning normsforanon-standardizedlanguage: A study ofverband , Ph.D.diss.,Bloomington,IndianaUniversity, 1988;Rottet2004; ère personnedupluriel(+dé- 38 39 (i)ont (type:idon- Dans les autres qui / quoi e siècle, mais quoi prédo- expri- 115 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 116 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh la trajectoiretemporelledufrançaiscadien, comme acadiennes n’aient pas été également utilisées dans d’autres variétés de qu’il n’estpasdutoutcertainquelesformesdialectales identi nomène ancien. Toutefois, la dimension diachronique est loin d’être claire, parce la coexistencedeformesacadiennesetnonestcertainementunphé- context isoneofcomplex,long-termdialectcontactandlevelling.” plexe, etFlikeidavaitdoncraisondeconstaterilyadixans:“TheLouisiana tion topolectale, la situation linguistique de la Louisiane est particulièrement com- Quant auxcooccurrencesdetraitsacadiensetnonainsiquelaréparti- 45 44 43 42 n’estpasattestéedanslamajoritédesparoisseslouisianaisesouprédo- Laformetypiquementacadienne(etquébécoise)dupronomdémonstratif (f) Enacadienlesformestraditionnellesdesadverbesinterrogatifsapparaissent (e) Contrairementàl’acadiendesMaritimes,lecadienpréfère–aumoins (d) diennes sontlessuivants: illustrent lecaractèreparticulierducadiendansl’ensembledesvariétésaca- D’autres traits (pas nécessairement spéci Syntax, LaHaye,Mouton,1963. Dubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005,300. Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997,283. Marilyn Conwell – Alphonse Juilland, LesparoissesdeSaint-Landry, deSaint-Martin etd’Iberiasontdesparoissestransitoires. minent lesformesdufrançaisparlé( c’ti-là/-citte non périphrastiques. que). EnLouisianecesformessontclairementconcurrencéesparles majoritairement sousuneformepériphrastique( avec laparticule la question directe. Dans des sources non-contemporaines, la construction aujourd’hui –laconstructioninterrogativeavec 1) As-tujamaisvuun pareilmauditveaupourmangerdubeurrecommeç’ti-là(TN (12) oui,çac’étaitunebellejournéeç’ti-là(NÉ–corpusHennemannBSM,RL) (11) (7) dans lefrançaisdes“créoles”au18 mine dansleSud-Ouest,pronom (9) géline età Terrebonne etLafourche. (8) (10) – Brasseur2001,138b) Quoi c’estqui Qui-ce qui Quoi tuveuxjetefaiscuire(LOULafayette–Conwell–Juilland1963,151 2004) Qui vous-autres aurait fait si j’avais pas de licence (LOU Lafourche – Rottet vam’arriverdemain(LOULafourche–Rottet2004) sebrasselà-bas(LOUVermilion –Rottet2004) ti n’estquerarementattestée. Louisiana French Grammar I, Phonology, Morphology and 42 e çui-là, celui-là,lui-là,ça-là;cette-là qui àréférentinanimé,formerépandue siècle,aétérelevéà Avoyelles, Évan- 45 fi quement acadiens) qui, eux aussi, ondevraitentirerlaconclusionque est-ce queoul’intonationdans quand ceque,coumment fi és aujourd’hui ées 44 Étantdonné 43 ). ) usage. récente ousimplementdelacoprésencedeuxvariantesquionttoujoursétéen preuve d’une“strong18 suite auGrandDérangement. ci venaient de l’île du Cap-Breton (Nouvelle-Écosse) où elles s’étaient installées de famillesacadiennes,immigrantfaçonconstanteentre1825et1860.Celles- partir de1830surla“côtefrançaise”,d’immigrantsSaint-Pierre-et-Miquelonet pose deFrançaisoriginairesduNordlaBretagneetNormandie,venusà Comme enLouisiane,lasituationlinguistiqueà vèrent enLouisiane. français parlées par la population louisianaise au moment où les Acadiens arri- 53 52 51 50 49 48 47 46 montrent quequelquesrégionsisoléesdel’OuestlaNouvelle-Écosse phénomènes linguistiques,désormaisinconnusailleurs.LestravauxdeFlikeid nes communautés particulièrement isolées présentent la conservation de certains Parmi lesrégionsayantunpourcentageélevédepopulationacadienne,certai- Isolement Marie, ÎleMadame). Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen2005,169–185. bers ofFrenchfromFrance.” Maritime ProvincesinthattheywerejoinedNewfoundland,fromthe1830son,bysubstantialnum- Brunswick) etlaformepronominale que pronom objet indirect (à côté de monstratifs pas êtreaussiprononcéà Terre-Neuve qu’enLouisiane, référence (parlé) comme les désinences verbales des formes nettement dialectales à côté de formes plus proches du français de plusieurs variétés de français depuis le début du 19 sur lapresqu’îledePort-au-Port,secaractériseégalementparcoexistence 3 comme lacoexistencedejeet l’apport dufrançaisquébécoissontimportantsaujourd’hui.Danscertainscas– Au Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997,264. N.B.:d’unpointdevuediatopique,laNouvelle-Écosseesttrès morcelée(Chéticamp,BaieSte King 2000,40;RuthKing–GaryButler, “LesFranco-Terreneuviens etlefranco-terreneuvien”,in: Wiesmath2006. Brasseur2001,138–139. Brasseur2001,xxxviii. King2000,40. Cf.King2000,17:“ThehistoryofNewFoundland’s Acadian populationdiffers fromthoseofthe e personne–ilestdoncdif Nouveau-Brunswick 50 EnNouvelle-Écosse c’ti et çui-là/çu-là‘celui-là’ , l’infl th centurycontinuity” fi uence dufrançaisstandardet,surtoutdansleNord, cile detrancherpour savoirs’ils’agitd’unein lecontactavecquébécoisestmoinsprononcé. 46 nous/on Bienquelenivellementlinguistiquenesemble elle yeux, oude–ont/–entterminaisonverbalela 49 (àcôtédea,alle)estassezfréquente. ; deplus,laformeleu(r)s’utiliseentant les comme en Louisiane et Nouveau- 53 etquec’estlàl’ontrouveenco- Terre-Neuve –ont / –ent e siècle: la population se com- 47 onytrouve,làaussi, 48 , plusprécisément , les pronoms dé- fl uence 52 font 51 117 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 118 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh 59 58 57 56 55 54 place particulière sur le continuum des variétés acadiennes en le faisant par- l’évolution linguistique,contribuantàconférersurtoutaucadienlouisianaisune d’ordre sociolinguistique plutôt que spatial. L’étiolement linguistique a accéléré Pour cequiestdel’érosionlinguistique,ils’agitd’unfacteursupplémentaire L’abandon gradueldelalangue - le - Le lanégation avec - le pôleplusconservateurd’unhypothétiquecontinuuminterlinguistique. Ainsi l’espace variationnelacadien. Ainsi, laNouvelle-Écosse représente,selonFlikeid, re desphénomènesrares,voireinexistantsdansd’autresrégionsappartenantà des groupesdelocuteurs. linguistique etseréfèreaudéclindelacompétence seindesdifférentes générations et guistique” et“isolement”,relatifs,eux,àl’espace.Ceniveaud’analyse estavanttoutdenaturesocio- les formesfûtetprîtpeuventaussiêtreunpassésimple,qui,lui,remplacelesubjonctif. – Chevalier2006,240. velle-Écosse Ce facteur est pour ainsi dire perpendiculaire aux facteurs précédemment étudiés, “contact lin- Etant donné que les formes du subjonctif imparfait et du passé simple sont parfois homophones, Neumann-Holzschuh, in: Brasseur – Falkert 2005, Neumann-Holzschuh – Wiesmath, in: Papen EdwardB.Gesner, ÉtudemorphosyntaxiqueduparleracadiendelaBaieSainte-Marie, Nou- Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath,in:PapenChevalier2006,240. Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997;King2000. (19) Faulait qu’alle (19) Faulait Prince-Édouard. velle-Écosse (àlaBaieSteMarieetàPubnico),aussiattestéesurÎle-du- rare auNouveau-Brunswicketà Terre-Neuve; enLouisianeiln’existepas. (15) Ilsmedonnirent 1) j’aimaispasçalachasseauxMOOSEfaulaittropquetu (18) si tuvoulaismangerfaulitteplantis (17) (14) pis euh je furent coumme euh y avait coumme une montant sus l’autobus je (13) Lespusjeunes,yabeaucoupdequoiquezeuxsesouvenontpointqu’ilsont (16) Le lendemain son homme n’existe pas. les régions acadiennes de la Nouvelle-Écosse; dans les autres parlers, il subjonctif imparfait passé simple 017701) 2006, D227) on fûtauchevreuilpiseuhchasser(NÉ–CorpusWiesmathÎleMadame) pêcher euhdupoissonpourmangerdansl’hiverfaulitqu’on tirent là-basenhaut(NÉ–CorpusWiesmathChéticamp) jamais vu(NÉ–Flikeid,in:Valdman 1997,265) Gesner 1979,36) (Canada),Québec,CIRB,1979. 55

aveci/ir(arrivit,donnirent)estassezbienvivantdanstoutes 54 point estparticulièrementfréquentedansl’OuestdelaNou- allisse quatrepiastresetdemie(NÉ–Gesner1979,36 estencorebienattestéenNouvelle-Écosse,maisil susunemontagne(TN–Brasseur, corpusinédit:GT 59 arrivit […] Puis je tonjardinagepourl’hiverfaulitqu’on restit là neuf semaines… (NÉ – travelis (NB–Wiesmath prît lalarmeàfeupis 56 ) mon- 58 fût 57 Tübingen, Narr, 1995b. 65 64 63 62 61 60 plexe decontinuitésetdiscontinuitésainsiqued’innovationsd’archaïsmes. (a) L’espace variationneldel’acadienseprésentedonccommeunensemblecom- Cadien: uneétiquettetrompeuse le conditionnel après (d) latendanceàremplacer uneforme (c) lasimpli (b) régularisation desparadigmesverbauxetl’affaiblissement dusubjonctif, Outre les changements également répandus dans les autres variétés, comme la ce phénomène d’une façon exemplaire pour les fois apparaîtrecommeplus“innovateur”àcertainségards.Rottet(2001)adécrit a lasubstitutiondespronoms (a) citer: 2001, 149–165. çais cadien”, in: Anaïd Donabédian (dir.), Québec, UniversitéLaval,1955. CynthiaStäbler, EntwicklungmündlicherromanischerSyntax Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath,in:PapenChevalier2006. Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath,in:PapenChevalier2006,239. ElizabethBrandon, Cf.SylvieDubois,“Attrition linguistiqueouconvergencedialectale:JE,MOI/JEetenfran- Neumann-Holzschuh,in:Brasseur–Falkert2005. quasi généralisé: dans laprotaseetl’apodoseestrépandu,maisc’estencadienqu’il mène quimeparaîtparticulièrementprononcéencadien: ça peutremplacerunpronomrelatifobjet: (26) là-làdevantlesgrouilles-làetjeveuxvoirquoicequicogne. Jeveuxqu’eusseavoireinebonnevie(LOU–Rottet2001,250) (25) çafaitungrosarbre.Fauttuvaspuislecouper(LOU–Stäbler1995a,55) (24) le BILL(21) çailsvonttedonnervafi (20) Mons’aprislesprièresenanglais,maiss’connaisleSalutMarieHAIL MARY (27) maisICANDANCE THE WALTZ. jecroispourrais Ivoulaitmangerdudinne (22) (23) l’homme faiseraient m’assir là,allerdireque en français.Làmons’connais(…)ØVeux apprendrelesautres,maisc’estpour je dormirais 206) fi cation syntaxiqueparexempledanslarelative,oùlepronom neutre ça songarçonestmort(LOU–Rottet1995,224) pasmal(LOU–Stäbler1995b,179 paslà(LOUStäbler1995a,67) Mœurs etlanguedelaparoisseVermillon enLouisiane,Ph.D.diss., 64 si: dans les trois variétés, l’emploi du conditionnel et mon Øvasléapprendre(LOU–Rottet2001,195) ça m’sieur leroiavait(LOU – Brandon1955,452 moi, toiauxpronomsfaibles Langues de diaspora, langues en contact fi nie pardesformesnon- nir detuerça(LOU–Stäbler1995a, semi-speakers 65 ). . Das françaiscadieninLouisiana toujourssimesjambesme je, tu 63 de la Louisiane. si çacogneraitje/ 61 fi nies, phéno- nies, : , Paris, Ophrys, 60 onpeut 62 ) , 119 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 120 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh puslinguistik. KorporaundgesprocheneSprache dien: tendances contradictoires?”, in: Claus D. Pusch – Wolfgang Raible (dirs.), lon le degré de “désacadianisation” (b) Il est diffi plus lecaspourlesjeunes. laisse encore parfois transparaître une continuité acadienne, ce n’est souvent séparément lelangagedeslocuteursjeunesetâgés,carsiceluianciens dans lesProvincesMaritimes:niveauI:lemoinsconservateur=NB; II:l’EstdelaNouvelle-Écosseet données deGraCoPAc). –Flikeiddistinguetroisniveauxparrapportauconservatismedesrégions chaïques danslesparlersacadiens(adaptéd’aprèsFlikeid,in:Valdman 1997,Dubois2005etles Tableau récapitulatifconcernantlapréservationdeformesmorphosyntaxiquesdialectales etar- 68 67 66 que exemple l’abandondusubjonctifoul’effacement plussystématiquedujoncteur pluriel), d’autressontvenuess’ajouterplustardpourdesraisonsdiverses(par probablement depuis longtemps (l’abandon de Pour cequiestdelaLouisianeparexemple,certainesdiscontinuitésexistent tion devraientêtreétudiésdefaçonplusapprofondiequ’ilsnel’ontétéjusqu’ici. langue contemporaineaussi,lesmodèleslangagierspropresàchaquegénéra- seul moyend’établirledegréréeldel’unitécadienne.S’ajouteàcelaquepourla par disposerd’unemeilleureconnaissancedesvariétésanciennesdel’acadien, le degrédenivellementdialectaloud’érosionlinguistique,ilfaudraitcommencer Cela soulèvetoutefoisplusieursproblèmesd’ordreméthodologique:pourdécrire français, et–lastbutnotleastl’érosionlinguistiquenotammentenLouisiane. munautés acadiennes, le contact avec d’autres langues et d’autres variétés de infl Les raisons de la désintégration de l’acadien sont multiples: le manque de toute assez complexe, tage toujoursquelquestraitsavecl’acadientraditionnel.Étantdonnécetableau synchronie, commelavariétépluséloignéedugroupeacadien,bienqu’ilpar- de lamorphosyntaxe–,lefrançaislouisianaisapparaît,endiachroniecomme se présenteeneffet commelavariétéplusconservatrice–aumoins au niveau négation passésimple quoi subj.imparfait je…-ons i(ls)…-ont Cf.Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath,in:Papen –Chevalier2006,242: Neumann-Holzschuh–Wiesmath,in:Papen –Chevalier2006. Cf.RaphaëleWiesmath,“Présenceetabsencedurelatifconjonctif uence normative,l’éloignementgéographiqueetl’isolementdecertainescom- 66 ). Pourchaqueairedialectale,ilestdoncdepremièreimportancedécrire point cile de dire si l’on peut vraiment parler d’une échelle d’acadianité se- 68 LOU + /0 + /0 nousavonsproposédedécrirel’espacevariationnelcomme 0 000+ 0 0 00 0 0 + /0 + /0 NB + + 0 67 : alors que l’acadien de la Nouvelle-Écosse , Tübingen, Narr, 2002,393–408. + /0 TN + + + 0 je comme première personne du NÉ (Est) + + + + + que danslefrançaisaca- Romanistische Kor- NÉ (Ouest) + + + + + dien non seulement ethnographique, mais aussi strictement linguistique, le terme 18 qu’en dépitdesévolutionsspéci Si le terme “cadien” continue néanmoins à être employé en linguistique, c’est l’oral et,quiplusest,régionalementdiversi lement homogène ou stable, enracinée depuis des siècles dans le domaine de de vue de la recherche sur le changement linguistique, constitue une variété nul- acadiennes. Le cadien, cependant, et cela ne facilite pas sa description du point Du pointdevuelinguistique,lestermes sociolinguistique, maisnere comme unesimpleétiquette(label 73 72 71 70 69 tée maispasforcémentdanstouteslesparoisses. donnons pasd’indicationsurlafréquencedeformerespective. + /0signi Pour cequiestdelaLouisiane,nousn’avonspasencorefaitdistinctionselonlesparoissesetne l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard; III:leplusconservateur:larégiondeBaieSteMarieenNouvelle-Écosse. me l’observeàjustetitreDubois(2005) tôt unequestiondedegréetlocalité,nonprésenceoud’absence,com- catégorie. Danslamajoritédescas,présencetraitsacadiensestdoncplu- plus hautasaproprehistoireetlacésuresefaitsouventauseinmêmed’une “plus conservatrice”oulainnovatrice”.Chacunedescatégoriesobservées nière, sibienqu’ilestimpossibledeconsidérerunevariétéenbloccommela désacadianisation (c) QuantàlaLouisianeenparticulier, ilfaut serendrecompte,enoutre,quela tionnel del’acadienetdustatutdesdifférents sous-espaces. un telschémapeutdonnerunepremièreidéedelacomplexitél’espacevaria- simpliste, notamment à cause de la forte variabilité de chaque variété individuelle, chronie qu’endiachronie.Mêmesiunetelleinterprétationscalairerisqued’être un mattan, 2004,131–154. çais parlées aux Amériques”, in: Aidan Coveney et al. (dirs.), divers sous-systèmesdufrançaistelqu’ilétaitparlédanslescoloniesaux17 nouvelle variétédufrançaisnord-américain,quicombinelescaractéristiquesde tielle sommes donc en présence d’une regional French Klingler(souspresse). Dan Golembeski – Kevin Rottet, “Régularisation de l’imparfait dans certaines variétés de fran- Klingler(souspresse). Cf.Neumann-Holzschuh(souspresse). Dubois,in:Valdman – Auger –Piston-Hatlen 2005. e sièclesetqui,delasorte,s’estpartiellementéloignédugroupedesvariétés continuum discontinu estdonctrompeuretdevrait,jerejoinsicitotalementKlingler , àlasuited’unnivellementdialectalconsidérable. 73 sontsansaucundouteplusappropriéspourdésignercette ne touche nullement toutes les catégories de la même ma- , mêlant continuités et discontinuités et ce, tant en syn- fl étant qued’unefaçonlimitéelaréalitélinguistique. fi ques desdifférentes variétés,onpeutmalgré ), établieàcausedeplusieursfacteursd’ordre désacadianisation/dédialectalisation différen- 69 . J’oseaffi fi ée. français louisianais Variation et francophonie rmer qu’enLouisiane,nous 70 Dansuneperspective fi e quelaformeestattes- 71 72 , êtreconsidéré ouLouisiana , Paris, L’Har- e ca- et 121 La diaspora acadienne dans une perspective linguistique 122 Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh moins précise,d’uneoriginecommune. nuité entre les variétés acadiennes repose avant tout sur la réminiscence, plus ou mêmes les Acadiens etlesCadiens;eneffet, lesentimentidentitaired’uneconti- l’existence d’une“Acadiacontinua”,maisaussipourl’imagequesefontd’eux- portation resteimportant,nonseulementpourlaquestion,d’ordrelinguistique,de poser une“unitédescriptive”,mêmeabstraite.Deplus,l’acadiend’avantladé- tout identifi er unebaselinguistiquecommunepermettantauxlinguistes desup-

Herménégilde Chiasson, Considering the Curve of the Universe

123 124 en s’appuyant sur les lois fédérales et provinciales sur le bilinguisme et l’égalité de cesfrancophonesdansleurmilieurespectif. Alors qu’auNouveau-Brunswick, Louisiane, neserait-cequ’enraisondupoidsdémographique relatiftrèsdifférent l’identité acadienne, n’a pu évoluer de la même façon en Acadie du Nord et en à la variété acadienne de la langue française, comme élément fondamental de deux groupes.Parexemple,lerapportàlalanguefrançaiseouplusprécisément rent etcesdifférences conditionnentaussileséchangeset contacts entre les lequel chacundesgroupesaévoluédepuisladéportationestcertestrèsdiffé- étroites puisque leur parenté historique est réelle. Cependant le contexte dans rien d’étonnantàcequeles Acadiens etlesCadiens entretiennent desrelations aux campagnes d’aide aux victimes des ouragans Katrina et Rita en 2005. Il n’y a comme onapuleconstaterparl’importanteparticipationdes Acadiens duNord 1 nautés. Desliensontétérétablisentrecesdescendantsdesouchescommunes de contactspeufréquentsenraisonladistanceséparantlesdeuxcommu- vélation d’unsentimentd’affection familialeetfraternellemalgrédesdécennies ment. Cesretrouvaillesontétémarquéesparunetrèsgrandeémotionetlaré- véritables retrouvaillesentres Acadiens duNordetCadiensdeLouisianenotam- en 1994,Louisiane1999etNouvelle-Écosse2004ontpermisde La tenue des congrès mondiaux acadiens dans le sud-est du Nouveau-Brunswick the Parisianperiodical tive writing. The publication of a selection of texts of authors from Acadie and Louisiana in Louisiana representsthesymboloflibertyandsensualityapowerfulstimulanttocrea- dian linguistic and cultural heritage. For Gérald Leblanc, Dyane Léger, and Rose Després, but for Antonine Maillet, Louisiana is, even more so than Acadie itself, the reserve of Aca- Acadian literature of the Maritimes. Generally, Louisiana is not very present in this literature the Maritimes. It also focuses on references to and representations of Louisiana in recent This articleexaminesliteraryexchangesbetweenauthorsofLouisianaand Acadie of Abstract en littératureacadiennecontemporaine Présence /absencedelaLouisiane limitent pasàl’Acadie. de manière générique comme des “Cadiens” ont en fait des origines bien plus diverses et qui ne se has developed. to Louisianathan Acadie, eventhoughitisinthelatterthataFrench-speakingsociety Enpartieseulement, carlesfrancophonesdeLouisianequ’onatendanceàdésigneraujourd’hui Europe illustrateshowFrancetypicallyattachesmoreimportance Université deMoncton Raoul Boudreau 1

