Emergence and Progression of Acadian Ethnic and Political Identities

Home , Acadians, First Nations, Fort Beausejour, Parti Acadien, Politics of Nova Scotia

Emergence and Progression of neutrality, environmental and ecological Acadian Ethnic and Political factors, and the colonial past of the Aca- Identities: Alliance and Land- dian peoples, including the Deportation and nationalistic Renaissance, I must em- Based Inter-Peoples Relations in phasize that there were two distinctive po- Early Acadia to Today litical periods in the pre-Deportation era: one of sharing and one of taking. The dif- Katie K. MacLeod ference between these two political periods is clearly outlined by John Borrows in his Introduction discussion of the Treaty at Niagara: This article examines the development of Acadian ethnic and political iden- In early stages of First Nation/Set- tities through an analysis of alliance and re- tler association, the English failed lations of sharing with the Mi'kmaq and op- to comprehend some of the diplo- position and relations of taking with British matic fundamentals that First Na- colonizers. It also seeks to build an under- tions required in the definition of standing of how land-based identities in the their constitutional relationship. past influenced the development of these One example of the British failure peoples. With a focus on the Acadian peo- in this regard concerned the presen- ples, I provide an ethnohistorical investiga- tation of gifts. The French had fol- tion into the aspects of this identity which lowed the diplomatic formalities were borrowed from, added to, or disrupted which formalized First Na- by, these inter-peoples relations with the tions/Settler relations and were thus Mi’kmaq and the British. Exploring politi- able to maintain peace by supplying cal and ethnohistorical interpretations from gifts to all their First Nation allies. Indigenous ways of knowing, governance, When the British did not meet all colonial relations, and policies, allows this the conditions that First Nations es- article to provide a detailed examination of tablished for coexistence, conflict the emergence of an Acadian political resulted. (Borrows 1997:158) identity and how these intercultural relations extend into their present-day rela- In respecting these diplomatic formalities, tions. As a linguistic and ethnic minority in Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples Canada, the Acadians have undergone a were able to engage in a relationship of number of struggles throughout settlement, sharing; however, when these formalities colonization, development of language were disrupted, there was a shift to a rela- policy, and minority rights in Canada. This tionship based on taking. article seeks to examine the shifts and frac- tures in the Acadian political position over Prior to the arrival of early French time and how, despite these changes, the settlers, a similar set of relationships to Acadians continually demonstrate resili- those described above by Borrows (1997), ence and strength in their political position- were in place in Mi’kma’ki: the territory of ality. the Mi’kmaq peoples which encompasses Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Ed- In order to determine how the de- ward Island, and the Gaspé Peninsula. velopment of ethnic and political identities Mi’kma’ki was prosperous and grounded are deployed within concepts of peace and

53 in its own political, ecological, and spir- tissage, and cultural exchange that oc- itual landscape; where concepts of gift, curred prior to the Conquest of Acadia in gratitude, and reciprocity were understood 1710 by the British; relations that devel- by the Acadian people and subsequently oped into a particular land-based political ignored by the British settlers. structure. Fourthly, I will examine changes in this land-based political structure as a re- These concepts of gift, gratitude, sult of the arrival of the British and the and reciprocity, along with alliance and Conquest of Acadia in 1710. This section land-based philosophies, will be examined will focus on the implementation of colo- in order to provide insight on the following nial categorization and policy that was in- questions: 1) How did Acadian relations tent on separating the Acadians and and identity change between initial settle- Mi’kmaq from sustaining their previous al- ment with Aboriginal populations and the liances. Lastly, I will examine how the arrival of British settlers? 2) How did the British negotiated with the Mi’kmaq and environment, religion, and relations with the Acadians through a number of treaties France influence Acadian ethnogenesis? and oaths of allegiance. Negotiations such and 3) How did Acadian ethnic and politi- as these ultimately led to the implementa- cal identities continue to develop with Brit- tion of the colonial policy of a scalping ish imposition of oath and colonial poli- bounty on the Mi’kmaq and the Deporta- cies? tion of the Acadians. Although they were dealt with in different ways in the post- The article will proceed as follows: 1710 period, it will become evident that the first, I will provide an analysis of initial relationship sustained between the Acadi- Acadian settlement in Acadie or Acadia, ans and Mi’kmaq prior to the arrival of the now present-day mainland Nova Scotia. British was situated in a relationship of Within this examination, I will provide an sharing rather than one of taking. I con- emphasis on the economic processes of clude with an analysis of how the deporta- trade, fishing and agriculture that emerged tion was unsuccessful in achieving its goals among the Acadians, the Mi’kmaq, and to destroy the collective Acadian identity later, New Englanders. Secondly, I will and how their political stance has strength- provide a breakdown of how the Acadians, ened, particularly between the 1880s and over the course of a century, became dis- today. I also present an argument that the connected from French state politics and Deportation was at least partially success- control. This will provide significant in- ful in its goal to sever the alliances between sight into how the Acadians became their the Acadians and the Mi’kmaq. own people, independent from other French settlers that would come to settle in To Fail and then Succeed Acadia and from those within France In 1604, Samuel de Champlain and proper. Thirdly, I will examine how Acadi- Pierre Dugua de Monts established the first ans and Mi’kmaq living in Acadia devel- Acadian settlement on Ile Ste-Croix, a oped a sustained mutual understanding small island located off the coast of St. Ste- founded on a land-based coexistence. This phen, New Brunswick and Maine (Rudin analysis extends from the previous sections 2009; Faragher 2005). These French set- to provide a deeper understanding of the tlers were not familiar with the environ- unique relations of trade, marriage, mé- ment or climate they encountered in this

