RUSSIAN LOANWORDS IN the TURKIC DIALECTS

MARZANNA POMORSKA

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RUSSIAN LOANWORDS in the CHULYM TURKIC DIALECTS

[t| AKADEMICKA

Kraków © Copyright by Marzanna Pomorska, 2017

Review prof, dr hab. Romuald Huszcza dr hab. Tomasz Majtczak

Editing Mateusz Urban

Cover design Anna Siemontowska-Czaja

Publication financed by Faculty of Philology of the Jagiellonian University

ISBN 978-83-7638-872-4

KSIĘGARNIA AKADEMICKA ul. św. Anny 6, 31-008 Kraków tel./faks: 12 431 2743, 12421 13 87 e-mail: [email protected]

Online bookstore: www.akademicka.pl Contents

Part A. Introduction...... 9

Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects...... 15

Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym...... 15

Chapter II. Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym...... 77

Chapter III. Index of Russian loanwords in Kiiarik...... 91

Chapter IV. Index of Russian loanwords in an unidentified Chulym dialect...... 95

Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects...... 107

Chapter I. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position...... 107 0. Word-initialconsonants in theChulym Turkic dialects...... 107 1. Stops...... 108 2. ...... 113 3. ...... 118 4. Liquids...... 119 5. Nasals...... 121 6. The glide j-...... 122 7. Consonant clusters in word-initial position...... 123

Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position...... 131 1. Stops...... 131 2. Fricatives...... 140

5 Contents

3. Affricates...... 150 4. Liquids...... 153 5. Nasals...... 155 6. The glide -j-...... 156 7. Consonant clusters in word-medial position...... 158 8. Geminates in word-medial position...... 170

Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position...... 173 0. Word-final consonants in the Chulym Turkic dialects...... 173 1. Stops ...... 174 2. Fricatives...... 178 3. Affricates...... 183 4. Liquids...... 184 5. Nasals...... 186 6. The glide-j...... 187 7. Consonant clusters in word-final position...... 187 8. Apocope...... 190

Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels...... 193 0. Introductory remarks on Chulym Turkic vocalism ...... 193 1. Treatment of Russian stressed vowels...... 194 2. Chulym reflexes of Russian vowels in unstressed position...... 200 3. Adaptations of Russian back vowels adjacent to palatalized or soft consonants...... 213 4. Other qualitative changes of Russian stressed vowels...... 217 5. Vowel metathesis...... 221 6. Vowel epenthesis, prothesis and anaptyxis...... 221 7. Paragoge and apocope...... 222

Part D. Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes...... 223

Chapter I. Semantic fields...... 223

Chapter II. Word classes...... 233 1. Verbs and defective verbs...... 234 2. Adjectives...... 235 3. Adverbs and particles...... 235

6 Contents

4. Numerals...... 235 5. Conjunctions...... 236

Part E. Morphological integration of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects...... 237 1. Inflectional integration of Russian loanwords...... 237 2. Derivational integration of Russian loanwords...... 238

Part F. Abbreviations, sources and literature...... 243 1. Grammatical terms...... 243 2. Languages, dialects and authors...... 244 3. References...... 245 3.1 Sources of Chulym Turkic lexical material...... 245 3.2 Literature...... 247

Part G. Index of Russian etyma...... 253

Part A Introduction

he earliest information on the peoples referred to in Turcology as “the TChulym Turks”1 appears in Russian official and duty documents around the end of the 16th century, at the beginning of the Russian colonization of their territory,2 i.e. the area of the lower and middle reaches of the Chulym river and its tributaries the and the .3 Of course, it may be assumed that linguistic contact between Russian and its dialects and the Chulym Turkic dialects4 began at that time, but the earliest sources on Chulym lexis, which enable a comprehensive study, do not date back earlier than 1863. In that year, Wilhelm Radloff started his archeological and linguistic research in the area of the Kiya river,5 which was then inhabited by the Kiiarik Turks. As a result, Radloff recorded Kiiarik (henceforth, Kiia.) lexical material and published it in his works.6 Further archeological and linguistic research in the territory inhabited by the Chulym Turks began in the 1940s and was conducted by Andrej Pavlovic

1 Earlier also “Chulym ” etc. For self designations and designations used by the scholars, see Pomorska 2004: 14ff. In the 2006 article, Anderson & Harrison use the ethnonym "Os people” and the linguonym “Os” ~ “Os till” - “Os langauge” for “Middle Chulym people” and “Middle ", respectively. For critical comments regarding the term “Os”, see Pomorska 2010: 172ff. 2 “Район расселения чулымских тюрков уже в конце XVI в. вошел в состав русского государства, и его население с этого времени стало облагаться ясаком.” (CulT 82, cf. also Alekseev 1991: 6). 3 “The largest area inhabited by the Chulym Turks was that in the П"1 and 18lh centuries and it was then the territory of the west part of , the north part of Kemerovo Region and the south-east part of Tomsk Region.” (Pomorska 2004: 13, cf. also Krivonogov 1998: 63). 4 For simplicity’s sake, we will further use also the term “Chulym” and the abbreviation “Cui.”. 5 North of Marinsk, cf. CulT 128, Alekseev 1991: 15f., Pomorska 2004: 13. 6 Cf. R and RPro in References (F.3.1). Some additional data on the Chulym Turks living on the banks of the Kiya river may be found in Radloff 1893. 9 Part A. Introduction

Dul’zon.7 As Dul’zon writes himself,8 he began collecting Chulym lexical material in 19469 and in 1950 his research extended over the entire territory inhabited by the Chulym Turks in the Tomsk Region at that time. As a result of his fieldwork, Dul’zon published a series of articles, some of them quite extensive,10 in which he primarily cited Lower Chulym (henceforth, LC) but also some Middle Chulym (henceforth, MC) lexical material. From the 1970s onwards, Dul’zon’s research on the Chulym Turkic dia­ lects was continued by his student, Rimma Machmutovna Birjukovic.11 She did extensive fieldwork in Middle Chulym Turkic-speaking areas. As a result, she published four monographs12 and a number of articles which contain rela­ tively rich material. We know that only some materials collected by Dul’zon and Birjukovic were published, whereas the rest13 are in the archives in Tomsk: “[...] the Sibe­ rian Languages Laboratory in Tomsk houses about 700 pages of unpublished field notes made by Biijukovich and Dulson consisting of five field notebooks and several thousand index cards [...] containing individual lexical items and phrases of Lower and Middle Chulym” (ShB 180). The archival materials have been unavailable to other researchers until 2010 when the publication of V.M. Lemskaja’s editions began.14 Other sources of Middle Chulym lexis which began to appear after 2003 resulted from field expeditions carried out by David K. Harrison and Gregory D.S. Anderson (2003),15 Li Yong-Song,

7 Cf. Pomorska 2004: 12f. " CulT 129. ’ In the villages Turgay (Asinovskiy District in ) and Ezi (Pyshkino-Troickoe, today Pervomayskoe District in Tomsk Oblast). 10 Cf. Cja, CulT (and Li Yong-Sbng 2007), DGC, FCG, MDT, TRS in References (F.3.1). " Cf. Pomorska 2004: 13. 12 Cf. LCJa, MtJa, Mi'S, ZS in References (F.3.1). 13 Along with the materials collected by other researchers, M.A. Abdrachmanov and R.A. Boni. 14 Cf. L2010, L2012, L2013, L2015 in References (F.3.1). Apart from L2013, which contains a revised edition of a large text published previously by Birjukovii in 1984 in LCja, and one short text by Dul’zon’s, which was first published in 1966 in Cja, Lemskaja focuses on hitherto unpublished texts. It is our hope that publication of Chulym archival materials will continue in the near future. 15 From Harrison & Anderson’s 2004 article we know that during this expedition, they "[...] made audio/video recordings of twelve fluent speakers, numbering about 40 individual sessions, and representing approximately six hours of recorded materials.” The entire lexical material which was collected then has not yet been published. Until now, Anderson & Harrison published only three short articles and the material included therein is quite poor (cf. Anderson & Harrison 2003, 2004, 2006 in References, F.3.1). For critical comments regarding these publications, see Pomorska 2010: passim. 10 Part A. Introduction

Zaripa Serikbajeva and Ko Sung-ik (2006)16 and Valerija M. Lemskaja (some expeditions in the years 2007-2010).17 It follows from the above that there is currently no publication containing a complete collection of the available lexical material in alphabetical arrange­ ment pertaining to any of the Chulym Turkic dialects. Therefore, in order to make the study of the Russian loanwords possible,18 it was first necessary to collect the relevant lexical material, which was scattered in various publica­ tions. We are aware that not all the sources on Chulym Turkic which we were able to access are readily available to other researchers. Moreover, even if they are, the relevant lexical material is usually scattered, which makes it extremely difficult to find. A.E. Anikin’s etymological dictionary of Russian loanwords in Siberian languages19 will serve as an example. In this extensive work, Chulym material is represented only by Kiiarik forms taken from Ra- dloff’s dictionary with the addition of literally two words20 cited from other easily accesible publications. That is why the entries in the present study fea­ ture phrases and sentences illustrating their use in context. Both the loanwords and the illustrative examples are accompanied by their original Russian, Ger­ man or English translations.21 Thus excerpted material is then subjected to analysis. The date (or dates) in brackets next to a given form indicates when the material was collected. There was a variety of problems and difficulties which had to be resolved while working on the source material.22 They ranged from varying notation of