125 Présence / absence de la Louisiane en littérature acadienne contemporaine 126 Raoul Boudreau confronté àl’anglais? assister àdesspectacles,fairedusportettravaillerenfrançais,mêmesionyestquotidiennement qu’on peutvivreenfrançaisàMoncton,c’est-à-direliredesjournaux,écouterlaradioettélévision, à l’èredel’interactiongénéraliséeentrelescultures?Danscesens,est-cequ’onnepeutpasaf de vivredanslalanguenationalesonpays.Est-ceunidéalexclusivementune monde sont cosmopolites et le citoyen y est confronté à de nombreuses langues, tout en étant capable possible delefaireàCaraquetdansNordduNouveau-Brunswick. Toutes lesgrandescapitalesdu Certains affi l’Acadie duNorddanslalittératuredeLouisianeetéventuellementcomparai- pléter le tableau il faudrait la contrepartie, c’est-à-dire le relevé des références à lever quelques tendances et de proposer quelques voies d’explication. Pour com- s’agit d’une première exploration de ce champ d’études, on se contentera de re- 3 2 français économique, éducatifetcultureldesinstitutionsquileurpermettentdevivreen des communautés linguistiques, les Acadiens ont pu obtenir dans le domaine par rapportausujetontfaitl’objetd’uncommentaireunpeudéveloppé. peu nombreuses. Seules les œuvres les plus signi que les œuvres acadiennes faisant référence à la Louisiane sont relativement Le corpusretenupourcetexamenestloind’êtreexhaustif,mêmesionverra rée commefaisantpartiedelalittératureacadienne. selon uneautrecatégorisation,lalittératuredeLouisianepeutaussiêtreconsidé- de littérature cadienne pour désigner celle du Sud. Cependant, il est évident que, vinces maritimesduCanada.J’utiliserailestermesdelittératureLouisianeou acadienne, jedésignelalittératureacadienneduNord,c’est-à-diredestroisPro- pour les besoins d’une catégorisation différentielle, quand je parle de littérature sion delaFrancesurl’AcadieetLouisiane.Ilfautpréciserquedanscetarticle, acadienne contemporaine.Pourconclure,jem’attarderaiàunexempledelavi- références àlaLouisianeetlesreprésentationsqu’onendonnedanslittérature vains etinstitutionslittérairesdeLouisianed’Acadie.J’examineraiaussiles très limitédecesrapportsenexaminantleséchangesetrelationsentreécri- mais en fait ils ne sont pas si simples. Pour ma part, je m’attacherai à un aspect Les rapportsréciproquesentre Acadiens et Cadienspeuventsembler“naturels”, publique trèslimitée. Acadie. été publié par un éditeur du Nouveau-Brunswick, que le roman a pu être considéré pour le prix France- entre leQuébecetlaLouisiane,maispeuavecl’Acadie.C’estpar unhasardd’édition,lelivreayant par uneQuébécoiseetmettantenscènesociologuequébécoise, établitdenombreuxrapports Éditions delaGrandeMarée,2004)aremportéleprixFrance-Acadie en2005.Cettetrilogie,écrite Maxime, le parcoursd’“Evangeline”deLongfellow. Jen’aipasnon plusprisenconsidérationlatrilogiedeLili on dittrèspeudechose.LepassageparlaLouisianeétaitsimplement nécessairepourmieuxmimer Longfellow, maisassezpeuaveclaLouisiane.Seulledernier chapitresepasseenLouisiane,dont tions de la Francophonie, 2001) qui entretient de nombreux rapports avec le poème “Evangeline” de Ainsi,jen’aipasretenuleromanLecomplexed’Évangéline Jesuis bienconscientdelarelativitéd’unetelleexpression.Queveutdire“vivreenfrançais”? Ma chèreLouisiane 2 , lasituationesttouteautreenLouisianeoùlefrançaisauneexistence rmeront qu’il n’est pas possible de vivre en français à Moncton, mais qu’il est tout à fait , dontlepremiervolet,Ouragansurbayou(Tracadie-Sheila [N.B.], fi catives et les plus originales deMelvinGallant(Moncton,Édi- 3 Puisqu’il fi rmer LeBlanc, Alma(Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,2006). André Muise,Lafalaiseàlafi blication dedeuxouvragesquiutilisentàdiversdegréslalangue acadjonnedelaNouvelle-Écosse: in: Étudesfrancophones goner, “SeparatebutEqual:étatprésentdesrecherches sur lalittératurefrancophonelouisianaise”, ture émergeante [sic]”, in: Études francophones Lait àmère,Moncton,Éditionsd’Acadie,1997. Deborah J.Clifton,Etàcetteheure,lalouve,Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,1998;DavidCheramie, Arceneaux, Cheramie.” die (Moncton),aujourd’huidisparues,quiontpublié créole Deborah J. Clifton. Il faut aussi signaler l’existence des Éditions d’Aca- Suite duloup propose les œuvres de Louisianais: une collection qui porte le nom d’Acadie tropicale et il poursuit: “Cette dernière avenir. situent trèsbiencelle-ciparrapportàsesorigines,sondéveloppementet à MonctonauNouveau-Brunswick.” tant de la littérature cadienne – Les Éditions Perce-Neige – est canadien et basé la publication d’ouvrages louisianais, Olivier Marteau écrit: “L’autre éditeur impor- Après avoirmontréletravailaccompliparlesÉditionsdelaNouvelle Acadie dans permet deconstatercertainséchangesentrel’AcadieduSudetNord. 8 7 6 5 4 paraître, parexemple, Les auteurslouisianaisontaussieurecoursàdeséditeursquébécois,pourfaire Louisiane. en 2006,sesvingtansd’existencepubliantunnumérothématiquesurla La revueÉtudesfrancophones qui ontcoursdanslalittératurelouisianaiseelle-même. aussi comparer les représentations de la Louisiane dans l’Acadie du Nord à celles l’oralité danschacunedeceslittératuresouauthèmel’américanité.Ilfaudrait son dutraitementdethèmessimilairess’ilsexistent.Onpeutpenseraurôle louisianaise. Clifton, témoigne aussi d’une ouverture indispensable à la différence linguistique cette collaboration.Lapublicationd’unouvrageencréole,celuideDeborahJ. tions Perce-Neigetémoignedelavolontédonnerpermanenceetrégularitéà espaces acadiens.L’existence d’unecollectionréservéeàlaLouisianeauxÉdi- 2006), Dossierthématique:Louisiane. Cette ouverture à la différence linguistique aux Éditions Perce-Neige se véri Marteau 2006,177;ZacharyRichard, Marteau2006,176–177. OlivierMarteau,“LesÉditionsdelaNouvelle Acadie, instancesdediffusion pourunelittéra- Études francophones 5 Ces textes présentent un recensement complet des ouvrages publiés qui Suite du loup 4 CenumérocomportedeuxarticlessurlalittératuredeLouisianequi 7 Ilyadonceuunecollaborationréelle et concrète entrecesdeux 8 (1998)deJean Arceneaux et 21,1–2(2006),158–171. . Poèmes, chansons et autres textes, Moncton, Éditions Perce-Neige, 1998; (UniversitédeLouisianeàLafayette)21,1–2(printempsetautomne Cris surlebayou n desmarées(Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,2002),etGeorgette del’UniversitélaLouisianeàLafayetteafêté, Faire récolte,MonctonÉditionsPerce-Neige,1997;Jean 6 L’auteur constatequelamaisond’éditiona Faire récolte 21, 1–2 (2006), 172–179; May Rush Gwyn Wag- (1980),textesrecueillisparBarryJean À cetteheure,lalouve (1997) de Zachary Richard, Lait àmère(1997)deDavid fi e aussi par la pu- (1999)dela 127 Présence / absence de la Louisiane en littérature acadienne contemporaine 128 Raoul Boudreau siane… parolesenéveil. et l’AcadieduNordestlenumérodelarevue Un autreexempled’échangeconcretdupointdevuelittéraireentrelaLouisiane déplore parrapportàl’institutionlittérairequébécoise. sianaise si elle ne veut pas reproduire le type de domination qu’elle subit et qu’elle l’institution littéraire de l’Acadie du Nord dans ses rapports avec la littérature loui- besoin dereconnaissanceextérieure.C’estunedonnéequenedoitpasignorer part, le désir d’autonomie et d’avoir ses propres institutions et, d’autre part, le même dilemme que toutes les littératures émergentes, partagées entre, d’une deux communautésacadiennesaucoursdessièclesquiontsuiviladéportation breuses, ce qui con die desMaritimes,onconstated’abordquecelles-cisontrelativementpeunom- Si oncherchelesréférencesàlaLouisianedanstexteslittérairesdel’Aca- les deuxsériesdetexte. deux ensemblesetlemélangedufrançaisdel’anglaisqu’onremarquedans cependant intéressantdecomparerlerecoursàl’oralitétrèsprésentdansles tournés verslepasséetlestraditionsparlentdavantagedelalangue.Ilserait On constatenéanmoinsquelestextescadiens,plusmilitants,sontdavantage cun écritsestextesdesoncôtésansaucuneréférenceàlaréalitél’autre. n’y aitpasplusd’interactionsdirectesentreauteursacadiensetcadiens.Cha- diens. Lespremiersoccupentlesdeuxtiersdelarevue.Onpeutdéplorerqu’il cadiens de publier leurs textes et de partager ce numéro avec neuf auteurs aca- cré àlaLouisiane.Cenumérodatede1994etildonnel’occasiondouzeauteurs 13 12 11 10 9 Ancelet (éd.) dans lesessaisd’HerménégildeChiasson”,in: la littératureacadiennes centre/périphérie”, in:MadeleineFrédéric–SergeJaumain(dirs.), Regardscroiséssurl’histoireet non-louisianais.” naissance d’unelittératurequichercheàs’imposer, àêtreconsacréeparl’Autre doxalement, lefaitd’éditeràl’étrangeraussipartiedesstratégiesderecon- jeune littérature louisianaise, posent donc le problème vital de l’autonomie. Para- ligner Olivier Marteau: “Les maisons canadiennes, très présentes pour éditer la les problèmespourauteursdeLouisiane,commenemanquepaslesou- d’avoir accès à des éditeurs canadiens ou même acadiens ne résout pas tous Zachary RichardpubliéchezIntouchables,égalementdeMontréal.Maislefait tréal, ÉditionsIntermède,1980. Barry Jean Ancelet, Barry Marteau2006,177. Cf. mes articles,“LalittératureacadiennefaceauQuébecetàlaFrance:unedoublerelation ZacharyRichard,Feu,Montréal,Intouchables,2001. Éloizes. Revuedel’Associationdesécrivainsacadiens 9 et publiés aux Éditions Intermède de Montréal, et Feu (2001) 11 La littérature francophone de Louisiane est donc prise dans le , Bruxelles,P.I.E.-Peter Lang,2006,33–46,et“Lesrapports Acadie/Québec fi Cris sur le bayou. Naissance d’une poésie acadienne en Louisiane rme la distance psychologique qui s’est établie entre les Quebec Studies Éloizes 22(automne1994),Dossier:LaLoui- 43(Spring–Summer2007),3–21. (1994) 12

13 deMonctonconsa- , Mon- 10 de teclerc lecoq.Lanarratriceenasouf est question de dame Hersin, de messire Constant Danois, de Goupil, de Chan- troublés, lapeltriehérissée.”(CSJ,262)Etlerécitsepoursuitlonguementoùil commence àraconter:“[...]Renart,unbonmatin,rentrasussononque,lesyeux trice privilégiée et, comble de bonheur, pas le moins du monde récalcitrante, qui ligne droite d’un français des origines. Elle est donc en présence d’une informa- parle pasl’anglais,qu’ellen’ajamaisétéàl’écoleetquesonfrançaisdescenden les interprètes.” (CSJ, 261) Mais la narratrice déduit, du fait que son témoin ne à ses dents d’en haut et je me suis dit que madame Primeau ne faisait pas vivre sique dupersonnageparcetteremarquedelanarratrice:“J’aijetéuncoupd’œil fure susledentisse.”(CSJ,261)Lepittoresqueestétenduàl’apparencephy- “Je parlepasautèrchousequelefrançais.J’aibesoind’unentreprêtrepourm’en transcription phonétiquequecelledesautrespersonnagesd’AntonineMaillet. aussi danslepittoresque,d’abordlalangue,encoreplusoraliséesa fond des marais” et “le fi déjà le caractère excentré donné à la Louisiane connotée par les expressions “au contrer [...] une Cadjenne de quatre-vingt-six ans ...” ( La Fayette,lescréoles,lejazz,bayous... poursuit: “Et je m’envolai vers la Louisiane, la Nouvelle-Orléans, Bâton-Rouge, Primeau, perdue au fond des marais de la Louisiane.” ( peuple. Laséquences’amorcesurcesmots:“Tout acommencéavecMadame périples à travers le monde à la recherche de l’origine des traditions orales de son 14 Jacques s’étend surquatrepagesentièresduroman,setrouvedans l’Acadie duNordchez Antonine Maillet.Ce passageassezimportant,puisqu’il signi tuellement évoqués,maislaLouisianetrèspeu.Uneévocationestcependant appartiennent d’abordàcetespace.L’Irlande, laFrance,lesÉtatsysontponc- environs deBouctoucheetleslieuximaginairesouréelsquijalonnentsesrécits La sagaacadiennedeMailletsedéroulesurlescôtesetdansterresdes À toutseigneurhonneur. Commençons doncparl’œuvred’AntonineMaillet. dans lalittératureaucoursdesprochainesannées. les Acadiens delaNouvelle-Écosse,cesretrouvailles semanifesterontpeut-être les auteursacadiens.Lescontactsétantdorénavantplusfréquents,surtoutavec et quimontrequelaLouisianen’estpasunepréoccupationdepremierordrepour de cetouvrageserontsuiviesdusigle AntonineMaillet,LecheminSaint-Jacques dans les facultés et qu’une femme de quatre-vingt-six ans, qui n’avait de sa vie mis les rant huitcentans[...],unchefd’œuvrequelessavantsmaniaient avecdespincettes littérature écrite,transmisparallèlementdeboucheàoreille, del’aïeulaurejetondu- Renart, lechef-d’œuvreduXII Son récitduraprèsd’uneheure.Ellesavaitparcœurdegrands pansduRomande fi cative danslamesureoùelleesttoutàfaitliéeetsemblablevisionde (1996) 14 alors que la narratrice raconte à la quasi-centenaire Sophie ses n fond des bayous”. Le portrait de la Cadjenne donne CSJ suividunumérodelapage. e sièclequesesancêtresavaientpasséoudérobéàla , Montréal,Leméac,1996. Toutes lescitationstirées fl e coupéetconclut: fi n fonddesbayous.Pouryren- CSJ, 260) Remarquons CSJ, 259) La narratrice Le cheminSaint- 129 Présence / absence de la Louisiane en littérature acadienne contemporaine 130 Raoul Boudreau prétendre lereconnaîtreaujourd’huietdanssapuretédesurcroît? 16 15 et dufolklore. distance aveclapériphérieenluidonnantlerôledeconservatricetradition le centres’arrogedroitdedé à l’Acadied’ailleurs,sontcellesquelecentreprojettesurlapériphérie:alors Les qualitésqu’AntonineMailletprêteàlaLouisiane,commecellesqu’elle 17 rigoureux avouentleurincapacitéàdireavecprécisionqu’elleétaitl’accentdu ments, d’emprunts,d’amalgamesetd’in pure etsansmélange.Lalangueesttoujoursleproduitdemélanges,croise- dans le temps, on ne trouvera jamais un moment de production d’une langue mantes quin’aaucuneassisedanslaréalitépuisqueaussiloinqu’onremonte passage le mythe de la pureté originelle, construction imaginaire à visées légiti- où a pu se conserver intacte la mémoire collective, le récit commun. Notons au moire et des traditions orales. La Louisiane est une sur-Acadie, une super-Acadie surenchérit sur l’Acadie, car l’Acadie est aussi le réservoir privilégié de la mé- vation de la mémoire. Dans ce passage du roman d’Antonine Maillet, la Louisiane La Louisianeestdoncprésentéeicicommeunlieuunique, inégalé delaconser- 2007. Richard racontéedans sentimental profondquelepoètemanifesteàsonégard.LarencontredeZachary chez Leblancc’estquelaLouisianeestsynonymed’émotionparl’attachement presque aucundecesrecueilsn’enestdépourvu.Cequ’onremarqued’abord à laLouisiane.Cenesontsouventquedesallusionsbrèvesetponctuelles,mais L’œuvre deGéraldLeblancestunecellesquicomptent le plus de références langue française. correspondent exactementàcequecelle-ciattendd’unelittératurerégionalede que cesimagesrencontrentdansl’institutionlittérairefrançaiseparcequ’elles pour Antonine Mailletune Acadie superlativeetilnefautpass’étonnerdusuccès quelque sorteuneremontéedansl’histoire.Decepointdevue,laLouisianeest sement préservé,d’unlieuquiaéchappéaupassagedutempsetpermeten Cf.PascaleCasanova,LaRépubliquemondialedesLettres Cf.àcesujetlelivredeBernardCerquiglini,Unelangueorpheline e siècle et encore moins celui de l’Acadie du 17 ici à Moncton, un Acadien de la Louisiane du même âge que nous. Au moment où il dois mefaireviolencepournepaséclaterensanglotsdevant l’émotionderetrouver la conscience.Quandjeluiserremain,unevibrationme traverselecorps,etje jeune hommeavecsongrandchapeaublanc.Jesensun courant trèsfortm’envahir Zachary Richard arrive avec sa guitare et son petit accordéon. [...] Je regarde ce des origines,sanséchapperunemailledesonrécit.( pieds dansuneécole,m’offrait gratuitement,gracieusement,danslepluspuraccent 16 Ill’imprègnedel’exotismeetdupittoresquepassémiraculeu- Moncton Mantra fi nir lamodernitéetl’avant-garde,ilmarquesa (1997)cristallisecessentiments. fl uences. Puisqueleslinguistesplus e siècle, comment pourrait-on , Paris,Seuil,1999,218,298–300. CSJ, 263) , Paris,LesÉditionsdeMinuit, 15 cisco, Barcelone,NewOrleans, Tokyo.” teils danslesable,àénumérertouteslesvillesquinousfascinaient:SanFran- “parfois nousdescendionsjusqu’auCap-Peléoùonpassaitl’après-midi,lesor- Leblanc prêteàsonamiimaginairesaproprefascinationpourcertainesvilles: 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 un momentlouisianais/.../ledésiràportéedelaparole.” l’intensité, comme dans le recueil La Louisiane devient dans l’œuvre de Gérald Leblanc la métaphore du désir, de Dans lerecueil mon Bouctouche/Edmundston...”. “ma Louisiane,mon Acadie chaude/mon Mexique, monQuébec/maCalifornie, à relancer l’écriture. La Louisiane fait régulièrement partie de ces énumérations: rald Leblanc:denombreuxlieuxmythiquessontobjetsfascinationetservent références àZacharyRichard.LesnomstoponymiqueshantentlapoésiedeGé- son œuvrelesréférencesàlaLouisianeseconfondentfréquemmentavec Cette rencontre est marquante comme l’a souvent af buissonnière /àquittersajobpartirpourlaLouisianedeZachary.” de laliberté:“unairlangoureux/legenre de chanson/quiencourage /l’école l’abandon –“l’œuvredudésiretnousrêvant/d’uneLouisianed’abandon” la musique: importante. Saprincipalecaractéristiqueestlasensualitéinduiteparlerythmeet présentent uneLouisianemoderneoùlamémoireoccupenéanmoinsplace au cœur”cequiconnotebienl’attachementmentionnéplushaut.Cespoèmes poèmes consacrésàlaLouisianedetoutesonœuvre.Elles’intitule“Louisiane GéraldLeblanc, Leblanc2004,75. GéraldLeblanc, GéraldLeblanc, GéraldLeblanc, GéraldLeblanc, GéraldLeblanc, l’air glisselentementsurmapeauchaude. des refrainsafro-américainss’insinuentdansmoncorps comme desicônesvertessurlecielcéruléen les cèdresetcyprèss’élancentmajestueusement ce matinprèsdelapiscinesousunsoleiltropical est retournée. profonds quidemeurententrenous.Jereconnaisqu’unepartiedenous-mêmesnous cette longuecomplaintedel’histoireécorchéequirevientetnousrappellelesliens prend laguitareetsemetàchanter, c’estlarumeurdesbayousquimonteennous, Je n’enconnaispasla 17 Poèmes new-yorkais Techgnose Je n’enconnaispasla Lieux transitoires Géographie delanuitrouge Moncton Mantra , Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,2004,72. , Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,1997,94–95. , Moncton,MichelHenry, 1986,42. Techgnose , Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,2006,24. fi n,Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,1999,49. fi n(1999)setrouvelapluslonguesuitede 19 18 , Moncton,Éditionsd’Acadie,1984,44. Danslepoème“Visions de Rimbaud”, 20 (2004): “mois d’août à 30º Celsius / fi rmé Gérald Leblanc et dans 21 C’estaussil’imagede 23 22 –et 131 Présence / absence de la Louisiane en littérature acadienne contemporaine 132 Raoul Boudreau 25 24 ce poèmeécrit“avecdusang” ciers, typiquedelamanièreDyaneLéger. Cequ’elleraconteavanttoutdans rés dansunrécitsurréalisteetoniriqueoùsepromènentlesdémonssor- Louisiane avecsesjazzmenetcrocodiles,maistouscesélémentssontinsé- proposée iciest“légérienne”avantd’êtrelouisianaise.Onreconnaîtcertesla c’est-à-dire plus de la moitié du livre s’intitule “La Nouvelle-Orléans”. La vision cueil On nepeutparlerdelaLouisianeenlittératureacadiennesanss’arrêteraure- de radio: imaginaire dansleSuddesÉtats-Unis, se retrouveenLouisianeetcapteunposte chez Antonine Maillet.Dans à laLouisianedanssonœuvreprésentequelqueparentéaveccellequ’onavue n’échappe pas entièrement à la vision folklorique et la toute première référence tôt moderne et ne tombe pas dans l’éloge indifférencié du passé. Cependant il La représentationqueconstruitGéraldLeblancdelaLouisianeestdoncplu- 26 passent pasailleurs.Danslesautresvilles.” de vampiriquedanscevoyageappelé‘NewOrleans’. Deschosesquinese Le récitserésumelui-mêmequandilaf sert d’esthétiqueetlesévocationssurréalistescôtoientlabanalitéduquotidien. et de la discrimination envers le français en Louisiane. Le mélange des registres pensées suicidairesdesonpèresemêlentàladénonciationduracismeanti-Noir l’univers familierdupoèteetl’espacenouveauauquelelleestconfrontée.Les Elle renouvellelediscourspoétiqueensuscitantdemultiplesassociationsentre Orléans libère le chant du poète aux prises avec la mort et ses visions macabres. peu decalmedanscettetempêtepleineviolenceetcruauté.LaNouvelle- avec l’écrivain,leparfumdesmagnoliasetrythmedelamusiquemettentun véritable révoltequ’elleexprimefaceàlaconditiondesNoirs.Seulerencontre lâcheté universellepourlaquelleelleéprouveelle-mêmedesremords.C’estune les conditions de vie des Acadiens, entre la lâcheté qui permet l’esclavage et la dénoncée parl’écrivaine.Elleétablitdesrapportsentrel’esclavageNoirset où transparaissentdesréalitéslouisianaisescommelaconditionNoirs,ici Léger1992,79. DyaneLéger, Leblanc1984,36. Louisiane quimeramènechezmoi... le plancherd’unequadrille,violonsurunautrerythme,unetristesse.c’estla pour regarderlegrandmondedanser. j’entendsdistinctementlespiedsquifrottent teur vive d’un poêle à bois, une soirée de noces où j’étais caché derrière la porte fond desâgesquiréveillelamémoiredeBouctouche,duFondbaie.sen- un aircajuninondelavoiture.jereconnaislesfrèresBalfa.c’estunecomplaintedu Les angesentransit(1992)deDyaneLégerdonttouteladeuxièmepartie, Les angesentransit Géographie delanuitrouge 25 , Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,1992,47,81. , c’estuneexpériencedecréationetd’écriture 24 fi rme: “Ilyadéfi 26

nitivement quelquechose (1984),ilfaitunvoyage 15. le corps dans l’inattendu où l’avenir incendie tout.” “le sangcommenceàbouillir[...]dégèleunepassionlefeumijote, possède “Lafayette”, poursuiventdanslamêmeveine:ces“univers portent desnomsdevilleslouisianaises,“Nouvelle-Orléans”,“BâtonRouge”et envoyés auxéditeursdelarevueEurope avec lesbiographiesdesécrivainsetuntextedeprésentationquenousavons Comeau) et de deux écrivains de Louisiane (Jean Arceneaux et Zachary Richard) Maillet, H. Chiasson, F. Daigle, G. Leblanc, S.-P. Thibodeau, R. Després et F.G. de Louisiane. C’est donc une sélection de textes de sept écrivains acadiens (A. du Nouveau-Brunswick,maisnousavonsdécidéd’inclureaussideuxécrivains Dans notreesprit,le dossier portaitessentiellementsurlesécrivains acadiens vue parisienne par lebiaisdelavisionqueFranceportesurelles.Ils’agitdunumérore- la Louisianepermettrad’illustrercertainsrapportsentrecesdeuxcommunautés Pour terminer, l’évocation d’une publication en France de textes de l’Acadie et de éprouvée commefraternelleetconnotéeparunesensualitélibérée. Dyane LégeretpourRoseDesprés,laLouisianeaétéunerencontremarquante, Louisiane delavoluptéetfrénésiedudésir. Trois poèmessuccessifs complicité certainedanslessouvenirscommunsdontplusieursévoquentune et ZacharyRichard,deuxicônesdelaLouisiane.Cespoèmesfontétatd’une 31 30 29 28 27 adressés à“CherBarry” présentent commedeslettresadresséesàpersonnes.Deuxdeceux-cisont titres qui font référence à la Louisiane. Dans ce recueil, plusieurs poèmes se cueil La Louisianeaaussiétéunstimulantàl’écriturepourRoseDesprésdanslere- ture surDyaneLéger. est la preuve que la Nouvelle-Orléans a agi comme un puissant stimulant à l’écri- intègre desélémentscaractéristiquesquipermettentdelareconnaître.Cetexte représentation conventionnelleetstéréotypéedelaLouisiane,mêmesielleen dée, violente,macabre,psychédélique,quiévidemmentn’arienàvoiravecune La Louisianeestdoncl’occasionpourDyaneLégerd’unecréationdesplusdébri- 2000), 177–226. de la revue le soin de faire le choix dé de textesqueledossierfi écrivains d’Acadie, dossier que j’ai préparé avec mon collègue Jean Morency. Raoul Boudreau – Jean Morency, “Auteurs de l’Acadie du Nord et du Sud”, in: Després1996,38,39. Després1996,38,39,40. Després1996,17. RoseDesprés, Gymnastique pourunsoird’anguilles Europe Gymnastique pourunsoird’anguilles qui,enl’an2000,aprésentéundossierdecréationsurles 27 nal pouvaitenconteniretnouslaissionsauxéditeurs , et“CherZachary” fi nitif. Nous avons donc été un peu étonnés . Notreenvoicomportaitbeaucoupplus (1996)dontsixpoèmesportentdes 28 , oùonreconnaîtraBarry Ancelet , Moncton,ÉditionsPerce-Neige,1996, 30 Pour Gérald Leblanc, pour fl amboyants” où amboyants” Europe 853 (mai 29 qui 31