54 new settlement. As a result, there were out- on the marshlands and the Mi’kmaq in the breaks of scurvy throughout the early ef- uplands (Griffiths 2005; Mancke & Reid forts, resulting in the loss of many men 2004; Paul 2000; Faragher 2005). Religion (Rudin 2009). As a result, there is often a also played a key role in these early rela- negative connotation attached to this first tionships at Port Royal between the French Acadian settlement since the settlers Settlers and the Mi’kmaq (Griffiths 2005). quickly abandoned efforts at Ile Ste-Croix Early in the settlement of Port Royal, many after the first winter. Although the settle- Mi’kmaw had converted to Catholicism ment was not successful, Rudin (2009) along with their Grand Chief Membertou, notes that this settlement presented im- creating desirable marriage circumstances portant foundations for relationships be- (Paul 2000; Faragher 2005). Ross and De- tween Acadians and local Aboriginal pop- veau (1992) describe the relationship es- ulations; however, it was not with the tablished with the Mi’kmaq as “the most Mi’kmaq, but with the Passamaquoddy. important accomplishment of Port Royal” The Passamaquoddy aided the settlers and (12). showed them how to live on their new land. Pierre Dugua de Monts and his men likely Common religious understanding would not have survived the winter in 1604 and unique kinship relations emerged in without this aid from the Passamaquoddy Port Royal fostering relationships of coex- (Rudin 2009; Reid 2004). Regardless of istence (Griffiths 2005:35). The descend- these positive aspects, the settlement at Ile ants of Charles de La Tour and Phillipe Ste-Croix was not considered a success. Mius-d’Entremont, prominent Acadian Champlain, de Monts, and the surviving settlers who were responsible for the estab- men, established the more prosperous set- lishment of various forts and settlements, tlement of Port Royal in 1605 along the were known as some of the earliest settlers Bay of Fundy (Faragher 2005; Griffiths to marry Mi’kmaw women in Acadia (Fa- 2005). This settlement became a central lo- ragher 2005; Wicken 2002). Mixed mar- cation in Acadian history, as it was the base riages and métissage were not uncommon from which all other successful posts de- among Acadian men and their sons in this veloped, resulting in a network of trade and time period (Plank 2003). Métissage is the fishing posts across the colony of Acadia. process by which French settlers and Abo- Most importantly, Port Royal was a more riginal peoples produced offspring of suitable location for the French settlers to mixed ancestry. In fact, these marriages led engage in the fur trade than the previous to sustainable communities (Faragher settlement at Ile Ste-Croix (Lang and 2005). On the contrary, Griffiths (2005) Landry 2001). and Peace (forthcoming) are unconvinced about the validity of the Acadian-Mi’kmaq Based on their prior interactions marriages due to the lack of records. with the Passamaquoddy in these territo- ries, the French settlers were respectful in In addition to the relations of coex- their approach with the Mi’kmaq when es- istence established through religion, econ- tablishing settlement in Mi’kma’ki. There omy became a dominant part of Acadian is a consensus among historians that the lives. In their participation in the fur trade, Mi’kmaq and Acadians worked together the Acadians became the middlemen be- and did not interfere with the land that the tween the Mi’kmaq and posts in Massachu- other wished to inhabit, as Acadians lived setts. Since they had good relations with