16 A 258 page long monograph, including a description and a vocabulary of the Middle Chulym dialect appeared in 2008 as a result of this expedition (cf. MChD in References, F.3.1). Cf. Lemskaja 2013: 351. As far as we know, the lexical material collected during these expeditions has not been yet published in its entirety. It was used in Lemskaja’s candidate’s dissertation (cf. L2011 in References, F.3.1) and in various articles of hers. For selected publications by Lemskaja, see http://portal.tpu.rU/SHARED/l/LEMSKAYA/publications [accessed June 25, 2017]. 18 Only those words are included in the current study whose origin is indisputable. 19 Cf. Anikin 2003 in References (F.3.2). 20 Cui. (= LC or MC) kipis ‘fishnet weigh’ and qaqutya ‘doll’, both discussed by M. Stachowski (1997 and 1998, respectively). Cf. also comments s.v. MC most in B.I. 21 In her editions of archival Chulym texts, Lemskaja quotes the original Russian translations made by the researchers who collected the material. She also offers her own translations into English. The original translations are generally cited here, with Lemskaja’s versions added if they match the source material better. Radloff’s German translations of Kiiarik words are provided in the modem German orthography. The glosses from MChD are cited without changes. 22 For a detailed description of these difficulties, see Pomorska 2004: 27ff. and Pomorska 2010: 173ff. Cf. also comments in C.1V.2 below. 11 Part A. Introduction one and the same phoneme or to typographical and editorial errors, as well as mistranslations, which occasionally departed from the original quite far. It is the advantage of lexical field materials that they display a relatively high degree of credibility. We can expect that the spelling of the words does not follow the Russian orthography,23 but the actual pronunciation. As for the available Chulym material, on the one hand, some researchers who collected it were native speakers of Russian, so it would have been natural for them to record words of Russian origin in the original spelling. On the other hand, the themselves must have known Russian well, in some cases even better than Chulym,24 which makes it likely that they inserted Russian words simply as “fremdworter”, and as is well known, telling apart loanwords from “fremdworter” is very difficult or even impossible.25 When it comes to vo­ cabulary collected by a person other than the author of a given source, for in­ stance in the latest editions of Dul’zon and Birjukovic’s field materials,26 it is safe to assume that the spelling may not correspond to the original recordings, because, paraphrasing K. Stachowski’s words,27 it follows what the authors of the editions actually believed to be the “correct” orthography.28 Another problem was that since many words, whether nouns or verbs, are attested in the sources exclusively in their inflected forms, which may result in a variety of phonetic changes, it was sometimes very difficult or even impossible to establish the canonical form of a given lemma precisely. Such forms are marked with an asterisk following the headword, cf. item [10] below. As a result, the aim of the current work is not only to excerpt all avail­ able material pertaining to Russian loanwords in Chulym, but to subject it to critical examination and to publish it in accessible form. Given that no Chulym Turkic dialect has a written form or an established alphabet, the authors of the sources used the Latin and Cyrillic scripts with

23 Unlike the material found in post-revolutionary Russian translation dictionaries. 24 Apart from MChD, Anderson & Harrison 2006 and ShB, the sources do not give any sociolinguistic information about the speakers from whom the material was collected. Li et alli’s and 2006 Anderson & Harrison’s informant was a man bom in 1952, the youngest fluent speaker of the Middle Chulym dialect (MChD 9f. and Anderson & Harrison 2006: 47). 2004 Anderson & Harrison’s informant was a man bom in 1931 (ShB 183ff.). Russian was the primary language of everyday communication for both of them, and their use of Middle Chulym was limited to conversations with their Chulym-speaking relatives. 25 Cf. StachowskiK 2010: 102ff. 26 Any edition is supplemented by a facsimile of the originally recorded text. 27 2012:292. 28 Cf. comments s.v. e.g. MO cir/un, kaliis, praslas- (B.l) and Cui. lapat (B.1V). 12 Part A. Introduction some modifications in their notation of the phonemes or specific to Chulym.29 Needless to say, one can notice considerable chaos,30 which makes the use of a transcription system necessary. The one employed here is in principle similar to the notation familiar from other Turkological works published outside .31 The following letters require additional comments: [ 1 ] y is used for the high back unrounded vowel;32 [2] ï, ü and w33 in Kiiarik and r>, b in Lower and Middle Chulym are used for the reduced vowels, for details, see C.IV.O; [3] j is used for the palatal glide; [4] c is used for the voiceless alveolar ;34 [5] j is used for the voiced alveolar affricate;35 [6] j is used for the voiced post-alveolar affricate;36 [7] x is used for the voiceless uvular (in a back vowel environment)37 or velar (in a front vowel environment)38 ; [8] palatalization is marked with the apostrophe, as in t ’; [9] an asterisk preceding a Cui. word (as in word)* indicates that the form is unattested; [10] an asterisk following a Cui. word (as in )word* indicates those words which are only attested with inflection in the sources, which makes it impossible to establish their canonical form with precision.

29 Note that some diacritics had to be added by the Russian authors by hand, which increased the risk of omission and error. 30 Cf. C.IV.O. 31 The same transcription was used in our earlier works on Chulym Turkic. For a detailed discussion, see Pomorska 2004: 28ff. IPA transcription is used for the Russian etyma in those cases which are significant from the point of view of phonetic changes. 32 = Radloff, Dul’zon, Birjukovii: w; Pritsak, Lemskaja, Li et alii: i'. 33 = Radloff: I, y and i!, respectively. 34 = Radloff, Birjukovid, Dul’zon (¿ulT, ¿Ja, FOG, MDT): y; Dul’zon (DGC), Lemskaja (DGC): ts; Pritsak: c. 35 = Radloff (RPro): i/; Radloff (R), Pritsak for Lt words: j; Pritsak for Kiia. words: c; Birjukovid, Dul’zon (¿Ja, ¿ulT, FCG, MDT): da; Dul’zon (DGC), Lemskaja (2011): dz. 36 = BirjukoviC, Dul’zon (¿Ja, Feo, MDT):

Little can be said about the chronology of borrowing.39 As M. Stachowski has said,40 a high degree of phonetic adaptation of a given loanword does not necessarily imply earlier borrowing. It may as well mean that the user was a representative of the older generation of the Chulyms, who did not know Russian pronunciation well or did not know it at all. More information about chronology may be discerned from those etyma which are archaic in Rus­ sian, cf. Rus.arch. Petr > MC Pair, a male proper name,41 Rus.arch, zdorovo, a greeting used when meeting someone > MC *tardba in tardbastyr ‘id.’.42 Cf. also MC Vasila, a male proper name < Rus.st. Vasilij or Rus.arch. Vasilej and MC s-bdrbaj ‘ 1. lot; 2. fate, destiny’ < Rus.st. zrebij ‘ 1 .-2. id.’ or Rus.dial. zerebej ~ Rus.arch. (17'h c.) zerebej ‘id.’. This also applies to those loanwords whose etyma refer to outdated concepts, i.e. Rus. knjaz’ ‘prince, knyaz’ > Cui. kinds ‘the tribe elder’43 and Rus. volost’ ‘volost, an administrative-terri­ torial unit in old Russia’ > Cui. polas ‘id.’, are older Russian borrowings into Chulym.

” Each entry in part B features information about the earliest attestation of the loanwords in question in the sources. 40 Cf. StachowskiM 1999: 22f., cf. also StachowskiK. 2010: 102. 41 Cf. also Dolg. Piàtir and M. Stachowski’s comments on this word (1999: 10). 42 Cf. also Dolg. dorôbo ‘guten Tag!’ and M. Stachowski’s comments on this word (1999: 21). 43 Cf. comments on this meaning in B.1V s.v. 14 Part В Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

Chapter I Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

a (2006) iconj. and, but’ (MChD 105) < Rus. a ‘id.’ —>• a kim bolza kal- gan ‘Then who has come?’ (ibid.); a pasqy par va ‘And is there any­ thing else?’ (ibid.); a po qyzyl tudun qajdyy sa ‘And how about these red clothes to you?’ (ibid.); a tudun tic tysa1 cddi ciis avac ‘And the clothes are 3,700 ruble’ (ibid. 121); pis tamna paryqybys iiyrandrga a silar oluruqsyqnar2 apta ‘We will go to leam tomorrow and you will sit at home’ (ibid.); a silar mani sayys3 [...J ‘And you wait for me [...]!’ (ibid. 159). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 62. ayrot (1970s), oyorot (1970s) ‘vegetable garden’ < Rus. ogorod ‘id.’ —> ol qy- nar coyul ayrotta istanarga ‘Он не любит в огороде работать’ (MCJa

1 See MC tyssa below in this chapter. 2 < "olurruksyynar < *olur-luk-syrj-nar (olur-'to sit’-FL'T-2p-PL). 3 < sayy-s (sayy-'to wait’-iMp2PL). Both Lemskaja (L2015: 240 for MC sayan, cf. below s.v. cas) and Li et alii (MChD 159), are of the opinion that the Middle Chulym stem of this verb is saq-. Nevertheless, Li et alii add that “[tjhis must be an error for saqta- [...]” (ibid. fn. 38). If they were right, the past tense of *saqta- would be *saktan ~ *saktan (< *sakta-gan) and not sayan, as it was recorded in the sentence quoted by Lemskaja, cf. also Kiia. sakta- ‘id.’ (RPro 700, 701), LC sakla- ‘id.’ (see Pomorska 2017: 535f.), cf. also Khak. sayy- ‘id.’ (KhRS 177), Tel., Khak.Sag. saqv- ‘id.’ (R IV 247), Alt. saky- ‘id.’ (ATS 148); see also ESTJa VII 156. 15 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

53); künzäj oyorot suylaptyrmän ‘Каждый день огород поливаю’ (ibid. 49). - Cf. Yak. oyoruot ~ oyuruot - oguruot ‘огород’ (Slepcov 1964: 185); Kirg. ayarot ‘id.’(Chorolec 1953: 116), see also Anikin 2003: 414. - See Cui. ayrät (chapter B.1V below). axotnild (1960-70s), akotnik (1950), aqotnik (1970s), oxotnik (1970s), oqot- niq (1970s) ‘hunter’ < Rus. oxotnik ‘id.’ —> pirizi bazak kalgarf axotnik- tatga, akotniktaf äny äsrappöstbpbskan ‘Одна (первая) снова пришла к охотникам, ее74 56 накормили, отпустили’ (L2015: 223); akotniktar tajgada ättw tirj ‘Охотники в тайге стреляют белок’ (MDT 188); akotniktar käptyr sanavla ‘Охотники возвратились на лыжах’8 910(ibid. 195); aqotnik tutvagan qozan tuzaqlay ‘Охотник поймал зайца петлей’ (MCS 41); aqotnik tun tajyydyn syq payan ‘Охотник вышел из глухой тайги’ (MCJa 40); *oxotniktarly ‘с охотниками’ (MCS 40); oqotniqqa udur moyalaq kälgän ‘охотнику навстречу медведь шел’ (LCJa 67 s.v. udur). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 426 s.v. охота.

ärysw (1970s)11 ‘rye, Rus. рожь’ (LCJa 6) < Rus.dial. aryz* ‘id.’ (Sta- chowskiK. 2008: 73). - Cf. Tat.dial, arys ‘Roggen’ (Berta 1983: 81), cf. also StachowskiK 2008: 73f.12 and Anikin 2003: 510. - Cf. LC arys (chapter В.II below), Küä. arys (chapter В.Ill below).