133 Présence / absence de la Louisiane en littérature acadienne contemporaine 134 Raoul Boudreau Si GéraldLeblancparleduchiac prestation Daigle présenteuneécrivaineacadienne,elle-mêmeenl’occurrence,faisant de la narratrice du Chemin Saint-Jacques presque pas l’Acadie, sauf celui d’Antonine Maillet narrant le voyage en France the schoolgrounds.”Enrevanche,lestextesdel’AcadieduNordnementionnent “coonass” etquidoiventécriredescentainesdefois:“IwillnotspeakFrenchon et desalenteagonie,lapersécutionsubieparlesCadiensquisefonttraiter Or lestexteslouisianaisparlentducombatpourlalanguefrançaiseenLouisiane sujet destexteslouisianaisaétéjugéplusintéressantparleséditeursfrançais. répartition égaleentreles auteurs? On peutavancercommehypothèsequele Comment expliquercechoixpuisquelavariétédestextessoumispermettaitune qui seraitplutôtuneffet qu’une cause, peuvent expliquercephénomène. Ilya ture acadiennedeLouisiane. Au tournantdu21 partout la première phase des littératures émergentes la voiedel’autonomieparrapportauxrevendicationsidentitaires–quiconstituent gone. En l’an 2000, la littérature acadienne du Nord est certes rendue plus loin sur de l’AcadieduNordpourraientpresqueavoirétéécritsparunécrivainl’Hexa- de victimes,aucunsigned’apitoiementsursoi.Lestextesdesautresécrivains quelque sortesasouveraineté.Iln’yadanstoutceciaucunetracedediscours times. Plusieurs raisons, qui ne se réduisent pas à la chanson de Michel Fugain l’Acadie pourunFrançais,c’estplussouventlaLouisianequedesMari- Tout Acadien voyageantenFranceetseprésentantcommetelapuconstaterque de saproprelittératureetcommentjusti de languefrançaisedesthèmesrégionalistes.Sinon,commentladistinguera-t-on 1970. Mais le centre parisien aime bien trouver dans les littératures “régionales” Louisiane ressembleplutôtàcequisepubliaiten Acadie aucoursdesannées 35 34 33 32 du prixGoncourtetdeuxlauréatsGouverneurgénéralCanada. du Nouveau-Brunswick,parmilesquelsoncomptaitquandmêmeunegagnante fois plus de place à chacun des écrivains louisianais qu’à chacun des écrivains vains duNouveau-Brunswick,accordantainsiproportionnellementpresquetrois en ont réservé 16 aux deux écrivains louisianais et les 24 restantes aux sept écri- de constaterquesurundossier 40 pages de textescréation,leséditeurs Éditions d’Acadie,1998). caractérisée parunmélangedefrançaisetd’anglais. négilde Chiasson a remporté le Prix du Gouverneur général en 1999 avec avec tréal, Leméac,1979)etSerge-Patrice Thibodeau aremportélePrixduGouverneurgénéral en1996 “Les Acadiens”. Cf.Casanova1999,265. Le chiac est la langue vernaculaire de nombreux Acadiens du sud-est du Nouveau-Brunswick AntonineMailletaremporté le prixGoncourt en1979avecleroman Le quatuordel’errance:suiviLatraverséedudésert fi ctive très réussie à l’émission “Bouillon de culture” de Bernard Pivot. 33 , c’estpourfairesonélogeetrevendiqueren fi era-t-on sesprérogativesdecentre? (1996) en quête de ses origines. France e siècle,lalittératurecadiennede (Montréal,Hexagone,1995).Hermé- 34 – que ne l’est la littéra- Pélagie-la-Charrette Conversations (Moncton, (Mon- 35 32 ,

36 die quialesmoyenspolitiquesetculturelsde“fairesociété” la Francesembleparfoisaccorderplusd’importanceàcettediasporaqu’àl’Aca- cation louisianaised’autonomieparrapportauxéditeursduNouveau-Brunswick, être vuecommesapériphérieoumêmeunediaspora,cequecon Nord etl’AcadieduSud. Alors quepourles Acadiens duNord,laLouisianepeut Le regarddelaFrancesurLouisianebrouillelesrapportsentrel’Acadiedu n’est pasdeLouisiane. percer doitcommencerparexpliquerqu’iln’estpasQuébécois,etensuite En France,l’AcadieestcachéeparleQuébecettoutartisteacadienquitented’y et que,vuesdesiloin,lesdifférences entreQuébécoiset Acadiens s’estompent. le faitquepourunFrançais,Canadienquiparlefrançais,c’estQuébécois l’Acadie desMaritimes.Enrevanche,cequijouecontreduNord,c’est semble doncavoiraccordéuneplacebienplusimportanteàlaLouisianequ’à de l’exotismetropicalsurlequelpeutaussijouerlaLouisiane.L’histoire deFrance sant, malgré les divergences politiques conjoncturelles, et peut-être aussi l’attrait avec laLouisiane.Ilyasansdouteaussil’attraitdesÉtats-Unis,toujourspuis- bien sûrNapoléon, nisés etquidictentsouventlesorientationsdelasociétéacadienne? domination des Acadiens duNouveau-Brunswick,plusnombreuxetmieuxorga- Ces deuxespacesont-ilstrouvédesaf Nouvelle-Écosse qu’entrelaLouisianeetles Acadiens duNouveau-Brunswick. raisons des échanges plus nombreux entre la Louisiane et les Acadiens de la périphérie delalittératureacadienneduNord.Ilfaudraitégalementexaminerles celle-ci n’estpasconsidéréecommeunpartenaireàpartégale,maisla et larelativeabsencedeLouisianedestextesacadienslaisseentendreque de vueleurlittérature.L’analyse desrapportsinstitutionnelsestprimordiale une étudevraimentconséquentedesrapportsentre Acadiens etCadiensdupoint Pour concluretroprapidement,ilfautfaireétatdetoutcequiresteàpour projet d’avenircollectifpourles Acadiens. espaces francophones Expression empruntée àJoseph-Yvon Thériault danssonlivre , Sudbury(Ont.),ÉditionsPrisedeparole,2007. fi gure mythiquedel’histoireFrances’ilenest,quifaitlelien fi nités dansunecommuneoppositionàla Faire société:sociétécivileet 36 etdeconcevoirun fi rme larevendi- 135 Présence / absence de la Louisiane en littérature acadienne contemporaine 136 Herménégilde Chiasson, Passion de S

137 138 of reifi change, theever-presentfl spatial identities as a fl relationships, theultimateobjectiveistounderstandculturalinscriptionof out in the conclusion of his book on new identity spaces in a world of transforming the cultural geographersprefertheconvenienceofword“landscape”todescribe dian culture, territoriality is inscribed in powerful, albeit fragile, its accesstoatangibleandwell-de large extent,contemporary Acadia constitutesonesuch“smallnation”,although feature ofthegeo-politicalalliancesinsecondpartlastcentury. To a inscrire quelquepartenrougedanslecalendrierdel’histoire.” tonner lescanonsiln’yapassilongtemps.Cen’estrien.C’est mêmeunfaitqu’ilfaudrajour of smallernations:“[...]touscespeuplespoursuiventpardesvoies paci 1 ces, andautonomy. nized economicworlda“peacefuldebate”onculturaltraditions,linguisticdifferen- guistic ornationalcommunitiescontinuetoimposeonanincreasinglyhomoge- des petitesnations According to Christian Rioux in the introduction to his book l’espace identitaireacadien. Serge Patrice Thibodeau servent icidetémoignagescestransformationsprofondes victimaire del’histoire.LesœuvresGéraldLeblanc,FredricGaryComeauet dée surdesschèmesdiasporauxquipermettraientàl’Acadiedetranscendersalecture aux États américains de la Nouvelle-Angleterre. Elle mettrait en œuvre une identité fon- foyer d’une Acadie plusradicalementurbaine,liéeautantauQuébecqu’àlaLouisianeet Nouveau-Brunswick, c’est qu’il n’avait pas saisi la vague de fond qui ferait de Moncton le que dans le seul chapelet des petites villes de la péninsule acadienne dans le nord-est du en Amérique duNord.Si,danssonouvrage,Roydisaitn’entrevoirl’avenirdel’Acadie identité acadiennecontinentale,ayantprisedansunensembledelieuxdiasporauxpartout L’Acadie perdue Cet articlechercheàdécrire,partird’unelecturedel’essaifondamentalMichelRoy, Résumé Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia andtheContinentalParadigm ChristianRioux,Voyage àl’intérieurdespetites nations fl uid embodimentofcultureintospatialcon ed ways of knowing, standardized ‘maps of meaning’, and solidi (1979),laconstructionprogressivedepuisunetrentained’annéesd’une [A journeyinsidesmallnations],afairlylargenumberoflin- 1 Rioux seesinthisworldwidemovementaparticularlysalient uctuating process: It is “the dialectic between constant uxofsocialrelationships,andtherelativepermanence fi ned homelandremainsproblematic.In Aca- fi gurations. As DonMitchellpoints , Montreal,Boréal,2000,18.Riouxwrites University ofWaterloo fi ques undébatquiauraitfait fi Voyage à l’intérieur ctions. Anglophone François Paré fi ed cultural 139 Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia and the Continental Paradigm 140 François Paré pear asAP,followedbythepagenumber. however, these concepts would become central, as contemporary Acadian cul- ment andexpropriationattheheartofhistory cultureof Acadia. Soon, largely basedinNewBrunswick,wassomewhatblindtothe cultural movement of the early 1980s. perdue Nowhere aretheseissuesmorepressingthaninMichelRoy’s 1978essay L’Acadie perdue:“We lostthekeystocontinent” play inshapingcommunalbonds. media, the future of threatened languages, and the role literature and the arts can identities, the sustainability of regions, the access to a fair representation in the attention to much larger issues such as the development of locally-based open and diasporiccommunities,suchascontemporary Acadia, inevitablyshiftscritical the global discourse on human development and progress. The study of minority of culturalminorizationareparticularlysensitivetotheirrelativepositionwithin and to create shifting, and yet enduring, memberships. People living in conditions tween dominantanddominatedcultures. There aremanywaystoopenupspace tances itseekstodrawsymbolizeanewnetworkofconstructivetensionsbe- In thiscontext,theMahlknecht-Kellyepistolarybookandintermedialdis- tion movements. to stress the need for a common anthropological outlook on local cultural af enormous, butwemustsearchforareasofstrategicconvergence,andcontinue River Valley insouthernNewBrunswick,therealandfi for renegotiatedidentities.Fromthe Alps tothewideplainsofPetitcodiac tively, stressestheneedforalterityandinterconnectednessasfoundingprinciples placed (butnotuprooted)consciousness.Kelly’s poetry, always writtencollabora- representations ofurbancartographiesemphasizeborderlinespacesandadis- mappingofcontemporarycommunities.Mahlknecht’s intricate to eachother’s Tyrolean visualartistBrigitteMahlknechtand American poetRobertKellyrespond 4 3 2 productions” & Company, 2001. The bookwasalsopublishedinGermany. Blackwell Publishing,2000,294. In afascinatingbookpublishedin1998andentitled persion, return,andloss,notonlyin Acadia, butforallminorityculturesalike. and especially literature play in shaping issues of space, distance, departure, dis- BrigitteMahlknecht–RobertKelly, Don Mitchell,CulturalGeography: A CriticalIntroduction Michel Roy, L’Acadie perdue , whichservedasasigni 2 . “Mapsofmeaning”: This expressionstigmatizestherolelanguage , Montréal, Québec/Amérique, 1978. References to this book ap- fi cant backdropformostofthe Acadian literaryand The GardenofDistances 4 During that period, Acadian nationalism, , Oxford–Malden(Massachusetts), , Kingston(New York), McPherson gurativedistanceisindeed The GardenofDistances fi gures ofdisplace- L’Acadie fi rma- 3 , identitaire à l’heure de la ‘société des identités’”, in: Jacques Beauchemin – Mathieu Bock-Côté (dirs.), minority context: “Nation, démocratie et légitimité: la question des sources de la volonté démocratique fi refl in the Acadian space, Roy’s L’Acadie perdue A searing condemnation of the Acadian leadership and of Moncton’s dominance example ofwhatweoftencalla“culturalnation”. 7 6 5 compared toQuébec’s independencemovement. sive nature, Acadian nationalism could not be entirely normative, especially when highly diverseidentity. Although anumberofintellectualsdenounceditsoppres- history, drawingattentiononthoseforcesofdispersionthathadhelpedshapea political state,in Acadia aswellotherareasofthecountry, sought to legitimize territory. The struggleforrecognitionanddignitywithinthefragmentedCanadian solve theshiftingtensionsraisedbyabsenceofaconsensusonnational to reassemblearoundcertainnationalsymbols,these fascinated andreassuredbythe cyclical reunionsinwhichtheyhadbeen able ositions towardsarenewedcollectiveidentity. While Acadians hadalwaysbeen historical impactofdisplacementanddispersionintoaseriespositiveprop- narrow nationalismofthetraditional Acadian elite,yethefailedtotransformthe In the homelessnessofcultureitself. the virtuality of landscapes. And, as a primary For Leblanc as for Thibodeau, identity is an exercise in the mind, an openness to Patrice Thibodeau in his emblematic book of poetry [...] wehavebecomedistanceitself(noussommesl’éloignement the core of the Acadian subject: “Ever since we have been evicted from this place, references to the nation in order to emphasize nomadism and homelessness at Gérald LeblancandSergePatrice Thibodeau, amongothers,rejectedtraditional ture increasingly appeared to be driven by diasporic continental forces. Poets like Leblanc, urbanitinerancyliesatthecoreof Acadian speci Forges–Editions Phi,1995,21(mytranslation). ne contemporaryminoritycultures.Inhisrecentreadingofthe“diasporic sub- Iborrowtheconcept ofnormativityproposedinGenevièveNootens’s articleonnationalismina GéraldLeblanc, Patrice Thibodeau, Serge ections onthesymbolictensionsandinequalitiesthattendtodividede- L’Acadie perdue in thestreetsoftoday and somanyacadians like somanyjewsandgipsies alive weare we arenotdistinct , Montreal, Athéna, 2007,139–152. Éloge duchiac , MichelRoyunequivocallycondemnedwhathecalledthe 6 Nous, l’étranger , Moncton,Perce-Neige,1995,28(mytranslation). , Trois-Rivières–Echternach (Luxembourg),Écritsdes remains one of the most eloquent mindscape 7 Acadia seemedtobetheprime Nous, l’étranger retrouvailles , poetry is fashioned by fi city: )”, writesSerge . failedtore- 5 For Gérald La cité 141 Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia and the Continental Paradigm 142 François Paré imaginary, thatthecityofMonctonwouldbecomefromend20 sis, Royfails,however, toanticipatetheenormouspoleofattraction,bothrealand (AP, 101)seemtovacillatebetweencomplacencyandassimilation.Inhisanaly- bode wellforthefutureof Acadia. Elsewhere,the“rescapésdelagrandedébâcle” the proximityofQuébecandhomogeneitylocalFrench-speakingculture Acadian spaceinNorthernNewBrunswick,neartheBaiedesChaleurs. There, In the last sections of his book, Roy locates the centre of a diverse, more genuine, ile idealizationofthepast. ished frames of reference, weakened by a long history of victimization and a ster- and, atthesametime,itsclear denunciation of Acadia’s intellectually impover- book’s fundamental ambiguity: its defence of a highly localized Acadian territory ritoriality. Today’s discussionson Acadian identityseemrooted,therefore,inthe Acadia fromthesearchforgenealogicalrootstodeploymentofanopenter- Roy, Morencywrites,offers thefi fondamentales denotrepenséetraditionnelleestpourtantnécessaire.”( tutions. N’arrive pas à exorciser le passé. La rupture avec certaines données tions: “Toute notreélitefaitunnationalismeétriqué,axésurladualitédesinsti- history andadenunciationofnationalidentitybasedonmonologicassump- possibility ofanew Acadian construct:“L’acadianité cen’estpasunacquis.C’est fragmented territorialities.Inthelastpagesofhisbook, Royhimselfadmitsthe sient concept of Acadianness, one that would be rooted in cultural diversity and festivals, Roy’s pessimismparadoxicallyallowedforamoreopenandtran- Acadian World Congress in 1994 and subsequent international gatherings and especially inNewBrunswick.Coupledwithspectaculareventssuchasthe Leblanc andHerménégildeChiasson,onthe Acadian discourseasawhole, have asigni Acadian leadership. Yet, as Jean Morency notes, Roy’s book would ultimately After its publication, L’Acadie perdue by dispersion,buttheinvolutionofitsnationalinstitutions. toire.” (AP, 141) Contemporary Acadian culture, Roy contends, is not threatened consistant quelesvaguesaccommodementsaveccirconstancesdenotrehis- d’avenir pourl’Acadiesemblentincapablesd’imaginerelleplusgrandet boundaries oftheirtragichistory:“Ceuxquis’autorisentàélaborerdesprojets onward. Instead,Roycomplains,the Acadians consistentlyfailtotranscendthe de l’UniversitéLaval,2007,487–509. tin Pâquet–StéphaneSavard(dirs.), poral danslesromansdeFranceDaigle,JeanBabineau,DanielPoliquin etNicolasDickner”,in:Mar- Roy’s 8 Poliquin andNicolasDickner, JeanMorency consciousness” at play in the works of France Daigle, Jean Babineau, Daniel Jean Morency, “Perdus dans l’espace-temps: L’Acadie perdue fi cant impactonanumberofMoncton-areawriters,includingGérald , andseesinthebookbothanattempttorewrite Acadian Balises etréférences. Acadies, francophonies rst coherent attempt to shift the identity debate in created a certain embarrassment in the fi gures spatio-temporelles et l’inconscient dias- 8 commentsontheuniquenessof , Québec,Presses th AP, 141) century fi rst same intellectual energy derived from diasporic cultural models. the redevelopmentinapositivemodeofChicanomigrantidentityusing popular and literate cultures. The same 1970 notion of américanité nities inthatperiodemphasizedwhatseemedtobecrucialconnectionswiththe States. In Canada alone, every one of the splintered French Canadian commu- counterparts inmanyotherurbancentresCanadaandespeciallytheUnited contacts betweenMoncton’s newgenerationofpoetsandsongwriterstheir Rameau deSaint-Père’s writings,gainedmomentuminthe1970sfromincreased many ways, the idea of a continent-wide Acadia, although present as early as in followed similarpatternsoftransformationvisiblethroughoutNorth America. In appearing toemergefromandmakesensewithinthe Acadian contextitself, The transformingof Acadian identityinthelate1970sandearly1980s,although including France,Québec,andLouisiana. A diagonallinewouldeventuallylinkMoncton withitsvariousdiasporicpolarities, side itstraditionalboundariesbywriters,singers, Chaleurs, anew Acadian territorialitywould soonbecraftedbothwithinandout- true Acadia couldonlybefoundintheNorthern PeninsulaalongtheBaiedes context, a reconfi of a territorial identity. In fact, Roy’s call for a more dialogic identity meant, in that fayette, Louisiana,thenew Acadian subject would of theentirecontinentaltotemicspace,fromCampbellton,NewBrunswick,toLa- tion ofspace.Mergingimageslossandabandonmentintotheexpansiveness trauma ofthedeportationwouldbecomeconditionforastunningtransfi more dialogic discourse about the minority culture, one in which the historical repeated by Acadian historiansandcultural leaders,Royimplicitlycalledfora Westport (Connecticut),Bergin&Garvey, 1995,87–102. A. Harris(dir.), MulticulturalismfromtheMargins:Non-DominantVoices onDifferenceandDiversity instance. Leblanc, FredricGaryComeauandFranco-Ontarian poetPatriceDesbiens,for and visualdisplays. This isthevisionthatsoclearlyprevailsinworksofGérald (rather thanethnic),basedonritualized cultural mediationssuchastexts, events, in thecreationofan Acadian, aFranco-OntarianorChicanosymbolicidentity Acadian identityinthelate20 10 9 un devenir.” ( sity Press,1990,306–307. movement towards continent-wide territorialities. of belongingappearstobereinforcedandcalleduponbytheverycentrifugal ethnicity”, in the words of Richard Alba, did not really disappear; in fact, the sense Cf.,forinstance,IsidroOrtiz–Paula Timmerman, “ContemporaryChicanoStruggles”, in:Dean Richard D. Alba, Richard AP, 168) By deconstructing the stulti guration of the homeland. As a response to Roy’s assertion that Ethnic Identity: The Transformation of White America , as both a real and symbolic sense of belonging to American th century, weshouldkeepinmindthat“communal —1990 period also saw, for instance, fi 10 ed stories of victimization often fi fi ndsolaceintheveryabsence The reason for this must lie lm makers,andotherartists. , New Haven, Yale Univer- 9 In looking at gura- , 143 Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia and the Continental Paradigm 144 François Paré In MichelRoy’s 1990 approximately, when the af Chiasson participated.However, thisisonlypartofthepicture.Between1970and fi Nuits delapoésieinMontrealandotherprominentmanifestations ofculturalaf- ist politicsinNewBrunswick,thefoundingofUniversité deMoncton,the to a number of signi community. In looking at this period in Acadian literary history, we quite often refer States andamongthemtheresurgenceonworldsceneofLouisiana’s Cajun Boston and Lafayette, fascinated by the vibrancy of minority cultures in the United early as1970,MonctonwritersandartistsstartedcirculatingbetweenNew York, tion was indeed predetermined by a number of cultural trends in the late 1960s. As Having gainedconsiderablemomentumrecently, thisrathersigni L’Acadie retrouvée: A ContinentRegained bound tomove Acadian identitywellbeyonditslinguisticandhistoricalcon States. A newconnectednesswithaparticularbrandof Americanness wouldbe ian historical diaspora and with countercultural forces in the Northeastern United tiques sobitterlydecriedbyRoyinhisbook. Ties woulddevelopwiththe Acad- Congress, howevercontroversial,wouldindeedreplacetheCongrèseucharis- fracture. Many Acadian poets worked on that assumption. Eventually, the World with thediversityofconceptaméricanitéwasboundtomendhistorical Dérangement hadbrokentheunityof Acadian chronotope,thereconciliation twenty years have been a resounding response to Roy’s pessimism. If the Grand isiana’s Cadian and Cajun communities, one could say that the last and