55 the Mi’kmaq, this increased their ability to Acadia and with fewer and fewer migrants move Mi’kmaw trade goods to New Eng- from France, their homeland was no longer land and vice versa (Griffiths 2005:115). their identifier. There was an identity shift, Faragher (2005) notes that early French as they began to think of Acadia as their settlers would have communicated with the new home, and of themselves as Acadians Mi’kmaq in “trade jargon” and these words (Lang and Landry 2001:25-6; Griffiths would have become common knowledge. 2005: xi). Acadians formed their own po- As a result, many of these words became litical, agricultural production in the late incorporated into the Acadian language. 1600s led to more established settlements. Within the fur trade Acadians were suc- Acadia began to be seen as a “border col- cessful. Additionally, they were increasing ony” with agriculture becoming the domi- the development of fisheries which proved nant sector of the Acadian economy over to be economically prosperous for the Aca- the fur trade (Griffiths 2005:132). Strong dians (Griffiths 2005:28). communities developed around sites of marshland agriculture, with the three main The population’s ability to develop hubs of Acadians at Port Royal, Beaubas- kin-based networks that were also produc- sin and des Mines (Griffiths 2005; Lang tive economically and politically, estab- and Landry 2001). There was a steady pop- lished Acadians as a distinctive group in ulation increase, and the settlement had ex- the territory. In addition to the develop- panded by 43% in 39 years (Lang and ment of this strong community identity, Landry 2001:40). Steady population Acadians found prevailing success in the growth can be attributed to a sustained eco- development of agricultural lands from salt nomic base as well as little participation in marshes along the Bay of Fundy. As the war. Additionally, women sustained strong dyking of the lands did not infringe upon social and economic processes (such as the Mi’kmaq, there was little dispute be- preparing and preserving food, tending tween Acadians and Mi’kmaq over land gardens, producing textiles, and attending (Faragher 2005). to ailments) required for these settlements to prosper and families to continue to grow Distance from the Empire (Griffiths 2005; Lang and Landry 2001). By 1607, Port Royal and the settlement of Acadia became less important to The Acadians sought to settle on France as a colony, as France became fo- marshlands, land the Mi’kmaq had no use cused on the settlement of New France, for as they remained in the uplands (Fara- which was established in 1608. As a result, gher 2005). Dykes allowed Acadians to re- there was less imperial control and influ- claim marshland from the Bay of Fundy ence placed upon the colony which pro- which resulted in agriculture becoming vided the French settlers with more agency their most prosperous economic activity. in their political and economic activities Settlers had knowledge of marsh draining (Griffiths 2005:18). With this decrease in from France (Griffiths 2005:67). The ma- French political control, Acadians were jority of this knowledge came from settlers able to build their own identity and politi- from the Loire Valley in France, who were cal position within the territory. familiar with this process in the draining of ravines (Faragher 2005). This agricultural After 1613, the French government practice developed into a unique system of was substantially absent from the colony of