4 All vowels in the suffixes which are attached to oxotnik etc. are back, e.g. axotnik-tar-ga (u.-pl- dat), so that the actual realization of i in their final syllable is most probably back. 5 kdl-gan (kal-'to come’-PST) is expected here. 6 Note that in one and the same sentence the word is once transcribed with .v and once with k. 7 The word akotniktar ‘hunters’ repeated here in the original sentence has not been translated into Russian. 8 The original sentence translates as ‘The hunters are coming using skis’. 9 < *oxotnik-tar-la (o.wmiA‘hunter’-PL-iNSTR/coM). Birjukovii cites a few Middle Chulym examples in the instrumental-comitative case in -11, e g. kvlycly < kylyc ‘sabre’ (MCS 40), cumurtly < cumiirt ‘bird cherry’ (ibid.). In other sources, the suffix under discussion always has low a /a, cf. fn. 28 below. 10 The long a in this word is surprising and it can be explained by secondary lengthening in Chulym before a high vowel in the following syllable (in native words, this process generally targets stem vowels if they are followed by a suffix with a high vowel, see C.IV.0), but a misprint in the source is also possible. " Cui. arys ‘id.’ is also attested in a small vocabulary by Gerhard Friedrich Muller from the first half of 18,h century (Alekseev 1991: 58). 12 With an overview of the discussions of the etymology and forms of this word in other ; from among the Chulym Turkic forms, K. Stachowski only quotes Kiia. arys. 16 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym atkrytka (2006) ‘postcard’ (MChD 111) < Rus. otkrytka ‘id.’ —»ys salysma atkrytka ‘Send me a postcard!’ (ibid.); manysyqymli sa atkrytka ‘I will send you a postacard’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. atkyrytka ~ otkrytka ‘открытка’ (Slepcov 1975: 216). babuska (1971) ‘midwife ’ < Rus. babuska ‘id.’ (Filin 2: 29: ‘повивальная бабка’) —> [...] Solomocko apcaza babuska boluptw ‘[...] жена Соломочки была у ней бабушкой (бабкой)’13 14 (L2010: 264); [...] babuska at vartw'5 ‘Бабушка имя дает’ (ibid. 265); man aldyrtw'6 babuska ‘Меня пригласили быть повивальной бабушкой’17 1819(L2015: 273). - Cf. Yak. babyska ‘бабушка’ (Slepcov 1964: 177). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 76. bastok —> pastok banik* —> panik blin (1971) ‘pancake’ < Rus. blin ‘id.’ —+ ikinci kilnandij* navasta'4 blin ottbr20 ‘На второй день невеста блины печет’ (L2015: 287). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 97. - Cf. Ытъ below.

Ытъ (1971) ‘pancakes’ < Rus. bliny ‘id.’, Pl. of blin ‘pancake’21 —> caqsy Ытъ ‘хорошие блины’ (L2015: 287). - Cf. Yak. bilina ‘блины’ (Slep­ cov 1964: 178), see also Anikin 2003: 97.

13 < *ys-syk-ym < *ys-lyk-ym (i w-'to send’-FLT-lso). 14 The original sentence translates as ‘Solomochko’s wife becomes a midwife’. 15 The verb ‘to give’ is usually attested as par- in all Chulym dialects. In L2010, forms with both p- and v- occur, cf. pârban < *pdr-ba-gan (par-'to give’-NEG-PST). 16 < *al-dyr-tyr (al-'to take’-CALS-PREs). 17 The original sentence translates as ‘[They / he] make(s) me take the role of a midwife’. 18 kün-ü-ndâ (¿wH‘day’-px3sc-LOc) is expected here. 19 See MĞ navastd below in this chapter. 20 In MĞ ötfbr, Lemskaja sees the stem öt- ‘to braid, to plait’, albeit with a question mark. The verb ör- ‘to braid, to plait’, which is known from other Tkc. languages, is attested in Middle Chulym sources only as a participle in -gdn: organ ‘plaited’ (ZS 14, 95), organ cac ‘plait (plaited hair)’ (LĞJa 51), but cf. Küa. ördür-, Caus. of ör- (R I 1239). Lemskaja’s interpretation would be difficult to accept from a phonetic and semantic viewpoint. We would rather interpret MĞ öttbr as an erroneous notation of at-fbr (at-'to make’-PREs). 21 Cf. MĞ blin above. 17 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects bocka —* pocka bola (1950) ‘more’ < Rus. bölee ‘id.’ —> pistir/ kolxoz1- cacqan bola paj- daq pultyryb cyldyn ‘Наш колхоз в этом году посеял больше, чем в прошлом году’22 23 24(MDT 193); pis bold ür yürâbbsu tajyada ‘Мы нынче долго ходили по тайге’25 262728(ibid. 194).

*brigadir (1970s) ‘team-leader’ < Rus. brigadlr ‘id.’ —»• mdij *karyndozym qolqosta11 brigadirda1* ‘Мой брат в колхозе бригадиром’ (MCS 54). - Since the word is only attested in the quoted sentence, after -a in qolqosta, it is difficult to decide whether Rus. b- was retained here or underwent devoicing in Middle Chulym,29 followed by secondary voic­ ing due to sandhi (cf. C.I.O). - Cf. Yak. birigâdir ~ birigâğîr ‘бригадир’ (Slepcov 1975: 192); Dolg. brigadir ‘Leiter einer Brigade’ (DW 63, Sta­ chowskiK 2010: 116) ~ *brigadir in brigadirda- ‘Brigadenleiter / Leiter einer Arbeitsbrigade sein’ (DWS 60, StachowskiK 2010: 117); Sr. briga­ dir ‘Brigadier’ (Dilmaç 1998: 65). biiramna (1970s) ‘log, beam, Rus. бревно’ (ZS 126). - According to Anikin (2003: 107), the Siberian languages borrowed this word from northern Russian dialects, which - similarly to standard Russian - have brev- in initial position, cf. Dolg. bardmana ‘Holzscheit’ < *bdrabana < Rus. brevnö ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 84, cf. also StachowskiK 2010: 116), Yak. bardbina ‘бревно’ < Rus. brevno ‘id.’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 30, Slep-

22 See MĞ kolxoz below in this chapter. 23 The original sentence translates as ‘Our kolkhoz sowed much [= MC pajdaq (MChD 143)] more than last year’. 24 < *cörii-gân-ibis (cörü-‘to go’-PST-1 pl); j- is explained by sandhi. 25 The original sentence translates as ‘We walked very long [= MĞ Hr - nr (MĞS 26) - t7r (MĞJa 89)] in the taiga’. 26 For the a > о labialization in Middle Chulym, see comments s.v. MĞ panka below in this chapter. 27 See MĞ kolxoz below in this chapter. 28 Birjukovic interprets brigadirda as a locative in predicative function. This is more likely the instrumantal case *brigadirla > brigadirda (for the instrumental case in -IA in Middle Chulym, see Pomorska 2001: 106), which is a caique on Rus. Instr, (on e.g. rabotaet) brigadirom ‘(he e.g. works) as a team-leader’. 29 Birjukovic also citesprigadir ‘id.’ (LĞJa 18, cf. B.IV s.v.), albeit without any sentential context. The form features devoicing of Russian b-, but it is impossible to determine the Chulym dialect to which it belongs. 18 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

cov 1964: 180). The phonetic adaptation of Rus. brevn- as MC büràmn- are clear (cf. С.1.7.1.2.4 and С.II.2.5.2.1). However, because of the final a,30 a Russian form with stressed é, e.g. the Rus. Prep.Sg. brevné or a form with unstressed -o, e.g. Rus.dial. brévno* would be a better match for the Middle Chulym form than the standard brevnô. cviitok (2006) ‘flower’ (MChD 113) < Rus. cvetôk ‘id.’. - Cf. Dolg. hibakki ‘Blume’(StachowskiM 1999:92, StachowskiK. 2010: 119), Yak. sibdkki ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 186) < Rus. cvetki, Pl. of cvetôk ‘id.’, see also Ani­ kin 2003: 657. cas (2006), cas (1950), *cas (1973) ‘time, hour’ < Rus. cas ‘id.’ —» cas ‘time, hour’ (MChD 115); cas attira tôyurparâdy ‘How fast the time flies! (lit. The time goes very fast)’ (ibid.); kôldün ayac cânya3' üc cas ‘It is three hours from the lake to the forest’ (ibid.); pajdaq pa qalyan câzy qacan paryq32 pôjdst33 34‘Is much time left for the departure of the train?’ (ibid.); mat] icam iskâpâràbàl tôyus casta ‘Моя мать на работу ходит в девять часов’ (MCS 36); Nadâ21' igà cas tônabala câdy [...] ‘Надя два часа одевается [...]’ (MCJa 56); [...]pis àny tyqnâbys35 363738üc cas ‘[...] мы его слушали три часа’ (ibid. 65); kàsà man turyam3(> alty casta [...J ‘Я вчера встала в шесть часов [...]’ (ibid.); кора?1 cas sàn uzâijw ‘Сколько часов ты спал?’ (MDT 204); olar sayanar34 carynw cas ‘Они ждали примерно41 полчаса’ (L2015: 239f.). - The final -s in cas (a hapax legomenon), which is attested in the last sentence, unless it is a misprint, could have resulted from contamination of MC cas ‘time’ with MC cas ‘age’ (MCJa 14) = Tkc.yas ‘id.’, cf. also MC cas ‘age’ (MChD

30 Cf. С.IV. 1.4. 31 < *can-y-nga (can‘side’-Px3sG-DAT). 32 < *parryk < *par-lyk (par-'to go’-FLT). 33 See MO pojast below in this chapter. 34 See MO Nada below in this chapter. 35 < *tytjna-gan-ybys (tyyna-'to listen’-PST-lPL). 36 < *tur-gan-ym (tur-'to stand’-psT-lso). 37 кора is expected here, cf. MC кора ‘how much?’ (ZS 123). 38 < *uzu-gan-yij (uzu-‘to sleep’-PST-2so). 39 < *sayanar < *sagy-gan-nar (sagv-'to wait’-PST-PL), cf. also MC sayy-, see fn. 3 s.v. a above. 40 Final -n is probably a misprint; in many other places the word is carym - carym ‘half’ (e g. LCja 72, ZS 41, Oja 463) = Tkc.jarym ‘id.’. 41 There is no word corresponding to “примерно = circa, about” in the original text. 19 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

115) with final -5 instead of the expected -s. - Cf. Dolg. cäs ~ cas ‘ 1. Stunde; 2. Uhr (Gerät)' (DW 73, StachowskiK 2010: 118); Sr. cas ‘ 1 .-2. id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 65), see also Anikin 2003: 671. - See LC cas (chapter В.П below). cäsnok (2006) ‘garlic’ (MChD 116) < Rus. cesnök ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. cocunäx ‘чеснок’ (Slepcov 1964: 190), see also Anikin 2003: 680. cigan (1970s) ‘Rus. цыган’ (LĞJa 74) < Rus.dial, cigan (stress?, MP) ‘id.’ (Dal’). - Since the word is cited without any sentential context, its mean­ ing cannot be specified. - Cf. Yak. sygän ‘цыган’ (Slepcov 1964: 187), Kirg. syyan ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 108) < Rus. cygan. cislo (2006) ‘number’ (MChD 117) < Rus. cislö ‘id.’. - Cf. Dolg. cysla ‘Da­ tum’ < Rus. cisla, Pl. of cislö (StachowskiM 1999: 86, StachowskiK 2010: 119); Yak. cyhyla ‘число’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 37, Slepcov 1964: 190), Kirg. cislo ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 128) < Rus. cislö, see also Anikin 2003:686. cuyun, cugun42 (before 1971) ‘cast iron pot’ < Rus. cugun ‘1. cast iron; 2. cast iron pot, vessel’ (BTS) —> kam kamnaptw, ämdä kamnyrj cuyun at turubul ‘Шаман шаманит, рядом с шаманом чугун мяса стоит’ (L2015: 262); qam qamnaptyr ämdä qamnytj cugun ät turubul ‘When the shaman shamanizes, there is a plate of meat nearby’ (ShB 181). - Cf. Yak. cugiin ~ ğugün ‘чугун’ (Slepcov 1964: 109); Dolg. cugün ‘gußei­ sern, aus Gußeisen’ (DWS 732, StachowskiK 2010: 119), see also Anikin 2003:689.