withthesubsequentdevelopmentofstrategicsymboliclinksLou- In many ways, with the organization in 1994 of the same contemplationofloss. again imagesofseparationandexile. The sea,onthecontrary, couldnotoffer the was viewed with suspicion, in that its unending road motif could only elicit once Roy turnedhisbackontheterritory within. Inhiseyes,thecontinentallandscape poets, temporary Acadian over its disastrous history. Roy shared a fascination for the sea with many con- tion along the seashore could post-deportation Acadia gain symbolic ascendance poets ofanearliergeneration,likedtocelebratethesea.Onlyfromitsliminalposi- ist’s vision, to its historical birth in silence and oppression. Instead, Roy, like the Jack Kerouac’s driftingredemption couldonlylead Acadian identity, intheessay- line betweenthecoastandsea. The diagonalfractureacrossthecontinent, lace atfi rmation inwhichthelikesof GéraldLeblanc,DyaneLégerandHerménégilde rst intheopennessof road.SpaceremainedforRoyanarrowborder- L’Acadie perdue fi cant factors, such as the increased structuring of national- fi lmmakers and novelists. However, in L’Acadie perdue fi , aretrenched Acadian culturecouldnot rmative energy of the countercultural movement fi rst Acadian World Congress fi cant transforma- fi fen to fteen fi nd so- nd fi nes. fi rst , 11 poets in his own Éditions Perce-Neige (Jean Arceneaux, David Cheramie, Zach- tional and symbolic ties. Leblanc, himself, chose to publish four important Cajun was adeterminingfactorintheestablishmentofNorth-South permanentinstitu- Moreover, GéraldLeblanc’s unfailingfascinationfor“tropical Acadia” after 1980 Musiciens cadiensetcréoles then publishhisimportantbilingualstudyentitled but manyQuébecliteraryandacademiccentresaswell.Barry Ancelet would onal continentalfracturewouldexplode,involvingnotonly Acadian institutions, table at the University of Southwestern Louisiana, the exchanges along the diag- Eventually, as both Zachary Richard and Gérald Leblanc recalled in a 2001 round- and because of the continental dimension of the Acadian deportation, widely depicted world. In the Acadian cultural sphere, however, it gained particular importance ited to Acadia, asthemovementfoundadeepresonancethroughoutWestern Such an interest for the American countercultural movement was in no way lim- affi assigned topoetryinwhatappearedbeanunstoppablequestforcollective fringe inthecontinentalpatchworkofemergingidentities?Whatrolewouldbe be Acadia’s destinyasitsoughttofaceitsparticularlytragichistory, nowavocal America. Those weremoments offascinationandintensediscovery. Whatwould would become the uncovered missing link between the creolized cultures of North defence ofallmarginalities.ForGinsbergasitwouldbeforLeblanc,rootmusic lar culture,crisscrossedtheland,galvanizingcampuscrowdswiththeirloveand and Allen Ginsberg,embodyingtheontological conceptoftheroadfoundinpopu- along continentallines.Such American iconic For many, music would be a determining factor in re-imagining Acadian identity a deepinterestforCadianandCreoleculturesintheSouthofUnitedStates. Boston andNew York thatpoetslikeGéraldLeblancandDyaneLégerdeveloped It is likely through their numerous contacts with the American literary scene in tural andsocialminorityspaceswasmuchwidermoreintricate. began to wane, throughout North America the quest for a radical reshaping of cul- Acadianness oftheentirecontinentalmovement. 1984. Changing the name of this festival was signi Lafayette tothelaterFestivaldemusiqueacadienneinLafayette’s GirardParkin the history of this movement from the earlier Tribute to Cajun Music Festival in ticipate in literary and musical festivals. Barry Ancelet has recreated in details 1970s and1980s,MonctonpoetstravelledtoNewOrleansLafayettepar- Studies Publications,1989. Cf. Barry Jean Ancelet, rmation? fi ctionalized in American cultureitselffromthe19 Cajun Music: Origins and Development atthePressesdel’UniversitéduQuébecin1984. fi gures asLawrenceFerlinghetti 11 fi cantasitdrewattentiontothe The MakersofCajunMusic/ , Lafayette, Center for Louisiana th centuryonward.Inthe 145 Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia and the Continental Paradigm 146 François Paré 14 13 12 patient selfengagedinthesearchforatrans in contemporary Acadian culture. Comeau’s poetic impulse leads to a shifting im- examples of the new “inconscient diasporal”, to use Jean Morency’s terms, found Comeau’s poetryandhismostrecentsongwritingoffer oneofthemoststriking and “doute”: the “epiphany of the road”, as the poet uses fetish words like “dérive”, “horizon” tant collectionofpoemsentitled Each time, Comeau remains faithful to the idea of transience. In 2000, an impor- as theinscriptionofadriftingselfinexcessivespacenewquest: Building onthepowerfulintertextofroad,Comeaueventuallyseeshiswriting Comeau in contiguous spacescoexistandfeedoneachother. InthewordsofFredricGary Acadia will reach out to a much larger continental community in which diverse Michel Roy’s book as an oppressive and stale cultural space. Instead, modern rather bebasedonloosenedtieswiththehistoryofvictimization,denouncedin to thehypeofperiodicWorld Congresses. A renewed Acadian identitywould no waylinkedtotherediscoveryafter1990ofhistorical Acadian diasporaand For poetslikeGéraldLeblancandFredricGaryComeau,theoverallobjectiveisin est impact. affi ary RichardandDebbieClifton). Among these poets,IsuspectthatLeblanc’s FredricGaryComeau,Fuites, Trois-Rivières, ÉcritsdesForges,2000,45. Comeau1997,49. FredricGaryComeau,Routes, Trois-Rivières, ÉcritsdesForges,1997,41. nities withJean Arceneaux’s caustic“schizophrénielinguistique”hadthegreat- dérive certaines nuitsoùlamémoiredenosgestes qui fontchavirernosrêvesrauques pour mieuxévoquerlesvoix j’habite unlieuoùlesénigmeschuchotent il n’yariendeplusnourrissantqueledoute fragile etfulgurant mobile etvorace je seraisauvageeténigmatique je memoqueraidelamort remplie derageetmusiqueimaginaire au boutd’unenuittroplongue toujours latransgressionnousattend 14 Routes, thenewculturalsubjectwouldseektransgressivespaces: 13 Fuites, setinpartMexico,evokesonceagain 12 fi guring inscriptioninthelandscape. spaces ofRoots/Routes of dispersion, loss and poric culturebeensoobviouslyprevalent. The shiftfromahistoricalparadigm Of course,nowheremorethaninrecent Acadian writinghasthenotionofdias- way overlapping,allegiances. only beseenaspartofanewbalancingactbetweencomplementary, andinno public space in that city. Nonetheless, the emerging ties with Francophonie could a profound impact on the Acadians of Moncton, forcing a transformation of the ize, of course, that the Eighth Francophone summit held in Moncton in 1999 had inscription oftheirmodernaf years, it seems that the Acadians themselves saw with a degree of unease the Much likeotherFrenchCanadiancommunitiesoutsideofQuébecinthelastthirty categorically urban,wouldfollowthediagonalpathacross America. in the string of small towns and villages facing the sea, another kind of Acadia, lost nationwouldremainnestledinthecoastlineofnorthernNewBrunswickand the widercontextofNorth American continentalterritorialities.WhileMichelRoy’s stood, notonlyintermsofitsparticipationtheFrancophonesphere,butalso stress, however, is that contemporary Acadian cultural production may be under- intertext in Québec and French Canadian literatures. What we must continue to among manycritics,hasdevotedmuchofhisrecentresearchtothe American liberation fromtherestrictionsofcollectiveandpersonalhistory. JeanMorency, and politicalrelevanceoftheroad,bothaspilgrimagetoone’s birthplaceand culture, fromBobDylantoCormacMcCarthy, celebratedthedeeppsychological demptive qualityofthediasporiccontinentalspace. American popularandliterary in in theroadnovelstructurehegavetomostofhisfi cultural landscape. In Québec, René Lapierre in During thatperiod, Acadian writerswerenot aloneinthisrede his searchforamigrantNorth-Southculturalosmosis. borrowed from a mental territory that the poet can only sense through the irony of “culture d’ici”,asLeblancsayssoclearlyin tity withthecontinentaldriftandoverarchingnotionof There isnodoubtthatLeblancthefi the 1990saroundpublicationofComplaintesducontinent not examineingreatdetailLeblanc’s intricatemetaphorsofthecity, developedin celebrated bywriterssuchasGuy Arsenault andespeciallyGéraldLeblanc.Iwill Comeau’s work is also a commentary on the limits of the Moncton urban setting Chercher levent , tonamejustthosethreewriters,allsoughtdescribethere- retrouvailles describedbyJamesClifford inhisseminalstudyofdi- fi rmation asapartofthewiderFrancophonie to the intensely composite and interlocking rst toassociatethefutureof Acadian iden- Éloge duchiac Écrire l’Amérique ction, andGuillaumeVigneault , ismadeofrhythms fi nition oftheminority andÉlogeduchiac. américanité , Louis Hamelin . Ireal- . The 147 Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia and the Continental Paradigm 148 François Paré culture fromNewBrunswicktoLouisiana. best multidisciplinaryapproachestothesenewterritorialitiesshapingidentityand Pâquet andStéphaneSavardoffer, withthehelpofagooddozenacademics, dian landscapealsoin2000.Intheir2007superbbook on plural in 2000totheUniversitéSainte-Anne’s summerseminaronthecontinental Aca- Internet portal Acadie.net whichdeveloped newpagesonthediasporasometime cultures areseenasagentsofdivisionandfracture, leadingtoasymbolicdis- In the city’s tentativeopennesstothediagonallifelineofcontinent. d’émerveillement” celebratedbyLeblanc–anddismissedastragicallymisguided quality ofMoncton’s hybridurbanity–thepowerofthose“villesd’erranceet adequately. At thesametime,essayistfailedtorecognizeredemptive dian people,whosedif of Acadian identity. Roysoughttounderstandtheparticulardestinyof Aca- taire, providingacounter-narrativetowhatwasseenasfossilizedself-de in QuébecandFrenchCanada.Roy’s bookservedasapowerful 16 15 “Recours didactiques”andRogerLevac’s With Hubert Aquin’s “La fatigue culturelle du Canada français”, Gaston Miron’s historical doom. resulting “desolationofthelandscape”presenteddisturbingimageslossand able postcolonialanalysisofthe“tragicallydis ressens del’intérieur. Toute dé nomène avecdesmots.J’éprouvelaplusgrandedif to represent collective powerlessness: “Mais il est vain de circonscrire ce phé- described inthelast to incessant variations. In L’Acadie perdue words contrastedwiththeenthusiasmofmomentanditsjazz-likeovertures sion thathecouldnotpossiblyexpressthe Acadian “condition”withadequate mentum andrecognition.ItsmixtureofpassionpessimismRoy’s admis- essay came out at a time when a fragile Acadian renaissance was gaining mo- In 1978,MichelRoy’s Conclusion asporas inNorth America among themosteloquentcontributionstolate20 bec, Pressesdel’UniversitéLaval,2007. Harvard UniversityPress,1997. MartinPâquet–StéphaneSavard(dirs.),Balisesetréférences. Acadies. Francophonies,Qué- JamesClifford, Routes:Travel andTranslation intheLateTwentieth Century L’Acadie perdue (asinGastonMiron’s didacticessays,forinstance),hybrid fi fty pagesofthebookcompromisesessayist’s attempt L’Acadie perdue fi cult historyno textbookonpostcolonialismcoulddescribe 15 continuestoresonatethroughout Acadia, fromthe fi nition meparaîtfutile.”(AP,174)Roy’s remark- wasadevastatinglyinsightfulbook.Roy’s 16 , the intolerable fi L’anglistrose, L’Acadie perdue fi gured” Acadian identityandthe th -century postcolonialwriting fi culté àprécisercequeje gure of oppression Acadies , Cambridge(MA), récit identi- , Martin fi ranks nition a keyparadigmintheculturalgeographyofsmallnations. hyperbolic “meditation onmovement”,asLeblancwritesin of meaning”,borrowingfromthecontinent’s vibrantsustainability–spaceisa ries of interlocking tensions and cross-feedings, Acadia thrives on shifting “maps American space,andcontinuetoexploititstransgressiveparadox: Through ase- Acadian voicesareoperatingfromandalongsidethemarginsofentireNorth Gary Comeau and others, the borderline piece of a larger continental puzzle. due”, by dispossessedlandlords(“lesseigneurspresquehiératiquesd’une Acadie per- of Roy’s Menaud-likesentiment thatthemarginsaredyinglandscapes,inhabited intersecting roadsbetweenMoncton,Montreal,BostonandLafayette.Intheface dian, Cadian, and Cajun artists, poets and songwriters take another stance on the persion more damaging than the historical deportation itself. Contemporary Aca- AP, 185),modern-day Acadia is,forwriterssuch asGéraldLeblanc,Fredric fi gures of dispersion and silence. In the end, Acadian history serves as Éloge duchiac–andresistingits 149 Michel Roy’s Lost Acadia and the Continental Paradigm 150 its brilliance,andsatisfaction which theycanvisualize,completewithitsstumblingblock, something theycan’tname,locate,schedule,but in ashareddesiretoseeitsful effort, totheworkwhosegrandeurescapesthemexcept other thantocontributetheblossomingofacommon those whooffer thefruitoftheirlabourwithnohope ils anticipentlepointd’achoppement,lalumièreetrepos pas encoretrouvédenom,nilieu,tempsmaisdont désir partagéd’atteindreuneplénitudepourlaquelleilsn’ont d’un travaildontlagrandeurleuréchappe,sinondansun que celuideparticiperàl’éclosiond’uneœuvrecommune, ceux quioffrent lefruitdeleurtravailsansautreespoir Culture populaire:cuisineetmusique Popular Culture:CuisineandMusic fi llment, itsgrowthinto Fredericton, GooseLaneEdition,2007,61. Herménégilde Chiasson, Herménégilde Chiasson, Sudbury, Prisedeparole,2007,67. BéatitudeS. Beatitudes. 151 Popular Culture – Culture populaire 152 Popular Culture – Culture populaire HistoricNewOrleansCollection 153 Popular Culture – Culture populaire 154 Popular Culture – Culture populaire linguistic andculturalmixing. fras theyusedkombo,nowknownas landscape already occupied by Native Americans, who called the ground sassa- food. not onlyseedsforplantswiththembutideasaboutwhatandhowtoprepare colonial periodsawtheimmediateintroductionofenslaved Africans, whobrought so wellthehistoricalcomplexitiesoutofwhichdishemanates.Louisiana’s Gumbo has come to stand for Louisiana in part because it re 2 1 United States,theCarolinas of the African connection, there are also gumbos to be found in other parts of the tural complexofpracticesandideasthatbearsomeelucidationbelow. Because nkruma, theFrenchworddoesnotreferonlytoplantitselfbutalargercul- word, plant wasknownas(ki) The Frenchwordgombo ana, neitherthenamenorideafordishitselfisuniquetoarea. peoples ofSouthLouisiana.WhilethedishismostoftenassociatedwithLouisi- When most people think of gumbo, they associate it with the Cajun and Creole Introduction et entermesd’originesdesens. faisant, affi d’ingrédients. Cetarticleseproposedecompliquerl’histoireetlanaturedugumboet,ceci peu importes’ils’agitd’initiésoudeprofanes,onttendanceàréduireleplatuneliste faitement les complexités historiques d’où est né ce plat. La plupart des observateurs, Gumbo afi Résumé Gumbo This: The StateofaDish 2001. NewOrleanswasfoundedin1718andthe Cf.StanWoodward, 2 The Frenchand African settlerswere,ofcourse,pressingoutwardontoa okra, whichderivesfromthose African languagesthatknewtheplantas rmera que le “ browning ” est essentiel pour ce plat à la fois en termes de goût ni parreprésenterlaLouisiane,enpartieparcequ’ilre Southern Stews: A Taste oftheSouth,n.p.,Woodward StudioLimited, ngombo comestotheNewWorld fromWest Africa, wherethe 1 , forexample,andPuertoRico. alongmuchofthecoast.Unlike American fi lé, whichbeginstorevealthepotentialfor fi rst slaveshiparrived in1719. University ofLouisiana fl ète etréfractesipar- fl ects and refracts John Laudun 155 Gumbo This: The State of a Dish 156 John Laudun Louisiana StateUniversityPress,1978,86. for theRetrocessiontoFranceofThatColonyandItsTransfer totheUnitedStates,BatonRouge, and After, WhichISpent inPublicServiceLouisianaasCommissioneroftheFrenchGovernment were sea turtle.” Cf. Pierre Clément de Laussat, Memoirs of My Life to My Son During the Years 1803 standing uphereandthere. As alocaltouch,twenty-four gumboswereserved,sixoreightofwhich the main table, 24 at the small table, and 146 on 32 small round tables. In addition, hundreds ate high-stake gamblers. Twenty oillampsand220waxcandleswereburned.Sixty places weresetat dances, FrenchandEnglishquadrilles,galopades.Eighttables accommodatedcardplayersand drawing rooms.Entertainmentlastedtwelvehours. The guestsdancedboleros,gavottes, English de Laussat noted, “You never saw anything more brilliant. A lovely atmosphere prevailed in all the tables, andthenwater. Othersalreadyhavearouxmade,oftenlargebowlofit cooks beginmakinggumbowiththeroux,thenaddingseasoningvege- and amountofrouxiswildlyvariable,asitsplaceinthecookingprocess:Some get the browning from the meat, in others from the roux. The color, consistency, how thatbrownisachievedvariesbyregionanddish.Insomeareas,cooks interviewed hascommented. The brownnessofgumboisreallyitsessence,but into agumbobowlto“soakuptherestofgravy”,asmorethanoneindividual tained insomepartsofLouisiana,withpotatosaladsometimesbeingscooped Islam intotheregion. The traditionofamushasthebasestarchingumboismain- ably from cous cous, which had been introduced in West Africa with the in sagamité gumbo coveredwascornmealmush,knownat fore that,LouisianacleftmorecloselytotherestofSouthandstarchthat 3 origins ofLouisianagumbomaybeirretrievable. period endsandthe American onebegins,whichunderlinesthefactthatexact The place inItalythe13 throughout New Orleans can only be compared to a similar phenomenon that took a result of the widespread employment of still enslaved Haitians as domestic help iconic in Louisiana: red beans and rice. The culinary revolution that took place as of an Afro-Caribbean matrix,andforapulse andstarchdishwhichissimilarly brought with them their preference for highly-seasoned food, probably the result slaves, andfreedpeopleofcolordoubledthepopulationcityovernight. They the foodways in particular of New Orleans is not to be underestimated. Whites, and the Haitians. The impact of the latter group on the culture in general and Into thiscolonialmixofpeoplesandideascametwogreatsurges:the Acadians 4 historian. fashion whichresultedinthepastarevolutionaccordingtoatleastonefoodways the late19 brown soupservedover a starch. Since itsdevelopmentasacommercialcrop in appear tohavebeenestablishedbeforetheendofcolonialperiod:athick, In commenting upon a party thrown in honor of the acting Spanish governor, Pierre Clément ReayTannahill, fi rst mentionsofgumbointhehistoricalrecordappearrightascolonial 3 and later by the African-in th century, ricehasbeenthestarchatbottomofgumbobowls.Be- Food inHistory th centurywhenenslavedMongoliandomesticswerethe , New York, Methuen,1973. fl uenced couche couche fi rst bytheNative American term 4 Itsformandnature,however, , derived most prob- fl ux of ux Dance foraChicken(1993). Later hewouldmaketheideahisownanduseitinplaceslikePatMire’s fi Cajuns: EssaysonTheirHistoryandCulture out SouthLouisiana: 7 6 5 by spoonful. sitting in the refrigerator, and add the roux to boiling water, dissolving it spoonful a gumboinwhichdifferent spicesand Marc Savoy of Eunice describes in culinary terms: ‘It’s a blend of ingredients, like a blendofculturalin of theideatoMarcSavoywhenhenotedthat“CajunmusicisaLouisianahybrid, of the fi The exact origin of gumbo as trope is not entirely clear, but folklorists were some American culture. have themselves largely been marked as different within the larger stream of ence is one way to pre icons of,andmetaphorsfor, SouthLouisiana,andallthistalkoffooddiffer- It was, perhaps, inevitable that gumbo has become one of the most prominent The GumboDifference gration intheSouth,evenwhensocialsegregationwaslawofland. forms, gumbo reveals that there has always been a high degree of cultural inte- and thoseofNewOrleanswilldoso. As is the casewithanynumberoffolklore in Lawtellwillmakegumbothesameway, thanitisthattheCreolesofLawtell and Creoleversionsofthedish.ItismorelikelythatCajunneighbors sistent thananyofthemoresweepingclaimssometimesmadebetweenCajun gions, towns,andevenfamilies. These differences are,inpointoffact,morecon- arguments asitisforagreement,withdifferences oftenbeingdistinctacrossre- ity andfl Even thisbriefdiscussionofafew aspects of gumborevealstheextremevariabil- pot, whenhenoted: impulses towardeitheratessellatedpatchworkquiltorhomogenizedmelting a difference betweenLouisiana’s own“gumboculture”andthelarger American PatMire,DanceforaChicken BarryJean Ancelet, “CajunMusic: ItsRootsandDevelopment”,in:GlennConrad(dir.), Intheselatterareaspre-packagedrouxshavearisenandnowappearonstore shelvesthrough- gumbo potsthatholdthepotentialingredientsforcreation and remakingof American ism, nor the assimilationist melting pot of the prior generation. Instead it could be bounded mosaic-likediversityanditssometimesinchoate spinoff intomulticultural- Our ownnotionofculturalcreolizationneedbeneitherclassicliberalpluralism rst to press it into service. In 1983, Barry Jean Ancelet deferred the origin exibility ofthedish.Itis,likeanyculturaltouchstone,asmuchafocusfor 5