56 ecological knowledge. It is difficult to de- land-based techniques have been passed termine a date for the technological devel- down through generations and continue to opment of the aboiteau, which is defined as be practiced (MacLeod 2013). Chute “wood that controls the salt water;” how- (1998) also explains that these techniques ever, Lang and Landry (2001) suggest the are also being utilized in contemporary term generated from southwest Poitou, Quinin, an area in southwestern Nova Sco- France (58). The aboiteau was a unique tia that is known to have a high degree of draining system that allowed water into the métissage. salt marshes, but did not permit the water to drain out. It was comprised of a sluice, When Aboriginal peoples live for the channel which allows the water to generations on particular lands, they can travel beneath the dyke, and a clappé, develop a deep sense of attachment and fa- which controlled the flow of the water miliarity with the land and waters, along (Bleakney 2004; Chaisson and Rudin with an awareness of the other living ele- 2014). ments that are in their environment (Krech, 2005:79), or what Inglod (2000) describes Griffiths (2005) emphasizes the as “common involvement in spheres of na- agricultural advancements the Acadians ture, rather than any principle of shared de- were able to achieve in the late 1600s and scent, creates likeness” (149). For the the increased prosperity of their settle- Mi’kmaq, this understanding and coexist- ments. By 1707 the marshlands were eco- ence with the land is demonstrated through logically transformed as the Acadians their concept of Netukulimk. Netukulimk chose to avoid the uplands and move onto connects Mi’kmaw spiritual systems, in the sea (Hatvany 2003). Because of these both collective and individual beliefs, to processes, the Acadians became known as their natural resources (Barsh 2002; Wiber les défricheurs d’eau or the clearers of wa- and Milley 2006). The ecological and spir- ter, as they continued to develop rich itual understanding of the land connects marshland from the sea (Hatvany 2002; living and non-living elements of the envi- Chaisson and Rudin 2014). By the time of ronment and promotes communal benefit the Acadian deportation, the Acadians had in any instances of resource development expanded their territory by twenty percent and/or protection (Wiber and Milley 2006; (Chaisson and Rudin 2014). With defor- Prosper, McMillan and Moffitt 2011). ested land only accounting for five percent of this expansion, the majority of the land Mi’kmaq were in control of their was reclaimed from the sea (Chaisson and natural resources prior to British coloniza- Rudin 2014). tion (Sable & Francis 2012). However, with the arrival of the Acadians, there was Their close relations with the a shared understanding concerning the Mi’kmaq influenced these sustained land- land. As the Mi’kmaq sought to employ based techniques. Furthermore, Acadians natural law in their relationships with the learned Mi’kmaq knowledge, hunting, Acadians, the earth’s teachings became a fishing, and craft (Griffiths 2005:174). In dominant aspect of the lives of the Acadi- present-day southwestern Nova Scotia, it ans (Griffiths 2005:18; Borrows 2010:62). has been demonstrated by Acadians and The Mi’kmaq shared their vast knowledge self-identifying Métis (who derive from of the land of Mi’kma’ki with the Acadians Acadian and Mi’kmaq métissage) that allowing for the two populations to shape

57 similar modes of understanding the earth, peoples who govern themselves and their land, and waters within a shared territory land by their own laws and cultures”(232). through extended familial networks and re- The relationships established between ciprocal relationships (Borrows 2010). 1604 and 1710 between the Acadians and the Mi’kmaq were arguably governed in Borrows (2013) argues that living this manner, with each population sustain- legal traditions based on the jurisdiction of ing their own political position in the col- the land can lead to increased relations of ony, yet engaging in a productive intercul- reconciliation between peoples. The Aca- tural dialogue. These relations of interde- dians did not take land from the Mi’kmaq pendency (Tully 2008) combined with who lived in the uplands, instead they earth’s teachings (Borrows 2013) allowed made new land on the sea, encroaching the Acadians and the Mi’kmaq to coexist very little upon the territory of the and respect the earth, which was exempli- Mi’kmaq, meanwhile producing ecologi- fied through their focus on the principle of cally rich land that allowed the Acadians to sharing. prosper economically. The process of adapting and learning from the land al- The Neutral French lowed Acadians to formulate a unique eco- With the arrival of the British colo- logical knowledge, as well as being par- nizers, strategies of alliance, survival, and tially governed by the land and the sea. co-existence within the colony became in- This provides an understanding of the good creasingly complicated. With the presence relations of sharing rather than that of tak- of British settlers, there was a disregard for ing. Indigenous ecological knowledge, some- thing which had been respected by the Aca- Tully (2014) notes that while we dians and had contributed to their ability to need to reconcile relations between Abo- coexist and prosper on Mi’kmaq lands. riginal and non-Aboriginal people in Can- Similar to the processes described by Bor- ada we have a parallel obligation to recon- rows (1997) at Niagara, the British created cile the relations between human beings anenvironment of conflict and confronta- and the earth. While most settler population, as they did not engage in the neces- tions are disconnected from the earth and sary practices of sharing in order to form ecological knowledges, Acadians devel- good relations with the Mi’kmaq. oped their own sustainable systems through a combination of knowledges from In 1710, the Conquest of Acadia re- French dyking and knowledges learned sulted in a period of increased British im- from the Mi’kmaq of the waters and land perial control resulting in a strong change of Mi’kma’ki. in Acadian identity. During the Conquest of 1710, Port Royal was seized and con- Within the economic, political, and quered by British and New England forces legal sharing that occurred in Acadia there (Griffiths 2005:224). Although this seizure was undoubtedly a relationship of interde- increased the military and political power pendency created between the Acadians of the British, Griffiths (2005) argues that and the Mi’kmaq in relation to their de- the post-conquest period led to the Acadi- pendency on the land. Tully (2008) notes ans prospering as they negotiated to remain that “Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peo- in Acadia. In imperial British Nova Scotia, ples should recognize each other as equal Acadian communities were able to retain