42 Lemskaja as well as Anderson & Harrison produced editions of one and the same text, which was originally transcribed by Birjukovii and is found in her 1971 (according to Lemskaja, L2015: 262) or 1972 (according to Anderson & Harrison, ShB 181) field notes kept in the archives in Tomsk. The text in the both editions differs in some details, one of them being the transcription and translation of the word under discussion: in Anderson & Harrison’s edition it is cugun ‘plate’, in Lemskaja’s edition it is cuyun ‘cast iron pot, Rus. чугун’ (cf. also MÔ kalàs below in this section). Unfortunately, BirjukoviC’s materials are not available to us and we cannot determine whose retranscription and translation is correct. For critical remarks on Anderson & Harrison’s works, see Pomorska 2010: passim. 20 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym doktar (2006) ‘doctor, physician’ (MChD 120) < Rus. doktor ‘id.’ —► turabasta^ doktar ‘How are you doctor?’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. duoxtur ~ luoxtur ‘доктор’ (Slepcov 1964: 109) ~ duoktar ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1975: 200); Dolg. doxtur ~ duoktur ‘Arzt’ (StachowskiM 1999: 87, Sta- chowskiK 2010: 120f.) ~ duoxtiir ‘id.’ (DWS 81, StachowskiK 2010: 121), see also Anikin 2003: 174.43 44 driiga, druga (2006) ‘friend’ (MChD 121) < Rus. druga, Acc.Sg. or Gen.Sg. of drug ‘id.’45 —> drügamnytj icâzi kâlgân ‘The mother of my friend has come’ (ibid.); mân sanaptyrmyn knıgany^6 47üyrângân fârindâf1 drugabyla ‘I am reading the book with the friend at school’ (ibid.); ol kâlgân po âlya körâgâ drügany ‘He came to this village to see the friend’ (ibid.).

Âpim (1970s), a male proper name < Rus. Efim (SRLI) —> Âpim müngâlâk, cylgyzy cörtüpiskân ‘He успел Ефим сесть (верхом) на лошадь, она помчалась’48 495051(MĞJa 67); Âpim-dâ körban ‘И Ефим не видел’ (ibid. 107). aso (2006), iso (1950s) ‘1. yet, more; 2. else’ < Rus. esce ‘1.-2. id.’ —> artan turup man...eso... kiln yarayy pos poly an tagda*... sykpârf0 man payam"' iiska ‘Встав утром, я, еще когда солнце не встало [...] я пошел к реке’ (L2011: 181); mân uzalaqwn52 53mân iso uzubâm52 ‘Я еще не спал’

43 See МС turabastar below in this chapter s.v. *tardba. 44 Anikin 2003 and StachowskiK 2010: forms with -x- < Rus. doxtor - doxtur, StachowskiM 1999: all forms < Rus. doktor. 45 According to Li et alii (MChD 121): MC driiga - druga < Rus. drug. 46 See MC kniga below in this chapter. 47 < iiyranyan car or uyrangan cari ‘lit. learning place = school’, a caique on Rus. ucebnoe mesto ‘learning place’, cf. also Rus. ucebnoe zavedenie ‘school, lit. learning institution’; the voiced j1- in MO jarinda is due to sandhi. 48 The original sentence translates as ‘Efim has not mounted [his horse], his horse went forward’. 49 Lemskaja (op.cit.) interprets this word as the locative case of the demonstrative pronoun tag but it is hard to agree with her. In the available sources, the pronoun tag is always transcribed with a, and furthermore, its usage in this sentence would not make sense. It is probably the Russian word togda ‘then, at that time’, but since this is only a supposition and there are no other attestations of this word in the currently available sources, it is not listed in this index. 50 < *cyq-pa-gan (cyq-‘lo go ouT-neg-pst). 51 < *par-gan-ym (par-'to go’-PST-lso). 52 < *uzu-galak-ym (uzu-‘to sleep’-UNACC-lsG). 53 < *uzu-ba-gan-ym (uzu-'to sleep’-NEG-PST-1 sg). Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

(CJa 457). - Cf. Yak. osso ‘ещё’ (Slepcov 1964: 186) ~ gosso ‘id.’ (ibid. 181); Dolg. dssiio ~ dsiio ‘noch, sonst’ (StachowskiM 1999: 105, Sta- chowskiK. 2010: 122) ~ osso ‘id.’ (DW 201, StachowskiK. op.cit.) ~ osto ‘id.’ (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 193.

Gana (1970s), a male proper name < Rus. Gena, dimin. of Gennadij (SRLI) —> Gana kop tutiibyl tiy [...] ‘Гена много ловит белок [...]’ (MCJa 53). gost* (1950), gost’* (1970s), qost’ (1970s) ‘guest’ < Rus. gost' ‘id.’ —> pir gundd33 kalgan gost ‘Один день (однажды) к нам54 55 56приехал гость’ (MDT 192); таgost’рауасъгу-^ ‘(Не) хочешь (ли) быть моим гостем?57 *59 (LCJa 78); aq qan apcaza gost’ kajbaP ‘Жена белого хана в гости идет’ (ibid.); aq qan kaptar39 qost’ ‘Белый хан приходит (в качестве) гостя’ (ibid. 77). - Since forms with g- are attested after words ending in a voiced consonant or a vowel, it is difficult to decide whether Rus. g- was retained here or underwent devoicing in Middle Chulym,60 61fol­ lowed by secondary voicing due to sandhi (cf. C.1.0). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 159. - See LC v gosti (chapter B.II below). giila-* (1970s), gulii-* (1970s) ‘1. to walk; v.i. to move; to blow (wind); 2. to feast, to celebrate’ < Rus. gulja(t’) ‘1. to walk; 2. dial, ‘to feast, to drink heavily; to go on a visit to’ (Dal’: ‘пить, пьянствовать’, cf. also Filin 7: 224: ‘быть, проводить время в гостях, ходить, ездить в гости’) —> [...] cal giilapysxarf" ‘[...] ветер разгулялся’ (LCJa 79); caldlif2 gula- vlcf3 ‘Ветер поднялся’64 (ibid.); calalu giilap qalyan ‘Ветер закружил’65

54 *giinda < kiinda is expected here; probably a misprint. 55 There is no word corresponding to “к нам = to us” in the original text. 56 < *par-gac-yy (par-‘to go’-oPT/FL'T-2sc;). 57 Birjukovii’s translation is not correct. The Middle Chulym sentence translates as ‘Will you go to me (as a) guest?’. 5B < *kal-ibil (kal-‘to come’-PREs). 59 < *kal-ip-tir (kal-'to come’-cv-PREs). 60 As in qost ’ attested in the last sentence. 61 *giila-p ys-kan (guld-cv ys-‘to send’alx-pst). 62 cdl-dlii (ca/‘wind’-PARTiCLE). 61 < *giHa-biI (giHd-mts). 64 The original sentence translates as ‘Such a wind is blowing’. 65 The original sentence translates as ‘What / such a wind blew’. 22 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

(ibid. 80); olar guldptarlar ‘Они гуляют’66 (LĆJa 77). - Since forms with initial g- are attested after words ending in voiced consonants or vowels, it is difficult to decide whether Rus. g- was retained in them or underwent devoicing in Middle Chulym,67 68followed by secondary voic­ ing due to sandhi (cf. C.I.O). - Cf. Dolg. gillajdd- ‘1. spazierengehen; 2. feiem’ (StachowskiM 1999: 88, StachowskiK. 2010: 125), see also Anikin 2003: 166 and 770. - See MĆ giildt* ’,f (below).

*giilat,* gulat* ’,* *kulat in giilatta-* (1970s), giilata-* (1970s), .gw/af’ta-* (1970s), kulata- (1973) ‘to feast, to celebrate; to drink heavily’ < Rus. guljat’ 'dial, to feast, to drink heavily; to go on a visit to’ (Dal’: ‘пить, пьянствовать’, cf. also Filin 7: 224: ‘быть, проводить время в гостях, ходить, ездить в гости’) —» sylyy qysly pdrgd guldttdptirld^ ‘Вместе с [его] красивой дочерью гуляют’69 70(LĆJa 81); arnda olar giildtdp- tirlar10 ‘Затем они гуляли’71 72*(L2012: 204); kyryk boćka12 araya jat- tar gulat'tabbskannar11 ‘Сорок бочек вина приготовили74, 75 сделали. Гуляли’ (L2010: 270); drndd kuldtaptyrbbs15 ‘Гуляем’76 (L2015: 264).