Savoie’s fl uences with an identitywhichaccordionmakerandmusician fi isfromEuniceandKarey’s fromVille Platte. gure a discussion of Cajun and Creole folkways, which , PatMireFilms,1993. 7 NickSpitzeralsousedtheideaofgumbo , Lafayette,CenterforLouisianaStudies,1983,195. fl avors combinetomakeanewtaste’.” tomark The lm 6

157 Gumbo This: The State of a Dish 158 John Laudun ization ofWorld Cultures”,in: 8 the 1930swasnotcat many ofwhichrevealthatthemostpopular occurred, theFederalWriters Projectcollectedrecipesfromaroundtheregion, the languagehespokewasFrench.Duringsame time thatthismusicalmixing You Won’t Have No Momma At All”. The song is a blues; the family name is Irish; zurka, and a tune with the title of “You Better See Your Momma Every Night or the Louisiana Folk Masters CD of Conner have heard him play a polka, a ma- record collectionandnotinghisloveofbluesjazz. And thosewhohaveheard I rememberlookingthroughthefamousVermilion parish periods, CajunsandCreoleswerewellawareoflargernationalorglobaltrends. guigumbos inPuertoRico.Foranother, evenduringtheirmostdeeply“insulated” in theNewWorld. There are,asInotedearlier, gumbosintheCarolinasand For one,CajunsandCreolesarenotaloneinpossessingthesecretofgumbo must guard. as isolatedandthusuniquelydifferent isonesuchessentialismagainstwhichwe isms thathaveledtosomeunfortunateresults. The tendencytoimagineCajuns since Iamamemberofdisciplinethathas,initshistory, traffi ference thatthegumbotroperisks.PerhapsIamoverlysensitivetotopic, I noteallthisinordertobegingetusthinkingabouttheessentializationofdif- Essential Wisdom that thedifference canbeaseasilyconsumed,anddigested,adish. Louisiana isdifferent, thatthedifference cutsacrossanumberofdimensions,and these correctiveofferings towhateverailsapotentialvisitoristhesuggestionthat direct: SaintLandryParishpromotesitselfas“gumboforyoursoul”.Intertwinedin in themiddleofareabilledas“CajunCountry”bymany, theappealismore its appealtotourists:“Comeasyouare;leavedifferent.” Closertomyownhome, the foundation for public sector marketing campaigns. For a time the state had as murky prismofgumbo,hastakenroot–roux?andbecomesoquotidianastobe other place.ButtheideaofLouisiana’s singulardifference, asseenthroughthe and saucingspicingissupposedtowork,letalonehowitdifferent fromany It isnotentirelyclearinthis cultural kitchenhowallthisstirringandcombining NicholasSpitzer, “MondeCréole: The CulturalWorld ofFrenchLouisianaCreolesandtheCreol- own groupprimordia. contributing to the creation of a sauce or roux while retaining essential aspects of their a Frenchsensibility–combinedinnewdomestic,orevenvirtual,commonspace, ica, peppers from the Spanish circum-Caribbean, now all homegrown and stirred with culture(s). Potsofforeigningredients–okrafrom Africa, sassafrasfromNative Amer- fi sh norcrawfi 8 Journal of American Folklore sh butcannedsalmon.Itappearsinavariety fi sh amongCajunsandCreolesin 116 (2003),69–70. fi ddler Varise Conner’s cked inessential- Southern Culture 10 9 perspectivemerelyechoesourownoversightsin this area. The prob- the writer’s with aneyetosomeoftherecentscholarship.Inallhonesty, thelimitednatureof The restofthe leans ortheCreolesofCaneRiver. neighbors thanCreoleslivinginLakeCharles,letalonetheofNewOr- Creoles livinginLawtellmakea gumbo thathasmoreincommonwiththeir Cajun than withalargerimagined,andsuper-local,ethniccommunity. As notedabove, practice traditionsthathavemoreincommonwiththeirgeographicneighbors form, callthemselves“aCajun”orCreole”.Ineithercase,individualstendto completely ignoretheactualpeoplewho,usingsingularandboundednominal Such sweeping generalizations about the adjectival form of “Cajun” and “Creole” ventional bifurcationofSouthLouisianacooking: limited perspective,itisnosurprisethatwhattheauthorendsupwithcon- and theCreolesofLouisianaPrairiestonoenddistraction).Givensucha around NewOrleans”(thisparticularessentialismdrivestheCaneRiverCreoles Cajun and Creole, limiting Creole cooking to a style “practiced in the areas in and ness of the dish. The author, however, quickly shrinks the diversity down to two, It’s a pretty good beginning: The laundry list of ingredients suggest the diverse- the Encyclopedia cuisine as something easily swallowed whole. Opening up the current edition of of SouthernCulturerevealawillingnesstotreatnuancedculturaldomainlike And yet,essentialismsliveon.Evenrecentreferencetextslikethe new contentsthanourdiscussionsaboutthemwouldindicate. them aretraditionalinform,butobviouslytheformsthemselvesmoreopento of dishes: salmon cakes, salmon balls, salmon croquettes, salmon bisque. All of CarolynKolb,“Gumbo”,in:Charles ReaganWilson–WilliamFerris(dirs.),Encyclopediaof Kolb,in:Wilson–Ferris1989,502–503. a muchthinnerrouxifoneisused. necessary thickener. Creolegumbosrelymainlyonvegetableaidsforthickening,with fat (slowly, slowlystirringallthewhile)createsarouxandinCajungumbosthisis difference betweenaCajun andaCreolegumboliesinthe“roux.”Browning As inanykitchendispute,thereareasmanytheoriescooks,buttheusual the region. always served come together in a nourishing and enticing amalgam that is unique to sautéed seasoningvegetables,theseafoods,meat,fowl,andricewithwhichitis – ngombo, the Bantu word for okra. The herbs, spices, the carefully chopped and cultures thatproducedthishybridofsoutherncuisine.From Africa comesitsname The heady, aromaticsoupthatgoesbythenameofgumboisproductvaried , ChapelHill,UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1989,502. 9 Encyclopedia , onefi nds: entryismuchthesame,agoodlymixoffoodwriting 10 Encyclopedia fl our in our 159 Gumbo This: The State of a Dish 160 John Laudun about theterritoriesmarkedthathecalled Ancelet had,inhisworkonthe touring grouptohostagumbowhichallwhocontributeareinvited. small dramas in exchange for money or other forms of wealth which will help the to housewithinacommunally-determinedterritoryandperformsvariouskindsof like themummingtraditionsofEurope:aruralprocessionthatmovesfromhouse urban carnivalformofNewOrleansMardiGras. The countryMardiGrasismore Church Point, and elsewhere. Many readers will be familiar with the spectacular Gras, the Mardi Gras run, found in and around the towns of Mamou, Eunice, over the years. One of the most visible, in a spectacular way, is others, haveinvestigatedvariousdimensionsofhistoric-geographicphenomena number of folklore forms in South Louisiana. Barry Jean Ancelet, and a number of Such abindingofthehistorictogeographichasseemedholdtrueacross interactions insuchawaythatdiscretecultureswoulddevelopandbemaintained. ural” groups, that geographic boundaries or limiting features would focus people’s idea thatpeopleare,orwere,arrangedonthelandscapeintosomethinglike“nat- My homedisciplineoffolklorestudieshas,asoneitsfoundingprecepts,the The NatureofVariation plex”, “sophisticated”,and“urban”. to imagineCreoleasrestrictedNewOrleans,wasoftendescribed“com- something like“rustic”,“hearty”,and“simple”.Creolecuisine,re I examinedoverthecourseofmyresearch,Cajuncuisinewasoftendescribedas furcation beyondthesimplyethnicintogeographic.Inanumberofcookbooks representative of the larger food writing tradition, which regularly extends the bi- work. The they to seekthemoutinordersupportclaimsresourcesfor the groups withwhom city havebeenthefocusofagooddealscholarlydiscourse,whichhastended claims aboutethnicityandauthenticityalotmoredif lem with foodways is that they tend to blur distinctions and differences, making sausage ingumbos.Somewheretherewasagarlicline, becausewehadbothno- smoked sausageandasouthernregionalpreference for fresh,oftencalled line, whichre the momentofreadily-availablerefrigeration. There was,toourminds,asmoke food line,whichwouldmarktheouterlimitofaccess to freshcoastalgoodsup where acertainbehaviororingredientseemedtodrop out. There wouldbeasea- fi He andIevensketchedoutsomeofthepossibleterritoriesbasedonprevious trace the gumbo lines of Louisiana, I imagined they existed like Ancelet’s eldwork, travels,andexperiences,demarcatingthezoneswithboundinglines fl ected whatweperceivedwasanorthern Acadiana preferencefor Encylopedia entryparticipatesinthisscholarlytradition.Itisalso courir deMardiGras petits mondes.WhenIfi fi cult. Ethnicity andauthenti- , beguntodevelopanidea le courir de Mardi fl ecting thetrend rst setoutto mondes green , . 11 desiring acomprehensiveandcompletelandscape,always alreadyinmotion. ecosystems ofideasandbehaviorsthatare,muchto thechagrinforanyanalyst a morethoroughethnographyoftheregionreallyreveals somethinglikemicro- the lasttwentyyears,anumberofLouisiana studies have begun to makeclearthat and theysimultaneouslyacculturate to the traditions oftheirnewneighbors.Over move, they bring with them a certain set of traditions that they can cause to spread in one area and quickly declaring their preference to be elsewhere. When people number of reasons – the Alabamons foreshadowed the Acadians in being settled ment of families and of individuals around the landscape. People move for any All assertions about larger foodways trends must, then, be quali clearly. migrants fromFort Toulouse in Alabama, asCarlBrasseauxhasdocumentedso dates backtothesettlementofwhatisnownorthernSaintLandryParishbyim- sult oftheGermanswhosettledinarea,aswaslongthought,butmorelikely presence ofsmokedmeatsinthenorthernpart Acadiana isprobablynotare- pepper, amedleypreferredbyItalian American cooksacrossthenation. And the explains the more mire poix basin isratherreadilyexplainedbythepresenceofItalianimmigrants.Italso and its paired presence along the Bayou Lafourche on the eastern side of the The presenceofgarlicalongtheBayou Teche, onthewesternsideofbasin, from thebayouandwestwardacrossLouisianaprairies,garlicdropsout. a basicingredientingumborisesexponentially. Conversely, asyoumoveaway tell youthatasonemovesclosertotheBayou Téche, thechancesofgarlicbeing crosses and the use of garlic drops. Instead, I can, with a fair amount of certainty, tors, impulses,horizons. That is,thereisnoline,physicalorimaginary, thatone came to think less and less in terms of lines and more and more in terms of vec- geographies tobeglimpsed,onthegroundregionaldifferences werelessclear. I What I eventually discerned was that while there were certainly larger cultural students aboutfamilyfoodways. of smallerinterviews,readthroughafairamountarchivalmaterial,andpolled of ingredients,preparation,andconsumption.Ialsoconductedliterallyhundreds women butalsoanumberofmen,andwiththeiraudiences,tryingtomappatterns Over thenextfewyearsIconducteddozensofinterviewswitholdercooks,mostly put garlicingumbocouldprovokea and onitswesternedge,butthatbythetimeonegottoCrowley, anyattemptto ticed thatgarlicwasfairlyprevalentontheeasternsideof Atchafalaya Basin Ages: ImmigrationinLouisianaHistory Carl Brasseaux, “Opelousas and Alabama Immigrants”, in: Carl Brasseaux (dir.), 11 -like seasoning ingredients of onions, celery, and bell , Lafayette,CenterforLouisianaStudies,1996,103–116. fi ght. fi ed by the move- A Refuge for All 161 Gumbo This: The State of a Dish 162 John Laudun Stir thePot. of fate, have used,comparingittothedishtheyknew, couscous surely derived,asInotedabove,fromthenamethatsomeWest Africans would des herbes simply nottrue. And itisnottrueacrossawidespanofgumbos.Ignoringgumbo you make a roux”. A more careful survey of gumbo preparation reveals that this is aesthetic. The conventionalwisdomamongtheliteratiaboutgumboisthat“ of ingredients,methods,anddishesisadelineationratherconsistentculinary Returning to my previous comments about impulses often left out of inventories The GumboEngine 13 12 work hasbeendoneinC.PaigeGutierrez’s tory diffi There are, however, some larger assertions to be made within the frame of a his- Hippocrene Books,2005. Bienvenu –CarlBrasseauxRyanBrasseaux,StirthePot:TheHistoryofCajunCuisine and ranchingtoricecultivation” try andhelpedtotransformtheregion’s agriculturalbasefromcornproduction erners insearchofeconomicopportunitiestheSouthrelocatedtoCajuncoun- were served over this corn mush, a situation that did not change until “Midwest- language families, suggesting a late introduction to North America. Early gumbos used wassagamite,whichappearstobeawordthatspansnumberofnative in factaNative American inheritance.Itslaterappellationof The cornmushconsumedbythecolonialFrenchandlaterCajunswas cereal, orstarch,intheCajundiet. adaptation tothelocalecologies,isdisplacementofcornbyriceasbase the greatest shift in Cajun foodways since the arrival in Louisiana and their initial an areaheknowsextremelywell.Oneofthebestexamplesthis,andperhaps distinct trendsthataffected Cajunsonthewesternsideof Atchafalaya Basin, dishes arepartofalargerSouthernpattern.Brasseauxisparticularlygoodabout part of larger trends. Both recognize, for example, that pork and one-pot, stewed Both GutierrezandBrasseauxoccasionallyadmitthatCajunfoodwaysmightbe distinctions alreadymentionedabove. at the time of her study, though in seeking a synthesis she misses some of the temporaneous inscope,tryingtocapturewhatwasthestateofCajunfoodways folklore form,especiallysomethingascomplexafoodway. Hersurveyiscon- Bienvenu–Brasseaux2005,111. C.PaigeGutierrez,CajunFoodways cult to discover and a geography too jumpy to do justice. Some of that couscous for a moment, the 12 Gutierrez’s workisadmirable inattemptingakindofsynthesis inMaliwasmadefrom rice). The wordthatthecolonialFrench fi rst thing you do in any gumbo is brown something. 13 . , Jackson,UniversityPressofMississippi,1992;Marcelle Cajun Foodways (inaninterestingtwist andinBrasseaux’s couche-couche , New York,, fi rst is University Press,1992. The Developmentof Afro-Creole CultureintheEighteenthCentury University Press of Mississippi, 1992, as well as Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, 1987, andalsoCarlBrasseaux, New Acadia: TheBeginningsof Acadian Life,1765-1803 war tripwiththe Arkansas, Jean-BernardBossu noted: Americans whoperhapssuggestedthatcerealscouldbebrowned.Whileona Africans arrivedwiththepractice of browninginroastingmeats,itwastheNative carbohydrates andaminoacidscombineinanumberofnewcompounds.Some heat, something called the Maillard Reaction occurs. During the Maillard reaction, sugars, are browned, caramelization results. When meats are exposed to high So whatdoesbrowningdo?Whenvegetableslikeonions,whicharehighin cause thecharacteristicthickeningofmanygumbos. grains stillbehaveasnormalwhenliquidsareadded,absorbingandexpandingto grains themselvesarebrownedinthefatbeforeliquidisadded. The browned in theclassicalFrenchroux.Whathappens a Louisiana roux isthatthefl of theLouisianaroux,where Indians toEuropeans. This descriptionofagrainbeingbrownedmaybetheorigin same placesforestablishingsettlements. There wasconsiderablecontinuityfrom the samewaterwaysforreasonsasIndiansdidandselected establishment, Europeanswereraisingplantslikemaizeandtobacco. They used 16 15 14 quickly took over many Indian folkways. We knowfromBossu’s accountaswellfromothersthatEuropeansettlers the three folk cookeries (Native, French, and African). During theearlycolonialexchange,browningservedasaconvergencepointfor thing thatmakesfoodgoinCajunfoodways. the oneaestheticimpulsethattranscendsallgumbos.Itisgumboengine, in the fi What youbrown,howbrownit,andmuchofthatbrowningrevealsitself this period.”Cf.Bossu1962,218. Indians, Ilivedforabouttwomonthsonthisfood.canassureyou Ineverfeltbetterthandidduring mortar. This food,calledchili,isverytastyandhealthful.WhenIwentuptheMobile Riverwiththe already said,livedondriedandsmokedgame,roastedorboiled withcorn ground inahardwood remark inBossu’s textwhichdiscusseshisencounterswithadishcalledchili:“Thenatives, asIhave by SeymourFeiler, Norman,UniversityofOklahomaPress, 1962,64. ForthoseinterestedinalargerhistoryoftheindigenousrootsSouthernstews, cf. a later Jean-BernardBossu, Forfulleraccountsofthe Acadian and African immigrants,cf.CarlBrasseaux, until theyhavecomeclosetotheenemy. hungry, theymixsomeofthefl corn They donotworrymuchaboutfoodsupplies.Everyoneisprovidedwithalittlesackof nal dish varies across regions, cooks, and kinds of gumbos. Browning is fl our ormaize roasted injustaboutthewayweroastourcoffee. Whentheyare Travels intheInteriorofNorth America, 1751–1762 Acadian toCajun:Transformation ofaPeople,1803-1877 our withaspoonfulofwater, butgenerallydonoteatit fl our itselfchangescolorandnotthebutter, as 15 16 Within a short time of the colony’s , BatonRouge,LouisianaUniversityPress, , BatonRouge,LouisianaState 14 Africans in Colonial Louisiana: While the French and , translatedandedited The Foundingof , Jackson, our 163 Gumbo This: The State of a Dish 164 John Laudun 17 This preferenceforbrowningmay, inpart,comefromtheroastingpracticesof was thetitleofa1954cookbookpublishedlocallyinLafayette. then water, then meat: The notion of “fi west of the basin, “fi added tothewaterandstirredin,dissolvedthoroughly. Inthesouthernparishes, pot, oratadifferent time(and keptinabowltherefrigerator)andthenitisslowly be keptinthepotorsetasidewhenwaterisadded. A rouxispreparedinasecond parishes, forexample,themeatofagumboistypicallybrownedandthenitcan one region from another are the stages of browning. In the northern Acadiana stew withpotatoes: All areservedoverrice andwithgravy. Whatdistinguishes gion isnotgumbobutriceandgravy. Porksteak.Brisket.Meatballs.Evencowboy foundational toCajunandCreolefoodways.Insomeways,the Throughout myresearch,whatIcameacrossagainandisthatbrowning the colony’s existence. of bit offoodandmakingitgoalongwaybothintermsnutritionaswell possibilities, buteverythingshortofitaddsdepthtothedish’s create stores –becamenationalclichés,whichignoredonthe groundrealitiesthatsome about criminal acts – e.g., snipers shooting at rescue helicopters or people looting shelve myresearchintothestateofgumboinLouisiana. Initialmediadistortions niscent of le Grand Derangement With thestormsof2005andemergenceyetanother diaspora–oneremi- Conclusion American parching,Europeanroasting,andWest African frying–wascomplete. addition of West African foodways to the mix, the browning triumvirate – Native face with a very different cookery, one in which fat has a third use, frying. With the choice would have been butter or goose fat. In Louisiana, they would come face to to usebearoilasaseasoningandcookingfatwhereasinFrancetheof dreds ofheadscattle. The Acadians hadalsolearned,fromtheMicMacs,how crops ofwheat,cabbage,apples,grapes,carrots,andcornsupportedhun- tastes fornewones.Bythetimeofdeportation, Acadian landsyieldedbumper years, Acadians would continue to raise certain old world crops and develop Acadians tookwiththemtotheNewWorld. Overthenextonehundredandtwenty cooked soupsorstews. This wasthecookerythatpeoplewhoweretobecome would have been, of course, the th fl avor issomethingLouisianacooksallseemedtohaveagreeduponearlyin -century Frenchcookery. The othermethodforcookingmeatduringthistime fl avor. Otherscreatecolor. “Burned”isthewrongendofthisspectrum rst you make a roux” and then you add seasoning vegetables, and the Middle Passage in scope –, I decided to chaudron rst you make a roux” is so famous that it , or kettle, in which one would have fl avor. Taking alittle ur-dish ofthere- Natchitoches, NorthwestStateUniversityPress,1980,119–134. wanted to.” was upto.ShemakinggumboforBalthazar. Rosecouldbesweetwhenshe rattling dishes.Shewasknowingandsly, thatRose;andGrannyknewwhatshe with the grandmother, tells us she “moved about in the kitchen, lifting potlids and house. The granddaughterwaitsinside,wherethenarrativevoice,closelyallied has takenupresidencesincebeingmoved,alongwithherbed,tothebackof returntopleadtheircases.Nicolettewaitsoutside,whereshe await Balthazar’s sway. At onepointinthestory, thetwowomenhavereachedanimpasseandboth unaware ofthepowerstruggleandisformostpartfi to beevenlooserthanshealreadyis. The grandson,andhusband,isofcourse order tobuyacar, adeviceNicoletteseesonlyasvehiclefortheyoungwoman of anupstartfromoutsidethecommunity, desirestoselltheoldwoman’s bedin the Cane River of northwest Louisiana. The grandson’s wife, Rose, something raised hergrandson,Balthazar, intheCreole community of IsleBrevelle,along Nicolette, who is battling her grandson’s avaricious wife. The grandmother has 18 17 fi It remindedmeofthatmomentin shortstory“TheOldOne” Ada JackCarver’s worth eating. designed only to lure in tourists and feed them a watered-down soup with no meat The billboard on Interstate 49 that proclaimed “gumbo for your soul” seemed a lie that thebleachingofcitywasalsoadrainingcity’s chiefculturalengine. ing devicesispartofanumbersouthernfolkcultures).Nooneseemedtocare guns inadesperateattempttosignaltheirneedforhelp(theuseofassignal- people weretakingdiapersandbabyformulasomeshooting renderings something to the pot from which everyone will happily, and fully, draw his Louisiana version of the American patchwork, where everybody cheerfully adds sometimes overlycheerfulrenderingofgumboitself asakindoflocalized-to- Such amordantviewofthingsmightseemdramatic,butitservestobalancethe be mosteffective, thatsomethingisagumbo. band, butinadish.Incommonparlance,Roseis“cookingupsomething”,andto for Balthazar”.Rose’s slynessandcunningnessarenotserveddirectlytoherhus- We aretoldnotthatshewasmakingagumbobut“she The phrasingunderlinestheintertwiningofRose’s womanlywileswiththedish: said. The passagemakesclearthatthepowerofpersuasionlieswithgumbo. The narrationoftheeventsthateveningarenotgiven.Nothingelseneedstobe rst published in 1926. Carver1980,110. Ada Jack, “The Old One”, in: Mary Dell Fletcher (ed.), 18 fl atten outtheinterestinginterleavingsofpeoplesandcultures. The

17 The story is told from the point of view of an old woman, The Collected Works of Ada Jack Carver rmly underhiswife’s fi ll.Such , 165 Gumbo This: The State of a Dish 166 John Laudun explore, manymorequestionstoanswer. got toWest Africa throughMuslim travelers? There aremanymoreconnectionsto this essay with a possible beginning for further study: Is it possible that okra itself during theexpansionofIslamandlaterearlyEuropeanexplorations.Ileave follows the exchanges that took place between Africa, Europe, and the Near East gumbo exchangefallshardontheheelsofColumbianexchange,whichitself Historic New Orleans Collection

167 168 to constructionsofidentity, is inacontinuousprocessoftransformationnotonlyasitrede becomes atooltoexpresssocialidentity. The “socialbasis”offolksongtherefore within asociety, whenitmovesfromthemuseumtobecomingatoolofrevival, to our present, when it becomes collected, printed, disseminated, and promoted ment industry. The questioniswhy. Whenanoraltraditionmovesfromourpast transmitted tobeingpasseddownthrougheducationalinstitutionsortheentertain- francophonie–Année francophoneinternationale,1999,15–19. l’Acadie–Centre d’étudesacadiennes–Centreinternationalderecherche etdedocumentationla Basque –NicoleBarrieauStéphanieCôté, land, and the Magdalen Islands off the northern tip of Maine in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Cf. Maurice Gaspé PeninsulaontheeasterntipofQuébec,St.PierreetMiquelon off thesouthcoastofNewfound- Maine, NovaScotia,NewBrunswick,PrinceEdwardIsland,and Cape BretonIsland,aswellthe arrival ofnewcolonistsduringthe1630s. The Acadian territoryhasincluded parts ofpresent-day Valley in 1605, Port Royal became North America’s the mouthofSt.CroixRiver. WhenthispostwasmovedtoPortRoyalinNovaScotia’s Annapolis des conceptsethniqueschangeants. le socialdanstroiscontexteshistoriquesdifférents etàquelpointellearéussiexprimer fait dansuneperspectivehistorique,mesurantàquelpointlachansonfolkloriqueaagisur par lesinstitutionsdeformationetl’industrieduspectacle.Notrecontributionabordece risque dedevenirunsimpleartefactaulieufairepartied’uneculturevivante,transmise diennes pendantlesannées1970.Denosjours,cependant,lachansonfolkloriquecourtle sance des Acadiens commeminoritélinguistiqueauseindesstructuresfédéralescana- 2 1 Acadian folksongtoday Introduction l’Acadie delapremièremoitiédu20 La chansonfolkloriquen’apasseulementserviàpropagerunsensde Résumé The ChangingFaceof Acadian FolkSong in theprovinceofNewBrunswickCanada,itoutlineshowfolksonghasbeen ferent historicalcontexts.Byfocussingonthediscourseof Acadian musicians song alongsidewiderprocessesofethnicity, identity, andnationalisminthreedif- ideologies. This paperdemonstratestheseprocessesbyanalyzing Acadian folk sity Press,1988,64. PhilipV. Bohlman,TheStudyofFolkMusicintheModernWorld AcadiawasestablishedbyFrenchcolonistsin1604asatradingpostonSaintCroixIslandat 1 struggleswithmakingthetransitionfrombeingorally 2 butalsoasidentityisreconfi e sièclemaiselleaégalementcontribuéàlareconnais- L’Acadie del’Atlantique fi rst French colony, expanding its area with the , Moncton,SociétéNationalede gured torefl , Bloomington,IndianaUniver- University ofOxford Jeanette Gallant fi erté nationaledans fi ned inrelation ect changing ect 169 The Changing Face of Acadian Folk Song 170 Jeanette Gallant standing the role that “ethnic groups themselves have played” be viewed alongside “ideology production” because this provides a way of under- the World, Ann Arbour, UniversityofMichigan Press,2001,2. content” tions ofidentityasbeinglinked“withanegotiablehistoryandcultural ogist Thomas Eriksen(2002) pointstothe“ambiguity”werecognizeinconstruc- The constructionofminoritiesisbothahistoricalandsocialprocess. Anthropol- Methodology identity indifferent socially de Acadian societyhas targeted to symbolize the Acadian identity in the public realm, its reception inside in which different groups “absorb each other’s tacticsandarguments”. in whichdifferent groups“absorbeachother’s “responses within the minority as well as the larger society” because of the ways tial separation,orlegislation”,assessmentsofsocialidentityalsoneedtoinclude Thus, althoughethnicconstructionsarebolsteredby“socialdiscrimination,spa- of competitionoverscarceresources” 7 6 5 4 3 ed Acadia’s relationshipwithfolksong,butaffects choicesofidentitytoday. social consciousness. This notonlyillustrateshowtheseprocesseshaveimpact- how folksonghasabsorbedvariousmeaningsassociatedwithshiftsin Acadia’s folk songbecamesubsumedwithinCanadianculturalpoliticshistorically, butalso struction in Acadia byintroducingthreescenarioswhichnotonlydemonstratehow The followingdiscussionexploresthesocialandhistoricalaspectsofidentitycon- the end of the 19 ideologically positioned to negotiate power relations locally and nationally from – oncetheyhavebeensociallyorpoliticallydefi He describeshow“publicdistinctionsareconstructed[…]wherebydifferences ernmental policies which either protect, privilege, or exclude particular groups. differences, having arisen from larger historical processes, are reinforced by gov- Other anthropologistssuchasRaymondGrew(2001)illustratehowperceived new ethnicconceptsindifferent historicalmoments. ThomasHyllandEriksen, Grew2001,12–13. RaymondGrew, TheConstructionofMinorities:CasesforComparison Across Time and Around Eriksen2002,93. Eriksen2002,73. 3 . Since social identities are not solely utility based – “formed in situations th century to the present day. It reveals that as folk song has been fl uctuated accordingtoitsabilityarticulatethe Acadian Ethnicity andNationalism fi ned periods. ned 4 –hesuggestsethnicityandnationhood , London,PlutoPress,2002,73. ned –takeonalifeoftheirown” 5 in constructing 7 6 . society. symbols tocreateasenseofbelonging,teachChristianvalues,andbuild Acadian to maintainboundariesbetweentheFrenchandEnglish,actingascultural – Gregorian chant, patriotic songs, national anthems, and folk song – were used As ultramontanism gained popularity in French Canada, all forms of national song became an effective means of unifying disperse agrarian Acadian communities. québécois clopedia.com, accessed06/10/2006,andPhilippeSylvain–NiveVoisine, Voisine, “Ultramontanism”, in: to useforgivenessandpersonal“zeal”improvetheirsocialeconomiccircumstances.Cf.Nive French nation and introduced the conception of a “new piety” through music, encouraging Acadians with FrenchCanadiannationalism.Itstrovetoavoidprofanityintheartsrefl Canada through churches, schools, newspapers, and national conventions and became associated tion, supportedtheinfallibilityofpapalauthority. Through Frenchmissionaries,itwas implantedin anencyclopedia.com, accessed06/10/2006. http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com, accessed10/08/2007. nationalistic themes.Cf.HelmutKallman,“PatrioticSongs”,in: songs becamesymbolicofdifferent culturalgroups,eventhoughmanyofthemlackedpatriotic or 11 10 9 8 folk songcollector, andFatherLeandréBrault, Acadia’s fi Therefore, from the 1940s two priests – Father Anselme Chiasson, Acadia’s main this timebecauseartmusicwasheldingreateresteem: elitist musicalperceptionsmeantthatthestatusoffolksongin Acadia waslowat However, asmyconversationwithinternationalfolksingerEdithButlerelucidates, tives andsimplehistories.Itbecamelinkedwithultramontanism with patriotic sentiments, which fostered group solidarity through cultural narra- Clerico-nationalism canbede Clerico-Nationalism (1880s–1960s) the virtuesoffaith,ancestry, language,heritage,andtradition, tanist thoughtcreatedinsularcommunitieswhichidealizedthepastandextolled sionaries fromFrancewhichplacedthechurchatcentreofsociety. Ultramon- Canada’s preoccupationwithde patriotic, and folk repertoires were being performed in reaction to other ethnic minorities, particularly as ethos ofaparticularpeople.Inotherwords,collectively, musicservedthesamepurpose.Religious, in Canadaatthistime,aswellagrowingacceptancethatfolk andpopularsongrepresentedthe the 19 Cf. Voisine, “Ultramontanism”,in:TheCanadianEncyclopedia Theultramontanistmovement,reintroducedinFrancearoundthetimeofFrenchRevolu- Personalcommunication, 8 August, 2004,1:31–32. Therewasanincreaseinthenumberofpatrioticsongsandnationalanthemsbeingcomposed […] ifwedidn’tsingsomethingthatwaswrittenwithbeautifulpoetryit. people weretaughtthatwas[…]justlow, notinterestingmusic,butjustourownmusic […] Iknewlotsoffolksongsbutdidn’tdaresingthatbecauseinourheadall Acadian th century, anideologybroughtovertoQuebecand Acadia byCatholicmis- 10 , Québec,Boréal,1991,415–18. The Canadian Encyclopedia fi ningthenation-stategrewduring19 fi ned asanemotionaltypeof nationalism, imbued , available: http://www.thecanadianency- The CanadianEncyclopedia rst choraldirector–worked , available:http://www.thecanadi- th century. As aresult,certain Histoire duCatholicisme ect the“genius”of 9 anditeventually 8 attheendof , available: 11