58 power in the territory and retain a signifi- positioned Acadians as neutral subjects, ra- cant degree of agency (Griffiths 2005:238; ther this status was developed through con- Reid 2004). ditioned obedience or negotiated accommodation with the British (Griffiths 2005). Although imperial control was es- The concept of neutrality is better under- tablished in 1710, the Treaty of Utrecht, stood in terms of the Acadian’s political implemented in 1713, legitimized British position in the colony: refusing to leave or control over Acadia (Reid 2004:121). The negotiate oaths with the British (Griffiths Treaty of Utrecht ensured the Acadians 2005; Faragher 2005). would maintain their religious freedoms in Acadia; however, it also advised them to The basic understanding within the migrate within a year, to either Ile Royale oaths was that the Acadians would not bear or Ile Saint Jean, which remained French arms against the British, nor would they colonies. Catholicism, at this time, also align themselves with the Mi’kmaq or the gave the Acadians a degree of political ad- French in opposition to the British. In fact, vantage under the British rule whereby when Acadians were asked to take the last they were still able to practice and teach oath of allegiance prior to the Deportations, their religion in British controlled territory, many refused unless they would be exempt although the British did not look upon it fa- from British military service (Plank vorably (Lang and Landry 2001). 2003:144). Adding to the “neutral” position of the Acadians, while they were in- Despite their precarious political deed considered British subjects in the eyes position, Acadians remained in Acadia on of British officials, they were not to engage their own terms, retaining neutrality and in military activity of any kind. The British agency regardless of the implementation of did not force oaths of allegiance upon Aca- British policy or attempted coercion (Grif- dians. Although Acadians were encour- fiths 2005:307). This neutral position was aged to move to French controlled territory largely possible because after 1710, the ter- encouraged for their own safety, oaths of ritory of Acadia was in a period of transi- allegiance did they require them to move, tion where it was not entirely British, nor as a result, most stayed in Acadia (Faragher did it remain a French colony (Moody 2005; Lockerby 1998). 2004:153). The power the Acadians were able to sustain under British imperial and As a result, with their decision to colonial rule is commonly referred to as stay, Acadians demonstrated a great deal of neutrality, whereby they did not ally with political agency. Although Griffiths (2005) any population (Griffiths 2005; Faragher sees neutrality as a deliberate political 2005). strategy, Reid (2004) and Basque (2004) see it as a political gesture based on the fact The concept of neutrality is often that all Acadians did not necessarily take misinterpreted in relation to the Acadians. part in this political stance. Basque (2004) They were never truly neutral. The Treaty notes that there were many Acadians who of Neutrality in 1686 stated that peace did not take oaths of allegiance/neutrality, would be held in North America if war but rather sided with the French or the Brit- broke out in Europe and vice versa (Grif- ish in order to sustain their trade relations. fiths 2005:137). It was not this treaty that

59 Between 1713 and 1763 the power among, and interrelations with, the of the British steadily increased and the others. This is more than a civic role of France decreased more drastically, awareness that citizens of other cul- as their focus was on Ile Royale and New tures exist in one’s polity. One’s France (Lang and Landry 2001). One of the own identity as a citizen is insepa- early goals of the Acadian Deportation, as rable from the shared history with planned by Governor Charles Lawrence other citizens who are irreducibly and Governor William Shirley, was to different; whose cultures have in- sever the relations between the Acadians teracted with and enriched one’s and the Mi’kmaq (Plank 2003). Before the own and made their mark on the establishment of Halifax in 1749, there was basic institutions of society. (Tully an attempt made by the colonial admin- 1995:205) istration to place Mi’kmaq and Acadians into two distinct groups that would allow Acadian political and ethnic identi- them to follow certain political, cultural, ties became more evident in the post-1710 and economic development strategies as era because political identities became in- determined by the colonial officials (Plank creasingly juxtaposed to those of the Brit- 2003:161). Thomas Peace (forthcoming) ish. This juxtaposition was particularly argues that these relations were strongest in clear within the attempted categorization the seventeenth century. As a result of and ‘Othering' of Acadians and Mi’kmaq these relations, there was increased diffi- by the British. In this position, prior to the culty in the categorization of the popula- arrival of the British, Acadians and tions in the eighteenth century (Plank Mi’kmaq were engaged in a conversation 1996). as relational others. However, with the dominance created upon British arrival the When the administration, in partic- conversation shifted to that of the opposi- ular Samuel Vetch and Richard Philipps, tional ‘other’ blurring the lines of coexist- attempted to implement this plan, it be- ence (Asch 2001). came evident that the “close ties between the Mi’kmaq and the Acadians made it dif- Additionally, there was a degree to ficult to distinguish the affairs of one group which it was common for the various pop- from those of the other and Mi’kmaq bands ulations living together in Nova Scotia dur- and Acadian villages often stood ready to ing this time period, to borrow from one support each other in times of conflict” another’s cultures as they “adopted attrib- (Plank 2003:161). Tully notes that identity utes of savagery or civility for the purpose differences become more evident as there of deception” in order to gain additional is increased distinction within a polity: power (Plank 1996:20). With the colonial policy, there was need to determine and The sense of belonging and alle- categorize cultural diversity in Aca- giance comes not only from the dia/Nova Scotia. public recognition of one’s culture, but also because one’s culture is re- Acadians did not wish to be catego- spected among others and woven rized or controlled by the British, rather into the public fabric of the associ- they sought to distinguish themselves as ation, gaining strength and splen- culturally and politically distinct based on dour from its accommodation their distance from the French empire and