66 It is clear from the text from which the word under discussion has been extracted that its meaning is ‘to feast, to celebrate’ or ‘to drink heavily’, cf. also Lemskaja’s English translation of this sentence: ‘They were celebrating’ (L2013: 309); Lemskaja’s past tense in this translation is an obvious error. 67 As in MC kula- (see below in this chapter) and LC *kulat (in B.1I). 68 < giilàt-tà-p-tir-làr (gÜ/dt-DER-CX'-PRES-PL). 69 It is clear from the text from which the word under discussion has been extracted that its meaning is ‘to feast, to celebrate’, cf. also Lemskaja’s translation of this sentence: ‘[They] are enjoying themselves with the Beautiful girl’ (L2013: 340, the original spelling has been retained). 70 < *gÜldt-td-p-tir-Idr (gti/dt-DER-CV-PRES-PL). 71 The tenses used in the Russian translation of this sentence and in Lemskaja’s (op.cit.) translation into English, ‘Then they enjoyed themselves’, are incorrect; in the original sentence the present tense is used so the proper translation is ‘They are enjoying themselves now [= MÔ amda]'. 72 See MÛ bocka below in this chapter. 75 Lemskaja (L2010: 303) interprets this form as a compound with the verb tap- ‘to find’. This assumption raises doubts from both a semantic and a formal viewpoint. First of all, the verb tap- does not seem to be used as an auxiliary in any Chulym Turkic dialect. It seems more likely that the form in question is build on the basis of the same stem as in e.g. giildttdptirlar, so gulat ’tabbskannar < gulat ’ta-p ys-kan-nar (gulat 'ta-cv ys-‘to send’aux-pst-pl). 74 There is no word corresponding to “приготовили = they prepared” in the original sentence. 75 < *kulat-ta-p-tyr-bys (Wîî/-der-cv-pres-1pl). 76 It is clear from the context that the original sentence has the meaning ‘Now, we are celebrating’ or ‘Now, we are drinking’. Lemskaja translates it as ‘Now [we] laugh’ and interprets kuldtaptyrbbs as a compound of kul- ‘to laugh’ and the auxiliary at- ‘to do’ (L2015: 266). Even if the verb 23 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

- Since forms with g- are attested after words ending in voiced conso­ nants or vowels, it is difficult to decide whether Rus. g- was retained here or underwent devoicing in Middle Chulym,77 followed by secondary voicing due to sandhi (cf. C.I.O). - Cf. MC giild-* (above), cf. also LC *kulat (chapter B.1I below). i (2006) 'conj. and’ < Rus. i ‘id.’ —> tura i al ‘the city and the village’ (MChD 125); pis satysqabys i kiiliiskabis ‘We talked and laughed together’ (ibid.); tuyba i qaryndas ‘sister and brother’ (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 221. - See LC i (chapter B.II below). ili (2006) iconj. or’ < Rus. ili ‘id.’ —>pajdaqpa ili aylaq ‘Is it much or little?’ (MChD 126); silar paradyrjnar tudarya palyx iista ili kolda ‘Are you going to fish78 in the river or on the lake?’ (ibid.); parys tamna ili parys pajzondyn14 8081‘Go tomorrow or the day after tomorrow’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. ili ‘или, ли’ (Slepcov 1964: 131), see also Anikin 2003:222. istal (1970s), istal (1970s), ystal (1970s), ustal (2006), stiil (1970s), stol (2006) ‘table’ < Rus. stol ‘id’ —> istal ‘стол’ (ZS 130); istal ‘id.’ (ibid. 125); istal azagy ‘ножка стола’ (MCS 64); myzyk ystal altyndyn syq рауапт ‘Кошка вышла из-под стола’ (MCJa 104); ustal ‘table’ (MChD 175); ayam at salyan ustal ayactyn ‘My father has made a table out of wood’ (ibid.); salyyl knigarji} stal tagana ‘Положи книгу на стол’82

kul- ‘to laugh’ were correct (although the expected form is kill-, cf. e.g. ZS 140, MÎJa 80), it is surprising that Lemskaja only refers to it in connection to kulataptyrbbs and does not provide a similar analysis for forms like giilatdptirldr or gulat'tabbskannar, found in texts previously edited by her. Lemskaja’s explanation raises doubts: even if the verb at- ‘to do’ acted as an auxiliary in kulataptyrbbs, the converb suffix should be -Ip rather than *-ap (cf. e.g. MChD 87, MÔJa 90). It seems more likely that the form under consideration is based on the stem kulata- < *kulatta- = giilatta- ~ gulat 'ta- attested in the other texts. 77 As in MÔ kulata- and MÔ kuld- (see below in this chapter) and LÔ *kulat (in В.П). 78 Or more faithfully: ‘Are you going fishing [...]’. 79 According to MChD 143, MÔ pajzondyn means ‘the day after tomorrow’. The word is not to be found in other sources and the sentence under discussion is the only attestation of its usage. Since MC pajzondyn < *paja-zy-ndyn (pa/a‘long ago, before’-Px3sG-ABL) = Küà. paja ‘vorher’ (RPro 700) - ‘vorhin’ (ibid. 704) = Tkc. baja ‘id.’ (ÈSTJa II 30), cf. also paja ‘id.’ s.v. Yala below in this chapter, it seems that the more appropriate rendering would be ‘later’. 80 *par-gan (par-‘to go’-PST). 81 See MC kniga below in this chapter. 82 The original sentence translates as ‘Put your book on the table'. 24 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

(MĆJa 104); stolya ölurus ‘Sit at table!’ (MChD 163). - Cf. Yak. ostuol ‘стол’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 37, Slepcov 1964: 185) ~ ostöl ‘id.’ (Slep­ cov, op.cit.); Dolg. ostöl ~ ostuol ~ ostoi ‘Tisch’ (StachowskiM 1999: 104, StachowskiK 2010: 158); Tat.dial. ostal ‘id.’ (Berta 1983: 96); Bar. östâl ~ üstöl ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 43); Śr. stoi ~ ustal ~ ustol ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 68); Kirg. üstöl ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 105), see also Anikin 2003: 573. - See Küâ. istâl (chapter B.III below), Cui. üstöl (chapter B.IV below). istana (1947-51) ‘wall’ —> man *cölabbskân 3 istânâ^ ‘Я прислонился к стене’ (FĆG 115). - Because of the final a in MC istana, it is not im­ plausible that it8583 84 does not go back to the Rus. Nom.Sg. stenâ but to a form with stressed e,86 e.g. the Rus. Dat. (or Prep.) Sg. stene or Rus.dial. *stena, but cf. Tat.dial. stinâ ‘Wand’ (Berta 1983: 103), Dolg. istiânâ ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 94, StachowskiK. 2010:158), Yak. istiânâ ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 182) < Rus. stenâ, cf. also Alt. stânâ ‘id.’ (ATS 158), Tuba istânâ ‘id.’ (Baskakov 1966: 119); Khak. stânâ ‘id.’ (KhRS 198) ~ istânâ ‘id.’ (Rajkova 1980: 29); Tel. istânâ ‘id.’ (R 1 1534), Bar. istânâ ‘id.’ (ibid.) ~ stana ‘Wand, Mauer, Scheidewand’ (Dilmaç 1998: 45); Śr. stan ‘id.’ < Rus. sten, Gen.Pl. of stenâ (ibid. 68), see also Anikin 2003: 572. - Cf. LĆ stânâ (chapter B.II below) and Cui. istânâ (chapter B.IV below). iso —> aśo

*istyn ~ *istyn or iśtyny* (1973), stan (1970s) ‘trousers’ < Rus. stany ‘id.’ —> kiżilar any* 1 88iśtynyn **suyrupsalgan ‘Ему штаны сняли’89 (L2015:

83 < *cola-p ys-kan (cdld-'to lean against sth’-cv y.s-'to send’AUX-psT), cf. Kua.yo/o- ‘id.’ (R III 451) = Tkc. jola- (ESTJa IV 32f.). 84 < *istana < *istand-ga < island; MC cola- ‘to lean against sth’ requires a dative object, cf. e.g. Tuv. xanaga colap kar ‘прислонить к стене’ (RTuvS 451). 85 As well as LC stand and Cui. island (in B.II and B.IV, respectively). 86 Cf. Anikin’s (2003: 572) comments on Yak. and Dolg. istiana: “Долг, и якут, формы предпологают рус. источник с ударением на первом слоге, - возможно, стены, мн.”. 87 anyij ‘his’ is expected here instead of any. 88 < *sugur-up sal-gan (*sugur-cv sal-'to put’ALX-PST) < *sugur- > MC *siir- > sur- ‘to take off, to put off’ (MChD 164) = Tkc. soyur- ~ suyur- (ESTJa VII 281). 89 The original sentence translates as ‘People [= MC kizilar] took off his trousers’. 25 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

226); man äkik camandyn90 stan, pörük tyk sayam9' ‘Я из шкуры оленя брюки, шапку сшила’ (MCS 47). - It is impossible to decide whether istÿnyn should be analysed as [1] *istyn-y-n 92 93~ istyn-y-n* n (istyn* ~ *z'5(ÿ”-px3sG-ACc) with apocope of final -y or as [2] istÿny-n* istyny-*( acc94). - Cf. Khak. ystan ‘штаны’ (Rajkova 1980: 30), Bsk. ystan ‘id.’ (RBskS 957), Kirg. ystan ‘1. id.; 2. кальсоны’ (KirgRS 442), Sr. ystan ‘ 1. id.’ ($orS 34), Alt., Tel. ystan ‘2. id.’ (R I 1402), see also Anikin 2003: 715f. and 785. - See LC *stân (chapter B.1I below). izänik (1971) ‘fiancé, bridegroom’, izanik (1971), zanik9i (1973) < Rus. zenlx ‘id.’ = Rus.dial, zanlx ‘id.’ (Filin 9: 71: ‘жених’) —> mäij par izanik qös ‘У меня жених красивый есть’ (LCJa 80); tojbhla izänik käl’l’ik nävästany90 аррауас91 ‘На свадьбу жених приезжает невесту забрать’98 99100(L2015: 288); izänik nävästb" man jät bop'00 käl’gibbs ‘Жених с невестой обвенчались, вернулсь’101 102103(ibid. 289); izanikplat ¡ууъпъг'1'2 tbrbptbr'm ‘Жених платок (невесте) завязывает’ (ibid. 288);

90 < *camândyn < *camag-y-ndyn (*camag‘skin, leather’-Px3sG-.ABL) - *camyg-y-ndyn (camvg'skin, leather’- px3sg-abl), cf. MC camyy ‘fur’ (ZS 106) - cämyy ‘leather’ (ibid. 24) = LÖ jamyy ‘id.’ (ibid. 102) = Küä.jamyy ‘zubereitetes Leder’ (R 111 308). 91 < *tik sal-gan-ym (tik-'to sew’ sa!-‘to put’ALX-psT-lso), cf. MÛ tik- ‘id.’ s.v. kukülga below in this chapter. 92 With secondary lengthening of)- before a high vowel in the attached suffix, cf. C.1V.0. 93 Cf. the long d in Dolg. ystan ‘Hose’ < Rus. stan(y) (StachowskiM 1999: 115, StachowskiK 2010: 157) and Yak. ystan - ustdn ‘id.’ < Rus. stany (Slepcov 1964: 102); for examples in other Tkc. languages, see C.III.8.2, see also Anikin 2003: 715f. and 785. 94 Since the final -y in this word is phonetically identical with the MC Px3Sg.-suffix, the Acc.- suffix could be -n and not -ny, as it would be expected (cf. comments s.v. MC uröyy and MÔ rany below in this chapter). 95 In zanigymga < *zanik-ym-ga (zanik-rx Isg-dat); since the vowels in the suffixes are back, the actual realization of i is most probably back. 96 See MC ndvdstd below in this chapter. 97 < *al-yppar-gac (o/-‘to take’-cv par-'to go’ALX-oPT/FLT). 98 The original sentence translates as ‘The fiancé will come [and he] will take the bride by the wedding’. 99 See MC ndvdstd below in this chapter. 100 See MC mdnjat bol- s.v. *mdnydt below in this chapter. 101 See fn. 224 s.v. MC *mdnjdt below in this chapter. 102 This verb form seems suspicious. Lemskaja (op.cit. 288) interprets it hesitantly as *tygyn-yr- ‘to tie’, the causative of *tygyn-. Neither Cui. *tygyn- nor *tygynyr- is attested in other available sources. For ‘to tie’, Middle Chulym has tarp in tarpgyl (ra^-iMP2sG) (LÖJa 79, cf. also fn. 361 s.v. MÖ provolka below in this chapter) = ОТ tat]- ‘id.’ (DTS 532), Alt. tarp ‘id.’ (ATS 167), Tel., Bar., Tob. tap ‘id.’ (R III 805). 103 < *tur-up-tlir (/W-‘tO Stand’AL’X-CV-PRES). 26 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