171 The Changing Face of Acadian Folk Song 172 Jeanette Gallant activities in Acadian society: Chorale de l’Université de Moncton, who spoke with me about Father Chiasson’s Following isaconversationwithNeilMichaud,formerpriestandconductorofthe dignity, value,self-respect,andsatisfactionforone’s achievements. socio-economic circumstances,usingtheideaof on theultramontanistbeliefthatchangingone’s self-conceptcouldchangeone’s to gainpoliticalrecognitionfor Acadia inCanada’s federalstructure. They drew they promotedthelocalandinternationalfestivalsuccessesof Acadian choirs Acadian folk traditions in Acadia’s classical colleges, while at the national level Acadian society, theycombated Acadia’s negativelinguisticidentitybyvalorizing 16 15 14 13 12 worked closelywithFatherBraultduringhisstayin Acadia, alsoremembershow Després, former nun and conductor of La Chorale Notre Dame d’Acadie, who from beingasocietyofvictimization,toonesocialaction.Indeed,Florine These new canon-formations exemplify the clergy’s desire to redirect Acadians Father Chiasson’s printed collections Neil Michaudalsorevealedthatonlythemore“upbeat”orpositivesongsfrom to raisethestatusoffolksongthrough “popularization andpoliticization” Santa Barbara, ABC-CLIO, 2004,49. mostly throughtheefforts ofFatherDanielBoudreau. with hiscousinFatherDanielBoudreau.Sixotherbookswere published between1983and1993, performance: many oftheslowerballads,calledles Personalcommunication,13May, 2004, 2:9. Personalcommunication,13May, 2004, 1:8. Father Anselme Chiasson published Personalcommunication,13May, 2004,2:44–51. Philip V. Bohlman, The Music of European Nationalism: Cultural Identity and Modern History sorrowful, andwhatdoyouwiththat?We don’tsingthatinfrontofacrowd. Neil: […]someofthem[folksongs]arenotverygoodmusic[sic]. They’re justsosad, ones. Neil: […] we had to go through the books in order to fi that count[sic]themostis Acadians. That’s quiteagift[…]Hecouldhaveleftthemmoneybutwhathe of thecountryandfromotherparts.Hebroughtbackbeliefinthemselvesfor Neil: Yes, theidentitybecausehecollectedallfolksongscouldfromhispart was hetryingtodo? Jeanette: You meaneconomicallyhelpingthemorwiththeiridentity?What had. Neil: Hewastryingtogetthemoutofthegutterandhewoulduseallmeans sides collectingfolkloreandfolksong.Whatwashetryingtodofor Acadian society? Jeanette: […]IknowthatFatherChiassonplayedotherrolesin Acadian societybe- 15 fi erté. That ispriceless. fi veearliercollectionsin1942,1944,1946,1969,and1979 14 were popularized by Acadian choirs, while complaintes fi 13 ertéorpridetoinstilasenseof , wereexcludedfrompublic nd appealing songs and lively 12 . Inside 16 , “competitive potential”targetedsocialandpoliticalchange. Father Brault’s most powerful social tool because of the way in which the festival’s the wordsthatguideus.” ing itthesamewayasIdidGregorian. There’s acertainline,notmeasured,it’s nection betweentextandmelody:“[…]tomeafolksong–Ialwaysregardedsing- song imitatedtherhythmicfl Brault infl ceptions toelevatefolksong’s publicimage.FlorineDesprésrevealshowFather trained, heintroducedthemto Acadian classicalcolleges,using elite musicalper- these ideasweredisseminatedinseminariesQuebecwhereFatherBraultwas ceptions aboutthehistoricallinkbetweenfolksongandGregorianchant. and dissemination theories from European folk song scholarship, forming miscon- modality foundinplainchant. 21 20 19 18 17 Indeed, fromtheendof19 song andGregorianchantin Acadia’s classicalcolleges: the choralrepertorymovedawayfrompatrioticsongtofocusonpromotingfolk language, andtraditions. fortunes bymodelingthemselvesontheirforefathers,stayingin Acadia, andbyconservingtheirfaith, tion ofa“newpiety”andpersonal“zeal”thesesongsgenerallyencouraged Acadians tochangetheir patron saintMarie,assymbolsofhopeforamorepromisingfuture.Usingtheultramontanistconcep- origins. The secondinvolvedthedebatesin19 science oflanguage,asamodelto try andreconstructrestoreGregorianchantto its medieval fi avoided leading tones and chromaticism. His theories were developed in relation to two things. The was “modal”innature,thisprovedthatFrenchCanadiansmustbe ofmoralcharacterbecausethey a moralcharacterdeterminedbytheirsound.Positingthatthefolk musicofruralFrenchCanada was a relationship between Gregorian chant and French Canadian folk music, believing scales had written attheturnof20 successfully transformedfolksong’s socialstatus: to document Acadia’s choral successes in the folk song categories, Father Brault rst was France’s chant revival where Benedictine monks at Solemnes Abbey used philology, the Bohlman2004,119. Personalcommunication,7 April, 2004,2:43. Basedonthetheoryofassonance,QuebeccomposerErnestGagnontriedtoprovethat there Personalcommunication,7 April, 2004,1:197–207. Various patrioticsongs,portrayingthe Acadians aspoorexilesor“lespauvres exilés”,were acadien”. songs] Ineverremembersingingotherthingsthan“Évangeline”and“LePêcheur Brault, itwasGregorianchantandfolksong. used tosingforthechurch.OtherwiseImeanstudentswouldhavetheirclassical Florine: […]wewouldnothavebeenrenownedifithadfortheFestival.We meeting orsomethingandwe’dsing[…] before that.We weresingingforthechurchandsometimeswewouldhavealittle It started with Father Brault […] we never had any choirs going outside of the convent uenced theway shetaughtandperformedfolksong,describinghow 17 Folksongswas[sic]notinourtradition[…]Butwhenhecame,Father th century. Manysongsupheld Acadia’s national 20 Shealsounderscoreshowthemusicfestivalbecame exibility ofGregorianchantand emphasizedthecon- th centuryultramontanistideologiesadoptedcreation th Les Chantsacadiens centuryontheoriginsofeight-foldsystem 18 21 [acollectionofpatriotic fl ag, nationalanthem,and Byusingthemedia 19 Since 173 The Changing Face of Acadian Folk Song 174 Jeanette Gallant Chicago Press,2000,437. Yet, when Antonine Maillet’s book ideologies of the Catholic Church, leading Acadians away from their folkloric past. bec. Initially, itbeganwiththestudentmovement’s rejectionof the ultramontane This processwasachievedpoliticallybycreatinganoppositionalidentitytoQue- is culturallyandlinguisticallyseparatefromtherestofCanada. imagine ismadeupofonly Acadians livinginCanada’s MaritimeProvinces,and commonly assumed. It referred to a cultural and emotional nation that Acadians Acadia hadnogeo-politicalboundaries,thenotionofan Acadian nationnowwas minorities living either inside or outside Quebec’s national borders. Thus, although minority intheprovinceofQuebec,whileexcludingotherfrancophonelinguistic This occurredinreactiontonewfederallawswhichprivilegedtheFrenchlinguistic in constructingknowledgeoflocalmusicalpractice. Acadian nation,buthelpedraise Acadia’s nationalpro 26 25 24 23 22 tural organization,theConseildelapromotion et diffusion delaculture(CPDC), Indeed, toensureculturalsurvivalpressuregroupssuchasMoncton’s maincul- picting Acadia asanindependentnationinCanada’s federal political structure. economics, andideasofnationhoodsculpted Acadian cultureinthe1970s,de- society occurred. This newperiodin Acadia soonbegantodefi by theclergytoprovincialgovernmentin1960s,upheavals Acadian When traditional Acadian societyinNewBrunswick shiftedfrombeinggoverned Neo-Nationalism (1960s–1980s) in “servicetothenation” Acadia’s negativeself-perceptions byallowingthefolksongrepertorytowork Both FatherChiassonandBraultthusfosterednationalpridechanged Music, Vol. 3,New York–London, Garland Publishing,2001,172–73. Daley, “Race, Ethnicity, and Nationhood”, in: Ellen Kosoff (dir.), Radano –PhilipV. Bohlman (dirs.), allowing folkloretoactasaculturalshieldagainstanglophonedomination. l’Acadie MathildaBlanchard,“L’Acadie reprendseshabitants”,in: Forafurtherdiscussiononthe“fragmentedcharacterofCanadianmusicalculture”,cf.Michael JocelyneGuilbault,“RacialProjects andMusicalDiscoursesin Trinidad, West Indies”,in:Ronald Bohlman2004,51. Personalcommunication,7 April, 2004,2:9–13. body wantedtocomeNotreDamed’Acadiebeinthechoirandtakemusic. course butthatwouldn’tbeshowninthepaperswhilethiswasapublicthing.Every- werereleasedin1971,afreshperspectiveon Acadian traditions emerged, 23 . They notonlypromoted theliterarylanguageof Music andtheRacialImagination La Sagouine andPierrePerrault’s fi L’Action Nationale 24 The Garland Encyclopedia of World fi le byactivelyparticipating , Chicago–London,Universityof ne howpolitics, 67,10(1978),853. lm L’Acadie 26 22 25 ,

mais envieuxpatoisdecheunous.” sens […]ungarsquisavaitpasécriremais Tout d’abord,ilneparlepaschiac, Jos Manigau as “un pêcheur […] âgé de 60 à 65 ans, plein d’humour et de bons dialect. In a newspaper interview Donat Lacroix describes his folkloric character an oldfolkloriccharacternamed Jos Manigauwhospokeusingtheold Acadian hand, representedworkingclass Acadians bycreatingaperformanceguiseas period. between Acadians fromtheMaritimesandCajunsLouisianaduringthis university campusvenuesworld-wide.Importantmusicaltiesthusbeganforming ization ofethnicgroupsandlinguisticminoritieswasbeingraisedatfestival wars, alsobecamehighlysentimentalizedasconsciousnessaboutthemarginal- diaspora, caused by the Acadian exile in 1755 during the French-English colonial ism and gave Acadia a more de Acadian identity, astheideaofculturalprestigebecamesynonymouswithpatriot- ing theirpast,religion,language,andtraditions.Folklorebecameintegraltothe the “Acadiannation”,usingartistslikeDonatLacroixwhowereseentobeuphold- 30 29 28 27 dian society. the anglophonewayoflife,avirtualfolklorizationbegantooccurinurban Aca- Yet, asfaithfulnessto Acadian ancestrybegantorepresentarefusalgiveinto parler demonpays.Maisnoussommesobligés.” qui megèneaussi,c’estd’êtreobligéderabattresurlefolklorepourpouvoir tionalism in the later half of the 1960s and early 1970s. Calixte Duguay states, “Ce paper articlefrom1972re down” by folklore in his compositional process, the following excerpt from a news- because he composed using standardized French. Frustrated with being “pulled arena. ChansonnierCalixteDuguay, forinstance,representededucated Acadians ton, Memramcook,andShediac. This debatefoundfertilegroundinthemusical chiac foundincitiesandtownsSouthEastNewBrunswickincludingMonc- class, thelanguageoftraditional Acadian society, oraregionaldialect called Acadia. There wasachoice betweenthestandardizedFrenchofeducated language as a political tool. The question was which language best represented create the concept of an Acadian nation through cultural means, using the French later namedConseilprovincialdessociétésculturelles(CPSC),begantryingto 1977 historique”, in:RépertoirenumériquedétaillédufondsFrolic Acadien: Leblanc,Rose-Anna 1973– ing. ZacharyRichardwasoneofthefi in NewBrunswick.Itbecameinstitutionalizedby1973and1975 Cajungroupsbeganparticipat- 7–8. A grassroots music festival called Les Frolics was started in 1972 for young Acadian musicians Blanchard1978,853. Anon.,“JosManigauàcœurouvert.Quiêtes-vousDonat Lacroix?”,in: Anon.,“Quiêtes-vousCalixteDuguay”,in: , Moncton,Centred’étudesacadiennes,1988. 30 29 Pressure groups like the CPDC became focussed on promoting fl ects thestudentmovement’s rejectionofclerico-na- rst Cajunsingersong-writerstobeinvited. Cf. “Fond53:Survol fi ned political face. The question of the Acadian 28 L’Évangeline , 21janvier1972,16. 27 DonatLacroix,ontheother Le Progrès,25juin1971, 175 The Changing Face of Acadian Folk Song 176 Jeanette Gallant onto themapofimagination” lect tinue toclaimthisspacetoday. The currencyandpersistenceofthelocaldia- not onlyenabledmusicto“map”the Acadian nation, but allows Acadians to con- The sense of ownership that the neo-nationalist project fostered during the 1970s The PresentDay sense ofnationhoodandlanguageidentity. in which American popularmusicstylescouldarticulate Acadia’s newlyfound musicians begantoshedthecon dians of the diaspora. As a result, the course of Acadian popular song shifted; Québecois francophoneidentitytowardbecomingtheculturalhomelandto Aca- Suddenly, theconceptof Acadia couldmovefromsimplybeinganextension of a politicalproblem,offering emancipationfromtheconstraintsof Acadia’s past. and Acadia’s newly accepted linguistic identity thus became a musical solution to of “place”inpoliticalterms. The intersectionof American popularmusictrends 34 33 32 31 had beeninfl the issueof Acadia’s languageidentitytookonanotherdimension. Although 1755 However, whenanew Acadian bandcalled1755cametotheforefrontin1976, a regional dialect called Modern Europe”,in:Radano–Bohlman2000,649. ening thenameofsmallcoastaltownoutsideMonctoncalled what arebelievedtobeFrencharchaisms. The wordchiacisthoughttohavebeenderivedfromshort- Shediac, mixesthelocalFrenchvernacularwithEnglish,whileretaining certainnauticaltermsand la Francophonie,2002,44. situation in Acadia onehundredyearsearlier. Cf.RobertDuguay, Maudite guerre”isafolksongbasedonthe American civil war, thatremindedtheband1755of music, itcanbeanything.Itdependswhatyou’resayinginthesongandwhere music orfolkbeforeIwasarocker. Forme Acadian musiccanberap made thefollowingobservationfromamoderniststance,“Ididn’tplaytraditional fi folk song as problematic, suggest that this linguistic identity is in no way identi- Acadian World CongressinNovaScotia2004,whileseeingtheexclusionof World Congressin1994,andthoseIinterviewedduringmy dian poetslikethelateGéraldLeblanc, nation” at this time. Indeed, with the chiac dialect becomingpopularized by Aca- Acadian youthsbecausetheyrepresentedanauthenticpictureofthe“Acadian ed with folklore. Roland Gauvin, former member of the band 1755, for instance, PhilipV. Bohlman,“TheRemembranceof Things Past:Music,Race,andtheEndofHistoryin Duguay2002,10. ZacharyRichardhadagreatin chiac is what “justifi Chiac , foundinSouthEastNewBrunswicktheareasaroundMoncton, Memramcook,and uenced byfolklore, e[d]” this sense of territoriality and “inscribe[d] it directly chiac. fl 32 uence on1755intermsofpolitics andfolklore.Hissong“La They therefore were embraced by the press and 31 34 fi theybecamewell-knownforwritinglyricsusing nes offolksongandaccess thelimitlessways . However, Acadian voicesatthefi 33 languagebegantosignifyauniquesense L’épopée 1755 Shédiac fi . eldwork atthethird , Québec,Éditionsde rst Acadian rst of artisticdesire: painted apicturethatseemedtoportraysenseofsocialobligationratherthan termine whatthestatusoffolksongwasinmusicalcirclestoday, RolandGauvin and “misérabiliste[s]” television broadcastsonRadioCanadastillportrayed Acadians as“folklorique[s]” Congress, Acadian studentGinoLeBlancspoke aboutbeingfrustratedwithhow 41 40 39 38 37 36 35 est néanmoins teintée de ces in composition in Acadia, “[l]achansonacadienne,quiseveutunrefl World Congressin1994sayingthatsincetherewereno“artistic models” ofsong From atraditionalstandpoint,musicianRonaldBourgeoisspokeatthe Acadian it comesfrom.” Moncton, LesÉditionsd’Acadie,1996,122. Acadian artists no longer wanted to be limited by a “caractère national” of Canadianculturalpolitics: which Acadian musiciansarebeingaskedtode tion inCanada’s federal structure. Indeed,RolandGauvinexplainsthewaysin these two artistic communities as they compete for cultural funding and recogni- been constructedinoppositiontoQuebec,tensionshavecreatedbetween Acadian musicianscertaindif cultural ambiguitywhich,intermsofmajority/minoritypowerrelations,hascaused choice to extend Acadia’s cultural boundaries toward Personalcommunication,28 April, 2004,3:96–102. Personalcommunication,28 April, 2004,2:8–10. Personalcommunication,28 April, 2004,2:45–46. Personalcommunication,28 April, 2004,3:32–33. Le Congrèsmondialacadien Le Congrèsmondialacadien Le Congrès mondial acadien: L’Acadie en 2004: actes des conférences et des tables rondes ones. We havetoshowthem whatwearetoday, too. time ago.”It’s becausewe’re keeping thesesymbolsalive;butwehavetoaddthenew Already I’mgettingalotofcommentsfromkids,“Ohyeah,l’Acadiethatwaslong […] wecan’tletthatmusicalgenre[folksong]diebutcannotouridentitydie. and Quebec[…]It’s these differences that[…]makesmymusicunique. the wayIdo‘emmake[sic]medifferent thananotherfrancophonethatlivesin Alberta […] whatI’mtryingtosayisthatwhoIam,wherewasbroughtup,thethingsdo,and think aroundhere. I’m sayingwithmychiacandcertainthingsthewayit,it’s awaypeople It couldbesomebodylivinginParis,Montreal.”Butwhat And I’dsay, “Well thewayhe’s singingit,whathe’s saying,forme isveryuniversal. they’d say, “Well is Danny Boudreau an Acadian artist? Does he sing Acadian music?” explain thisthingandnoticingthatwhatI’msayingdoesnotmakeanysense[…]Like dian music?”I’veseenmyselfhavingmyfootinmouthtwoorthreetimes,tryingto I’ll tellyouoneofthebiggestquestionsIhaveahardtimede 35 Duringaroundtablediscussionatthe1994 Acadian World 36 38 , whilenewspaperdirectorLiseBissonnettedescribedhow 1996,248. 1996,125. fi culties. Forinstance,since Acadia’s identity has fl uences extérieures” uences fi ne Acadian songinthecontext 41 americanité 40 . Yet, when I tried to de- fi ning is “Whatis Aca- has produced a et del’Acadie, 39 37 . Yet,the , 177 The Changing Face of Acadian Folk Song 178 Jeanette Gallant Roland Gauvinthereareveryfewgroupscurrentlydoingtraditionalfolksong: tion –ratherthanthroughmusicaladaptationsoffolksong.Indeed,accordingto 44 43 42 mercially misrepresentedinaccordancewithworld-widemarketdemands. ever, leavessome Acadians feelingasif Acadia’s folkloricidentityisbeingcom- expand orcontracttheirculturalboundariesasthesituationdictates. This, how- has expandedinrelationtotheculturalindustries,musiciansusefolkelements to revealtheirsupportforCanadianfederalism. Thus, as Acadia’s musicmarket Acadian identitythroughlanguage,butexperimentwithoutsidemusicalelements their supportforCanada’s multi-culturalprojectinthatmusicianscanexpresstheir However, thesemusicalhybridsenable Acadian musicianstosonicallyarticulate meaning andrepresentation Grand Dérangementpresentfolkloricmaterial,theyachievethisthroughmusical of political currency. Therefore, although modern Acadian bands such as Blou and an externalideologythatrecognizesfolksongashavinghistoricweightinterms confl gious, socio-economic,andsocio-politicalbaggage.Inotherwords,itrevealsthe but withfolksongconnectedto Acadia’s past;itcarriesacertainamountofreli- ethnic concept not only does not resonate with the linguistic con What thesediscoursesrevealisthattheNorth-Southexpansivenessof Acadia’s performing folksongthesedaysandhesaid: Therefore, I asked musician Jac Gautreau if Acadian musicians were interested in Lanham–Maryland–Oxford, The ScarecrowPressInc.,2003,43. the Soul”,in:MartinStokes–PhilipV. Bohlman(dirs.), Personalcommunication,28 April, 2004,2:77–78. CarolineBithell,“SharedImaginations:CelticandCorsicanEncountersintheSoundscape of Personalcommunication,29 April, 2004,2:33–38. ict betweenaninternal ideologythatwishestoavoidnationalistsymbols,and […]. but liketheirarrangementsandthatarebecomingvery, verylikeIguessworldbeat not sayit’s traditional;even Vishten whenyoulistentothem,theirmusicistraditional Well, there’s Vishten…’cause there’s alotofgroupsthathaveanin a model,thenitstopshavingvalue. apart tomeiswhenweremovethesenseofplacefrompersonthatoffer upas much through Marie-Jo Thério as it is through père Anselme Chiasson. Where it falls brating that[…].Iremainconvincedthewaytopreserving Acadian identityisas Acadian song. There areafewthatspendinglotoftimeresearchingandcele- There’s certainlysomegroupsthatareinterestedinwritingthespiritoftraditional relationship totheworldandit’s colouredbymyculturalidentity, thenit’s afolksong. to beawiderdescriptionthanmaybemostpeople,inthesenseifittalksaboutmy Some areandsomearen’tyouknow. Imeanfolksong–I’vealwaysimaginedthat 44 43 –bethatinchoicesofcostumeand/orinstrumenta- 42 Celtic Modern:MusicattheGlobalFringe fi nes of folk song, fl uence butIwill , 46 45 the group”. that inrelationto“nationalism”oroutside of placepredominates,folkmusicrespondsto[…]externaldevelopments”,be concept of Acadia, theplace.PhilipBohlmansuggeststhatwhen“concept Today, Acadian songistiedtoanethnicconcept,preoccupiedwithreinforcingthe Conclusion modern senseofethnicityornationhoodintoday’s context. ment industrybecause,asasymbolofthepast,itdoesnotresonatewith Acadia’s being transmittedsuccessfullythrougheducationalinstitutionsorbytheentertain- in each new context. This de moment, choices of identity may be unable to reconcile how folk song will operate tions do not echo important aesthetic and cultural values in the present historical This processallowsustorecognizethatifchoicesofrepertoryorcanon-forma- which folksongabsorbsmeaningas a result ofchangingsocialcircumstances. only to identify how folk song impacts the social, but to understand the way in interchange between social and historical components of identity construction not change” with“conservativetendencies”. core andboundaries”,adialecticofidentityconstructionwhichbinds“persistent basis asoutlinedinthispaper. Eachofthem re Bohlman1988,67. Bohlman1988,53. 45 However, thispointstobutoneofthechanges infolksong’s social fi nes the current situation in Acadia. Folk song is not 46 Indeed,thisdiscussionunderscoresthe fl uences thatare“notspeci fl ects a“dynamicinterrelationof fi c to c 179 The Changing Face of Acadian Folk Song 180 Herménégilde Chiasson, Un homme et une femme regardent un arbre en fl eurs

181 182 dlers arefromthoseareas.Still,itisdiffi living inlargercentresNewBrunswick,andmostoftoday’s traditionalsingersand Scotia andPrinceEdwardIslandhavemaintainedtheirmusicaltraditionsbetterthanthose revival happened in Acadie until the 1990s. Acadians living in small communities in Nova infl named 1755 created a new sound combining Country, Bluegrass, Rock, and traditional favourites, but also popularized some little known folksongs. During the 1970s, the band on thescene.ÉdithButler, forexample,notonlycomposedsongsthatbecamelasting put aside. By the mid-century, several musical troubadours or “chansonniers” appeared that weren’t easily adapted to a style that included guitar accompaniment tended to be new musical styles, such as the Country & Western sounds they heard on radio. Folksongs content. At thesametime,generalpopulationwasbecomingincreasinglyexposedto posed patrioticsongs,whiletheyconsideredmanytraditionalsongstohavedubiousmoral of theproblemwasthateducatedelitepreferredtopresentpublicwithnewlycom- the folksongs of their ancestors, because the tradition was largely forgotten during the 20 écrivait dans à une population aux prises avec de nouvelles in culture conservatricecorrespondantàunidéaldevie paysanne quel’onproposait bec, l’élitecléricaleréactionnairevoyaitlefolklorecomme undesélémentsd’une Revenons d’abordsurlapériodeclérico-nationaliste. En Acadie, commeauQué- vicissitudes deleurhistoire,laquestionesttrèspertinente. exprimée par les Acadiens envers tout ce qu’ils ont réussi à accomplir malgré les si riche n’arrive-t-il pas à apprécier cette richesse culturelle? Étant donné la mais laquestiondemeure:pourquoiunpeuplequipossèdeunetraditionmusicale musicales. Leproblèmeestdoncbiensituédanssoncontextesocialethistorique, individus etgroupesquin’arriventpasàpro pondant àunevolontédeconstructionidentitairemaisaussiunmalaisechezles outil deproductionsymbolique,cequientraîneàlafoisunetransformationré- nelle acadienne a perdu sa fonction sociale au cours du temps, pour devenir un Nous avonsvu,dansl’articledeJeanetteGallant,commentlamusiquetradition- In the early 20 Abstract La chansontraditionnelledansl’Acadiecontemporaine are widelyacclaimedatWorld Musicfestivalsinternationally. can traditionalmusicbeheard,despitethefactthattoday’s talented Acadian folksingers marginalized bythemainstreammassmedia,andonlyonlocalcommunityradiostations century, asfolklorewasgivenaninferiorstatustocontemporaryculture.Folksingingisstill uences. Whiletheirrepertoireincludedasmallnumberoftraditionalsongs,notruefolk th Vie Française century, few Acadian folksongs were popularized in print or otherwise. Part quesuiteàlacollectedeschansonstraditionnelles cultfor Acadian musicianstorepresentadequately fi ter delavalorisationdestraditions fl uences. En 1947, Fernand Biron Université deMoncton Ronald Labelle fi erté fi d- th

183 La chanson traditionnelle dans l’Acadie contemporaine 184 Ronald Labelle inachevé”, in: En Acadie, oùles intitulée culture populairequ’unesériede recueils largementdiffusée auCanadafrançais il yavait“desdéchets”.Ilrésultedeceméprisvis-à-viscertainsélémentsla ron écrit même que parmi les milliers de chansons recueillies par les folkloristes, plutôt auxintellectuels.” Ceseraitunlivrequis’adresserait portance auxchansonsde‘surl’enpremier’. masse dupeuplequi,malheureusement,n’attacheaujourd’huiquetrèspeud’im- écrivait: “LeRomanceroquejevoudraispubliern’intéresseraitpeut-êtrepasla pas au projet. Dans une lettre adressée au père Anselme Chiasson en 1941, il de publierunrecueilplusexhaustif,maisilcraignaitquelepeuplenes’intéresse et collecteurdechansonsacadiennesJoseph-ThomasLeBlancavaitl’intention parmi le répertoire folklorique. Avant son décès prématuré en 1943, le journaliste liers et aux jeunes en général, ce qui explique en partie la sélection que l’on a faite Les recueilsdechansonspubliésàcetteépoques’adressaientsurtoutauxéco- aussi opérée.Ilnepouvaitenêtreautrementdanslecontextedesannées1940. Boudreau ontétélependantde En 1928,dans lorsqu’elle décrit à Jeanette Gallant la culture musicale des couvents du passé. “Évangéline”. Cesdeuxdernièressontd’ailleurscellescitéesparFlorineDesprés riques comme “La fl la tradition depuis longtemps, préférant les chansons patriotiques pseudo-folklo- tuels auxquelssongeaitLeBlanc,puisquel’éliteacadiennes’étaitdétournéede États-Unis ouencoreduQuébec.Ilseraittoutefoisdiffi die, dûsurtoutàlapopularitéd’émissionsradiophoniquesdiffusées àpartirdes où ilécrivait,lescourantsmusicauxmoderness’imposaientrapidementen Aca- Pour comprendrelesremarquesdeJ.-T. LeBlanc,ilfautserappelerqu’àl’époque la peined’êtreréapprisesielleestmoralementbonneetmusicalementbelle.” entreprise au Canada français, un triage s’imposait. Je cite: “Une chanson vaudra 3 2 1 1928, 328. Poirier avaitécrit: Pascal Poirier, Leparleracadienetsesorigines CitédansCharlotte Cormier–DonaldDeschênes,“Joseph-ThomasLeBlancetleromancero FernandBiron,“Folkloreetloisirs”,in: reste durépertoiremusicaldel’ancienne Acadie. cantiques del’ a noyéesdansleslarmesdesproscritsde1755.Leschantsliturgiques,quelques de France […] quoique les anciens se les remémorent toujours. L’Angleterre les La générationacadienned’aujourd’huinechanteplusguèrelesvieilleschansons La bonnechanson Canadian FolkloreCanadien Le parleracadienetsesorigines empremier eur du souvenir”, “Le pêcheur acadien” et bien sûr la chanson Chansons d’Acadie 2

présenteunevisiontrèsépuréede la traditionorale. , d’autresplusrécents[…],voilààpeuprèstoutcequi La bonnechanson 13,2(1991),64. Vie Française despères Anselme ChiassonetDaniel , Québec,ImprimerieFranciscaineMissionnaire, 6(mars1947),325. 3