60 unique system of coexistence developed were a number of smaller deportations in through over a century of living with the 1749 as the British began to address their Mi’kmaq. Borrows (1997) notes that “Acadian problem,” and secondly, Corn- French-Aboriginal relations tended to be wallis issued a bounty on Mi’kmaq scalps more harmonious due to the respect for gift to address their “Mi’kmaq problem” (Paul giving and attempted coexistence, but with 2000; LeBlanc 2005). Remarkably, there the British, there was an attempt to imple- was a degree of overlap as these policies ment colonial power. In Acadia, this shift continued in the colony, resulting in Aca- towards colonialism created the neutral dians scalped and Mi’kmaq deported. This French. The Acadian stance of neutrality overlap added to the complications of ra- resulted in them sustaining their political cial and ethnic categorization in the colony and economic positions in the colony. They at this time (Paul 2000). were too immersed in the colony to become true British subjects, but concessions The Mi’kmaq were under British needed to be made to distance the Acadians control according to treaty, but Acadians from the Mi’kmaq: the British planned to were not firmly controlled. In order to en- dominate, not coexist. sure Acadians would lose their political and collective power, British officials, The Exiled and Treated Charles Lawrence in particular, decided The British exerted power in two that the fate of the Acadians must be exile dominant ways in order to control the pop- (Plank 2003; Griffiths 2005). With various ulations in Acadia: treaties and exile. Initial smaller forced relocations occurring prior conquest of Acadia did not disrupt the lives to 1755, Lawrence and General Robert of the Mi’kmaq, it was not until later when Monckton discussed the potential deporta- the British began to implement political tion of all the Acadians from the colony and economic control that the imposition (Lang and Landry 2001). Monckton took was not welcomed (Wicken 2004:86; down Beauséjour in 1754 and Acadians at Wicken 2012). The Mi’kmaq and the Brit- Beauséjour refused to swear an oath of al- ish negotiated a series of Peace and Friend- legiance after which it was decided that ship treaties between 1720 and 1752. Alt- they would be removed (Plank 2005:94). hough it is not entirely possible to determine if the Mi’kmaq understood the terms Oaths to be taken by Acadians were of the treaties, the main purpose in early to ensure that Acadians were British sub- Acadia was to ensure the Mi’kmaq did not jects. However, with Acadians taking bear arms against the British and to secure strong political opposition to some of the trade relations (Plank 2003). clauses within these oaths, many needed to be adapted, and a number of concessions There was a change in the political were made for the Acadians to remain in landscape of Nova Scotia in 1749 with the the British controlled territory of Acadia. establishment of Halifax and the arrival of Similar trends mentioned in the Peace and Governor Edward Cornwallis. The found- Friendship Treaties exist within the oaths ing of Halifax resulted in significant mili- the British insisted that the Acadians take tary stability, which further encouraged the to establish their allegiance to the British Acadians and Mi’kmaq to move to the Crown. It was understood that if the con- French colonies of Ile Royale or Ile Saint- cessions made within these oaths were not Jean (Plank 2003). For the Acadians, there respected, the Acadians would be removed

61 from the territory. As there had been previ- Acadians to discrimination (Léger 2005). ous conversations of exile in the colony, it This examination is reminiscent of the ar- was likely that the Acadians were aware of gument put forward by Plank (2003) their potential fate. Regardless of this around complications in ethnic categoriza- threat and the opportunities for them to tion. With the limited ability to use ethnic move to French controlled territory, Acadi- identifiers to deport the Acadians, Léger ans continued to live and flourish in Acadia (2005) suggests religion, more specifically as they held onto their unique political Catholicism, was an ethnic identifier that stance, one that was not present in any could be used in order to exile portions of other colony at this time (Johnston 2007). the population.