man amda zanigymga partidym ‘Я теперь к мужику моему[* жениху] пошла’104 (ibid. 265). - Although Filin (op.cit.) cites zanix only for West­ ern and North Western Russian dialects, it is a more probable etymon of MC izanik ~ zanik than Russian standard zenix. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 197. jagoda (1950), jagada (1973) ‘berry’ < Rus. jagoda ‘id.’ —>pu jagoda ulug tadlyg ‘Ягоды большие и вкусные’105 106107108109(MDT 197); ol [...] jagadaWb corubul ‘Oh [...] за ягодой ходит’ (L2015: 234); kajdyy jagada baryqbvs'01 ‘За какой ягодой пойдем?’ (ibid. 233); ol uylanarny'm azy- rap salTm'w jagadala ‘Их покормлю ягодами’110 111112113(ibid.). jasik (1970s) ‘box ’ < Rus. jascik ‘id.’ —► anda kicagiclu jasig'f jasigyn apxan[Xi cUdd cumurtqa ‘Там маленький ящик, ящик открыл - семь яичек’114 (L2012: 189). - Cf. Yak. gahyk ‘ящик’ (Slepcov 1964: 181); Dolg. gahyk ‘Kiste, Kasten’ (StachowskiM 1999: 89, StachowskiK 127), see also Anikin 2003: 736. juk (2006) ‘south’ (MChD 179) < Rus. jug ‘id.’. jupka (2006) ‘skirt’ (MChD 179) < jubka ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. guppa ‘юбка’ (Slepcov 1964: 181, Slepcov 1975: 244); Dolg. giipka ‘Rock’

The original sentence translates as ‘I am now going to my fiancé’. 105 The original sentence translates as ‘This berry is big [and] tasty’. 106 < jâgadâ (see above) < *jâgada-ga (jâgada'berry'-dm'). 107 < *par-ryk-ybys < *par-lyk-ybys (par-'to go’-FLT-lPL); the voiced b- here is explained by sandhi. 108 < *uylan-nar-ny (n;7aw‘child’-PL-ACc); in other sources the word is attested as oylan (e.g. MÔJa 65, MÔS 26). 109 < azyra-p *sal-lyk-ym (azyra-'to feed’-cv 5a/-‘to put’aux-fut-Isg). 110 The original sentence translates as ‘1 will feed those children with berries’. 111 Other Middle Chulym variants of this word are: kicagac ‘very small, Rus. маленький’ (LtJa 41) - kicdc ‘id.’ (ibid. 9). 112 The voiced -g here is explained by sandhi. 113 For ‘to open’, Middle Chulym has ac- (e.g. MChD 105), so that its past tense form should be acxan (< ac-kan). Lemskaja’s (L2012: 221) interpretation of apxan as *al-yp-kan (al-‘to take’- cv-pst) is incorrect, because the suffix -GAn cannot be added to a converb. It is not implausible that -p- is a misprint for the expected -c-. The original sentence translates as ‘[There was] a very small box there, [he] took (?) / opened (?) the box - [there were] seven eggs [in it]’. 27 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

(StachowskiM 1999: 89, StachowskiK 2010: 127); Kirg. gubkä ‘юбка’ (Chorolec 1953: 112), see also Anikin 2003: 722.

как (2006) 'conj. as, like’ < Rus. kâk ‘id.’ —> po qyspolluq söqpa какpolyan tödür qys ‘Will this winter be so cold as the last winter?’ (MChD 127). - Cf. Dolg. как ‘seitdem’ (StachowskiM 1999: 94, StachowskiK 2010: 127), see also Anikin 2003: 232. qalac (1971) ‘kałach (kind of traditional bread)’ < Rus. kalać ‘id.’ (cf. also Filin 12: 337: ‘белый хлеб’) —► sväqa'- man qalac atkämnb ‘Стряпаю калач][* ’117* 116 118*(L2015: 267). - Cf. Tat.dial. kalać ‘Kolatschen, Weissbrot’ (Berta 1983: 88); Khak.st. xalas, Khak.Shor xaläs ‘Brot’ (StachowskiM 1996: 223); Bar. qalac ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 44); Sr. kalas Weißbrotsorte’ (ibid. 66), Kirg. qalas' ‘калачь’ (Chorolec 1953: 109). - Cf. Anikin 2003:233. kaläs, kolas6 (1971-2) ‘ring’ < Rus. kolec, Gen.Pl. of koi 'co ‘id.’ —► on igd kaläs kulynda"9 tytqan'20 ‘She holds 12 rings in her hand’121 122(ShB 182); on igä kolas qulynda tytqan ‘Двенадцать колец в руке держал’ (L2015: 263). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 281. qalotca —> kolosa kartına (2006) ‘picture’ (MChD 127) < Rus. kartina ‘id.’ —► [...] silär śyjarjnar'22 kartına ‘You drew a picture’ (ibid. 236). - Cf. Yak. xartyna ‘картина’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 36, Slepcov 1964: 189); Dolg. kartina ‘Bild, Gemälde’(StachowskiM 1999: 95, StachowskiK 2010: 128).

"5 See MĆ svaqa below in this chapter. 116 ätkäm < *ät-kän-im (ä/-‘to do’-PST-lsc>) is expected here. 117 The original sentence translates as ‘I made a kałach for the matchmaker’. 118 In Anderson & Harrison’s edition, it is kaläs, in Lemskaja’s edition, it is kolas, cf. MĆ cuyun above. kolynda - qolynda is expected here; in the sources available to us, the form with и is attested in the quoted text only, cf. MĆ qol ‘hand; arm’ (e.g. MChD 156). 120 tut-qan (rur-‘to hold’-psT) is expected here; in the sources available to us, the form with y is attested in the quoted text only, cf. MĆ tut- ‘to hold, to keep, to catch’ (e.g. MChD 174). 121 The original sentence translates as ‘(She(?) / He(?)] held twelve rings in (on?) her / his arm’. 122 < śyj-gan-nar (syj-'to write’-PST-PL); MĆ syjaqnar kartına is a caique on Rus. pisat’kartinu ‘to draw (lit. to write) a picture’, cf. also L2010b: 123. 28 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym qartus (2006)123 124125126127128129‘(peaked) hat’ (MChD 153; Lİ2011: 129) < Rus. kartuz ‘type of peaked cup’ (Vasmer II 204: ‘вид фуражки’; Dal’: ‘фуражка с козырком’). - Cf. Yak. xortüs ‘картуз’ (Slepcov 1964: 189) ~ xottüs ‘id.’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 22), see also Anikin 2003: 250. - See Ğul. kartuş (chapter В.IV below). karyta (1970s) ‘trough’ < Rus. koryto ‘id.’ —> karyta äpsänA sypysxan'25 ‘Корыто через дом вышло’ (L2012: 187). - Cf. Yak. xaryta ‘корыто’ (Slepcov 1064: 189); Sr. karit ‘(Futter-, Wasch-) Trog, Mulde’ < Rus. Gen.PI. koryt (Dilmaç 1998: 66), see also Anikin 2003: 298. kasa (1970s) ‘porridge’ < Rus. käsa ‘id.’ —> man kynydym kasa caglan'2b cigd ‘Я люблю есть кашу с маслом’ (MCS 41). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 255. - See kazi below.

*qataj in qatajla- (1970s) ‘to roll out’ < Rus. katâj, Imp.2Sg. of katât’ ‘id.’ рас'21 taplap'2* [...] itvdgän qatajlap sap [...] ‘Печку растопив [...] хлеб раскатав [...]’ (MCJa 90). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 253.

Qazaq (2006), Kazak (2006) ‘Russian (man)’, kazakça (1970s) ‘in the Rus­ sian language’ < Rus. kazak ‘Cossack’ —> Qazaq ‘Russian (man)’ (MChD 154); qazaq dp kizizi ‘Russian woman’ (ibid. 155); qazaqtar ‘’ (ibid.); ol kazak polyan ajtybyl ‘Тот, который был русским, говорит’ (L2011: 81); MC kazakça ‘по русски’ (MĞJa 94, cf. also Pomorska 2004: 47). - Cf. Yak. xahäk ‘казак’(51ерсоу 1964: 189); Tuv. kazak ‘а Russian’ (Pomorska 1995'29: 100), see also Anikin 2003: 228. - See LC Qazaq (chapter В.II below).