, lenationalisteacadienPascal , unecensureinévitables’est cile d’identi cile fi er lesintellec- 1 Bi- s’ajoutent quelqueschansonsfolkloriquesépurées, un nouveaumouvementde chorales ontunrépertoireformédechantsclassiques etpatriotiques,auxquels les infl sicaux. Àpartirdesannées1950,laculturemusicale del’Acadieéclate,suivant ont étéécartéesparcequ’ellesnecadraientpasaveclesnouveauxcourantsmu- un certainpointpendantlesannées1940et1950,maisbeaucoupdechansons La transmission orale du répertoire traditionnel acadien s’est poursuivie jusqu’à Wing àHein”,expressiontiréedurefrainarchiconnu. musique Country Acadien desannées1980avaitmêmechoisides’appeler“La Le succès de la chanson “Le Rapide Blanc” a été tellement grand qu’un duo de (1960), 401–434. 5 4 populaire acadienne et celle de l’élite au début du 20 Cette citation nous indique à quel point s’était creusé le fossé entre la culture de l’ethnologueLucLacourcière. de cettechansonancienneaustyleCountry&Western afaitl’objetd’unarticle un énormesuccèspopulaire ayant commetitre“LeRapideBlanc”.L’adaptation chanteur populaire québécois Oscar Thiffault a endisqué en 1954 pour en faire Country &Western. Unexempleserait“Lemoinetremblantetladame”quele mélodies de chansons traditionnelles ont alors été adaptées au nouveau rythme çais, suivantl’exempled’artistesquébécoiscomme Ti-Blanc Richard.Certaines se situait.OnaviteapprisquelamusiqueCountrypouvaitêtrechantéeenfran- de lacôteestdesÉtats-UnisouGaspésiequébécoise,dépendantd’oùon De puissantesstationsradiophoniquesétaientalorscaptéesenprovenancesoit et d’autresinstruments. qu’ils accompagnèrentàlaguitare, à laquelles’ajoutèrentlamandoline,lebanjo adeptes delamusiqueCountry&Western, apprenantdeschansonsanglaises comme la population anglophone des Provinces maritimes, sont vite devenus des années 1930,avecl’arrivéedelaradioetl’industrie du disque.Les Acadiens, que denouveauxcourantsmusicauxsesontimposéstrèsrapidementversles vogue en Acadie avantlesannées1960? Les enquêtesethnographiquesrévèlent du peuplenes’yintéressaitplus,quellesétaientalorslesformesmusicalesen Si l’éliteacadienneavaitoubliéleschansons traditionnelles etquelamasse jorité delapopulationconnaissaituneévolutionculturelletoutàfaitdifférente. livresque danslescouventsetcollègesdel’Acadie,alorsquelatrèsgrandema- tuelle” à laquelle se référait Poirier était sans doute celle qui acquérait une culture redonné lecaractèredechansonàdanserqu’elleavaitenFranceau18 compagnement instrumental de style Country, Oscar Thiffault lui aurait en effet Lacourcière1960,426. LucLacourcière,“DumoinetremblantauRapideBlanc”,in: uences venuesdetoutepart. Alors quedanslescollègesetcouvents, 4 Cedernieradémontréqu’enyajoutantunac- Recherches Sociographiques e siècle. La “génération ac- e siècle. 1,4 5

185 La chanson traditionnelle dans l’Acadie contemporaine 186 Ronald Labelle qui sont les mieux placés pour aller représenter l’Acadie aujourd’hui dans les issus des milieux minoritaires en Nouvelle-Écosse et à l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard gions à majorité anglophone. Paradoxalement, ce sont les musiciens et chanteurs l’Acadie contemporaine, dans des communautés dispersées à l’intérieur de ré- mettre la chanson traditionnelle et ce phénomène persiste surtout en marge de Heureusement, il existe toujours des milieux ruraux où l’on a continué à trans- s’intégrer aumouvementdevalorisationdupatrimoinequébécois. a menédesétudesenethnologieàl’UniversitéLavaletelleyestdemeuréepour teuses traditionnelles des années 1990, a choisi de se rendre au Québec où elle en Acadie pendantleursannéesformatives. Tess LeBlanc,unedesrareschan- mais aussidelachansontraditionnelletoutcourt,aucun tion d’Acadiensaétécoupéenonseulementdelatraditionoraleleursaïeux, lée delamondialisationetWorld Music.Ilenrésultequetouteunegénéra- les traditionsmusicalessoientvaloriséesdenouveauversl’an2000,danslafou- La situation demeure inchangée pendant une vingtaine d’années, jusqu’à ce que comme lesChansonsd’Acadie puisait sonrépertoiredanslesarchivesdefolklore,ainsiquedesrecueils loriques acadiennes. Édith Butler avait étudié l’ethnologie à l’Université Laval et les années1970eninterprétantdesarrangementsoriginauxdechansonsfolk- Édith Butler a connu le même sort après avoir eu un succès international pendant populaire rejetaienttoutcequisemblaitvenirdupassé.Lachanteuse la décenniedesannées1980,alorsquelesmédiasetl’industriedemusique Malgré leur grand succès à la grands succès, “Le jardinier du couvent”, soit tiré directement du folklore acadien. Le répertoirede1755comprendpeuchantstraditionnels,bienqu’unleurs est devenuuncourantimportantdanslaculturemusicaleacadienne. ment étéimitéedepuisetl’onpeutaf textes composés par le poète Gérald Leblanc. C’est une formule qui a constam- Country, labatteriestyleRocketdeplus,1755chanteenfrançaisacadiendes créé unsoncombinantleviolontraditionnel,banjostyleBluegrass,laguitare qu’a connul’ensemble1755pendantlesannées1970.Cetensemblemusicala ondes radiophoniquesaméricaines.Oncomprendalorslesuccèsphénoménal le folkloreouencorelamusiqueBluegrass,quiarriveelleaussiparvoixdes mince couchedelapopulationestsensibiliséeàautrechosequeleCountry, les chansonniers québécois avaient un public assez nombreux, en Acadie une Calixte Duguayincarnelemieuxlachansonpoétiqueen Acadie, maisalorsque chanson poétique. chanson poétiqueapparaît.Lagénérationd’Acadiensinstruitss’intéresseàla . fi n des années 1970, 1755 n’a pas pu traverser fi rmer quel’amalgamemusicalcréépar1755 folk revivaln’ayantexisté l’alouette”, d’abordpubliéedanslasérie reprise etinterprétéequantitédefois.Undeuxièmeexempleserait“Auchant Acadie, comme ailleurs au Canada français, la version publiée par Gagnon a été 9 8 7 6 français, d’ErnestGagnon,dontlapremièreéditionparutentre1865et1867. parce qu’ellefaisaitpartieducélèbrerecueil exemples, tout le monde connaît la chanson “À la claire fontaine” aujourd’hui chansonniers, deschoralesoud’autresensemblesmusicaux.Pourciterquelques chansons, peuconnuespuisqu’ellesn’avaientjamaisétépopulariséespardes prendre quelesarchivesregorgeaientd’enregistrementsdebellesvariantes Le public,ainsiquel’animatricedel’émission,étaientsurprischaquefoisd’ap- interprétées desversionsdifférentes. son origine et je présentais en dont aumoinsuneversionétaitassezbienconnuedupublic;j’expliquaisensuite chansons traditionnelles acadiennes. Je proposais chaque semaine une chanson Atlantique, j’aiprésentéquatorzechroniqueshebdomadairesconsacréesàdes poraine. Danslecadred’unesérieradiophoniquesurlesondesdeRadio-Canada point latransmissionoralemusicaleétaitchosedupassédansl’Acadiecontem- Une expériencequej’aimenéeàl’hiver2007m’apermisdeconstaterquel auprès desgénérationsprécédentespourbâtirleurrépertoire. cale traditionnelle,maisontquandmêmedûpuiserdanslescollectionsrecueillies folklore n’avaitpasdisparu,ilsontacquisuneappréciationpourlarichessemusi- ton oudel’UniversitéLavalpourconstituerleurrépertoire.Venant demilieuxoùle fait le pèlerinage incontournable aux archives de folklore de l’Université de Monc- le folkloreacadiensontleshéritiersd’unetraditionoraleininterrompue. Tous ont Il nefautcependantpascroirequelesjeunesmusiciensquiinterprètentaujourd’hui toute unedécennie,avantdecessersesactivitésen2004. Ce derniergroupemusicalaconnuunsuccèsinternationalimportantpendant Dérangement, delaNouvelle-Écosse,etBarachois,l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard. et desÎles-de-la-Madeleine.OnpourraitaussimentionnerlesensemblesGrand celui dugroupeVishten, formé dejeunesoriginairesl’Île-du-Prince-Édouard festivals internationauxdemusiquefolklorique.Lemeilleurexempleàciterserait Réparation, 1944,15. et 1867. duite dansdeuxrecueilslargementdiffusés, HélèneBaillargeon, AnselmeChiasson–DanielBoudreau, Ernest Gagnon, Chansons populaires du Canada français

Chante rossignolet! Chante rossignolet! , Québec,ÉditionsFerland,1964. Vive laCanadienne 9 , publiédeuxansplustard.Cettedernièrechanson s’est fi n des enregistrements tirés des archives où sont , Montréal,ÉditionsduJour, 1964. Chansons d’Acadie:2 Chansons d’Acadie Vive laCanadienne Chansons populairesduCanada , Bureau du “Foyer Canadien”, 1865– e série,Montréal,ÉditionsdeLa en1944, 8 , paruen1962, 7 etrepro- 6 En 187 La chanson traditionnelle dans l’Acadie contemporaine 188 Ronald Labelle 10 Georges Arsenault. qu’Édith Butlerl’achantéeaprèsl’avoirrepéréeenarchivesdanslacollection une chansonlocaleprovenantdel’Île-du-Prince-Édouardquiestconnueparce a recueillies.Laseulechansontraditionnelleduspectacle,“MarieCaissie”,est son traditionnelle, mais les musiciens n’interprètent aucune des chansons qu’il on rendhommageaupère Anselme Chiasson,poursesrecherchesenchan- À titred’exemple,danslecadreduspectacle“Odeàl’Acadie”,crééen2004, point telquemêmelesclassiquesdufolkloreacadienleursontparfoisétrangers. génération demusiciensacadiensaétécoupéesesracinesmusicalesàun et diffusé descentainesde chansonstraditionnellesacadiennes,maislanouvelle On entendsouventlouangerlesefforts dupère Anselme Chiassonquiarecueilli chansonniers. primé quilesadiffusé par l’écrit,d’oùellessontentréesdanslerépertoiredes pas latraditionoralequinouslesaléguées,maisplutôtl’auteurd’unrecueilim- connues chez la population en général aujourd’hui et dans chaque cas ce n’est vière”. Sommetoute,auplusunevingtainedechansonstraditionnellessont pour d’autres chansons très connues comme “Wing tra la” et “En montant la ri- d’Acadie Si “Auchantdel’alouette”n’avaitpasd’abordétépubliéedansles pour enfaireunsuccèscommercialpendantlesannées1960. fait connaîtreenpartieparcequel’ensemblequébécoisLesCarrickl’areprise Amérique Latine et dans plusieurs pays d’Europe, la tradition orale fait l’objet arts traditionnelsdeQuébecen2002,MoniqueJutras faisaitremarquerqu’en Lors d’unetablerondequieutlieudanslecadredu Festivalinternationaldes l’amour duCountry”. sique Country à la télévision de Radio-Canada, avec des émissions comme “Pour ni àlatélévisiond’état,bienqu’onaccordequandmêmeuneplacemu- Canada françaisn’estdiffusée defaçonrégulièrenisurlesondesradiophoniques sieurs années maintenant, aucune émission consacrée aux traditions orales du culturelle centréesurMontréalestimposéeàlagrandeurdupays.Depuisplu- dans lesmédiasetenparticuliersurondesdeRadio-Canada,oùunevision naissent paslefolkloredeleursaïeux.Lamusiquetraditionnelleestméprisée On ne doit pas se surprendre de constater que les jeunes Acadiens ne con- à l’Acadie”estd’ailleursdirectementin Centred’étudesacadiennes,collectionGeorges Arsenault, enreg.no1015(1975). , ilestcertainqu’onnelaconnaîtraitpasaujourd’hui.Ilendemême 10 L’interprétation qu’en font les participants au spectacle “Ode fl uencée parl’arrangementd’ÉdithButler. Chansons camp, Chéticamp(Nouvelle-Écosse),URL:http://www.ckjm.ca (29.12.2008). vieilles chansonsdusud-ouestdelaNouvelle-Écosse dans la Baie Sainte-Marie, un recueil de 120 chansons traditionnelles intitulé tradition orale acadienne. Les rares ensembles musicaux acadiens qui, comme ils sontsouventdéçusd’yentendrepeudemusique qui puisesasourcedansla artistes aptesàreprésenterlaricheculturemusicaleacadiennel’étrangeret Acadie. Les promoteurs européens en particulier y cherchent chaque année des vernementaux qui appuient les efforts pour stimuler une industrie musicale en projets detournées.Cetévénementestsubventionnépardesorganismesgou- promoteurs deconcertsontl’opportunitéd’entendrelesartistesetd’initierdes Acadie, unrassemblementannuelquiexistedepuisplusdevingtansetoùles gine. Jecitel’exempledelaFranco-fêteen Acadie, anciennementleContact- promotion leurpermettantdesefaireentendreàl’extérieurrégiond’ori- Les musiciens acadiens possèdent quand même aujourd’hui de bons outils de rurales dusud-estNouveau-Brunswick. poste situé à Shédiac s’adresse principalement aux auditeurs des communautés être captédanslarégionurbainedeMoncton,soitRadioBeauséjour, maisce sèdent une zone de diffusion limitée. Un seul poste de radio communautaire peut leur impactnedépassepaslecadrerégional,carlesradioscommunautairespos- Des initiativesdecegenrecontribuentaudéveloppementmusicalen Acadie, mais présentant descopiesdedocumentsd’archivessonores. par laradiocommunautaireetdiffusé avecuncoffret desixdisquescompacts collaborateur du père Anselme Chiasson. Chansons d’Acadie un enregistrementsonoredes528chansonspubliéesdanslesonzecahiersde des derniers héritiers de la chanson traditionnelle acadienne, en plus de produire nautaire aparticipéàunprojetd’enregistrementdurépertoiredeLéo Aucoin, un ticulièrement enNouvelle-Écosse.ÀChéticamp,auCap-Breton,laradiocommu- projets ambitieux visant la diffusion de la musique traditionnelle. C’est le cas par- seau nationalpublic.Àcertainsendroits,lesradioscommunautairesmènentdes comblant enpartielevidelaisséparl’abandondelaculture populaire parleré- radios communautairesacadiennesàprendredesinitiativesdanscedomaine, Le nouvel intérêt que connaît la musique traditionnelle aujourd’hui stimule les 13 12 11 de folklore” d’une grandefi 147. Clare, 2003. “Table ronde:lesvoies /voixdelatradition:faireduneufavecvieux”,in: Dave Le Blanc, Nos vieilles chansons du sud-ouest de la Nouvelle-Écosse Collection Chansons d’Acadie 11 . erté, alorsqu’ici,“ilfautsouvents’excuser defaireunechanson , interprétées par nul autre que le père Daniel Boudreau, le , disponible sur le site internet de la Coopérative Radio-Chéti- 12 À l’autre extrémité de la province, 13 arécemmentétéproduit , Association Radio- , Association Rabaska 1(2003), Nos 189 La chanson traditionnelle dans l’Acadie contemporaine 190 Ronald Labelle en tantquepeupledanslemondecontemporain. mais comme une forme d’expression culturelle qui peut nous aider nous épanouir ditionnelle nonseulementcommeunsouvenirdumode devienosancêtres, de l’humanité,peut-êtrecommenceronsnousalorsà considérerlamusiquetra- que nos traditions orales représentent un précieux apport au patrimoine musical mondial. Quand suf a adoptéen2007uneConventionpourlasauvegarde dupatrimoineimmatériel partout au monde. C’est d’ailleurs en réponse à ce phénomène que l’UNESCO acadienne. Maisilfautreconnaîtreaussiquelestraditionsoralessontmenacées l’importance d’encouragerlemaintiend’uneculturemusicaleauthentiquement titutions d’enseignementetlesorganismespublicsn’ontpasencorereconnu la cultureacadienneactuelle.Onpeutcritiquerlefaitquelesmédias,ins- comme unbeausymboledupassémaisquel’onn’arrivepasàl’incorporerdans Jeanette Gallantconcluaitquelachansontraditionnelleestvueaujourd’hui acadienne alorsqu’ellefaitcarrièredepuislongtempsendehorsduCanada. elle achoisidemeneruneétudeimportantesurlethèmelaculturemusicale aux souces.JeanetteGallantnousfournitunautreexempledumêmegenre,car interpréter surscèneetdisque,enplusdeparticiperàunfi revient en Acadie puiser des mélodies folkloriques dans les archives pour les de renomméeinternationale,qui,aprèsplusieursannéescarrièreenEurope, un regardlucide.UnexempleàciterseraitceluideSuzieLeBlanc,lasoprano Je constate que trop souvent il faut se placer à l’extérieur de l’Acadie pour y jeter acadien. que celui des critiques qui s’opposent à la valorisation de l’héritage traditionnel contemporaine delangueanglaise.Untelargumentneseraitpasplusabsurde est grand temps qu’on laisse de côté le français pour s’intégrer à une Amérique sait quel’Acadiecen’estriend’autrelacultured’expressionfrançaiseetqu’il même delamusiquefolklorique.C’estunpeucommesi Acadien anglicisédi- contemporaine. Detellesplaintesre que lefolkloreetqu’ilfautdépassercesvieilleriespoursetournerverslaculture tional, onentendencoredanslesmédiaslemessagequel’Acadiecen’estpas Malgré l’intérêtsuscitéparlamusiquetraditionnelleacadienneauniveauinterna- musique Countrynord-américaine. concerts locaux, alors que d’autres sont attirés par Nashville, la Mecque de la Certains secontententdejouerdansdessallesdanseouparticiperà Country, la plupart évoluent en dehors de l’industrie du spectacle francophone. listes européensprésents.Quantauxnombreuxensemblesacadiensdugenre de suite happés par les promoteurs et se font toujours remarquer par les journa- Vishten, réinterprètentla chanson traditionnellefrançaisedecheznous,sonttout fi samment de personnes seront venues en Acadie nous dire fl ètent uneignoranceàproposdelanature lm sursonretour Herménégilde Chiasson, Evangeline Beach, an American Tragedy, peinture no. 2

191 192 a remportéleprix TV5 pourlemeilleurdocumentaireprésentéau11 Ginette Pellerin et Épopée cumentaires historiques, dont mités scientifi aux ÉditionsMarévied’Edmundston.MauriceBasquesiègeàdenombreuxco- Histoire delaprofessionenseignanteacadienneauNouveau-Brunswick il areçuleprixFrance-AcadiepoursonlivreDeMarcLescarbotàl’AEEFNB. culture politiqueacadienne.Ilapubliédenombreuxarticlesetlivresen1995, Moncton. Historien,ilestspécialistedel’Acadiecolonialeetl’histoirela Maurice Basqueestdirecteurdel’Institutd’étudesacadiennesàl’Université and outgoingpresidentofthe Association forCanadianStudies. tres. HeisthecurrentchairpersonofOrderNewBrunswickadvisorycouncil Chevalier desPalmesacadémiquesandin2003,a Arts etdesLet- a radio commentator for the Société Radio-Canada. In 2002, France made him a fi Nouveau-Brunswick etprésidentdel’Associationd’études canadiennes. et des Lettres. Maurice Basque est président du Conseil consultatif de l’Ordre du France l’afaitChevalierdesPalmesacadémiqueset en2003,Chevalierdes Arts est égalementchroniqueuràlaradiodeSociété Radio-Canada. En2002,la ternational du fi TV5 prizeforthebestdocumentarypresentedat11 Épopée Quest (National Film Board of Canada, 1994) by director Ginette Pellerin and participated intheproductionofmanydocumentary Maurice Basqueisamemberofseveralnationalscholarlycommitteesandhas (Éditions Marévie, Edmundston) was awarded the France-Acadie prize in 1995. bot àl’AEEFNB.HistoiredelaprofessionenseignanteauNouveau-Brunswick ture. Hehaspublishednumerousarticles,andoneofhisbooks,DeMarcLescar- interests include Acadian colonialhistoryand thehistoryof Acadian politicalcul- ennes at the Université de Moncton in New Brunswick, Canada. His research Maurice Basque,historian,isthecurrentdirectorofInstitutd’étudesacadi- Maurice Basque Contributors lm francophone de Namur, in Belgium, in 1996. Maurice Basque also works as (NFB,1995)bydirectorHerménégildeChiasson,whichwasawardedthe ques nationauxetila participéàlaréalisationdenombreuxdo- lm francophone de Namur en Belgique en 1996. Maurice Basque – Auteurs (ONF, 1995) du cinéaste Herménégilde Chiasson qui Évangéline

en Quête (ONF, 1994) de la cinéaste fi lms, including lms, th Festivalinternationaldu Evangeline’s e Festivalin- , publié