There was no single reason for the It is clear that both the Acadians initiation of the Acadian Deportations, and Mi’kmaq were targeted by the colonial commonly referred to as le Grand Deran- administration of Nova Scotia in order to gement (LeBlanc 2005). Religion, alliance, break their alliance. The British aimed to land, and breaking oaths are all factors that either enforce their control over the popu- contributed to the ultimate decision of the lations within the territory or completely British to remove the Acadians. In addition remove them from the colony. Asch (2001) to the initial deportations in 1749, the most argues that the self and the oppositional widely known deportation occurred in other is what prevents a conversation from 1755, followed by deportations in 1756 happening at the level of the self and the from Cape Sable Island and in 1758 from relational other. Tully (1995:58) argues Ile Saint Jean (Johnston 2007:116; Lock- that constitutional language, such as that erby 1998). In 1755, ether was a battle led used in early colonial structures, can lead by Mi’kmaq warriors at Fort Beauséjour. It authorities to exclude or assimilate all as- was at this battle that Acadians were pects of diversity in order to establish the fighting alongside the Mi’kmaq, ultimately safety of uniformity. The British colonial disobeying the oaths negotiated with the administration positioned the Acadians and British. This was the opportunity Lawrence the Mi’kmaq as ‘Others’, rather than that of needed to deploy his deportation plan, an equal with whom they could coexist, as which had been cumulating between Brit- the Acadians and Mi’kmaq viewed one an- ish officials in Nova Scotia and New Eng- other. land (Faragher 2005). The Acadians were deported to thirteen British colonies, along Post-Deportation to Today what is now the eastern United States, in a In the post-Deportation period, plan to ensure they would not be able to re- land-based identities remained essential in constitute as a people (Plank 2003). the rebuilding of a culture and a people for the Acadians. After the Treaty of Paris in Maurice Léger (2005) presents an 1763, the Acadians were permitted to re- argument for the role religion played in the turn to their homeland (or come out of hid- Deportation of the Acadians. He argues ing if they were able to escape the Depor- that their status as Roman Catholics should tation by moving north into present-day not be overlooked as a factor at the time of New Brunswick or seeking refuge with the deportation. Regardless of their religious Mi’kmaq). In some cases they were able to freedom in the Protestant colony, their Ro- reestablish in the same ecological setting, man Catholic status still predisposed the