123 The word was also cited before 1966 by Dul’zon (see Cui. kartus in B.1V below) but it is impossible to determine the dialect to which it belongs. 124 < *dp-cd (dp‘house’-PROL), for the MC prolative case in -Ca, see MCS 56ff., cf. also LC piikca and sonza (misprint for sdnja) s.v. 1_C pastuq in B.ll. 125 < *sypysxan < *svyypysqan < *syk-yp ys-kan (svk-'to go out’-cv vs-‘to send’AUX-PST). For the c- ~ s- alternation in Middle Chulym, see C.l.3.2. 126 cay-lay (cay'oil, fat’-iNSTR/coM) is expected here, cf. Mt caylarj ‘with oil’ (MtS 40); for the Mt instrumental-comitative case in -lArj, see Pomorska 2001: 106. 127 See MO pac below in this chapter. 128 See Mt tapla- below in this chapter. 129 Pomorska 1995 is based on the lexical material contained in Tatarincev 1974. 29 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kaziiin (1970s) ‘owner, landlord’ < Rus. xozjain ‘id.’ —> say120 kazainpalbzy ‘сын твоего хозяина’ (L2010: 270). - Cf. Yak. xahajyn ‘хозяин’ (Slep­ cov 1975: 239); Kirg. qogojun ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 100); Tat.dial. xozajn ‘Wirt, Hauswirt’ (Berta 1983: 87); Dolg. kusajyn ~ kusajyn ~ kiisdjin ~ kiisdjin ‘Wirt, Gastgeber, Hausherr, Besitzer’ (StachowskiM 1999: 97, StachowskiK 2010: 168), kucajin ~ xiicajin ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.), see also Anikin 2003: 650. qazin' (1970s), kaz’i1 (1970s) ‘porridge’ < Rus. kasi, Gen.Sg. of kasa ‘id.’ —> arba qazizy qajnadarya garak ‘Ячменную кашу сварить надо’ (LCJa 78); arba kaz’izyn apsiq [...] ‘Ячменную кашу вынеси [...]’ (ibid.); aps'iqqan icazi qazizin ‘Вынесла мать (его) кашу’ (ibid.). - According to Slepcov 1964: 75, Yak. xahy < Rus. kasa, with the -a > -y change in Yakut, whereas Anikin 2003: 255 argues that the source of Yak. (Pekarskij) kasy ~ xasy was the genitive singular case of Rus. kasa. - See MC kasa above. kilo (1970s) ‘kilogram’ < Rus.colloq. kilo = Rus.st. kilogramm ‘id.’ —► man alyamm iga kilopalyq iga abacka ‘я взял два килограмма рыбы за два рубля’ (MCS 37). kilogram (1970s) ‘kilogram’ < Rus. kilogramm ‘id.’ —> man tort kilogram palyq ayam114 iga abaska ‘я взял четыре килограмма рыбы на четыре рубля’ (MCS 37); ol та satqan moyalaq cagy pas kilogram tort abastin ‘он мне медвежье сало продал пять килограмм за четыре рубля’ (MCS 48). kirpis* or kirpic* (1950) ‘brick’ < Rus. kirpic ‘id.’ —> turada attir dp kirpistyn ‘В городе дома строятся из камня’135130 131*133134 (MDT 193). - The word under discussion is only attested in the above quoted ablative singular case form. Since spirantization of -c before t is attested in native Middle

130 = Mt ‘your’(MChD 161). 131 The actual realization of i in this word is most probably back, cf. the back vowel in the Px3Sg.- suffix in qazizy and kaz 'izyn. 133 See the previous footnote. 133 < *al-gan-ym (a/-‘to take; to buy’-PST-lsc>). 134 Probably a misprint for alyam, see the previous footnote. 133 The original sentence translates as ‘In the town [they] make houses from bricks’. 30 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

Chulym words,136 it is impossible to decide whether MC kirpistyn [1] < *kirpic-tyn < kirpic* < Rus. kirpic or [2] < kirpis* < Rus. kirpic. '^' - Cf. Tuv. kirbis ‘brick’ (Pomorska 1995: 95), Dolg. kirpis ‘Ziegelstein’ (DWS 153, StachowskiM 1999: 95, StachowskiK 2010: 129), see also Anikin 2003: 263. klasa (1973) ‘grade (at school)’ —► drimniq argizi'2* tort klasa iir’dngdn'24 139 ‘Муж моей подруги кончил [окончил]140 4 класса’ (L2015: 246). - The word under discussion is attested in Middle Chulym only in the sen­ tence which is quoted here. As evident, it is used in the numeral phrase with ‘four’ (= MC tort klasa). Since in Russian the numeral ‘four’ com­ bines with genitive singular nouns (e.g. Rus. cetyre klassa ‘four grades’), this might be nothing more than an occurrence of Rus. klassa, Gen.Sg. of klass ‘grade (at school)’141 in a Middle Chulym sentence.142 143 qlass (1970s) ‘grade (at school)’ < Rus. klass ‘id.’ —> [...] man iganja qlassqa suqw salyam ‘[...] я перешел144 во второй класс’ (MCJa 85). - Cf. Yak. kylas ‘класс’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 32, Slepcov 1964: 183); Kirg. kilas ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 102); Dolg. kylas ~ klass ‘Klasse’ (StachowskiM 1999: 98, StachowskiK 2010: 129 and 2012: 292), see also Anikin 2003: 267. - See MC klasa above and LC klas* (chapter B.II below).

136 Cf. e.g. kiistiig ‘strong, powerful’ (ZS 123) < *kuc-tiig (kite'strength, force’-DER); istyr ‘[he] is drinking’ (MCS 64) < *ic-tlr (ic-'to drink’-PREs), see also C.II.3.1, point [4]. 137 Cf. also the adaptation of Rus. -c as -s in Tuvinian (Pomorska 1995: 97) and as -y in Dolgan (StachowskiM 1999: 55f.), see also comments s.v. МО рас below in this chapter. 138 argizi is expected here, cf. MC dr gizi ‘man, male’ (MChD 122). 139 Cf. also MC iiyrdn- ‘to leam’ (MChD 177) ~ bran- ‘id.’ (ZS 124). 140 There is no word corresponding to “кончил [окончил] = he finished” in the original sentence. The original sentence translates as ‘My friend’s husband attended [= MC iir’angan, see the previous footnote] four grades’. 141 > MC qlass ‘id.’ see below s.v. 142 See also MC litra, milliardof millionof and miniit below in this chapter. 143 ~ MC soq- ‘to put in’ (L2O15: 225) = Kila, suq- ‘id.; to hide’ (R IV 750) = LC suq- ‘to push’ (LtJa 176, Pritsak 629) = Tkc. soq- - suq- (ESTJa VII 292ff.). This is the only attestation of this verb in the denotation ‘to pass = to get promoted (to the next grade)’ in the available sources. 144 For the meaning ‘перешел = he passed, he got promoted (to the next grade)’ see the previous footnote. 31 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kniga (1950), knTga (2006) ‘book’ < Rus. kniga ‘id.’ —> mân tiinünâi]45 sa- пат]4в kniga ‘Я с вечера читал книгу’ (MCS 42); qacan man pâlâcâk polyonda mân sanam ol kniga ‘Когда я был маленький, я читал эту книгу’ (ibid. 27); sanan kniga ‘прочитанная книга’ (MCJa 84); al kni­ ga ‘Возьми книгу’ (MDT 190); salyyl knigaq stâl'41 tâgânâ ‘Положи книгу на стол’145 146147148 (MCJa 104); âmdâ sân sanaptyrzyq knigany ‘You are reading the book now’ (MChD 129); pâlâyâk ollar sanaptyr knigany âptâ ‘Little boys are reading the book at home’ (ibid.); qacan ayaij kal- gân sân sanat] knigany ‘When your father came, you were reading the book’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. kinigâ ‘книга’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 32, Slepcov 1964: 182); Kirg. kiniğe ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 116) - kinege ‘id.’ (ibid. 58); Dolg. kinigâ ~ kinigâ - kniga ‘Buch’ (StachowskiM 1999: 95, Sta- chowskiK 2010: 130) ~ kinikâ ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.); Sr. kniga ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 66), see also Anikin 2003: 271.- See LC kinâgâ (chapter В.П below) and Ğul. kniga (chapter B.IV below). koliis —> kalas kolxoz (1950), qolxos (1970s), qolqos (1970s) ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < Rus. kolxoz ‘id.’ —> pistil] kolxoz cacqan bola'4'4 pajdaq pultyryb cyldyn ‘Наш колхоз в этом году посеял больше, чем в прошлом году’150 (MDT 193); pistiq kolxozpiyan âptbr'5' masinabla152 ‘В нашем колхозе сено убирают машиной’153 154155(ibid. 194); qolxos piskâ köp pudaj cylzaj partâr ‘Колхоз нам много пшеницы каждый год дает’ (MĞS 34); qolxosta cylyy inak orany ât sagan'5A ‘В колхозе стайку для лошадей, коров построили’ (ibid. 19); ol istadi qolxosta ‘Он работает в колхозе’ (MCJa 47); mat] karyndözym qolqosta brigadirda'55 ‘Мой брат в

145 < tiin-ii-nây (röW-Px3sG-IN'STR/COM). 146 < *sandm < *sana-gan-ym (sana-'to read’-PST-lSG). 147 See MĞ istal above. 148 The original sentence translates as ‘Put your book [= MĞ kniga-ij (Zrr?iga‘book’-px2sG)] on the table’. 149 See MĞ bold above. 150 See fn. 23 s.v. bola above. 151 < *al-yp-tyr (al-'to take’-cv-PREs). 152 See MĞ masyna below in this chapter. The original sentence translates as ‘Our kolkhoz gathers (lit. takes) hay with machine’. 154 *sal-gan (sal-'to put’AUX-PST). 155 See MĞ brigadir* above. 32 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

колхозе бригадиром’ (MCS 54). - Cf. Yak. xolkuos ~ xolxuos ~ kolxoz ‘колхоз’ (Slepcov 1975: 205); Kirg. qalxoz ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 101) ~ xalxoz ‘id.’ (ibid. 119) — qalqxoz ‘id.’ (ibid. 118); Dolg. kolkuos ~ kolkös ~ kolxoz ‘Kolchos’ (StachowskiM 1999: 96, StachowskiK 2010: 130); Bar. qolxoz ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 44); Sr. kolxoz ‘id.’ (ibid. 66). - See LC kolxoz (chapter B.II below). kolosa (1970s), qalotca (2006) ‘well’ < Rus. kolödca, Gen.Sg. of kolodec ‘id.’156 157158*—> örcaq tärän kolosadyn ‘Яма глубше колодца’ (MCS 49); qalotca ‘well’ (MChD 152). - Cf. Yak. xoluogas < Rus. kolodec (Slep­ cov 1975: 205), Khak.Belt. xulodos ‘Brunnen’ (StachowskiM 1996: 224); Bar. qolodäc ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 44), see also Anikin 2003: 280. qost’ —> *gost koska (2006) ‘cat’ (MChD 130) < Rus. koska ‘id.’. - Cf. Khak. xösxa ‘Katze’, Yak., Dolg. kuoska ‘id.’, Alt. kiskä ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1996: 224); Sr. köskä ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 67); Kirg. koska ‘кошка’ (Chorolec 1953: 126), see also Anikin 2003: 302. krovat’ (1970s) ‘bed ’ < Rus. krovat' ‘id.’ —>päläcäk öl krovat’altyna kir payan[il ‘Маленький мальчик под кровать залез’ (MCJa 104). - Cf. Yak. kyrabât ~ kuramät ‘кровать’ (Slepcov 1964: 183); Kirg. kerebet ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 99); Dolg. kyrabât ‘Bett’ (StachowskiM 1999: 98, StachowskiK 2010: 132) ~ kyrbat ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.), see also Anikin 2003: 307. - See LĞ kravat' (chapter B.II below). ksät (1970s) ‘tobacco pouch’ < Rus. kiset ‘id.’ —> tätäzy'5* [...] ksädäbla'^ tämküsün algan tatarga ‘Отец [...] табак (его) с кесетом160 взял курить’ (MCS 41). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 264.