193 Contributors – Auteurs 194 Contributors – Auteurs relations austro-américaines. Guerre mondiale et membre du conseil académique de l’Institut Botstiber pour les plus de vingt livres, “Presidential Counselor” du musée national de la Deuxième Studies 17 volumesdeContemporaryAustrian War, 1945-55 mondiale etlaguerrefroideenEuropecentrale.Ilapublié tamment sur le traitement des prisonniers de guerre pendant la Deuxième Guerre de laguerrefroide,ayantpubliénombreuxarticlessurlesdeuxpériodes,no- autrichiennes. GünterBischofestspécialistedelaDeuxièmeGuerremondiale et de laNouvelle-Orléansetl’Universitéd’Innsbruckainsiqued’autresinstitutions conférences quisontlerésultatd’unecoopérationexemplaire entre l’Université breux échangesd’étudiantsetuniversitaires,desprojetsdepublication versité de la Nouvelle-Orléans. Le CenterAustria assure la coordination des nom- professeur d’histoire(MarshallPlanProfessor)etdirigeleCenterAustriaàl’Uni- à Innsbruck, à Vienne, à la Nouvelle-Orléans et à Harvard. Actuellement, il est caines, ilaégalementfaitdesétudesd’histoireetderelationsinternationales avec sa femme cajun et ses enfants austro-cajuns. Diplômé en études améri- puis douze ans, il habite à Larose, Louisiana, aux bords du bayou Lafourche, D’origine autrichienne,GünterBischofvitauxÉtats-Unisdepuistrenteans.De- the BotstiberInstituteon Austrian-American Relations. National World War IIMuseumandisamemberofthescholarlyadvisoryboard He istheco-editorof20morebooks.servesasaPresidentialCounselorat Austrian Studies(1993-2009)withcolleaguesfromtheUniversityofInnsbruck. the First Cold War, 1945-55 during World War IIandtheColdWar inCentralEurope.Hepublished of whichhehaspublishedwidely, especiallyonthetreatmentofprisonerswar In hisacademiclife,heisaspecialistonWorld War IIandtheColdWar, onboth sity ofInnsbruck,aswellthecooperationswithmanyother Austrian institutions. transatlantic partnershipbetweentheUniversity of New Orleans andtheUniver- ulty exchanges,publicationsandconferenceactivitiesthatarepartofthemodel contemporary history. CenterAustriacoordinatesthenumerousstudentandfac- CenterAustria attheUniversityofNewOrleans,whereheteachesinternational leans, andHarvard.HeistheMarshallPlanProfessorofHistoryDirector tory andinternationalrelationsattheuniversitiesofInnsbruck,Vienna, NewOr- kids in Larose, Louisiana, on Bayou Lafourche. He studied American studies, his- years, adozenofwhichhehaslivedwithhisCajunwifeandthree Austro-Cajun Günter Bischofisanativeof Austria. He haslivedintheUnitedStatesfor30 Günter Bischof (1999)etco-dirigé,avecdescollèguesdel’Université d’Innsbruck, (1999) and co-edited 17 volumes of (1993-2009).Ilestco-éditeurde Austria intheFirstCold Contemporary Austria in 1894–1901 Utopia intheNewSouth:TheRuskinColonies Tennessee andGeorgia, ing in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 tory attheUniversityofNorthCarolina.Hispublicationsinclude ment. Since1992hehasbeentheWilliamB.UmsteadProfessorofHis- and attheUniversityofFlorida,wherehealsoservedaschairdepart- Ph.D. from Harvard University (1988). He taught at Queen’s University Fitzhugh Brundage received his B.A. from the University of Chicago (1981) and his Fitzhugh Brundage Moncton paruen2007surlepoèteGéraldLeblanc. avec JeanMorency, lapublicationd’unnumérode Tangence, Dialogues francophones, Liaison la publicationdeplusieursdossierssurlittératureacadienne,notammentdans littérature acadienneen Acadie, auQuébecetenFrance.Iladirigéoucodirigé Il travaille présentement à une recherche sur les discours critiques portant sur la les rapports institutionnels entre littératures acadienne, québécoise et française. a publié plusieurs travaux sur le rapport à la langue en littérature acadienne et sur térature acadiennecontemporainequ’ilexamined’unpointdevueinstitutionnel.Il çaises del’UniversitéMoncton.Sesrechercesportentprincipalementsurlalit- Raoul Boudreauestprofesseurtitulaireetdirecteurdudépartementd’étudesfran- ton onthe Acadian poetGéraldLeblanc. with JeanMorency, aspecialedition(2007)ofthe Dialogues francophones,Liaison the publicationofanumberspecialdossierson Acadian literaturein Acadie, Québec, and France on Acadian literature. He has directed or co-directed France. Hiscurrentresearchprojectexaminesthecriticaldiscourseproducedin literature andtherelationsbetweenliteraryinstitutionsin Acadie, Québec,and He has published widely on the relationship of language and literature in Acadian interests includecontemporary Acadian literaturefromasociologicalpointofview. of theDepartmentFrenchStudiesatUniversityMoncton.Hisresearch Raoul Boudreauisprofessorof Acadian and FrenchliteraturecurrentlyChair Raoul Boudreau Americans andthecreationof American massculture. of American Historians.Heiscurrentlycompletinganeditedcollectionon African Southern Historical Association, andtheMerleCurti Award fromtheOrganization Award fromtheSouthernRegionalCouncil,CharlesSydnor Award fromthe as wellthreeeditedcollections.His books havebeenawardedtheLilianSmith (1996),and The SouthernPast: A ClashofRaceandMemory , and Québec Studiesandhehasco-directed, et Québec Studies Revue del’UniversitéMonc- Revue del’Université (1993), A Socialist et il a codirigé, Tangence, (2005), Lynch- 195 Contributors – Auteurs 196 Contributors – Auteurs d’orchestre etdechanteuse. et laphonationàl’UniversitédeReadingtoutencontinuant lacarrièredechef lant enseignel’ethnomusicologiedansplusieurscollèges del’Universitéd’Oxford populaire etcrééesrecrééesdansl’espacepublic. Actuellement, JeanetteGal- mesure l’identitéestinvestiedesdifférentes signi explore larelationentremusiqueetl’émergencedu sujet,évaluantdansquelle end ofthe19 thesis analyzesfolksonginrelationtochangingpracticesofgovernancefromthe ology at the University of Oxford under the supervision of Dr. Martin Stokes. Her Academy forthePerforming Arts, shebeganherdoctoralstudiesinethnomusic- England. After leavingherpostasaSeniorVoice LecturerattheHongKong teacher, conductor, administrator, andperformerinCanada,South-East Asia, and Jeanette Gallanthas23yearsofdiverseexperienceasamusiclecturer, voice Jeanette Gallant culture demasseaméricaine. à bout l’édition d’une collection portant sur les Afro-américains et la création de la Curti delapartl’Organizationof American Historians.Encemoment,ilmène obtenu le prix Lilian Smith de la part du Southern Regional Council et le prix Merle and New South:TheRuskinColoniesinTennessee andGeorgia, 1894-1901 the NewSouth:GeorgiaandVirginia, 1880-1930 dirigés, FitzhughBundageapubliédenombreuxarticlesetlivresdont Professor) à l’Université de la Caroline du Nord. En plus des trois volumes qu’il a versité deFloride. Actuellement, ilestprofesseurd’histoire(WilliamB.Umstead l’Université deHarvard(Ph.D.1988).IlaenseignéàQueen’s Universityetàl’Uni- Fitzhugh Brundage a fait ses études à l’Université de Chicago (B.A. 1981) et à aux changements de gouvernance de la l’Université d’Oxford. Sa thèse de doctorat examine le chant populaire par rapport commencé undoctoratenethnomusicologiesouslatutelledeDr. MartinStokesà de professeurchantàlaHongKong Academy forthePerforming Arts, ellea au Canada,en Asie duSud-Esteten Angleterre. Après avoirrenoncéàunposte comme chefd’orchestre,dansl’administrationoumontesurscèneelle-même Depuis 23ans,JeanetteGallantenseignelamusiqueetlechanttravaille at theUniversityofReading,andremainsanactiveconductorperformer. currently teaches ethnomusicology at various Oxford colleges, vocal physiology meanings assignedtofolksong,createdandrecreatedinthepublicsphere.She music andsubjecti The SouthernPast: A ClashofRaceandMemory(2005).Pourseslivres,ila th centurytothepresentday. Itexplorestherelationshipbetween fi cation, assessinghowidentityisinformedbythedifferent fi n du 19 (1993),A SocialistUtopiainthe e siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Elle fi cations assignéesauchant Lynching in (1996), vists inPartisanCoalitions est leco-éditeurdel’ouvrage American PartySystem:PoliticalCoalitionsfromtheNewDealto1970s Issues: PatternsofDifferentiationSincetheNewDeal can Review of Politics “Political Organizations&Parties”delamêmeassociation.Ilaédité de la Southern Political Science Association et secrétaire-trésorier de la section professeur invité à l’Université d’Innsbruck. Charles D. Hadley a été président politiques àl’UniversitédelaNouvelle-Orléansdepuis1970et,en1987,était ces politiques de l’Université du Connecticut/Storrs. Il a enseigné les sciences B.A. etunM.A.del’UniversitéduMassachusetts/AmherstPh.D.enscien- où iladirigéledépartementdesciencespolitiques1998à2006.Ilobtenuun Charles D.Hadleyestprofesseuréméritedel’UniversitélaNouvelle-Orléans Orleans hepublished Science Association. WithhiscolleagueChristineL.DayattheUniversityof New two ofwhichreceivedthe1999V.O. KeyBook Award fromtheSouthernPolitical tions and the three volumes of Southern State Party Organizations and Activists edited the New Deal to the 1970s Deal Political PartiesandIssues:PatternsofDifferentiationSincetheNew (POP). HeservedaseditorofThe American ReviewofPolitics and secretary-treasurerofthe APSA SectiononPoliticalOrganizations&Parties sociation, member of the Council of the American Political Science Association, ing professor. Hadleyhasbeenpresident oftheSouthernPoliticalScience As- Orleans since1970andstayedattheUniversityofInnsbruckin1987asavisit- of Connecticut/Storrs. He has taught political science at the University of New of Massachusetts/AmherstandhisPh.D.inpoliticalsciencefromtheUniversity Science from1998to2006.HereceivedhisB.A.andM.A.theUniversity at the University of New Orleans, where he chaired the Department of Political Charles D.HadleyisUniversityResearchProfessorEmeritusofPoliticalScience Charles D.Hadley Organizations and Activists Organizations Abortion andElections Christine L.Daydel’UniversitélaNouvelle-Orléans, ilapublié de laSouthernPoliticalScience Association. Encollaborationavecsacollègue andTransformations ofthe American PartySystem:PoliticalCoalitionsfrom Political Parties in the Southern States: Party Activists in Partisan Coali- . Il est le co-auteur des études Political Parties and Political Women’s PACs: Abortion andElections (2005). ainsiquedestroisvolumesde , dontdeuxontobtenule1999V.O. KeyBook Award (a Book of the Month Club selection). He also co- Political PartiesintheSouthernStates:Party Acti- etTransformations ofthe Southern StateParty (2005). . Heco-authored Women’s PACs: The Ameri- ; il , 197 Contributors – Auteurs 198 Contributors – Auteurs a memberoftheeditorialstaff ofRabaska.Revued’ethnologiedel’Amérique Creighton Collectionentitled our ofFather Anselme Chiasson,aswellacollectionofsongsfromtheHelen 1986. Healsoeditedacollectionofstudiesin Acadian folklorepublishedinhon- acadienne Acadians of Chezzetcook Research Chair in Acadian Ethnology and Folklore. His publications include the UniversitédeMonctonfrom1979until2005,andpresentlyholdsMcCain He was in charge of the folklore archives at the Centre d’études acadiennes at Ronald LabellecompleteddoctoralstudiesinEthnologyattheUniversitéLaval. Ronald Labelle ligne. l’objectif estd’offrir descoursdefrançaislouisianaisetcréoleen as SpokeninCajun,Creoleand American IndianCommunities d’autres chercheurssurdeuxprojetscollectifs:le Louisiana Creole Louisiana Could Turn My Tongue Like That’: The Creole Language of Pointe Coupee Parish, communautés multiethniquesfrancophonesdeLouisiane.Ilestl’auteur Ses recherchesrécentesportentsurlerapportentrelangueetethnicitédansles léans). Il a obtenu son doctorat en linguistique française de l’Université d’Indiana. teur dudépartementdefrançaisetd’italienàl’Université Tulane (Nouvelle-Or- Thomas A. Klinglerestprofesseuragrégédefrançaisetlinguistiquedirec- Creole. ities andawebsitetoprovideonlinecoursesinLouisianaFrench of Louisiana French as Spoken in Cajun, Creole and American Indian Commun- currently collaboratingwithotherscholarsontwomajorprojects:the tionary of Louisiana Creole published byLouisianaStateUniversityPressin2003andco-editorofthe My Tongue Like That’: The Creole Language of Pointe Coupee Parish, Louisiana multiethnic francophonecommunities.Heistheauthorof the book‘IfICouldTurn search focusesontherelationshipbetweenlanguageandethnicityinLouisiana’s ceived hisPh.D.inFrenchlinguisticsfromIndianaUniversity. Hismostrecentre- the DepartmentofFrenchandItalianat Tulane UniversityinNewOrleans.Here- Thomas A. Klingler is Associate Professor of French and Linguistics and Chair of Tom Klingler (Louisiana State University Press, 2003) et co-éditeur du . HewasawardedtheFrance-Acadieliteraryprizefor thislastworkin (Indiana University Press, 2008). Il travaille actuellement avec and Au Village-du-Bois – Mémoires d’une communauté , published by Indiana University Press in 1998. He is La fl eurdurosier– Acadian Folksongs Dictionary ofLouisianaFrench etunsitewebdont . Hehasbeen Dictionary of Dictionary Dic- The ‘If I , avoir travaillé,pendantuncertaintemps,avecKelley ExecutivePartners,ila MacArthur Scholar à l’Indiana Center for World Peace and Global Change. Après Syracuse et à l’Université d’Indiana/Bloomington où, plus tard, il était également tourner danssarégionnatale,ilétaitJacobK.Javits Fellowàl’Universitéde au départementd’anglaisdel’UniversitéLouisiane àLafayette. Avant dere- Il y a neuf ans, John Laudun est rentré en Louisiane pour y assumer un poste initiatives. lore SocietywebsiteandtheUniversityofLouisiana’s liaisonfordigitalhumanities landscape fromanativeperspective.Heisalsotheeditorof American Folk- contemporary folkboatformanditssigni search, andtheJournalof American Folklore Midwestern Folklore and SouthLouisianacommunities.Hisworkhasappearedin iety offolkloreandfolklifetopics,focusingonwaysspeakinginMidwestern strategic globalcapabilitieswithintheirorganizations.Hehaspublishedonavar- ners, whereheworkedwithFortune 500 companies,amongothers,to develop Ph.D. inFolkloreStudiesIndiana,hetookapositionwithKelleyExecutivePart- with theIndianaCenterforWorld PeaceandGlobalChange.Whilepursuinghis and IndianaUniversity/Bloomington,wherehewaslateralsoaMacArthurScholar Lafayette. Priortothat,hewasaJacobK.JavitsFellowatSyracuseUniversity a facultypositionintheDepartmentofEnglishatUniversityLouisiana John LaudunreturnedtohisnativeLouisiananineyearsagoinordertake John Laudun de folklore. 2003 etilestactuellementprésidentdel’Associationcanadienned’ethnologie de tion – Hommage au père Anselme Chiasson loriques d’Acadie en 1986.Ilaégalementdirigélapublicationde communauté acadienne prennent la ChairederechercheMcCainenethnologieacadienne.Sespublicationscom- sité deMonctonàpartir1979jusqu’en2005etilestprésentementtitulaire responsable des archives de folklore du Centre d’études acadiennes à l’Univer- Ronald Labelledétientundoctoratenethnologiedel’UniversitéLaval.Ilaétéle Folklore Studies Association ofCanada. française Rabaska. Revue d’ethnologie de l’Amérique française sincethejournal’s founding in2003,andiscurrentlypresidentofthe Les Acadiens deChezzetcook tiréesdelacollectionHelenCreightonet , the , ouvrage pour lequel il a remporté le Prix France-Acadie African American Review African American etAuVillage-du-Bois –Mémoires d’une fi cance forunderstandingtheLouisiana . Il est membre du comité de direction . Hiscurrentresearchfocusesona La fl eur durosier–chansonsfolk- , the Journal of Folklore Re- depuis sa fondation en En r’montant latradi- En r’montant Folklore Forum, 199 Contributors – Auteurs 200 Contributors – Auteurs Ses recherchesportentégalementsurleslettresdes immigrantsallemandsdu the historyof Anglo-American relationsduringthe19 20 search interests include German immigrant letters of the 19 Ses étudesontétépubliéesdansFolkloreForum,Midwestern sur lesparlersdescommunautésdelaLouisianeduCentre-OuestetSud. publié de nombreux articles portant sur le folklore et la vie populaire, notamment in American History in American and theReconstructionofSterling Area, 1947-1952 Canada’s Overtures towards Asia: The Colombo Plan, the New Commonwealth ican andCanadianforeignrelations.Shepublishedseveralbooks,amongthem 19 versité libredeBerlin.Elleenseignelacultureaméricaineetl’histoiresocialedu d’histoire duJohnF. KennedyInstituteforNorthern American Studiesàlal’Uni- Ursula Lehmkuhlestprofesseured’histoiremoderneetdirigeledépartement FU Berlin. North America. Since February 2007 she has served as First Vice President of ican relations after September 11, and colonial governance in British and French monwealth and the Reconstruction of the Sterling Area, 1947-1952 livres dont Canada’s Overtures towards Asia: The Colombo Plan, the New Com- toire desrelationsétrangèresaméricainesetcanadiennes.Elleapubliéplusieurs in American and German History from the 17 ostpolitik inden1950erJahren Americana: MachtstrukturelleGrundlagenanglo-amerikanischer Asien- undFern- Media in American andGermanHistoryfromthe17 und Fernostpolitik in den 1950er Jahren Anglo-Americana: MachtstrukturelleGrundlagenanglo-amerikanischer Asien- University of Berlin. She teaches 19 ment of the John F. Kennedy Institute for North American Studies at the Free Ursula LehmkuhlisprofessorofModernHistoryandChairtheDepart- Ursula Lehmkuhl l’Université delaLouisianepour“humanitiesinitiatives”enligne. l’éditeur dusitewebdel’AmericanFolkloreSocietyainsiquel’agentliaison la Louisianeàpartird’unpointdevueautochtone.JohnLaudunestégalement de nosjoursetenquoicelle-cinouspermetmieuxcomprendrelepaysage lore. Actuellement, il fait des recherches sur la forme d’un bateau populaire utilisé American Review Images in American History e th siècle,l’histoirediplomatiqueaméricaineetcanadiennedu20 -century American andCanadian diplomatic history, andthehistoryof Amer- , leJournalofFolkloreResearch (1997),TheorienInternationalerPolitik( (1997), Theorien Internationaler Politik (1999),and th -century American cultural and social history, (1999) et Atlantic Communications: The Atlantic Communications:TheMedia th to the 20 etleJournalof American Folk- th tothe20 th century, Canadian-Amer- th (1990),EnemyImages Century (2004). Her re- th and 20 3 2000), th Century(2004). (1990), Enemy e siècleetl’his- ( 3 th Pax Anglo- 2000), , la centuries, African Pax (2003). Elle édite la collection dans les pays germanophones de 1993 à 1997. Depuis 1996, elle est Of sité d’Innsbrucketaété(vice-)présidentedel’Association d’étudescanadiennes d’études canadiennesetleCentred’étudedelachanson québécoisedel’Univer- trice adjointeduJournalInternationald’étudescanadiennes le prixJeanÉthier-Blaispoursonouvrage Theodor-Körner (1982) et Liechtenstein (1985) pour sa habilitation et, en 2004, “Promotio subauspiciisPraesidentisreipublicae”en1976,elleaobtenulesprix sur latransculturalité,leslittératuresdemigrationetl’intermédialité. Après sa écriture auféminin,auteursdelamigration,chanson)etlittératureespagnole, tent principalementsurlalittératurefrançaise,québécoise(poésie, groupe derechercheinterdisciplinaire“CulturesenContact”.Sesrecherchespor- tératures romanesdel’Universitéd’Innsbruckoùellepréside,depuis2005,au Ursula Mathis-Moserestprofesseuretitulaireaudépartementdelanguesetlit- aine. Contactdeculturesetcréativité regards surlalittératurequébécoise Austria-Canada. Cultural and Knowledge Transfer 1990-2000 She has authored and edited a number of books, the most recent titles including 1997. In 1996, France made her an Of as (vice-)presidentoftheGerman Association forCanadianStudiesfrom1993to chanson québécoise, both located at the University of Innsbruck, and has served as thedirectorofCanadianStudiesCentreandd’Étudedela Journal ofCanadianStudies canadiana oenipontana Laferrière. Ladériveaméricaine her habilitationand,in2004,theJeanÉthier-Blaisprizeformonograph awarded the Theodor-Körner prize (1982)andtheLiechtenstein(1985)for ity. After her“PromotiosubauspiciisPraesidentisreipublicae”in1976,shewas Spanish literatures,transculturality, migrantliteratures,andissuesofintermedial- include French,Quebec(poetry, womenwriters,migrationauthors,chanson)and disciplinary research group “Cultures in Contact”. Her main areas of research Literatures attheUniversityofInnsbruckandspeakercoordinatorinter- Ursula Mathis-MoserisprofessorattheDepartmentofRomanceLanguagesand Ursula Mathis-Moser Lehmkuhl estlapremièrevice-rectricedeFUBerlin. niale dans l’Amérique du Nord britannique et français. Depuis février 2007, Ursula entre le Canada et les États-Unis après le 11 septembre et la gouvernance colo- 19 e etdu20 e siècle,lesrelationsanglo-américaines au 19 andiscurrentlyanassociateeditorofthe . Since1995(1997)UrsulaMathis-Moserhasacted canadiana oenipontana (2003).Sheistheeditorofacollectioncalled (2004),Lalittérature‘française’ contempor- (2007),andFremde(s)schreiben fi cier de l’Ordre des Palmes académiques. Dany Laferrière.Ladériveaméricaine et est actuellement rédac- e . ElledirigeleCentre siècle,lesrelations (2003), Nouveaux International (2008). Dany fi cier

201 Contributors – Auteurs 202 Contributors – Auteurs director of the research project French-based creoles.b) The varietiesofFrenchinNorth America: Sheisthe taxique –textesvocabulaire of LouisianaCreole( follows: a)Creolestudies:Shehaspublishedthe International desÉtudesCréoles.Heracademicinterestscanbesummarizedas editor oftheZeitschriftfürKanada-StudienaswellamemberConseil (French andSpanish)attheUniversityofRegensburg(Germany).Sheischief her habilitation. Since 1995 she has been full professor of Romance Linguistics (France), Kiel,andBamberg,whereshecompletedherdoctoralexamaswell mance PhilologyandEnglishattheUniversitiesofCologne, Tours Ingrid Neumann-HolzschuhwasborninOsterode(Germany).ShestudiedRo- Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh schreiben ‘française’ contemporaine.Contactdecultures etcréativité(2007)Fremde(s) (2003), les plusrécents:Autriche-Canada.Letransfertcultureletscienti de l’Ordre des Palmes académiques. Elle a publié et dirigé plusieurs livres, dont chaft. Danslecadredeceprojet,sestravauxseconcentrent surlecadienparlé des parlersacadiens Nord: elleestladirectriced’unprojetderechercheintitulé les créoles à base lexicale française. (b) Les variétés du français en Amérique du textes –vocabulaire,Hamburg1985)etelleapubliédenombreuxarticles sur louisianais ( les suivants:(a)Lesétudescréoles:elleestl’auteure d’unegrammaireducréole du ConseilInternationaldesÉtudesCréoles.Sesdomainesderecherchesont Elle estl’éditriceenchefdela tique romane (français et espagnol) à l’Université de Regensburg (Allemagne). l’habilitation à diriger les recherches. Depuis 1995, elle est professeure de linguis- Kiel ainsiqu’àBamberg,oùelleafaitsondoctoratdetroisièmecycleetobtenu des (philologieromane,philologieanglaise)auxuniversitésdeCologne, Tours, Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh est née à Osterode (Allemagne). Elle a fait ses étu- d) Languagechangeandlanguagecontact. lyse, Tübingen 1997),aswellofvariousarticlesontheevolutionSpanish. Spanish syntax( tory oftheSpanishlanguage(with Annegret Bollée),authorofamonographon being CajunFrench).c)Spanishdiachroniclinguistics:Sheisco-authorofahis- CoPAc) Nouveaux regards sur la littérature québécoise fi nanced bytheDeutscheForschungsgemeinschaft(herspecialfocus (2008). Le créole de Breaux Bridge, Louisiane. Étude morphosyntaxique – Die SatzgliedanordnungimSpanischen.Einediachrone Ana- (GraCoPAc) fi Le créoledeBreauxBridge,Louisiane.Étudemorphosyn- , Hamburg1985)aswellnumerousarticleson Zeitschrift fürKanada-Studienetelleestmembre Grammaire comparée des parlers acadiens nancé parlaDeutscheForschungsgemeins- fi rst comprehensivegrammar (2004), La littérature Grammaire comparée fi que 1990-2000 que (Gra-

juste deparaîtrechezlemêmeéditeur. sur leromancierLouisHamelin,encollaborationavec FrançoisOuellet,vienttout québécoise en Amérique, estparu chez NotaBeneen2007.En parole, 2006),etLefantasmed’Escanaba,unessaisurlescultures de ladiaspora Stéphanie Nuttingunrecueilcollectif,JeanMarcDalpé:ouvrierd’undire tor-Barbeau del’AcadémiedesLettresduQuébec.Il apublié,encompagniede lui avalulePrix Trillium, offert parlegouvernementdel’Ontario,etPrixVic- His cles onculturalandlinguisticdiversity, andonFrancophoneminoritiesinCanada. ies attheUniversityofWaterloo. Heistheauthorofseveralbooksandjournalarti- François ParéisprofessorofFrenchandChairtheDepartmentStud- François Paré changement linguistiqueetleslanguesencontact. Tübingen 1997)ainsiquedeplusieursétudessurl’évolutionl’espagnol.(d)Le monographie ( d’une en Louisiane.(c)Ladescriptiondiachroniquedel’espagnol:elleestco-auteure (Amsterdam, Rodopi, 2001). Son ouvrage Frontières avec FrançoisOuellet,de en ouzbek.Ilestaussil’auteurdeThéorieslafragilité Canada. Cet ouvrage est aujourd’hui traduit en anglais, en italien, en roumain et son livreLeslittératuresdel’exiguïté département d’étudesfrançaisesdel’UniversitéWaterloo (Ontario).En1993, Né àLongueuil(Québec),FrançoisParéestprofesseurtitulaireetdirecteurdu doubles an epistolaryessayonQuébecnovelistLouisHamelin(etses Prise deParole,2006).Hislatestbook,writtenjointlywithFrançoisOuellet,is Italian, and Uzbek. His 2003 book, on theMarginsofLiterature appeared atWilfridLaurierUniversityPressunderthetitle ernor General’s Award for non- playwright and novelist Jean Marc Dalpé ( collaboration with Stéphanie Nutting, a collection of articles on Franco-Ontarian 2001), andLefantasmed’Escanaba Shifting Boundaries/Frontières tion toTraversées, anepistolaryessaywithFrançoisOuellet(LeNordir, 2000), Barbeau presentedbythe Académie des Arts etdesLettresduQuébec.Inaddi- the Trillium Book Award offered bytheOntariogovernmentandPrixVictor- fi rst book, rst Histoire de la langue espagnole , NotaBene,2008). fl ottantes: LieuetespacedanslesculturesfrancophonesduCanada Les littératures de l’exiguïté Die SatzgliedanordnungimSpanischen.Einediachrone Analyse Traversées (LeNordir, 2000),et,avecJaapLintvelt,de . This bookwasalsotranslatedinItalian,Romanian, fi fl ction in French. In 1997, a translation of this book ottantes with Jaap Lintvelt (Amsterdam, Rodopi, La distance habitée (NotaBene,2007),Paréalsopublished,in luiavalulePrixduGouverneurgénéral (avec Annegret Bollée) et auteure d’une (Le Nordir, 1992), won the 1993 Gov- La distance habitée Jean Marc Dalpé. Ouvrier d’un dire (Ottawa, Le Nordir), won (LeNordir, 1994),puis Exiguity: Refl (Le Nordir, 2003) fi n, unouvrage (Prisede ections , , 203 Contributors – Auteurs For most people, the terms "Acadiens", "Cadiens", and "Cajuns" are interchangeable words supposed to describe the same identities with regional variations depending on the Aca- dian or Louisiana context. The papers presented in this volume shed a new light on these identities by reinterpreting history, politics, language, literature, and popular culture in the light of current scholarly schemes.

Les termes "Acadiens", "Cadiens", and "Cajuns" sont interchangeables pour la plupart des gens et renvoient à une seule et même identité avec des variantes régionales dépendant du contexte acadien ou louisianais. Les essais rassemblés dans ce volume remettent en cause ce mythe en revendiquant une compréhension plus sophistiquée de l‘histoire, de la politique, de la langue, de la littérature et de la culture populaire de ces minorités franco- phones en Amérique du Nord.