62 such as the settlements at Pubnico, Beau- bassin and Pedicodiac; however, the ma- With the emergence of the Acadian jority of Acadian land was reserved for the Renaissance in the 1880s, Acadian identi- British (Lang and Landry 2001). Once ties once again became a major player in reestablished, Acadian communities rein- political life. Based on their position as a stated their subsistence practices of farm- linguistic minority in Canada, they saw the ing, fishing, and trapping, which remain progress being made in Québec and sought significant aspects of the Acadian economy to place themselves within the Canadian today. political sphere. The clergy of the Catholic Church and the Acadian elite in New The Treaty of Paris also marked the Brunswick led the renaissance (Bid- movement and unification of Acadians discombe 1990). The Acadian Renaissance from British colonies and Nova Scotia pris- focused on ideals of agriculture, religion, ons to a “New” Acadia in Louisiana Bay- and language extending from their pre- ous (Brasseaux 1985). In their new semi- 1755 history (Rudin 2009). This refor- tropical environment, they were able to ap- mation of identity and ideology allowed ply their agricultural skills from Nova Sco- Acadians to recover as a people. The re- tia and generate farmland and a new home. naissance brought about the development Although there were disputes with the of an Acadian nationalistic movement, re- Spanish and ‘Indians’ over the settlements, defining cultural ideals of the Acadians as and the Spanish causing further dispersal a distinct ethnic group in Canada (Griffiths of the Acadians in 1768, Acadians were 1982). able to establish and sustain a niche in Lou- isiana strongly rooted in their land-based The quiet revolution, educational knowledgesystems (Brasseaux 1985). The reform in the 1960s, and the establishment successful settlements at Bayou Lafourche of New Brunswick bilingualism in 1969, and the Mississippi River allowed the Aca- challenged young people to compare their dians to “reconstruct their shattered cul- linguistic struggles to the movement in ture” (Brasseaux 1985:130), and eventu- Quebec. As a result, le Parti Acadien was ally develop into the diasporic culture of founded in 1972 by Acadian trade union- the Cajuns. ists and intellectuals in Moncton (Poplyan- sky 2013; Basque 2011). Gathering their The retention of a strong Acadian influences from Québec separatism, Le political identity in the post-Deportation Parti Acadien strongly asserted that north- era also led to the continued strength of the ern New Brunswick should be an Acadian Acadian people in Atlantic Canada. Be- province. The party was most successful in tween the years of 1763 and 1850, Acadi- 1979, winning 50% of the vote (Poplyan- ans focused on the rebuilding of their terri- sky 2013). However by 1982, it had lost torial, social, and political lives in the Mar- half of its vote (Poplyansky 2013). Le Parti itime Provinces. This did not come without Acadien remained a recognized New struggle as the increase in British and New Brunswick Party until 1986 (Poplyansky England settlers in these provinces resulted 2013). The territorial nationalism that in Acadians and Aboriginal populations called for the annexation of northern New taking on minority statuses when they had Brunswick was drawing its ideals from the once been the majority (Lang and Landry early nationalist movement in the 1880s. 2001). These conceptions of nationalism were

63 outdated and more importantly, did not Analyzing Acadian identity-mak- represent the interests of the Anglophones ing through this ethnohistorical lens is im- living in northern New Brunswick who portant in understanding their position in would have become a part of the “new the Maritime Provinces and in Canada as a province” in the case of the success of le whole. Along with the developments men- Parti Acadien. tioned in the previous sections, there are more land-based issues at play involving Most recently, in Nova Scotia, the Acadians and the Mi’kmaq today. It is where Acadians remain more of a minority evident that Lawrence was not successful than in New Brunswick, there has been dis- in destroying Acadian collective power. pute over the Province’s decision to phase With the focus to nationalism, Acadians out the electoral districts of Richmond, Ar- have become increasingly distant from gyle, and Clare, which have been protected their past position of alliance with Aborig- ridings representing the Acadian minority inal Peoples. I would argue that the British (Taber 2012). These districts, having pre- officials were at least partially successful dominantly Acadian populations, have in their goals to sever alliances and rela- given Acadians a voice within the provin- tionships between the Acadians and the cial politics of Nova Scotia. However, it Mi’kmaq. was suggested under Premier Darrell Dex- ter’s government that the boundaries of Land remains a dominant concern these electoral districts should be rede- of these two groups, as evidenced by the fined. The reorganization of the districts recent shale gas protests at Elsipogtog First would lead to the Acadian districts being Nation in New Brunswick in late 2013, combined with neighbouring Anglophone which were led by Mi’kmaq and Acadians districts, diluting the Acadian voices in the alike in a fight against environmental injus- province. The Acadians in these districts tice (Howe 2013a). Acadians and Mi’kmaq continue to fight against this decision. stood together in requesting that the shale gas industry and Canada respect their Conclusion shared lands and the promises the British Asch (2013) makes a distinction had made to them centuries ago. It was a between sharing the land and taking the display to show the rest of Canada that land. Throughout this article, I have fracking on their lands was a violation of demonstrated that prior to the arrival of the past promises (Howe 2013b). British, Acadians and Mi’kmaq were engaged in a relationship of coexistence built Asch (2004) suggests that instances on an understanding that they were sharing of industrial development in the present the land. On the contrary, when the British day are remarkably similar to the instances arrived there was a significant political of trade in early colonial history. These shift in the understanding of land use. This similarities between past and present eco- shift resulted in the latter scenario de- nomic coercion further undermine the scribed by Asch (2013): taking the land. voices of Aboriginal populations in the The British employed strategies to take the present. Furthermore, Tully (2008) empha- land from both Acadians and Mi’kmaq and sizes that if Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal attempted to enforce control, not only over peoples can coexist in an “intercultural the land, but also over the people. middle ground”, there can be increased understanding and justice within a polity

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