156 According to Li et alii (MChD 152): MC qalotca < Rus. kolodec. 157 < *par-gan (par-'to go’-PST). 158 See MO tala below in this chapter. < *ksadibila < *ksdt-i-bila (fcsd/-Px3sG-iNSTR/coM). I<’° Misprint for “кисетом”; this actually means ‘with his / its tobacco pouch’ (see the previous footnote). 33 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kudrjavaj (1973) ‘curly’ < Rus. kudrjavyj ‘id.’ —> qary cac kudrjavaj ‘У него черные кудрявые волосы’ (RA) ~ ‘His black hair is curly’ (VL)161 162 (L2015: 242). kukiilga (1973), Cui. qaqulya ‘doll’ (LCJa 37) < Rus. kukolka ‘dolly’, dimin. of kiikla ‘doll’ —► [...] kukiilga tygibilbis'61 kukiilga ojnaptyrbys ‘[...] куклу (шить стали), куклой играем’ (RB) ~ ‘[...] (we) are sew­ ing a doll. (We) are playing with a doll’ (VL)163 (L2015: 284). - The word has been already discussed by Marek Stachowski164 (1998: 115): Cui.165 166167168kakulga'66 < *kukalga < Rus. kitkolka,'61 with the kuka-* (< Rus. кйко-) > kaku- metathesis. In the currently available sources, one also finds kukidga'66 where MC и - й < a ~ и (< Rus. u - o) by regressive assimilation.

*kulat in kuldta—> giilat* qurzaq (1970s) ‘ring-shaped bread or cake, Rus. бублик (хлебный)’ (ZS 144). - Because of -aq in MC qurzaq, a Russian form with unstressed -ok, e.g. Rus.dial. kruzok,* would be a better match than Rus. kruzdk ‘1. small ring; 2. dial, cake made by the bride for the groom’ (Filin 15: 313: ‘печенье, выпеченное невестой для жениха’), the diminutive of krug ‘ring’. - Cf. Yak. krusuok ‘кружок’ (Slepcov 1975: 208) ~ ku- ruhuok ‘id.’ (ibid., D’jackovskij 1962: 32); Kirg. kiirgok ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 104) ~ kuruzok ‘id.’ (ibid. 70).

161 Boni’s translation of this sentence is not accurrate and Lemskaja’s English translation is more faithful to the original. 162 *tigibilbis < *tik-ibil-bis (tik-'to scw’-pres-Ipl) is expected here, cf. MC tik- ‘to sew’ (many times, e.g. MCja 49, ZS 116) = Kua. tik- ‘id.’ (R 111 1348). Front vowels in the suffixes also speak in favour of the front vowel in the stem. 163 Boni’s translation of this sentence is not accurrate and Lemskaja’s English translation is more faithful to the original. 164 See also Anikin 2003: 315 s.v. кукла. 165 Stachowski quotes kakulga after Birjukovii Lida 37 and it is impossible to determine the Chulym dialect to which it belongs, be it Middle or Lower Chulym. 166 In Birjukovii’s spelling it is “какулга”. 167 Cf. also Filin 16: 41. 168 The reason for vowel lengthening in the second syllable is unclear, but cf. Cf. Yak. kokiilka - kokiikka ‘куколка’ (stress?, MP) (Slepcov 1964: 112) — xokiikka ‘id.’ (D’jaikovskij 1962: 32), cf. also comments s.v. MC *tardba ~ *tiiraba below in this chapter. 34 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym kuznac —>kiiznac kula- (1950) ‘v./. to move’ —> dstiblibbs‘M kuldptw™ malimzcb1' ‘Слышен шум мельницы’172169 170171 (MDT 192). - Because of the long u in MC kiila-, Rus.dial. gulja(t) ‘id.’173 174175176177178would be a better match than Rus.st. gulja(t’) ‘id.’. - Cf. MC giila-* ~ giilat* (above) and LC kulat* (chapter B.II below). kursa™ (1970s) ‘chicken; hen’ < Rus. kurica ‘id.’ —» kiirsa ‘курица’ (LCJa 45, ZS 126); kiirsa ‘fowl, chicken’ (MChD 132); man kiirsani™ tut payam™ ‘I caught the chicken’ (ibid.); man anday at salyam stoby™ may karyndazym tutpayan™ kiirsani ‘I let my brother catch the chicken (lit. I made so that my brother caught the chicken)’ (ibid.). - Deaffrica- tion of -c- may have occurred already in Russian.179 - Cf. Yak. kUrussa ~ kiiruksa ~ kiirumsa ~ kiirupsa ‘курица’ (Slepcov 1964: 92); Dolg. kurisa ‘Huhn’ (StachowskiM 1999: 97, StachowskiK 2010: 133); Kirg. kuritsa ‘id.’(Chorolec 1953: 108). kuznac (1970s), kuznac (1970s) ‘blacksmith’ < Rus. кигпёс ‘id.’ —* kiiznac ‘кузнец’ (ZS 126, LCJa 18, 45); kylycyn atsalyan kuznac ‘Саблю сделал

169 < *azit-ibil-bis (¿Hit-'la hear’-PRES-lPL). 170 kiUa-p-tbr (kSla-'to move’-cv-pREs). 171 See MC malimza below in this chapter. 172 The original sentence translates as ‘We hear [that] the mill is moving’. 173 After Slepcov 1964: 153: “По-видимому, оно [= Yak. klilaj, MP] восходит к диалектной форме глагола «гулять» - гуляй”. Cf. also Rus.dial. gulit' ‘to move’ (Filin 7: 215: ‘гулять’) and guli ‘moving, walking’ (ibid. 114: ‘гуляние’). 174 BirjukoviC also cites MC kursiati ‘курятина’ (LCja 44). The second member of this compound is iati [= MC adi (MChD 123)] < at-i (d/‘meat’-px3sG), cf. also LC togiatb ‘курятина’ (LCJa 63) < *tok (< tok ‘hen’) at-i. It is impossible to determine the exact form of the first member of MC kursiati, as it could be either kursa or kursa. 175 The long 5 in this form is due to the high vowel in the following syllable (cf. C.IV.O). 176 < *par-gan-ym (par-'to go’ALX-psT-lso). 177 See MC stoby below in this chapter. 178 < *par-gan (par-'to go’ALX-PST). 179 Cf. Anikin’s (2003: 322) comments on Dolg. etc. words: “Из рус. курица (также -са < -ца в ряде сиб. и др. говоров)”. Cf. also MC mdlimza (below in this chapter) and Cui. oyursa (in B.1V). 35 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

кузнец’180 181182183184185(L2010: 266); kuznäc 'ajtbul'* ‘Кузнец говорит’ (ibid.); [...] kuznäcny surtur ‘[...] просит кузнеца’ (ibid.). - Cf. Kirg. kuznes ‘кузнец’(Chorolec 1953: 127), see also Anikin 2003: 312. küznäcä (1970s) ‘smithy, Rus. кузница’ (ZS 126, LCJa 18) < Rus. kuznica ‘id.’. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 312 s.v. кузнец. kvadratnyj mätr (2006) ‘square metre’ (MChD 132) < Rus. kvadratnyj metr ‘id.’ < kvadratnyj ‘square’ + metr ‘metre’ —> iic tysa1*2 iic ciis kvadratnyj mätr ‘3,300 m2’ (MChD 132). - Cf. Yak. badfyjrätynaj ~ kybadyrätynaj ~ kvadratnaj ‘квадратный’ (Slepcov 1975: 204). lafka, lafkä —> lapka lampa (2006) ‘lamp’ (MChD 132) < Rus. lampa ‘id.’ —► *lampäzyn' 1 köj- zups'M ‘Light the lamp!’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. lämpa ‘лампа’ (Slepcov 1964: 183); Dolg. lampa ‘Lampe’ (DW 172, StachowskiK 2010: 134), see also Anikin 2003: 332. lapat, /opaZ (1950) ‘shovel’ < Rus. lopdta ‘id.’ —> man *sazyrgam' 5 qar lapat- la ‘Я разгребал снег лопатой’ (MDT 194); man säzärgäm qar lopatla ‘id.’ (MCS 40).186 - Cf. Dolg. lapatta ~ lapäta ‘Schaufel’ (StachowskiM 1999: 98, StachowskiK 2010: 135), see also Anikin 2003: 342. - See LC lapat (chapter B.II below).

lapka (2006), lafka, lavka (2006), lafkä (2006) ‘shop, store’ < Rus. lav- ka ‘small shop’ (BTS: ‘небольшой магазин’) —» lapka ‘shop, store’

180 The original sentence translates as ’The blacksmith made his sabre [= MC kylyc-v-n (kylyc' sabre’-Px3sG-ACc)]’. 181 < *ajt-ybyl (ajt-'to tell’-PREs). 182 See MC tyssa below in this chapter. 183 The long a is due to the high vowel of the following syllable (cf. C.IV.0). 184 < *kojzupis < *kojiis-up vs (kdjiis-'lo light, to set on fire’-cvy.s-'to send’AUX). 185 sazyr-gam (*sar-‘to scatter’-CAUS-PST) is expected instead of sazyrgam and Birjukovic spelling sazargam in the following example, cf. also MC cac- ‘to scatter’ (LtJa 14) = Lt cac- ‘id.’ (CulT 131) = Kiia. cac- ‘to sow, to scatter’ (R IV 195) = Tkc. sac- (ESTJa VII 217). I8(’ The latter sentence was copied by Birjukovic from Dul’zon (i.e. the preceding example). Note the spelling changes in comparison to Dul’zon’s sazyrgam and lapatta. There is no doubt that BirjukoviC’s emendation of Dul’zon’s lapatta to lopatla was motivated by the Russian spelling. 36 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

(Lİ2011: 127); lavka, lafka ‘id.’ (MChD 133); man alyam âdin lavkada ‘I bought meat in the shop’ (ibid.); man parädym *lavka 2 araya ‘I am going to a shop to buy188187 189190a vodka’ (ibid.); man payamxm lafkazynyd‘4>> araya ‘I went to his shop to buy a vodka’ (ibid.). - Because of the final -ä in MC lafka, both the Rus. Nom.Sg. lavka and the Rus. Dat. (or Prep.) Sg. lävke are possible etyma for the Middle Chulym form.191 - Cf. Tat.dial. lapka ‘Kaufladen’ (Berta 1983: 91); Dolg. läpky Geschäft, Laden’ < Rus. lavka (StachowskiM 1999: 99) ~ läpky ~ lapky < Rus. lävki (StachowskiK 2010: 134); Yak. läpky - läppy < Rus. lavki (Slepcov 1964: 112, Slep­ cov 1975: 208); Bar. lapqa ‘(Sitz-)Bank; (Kauf-)Laden, Verkaufsstelle’ (Dilmaç 1998: 42), see also Anikin 2003: 328. lükstür (2006) ‘medicine’ —> ic po läksturny ücüncüzün küngä'92 193‘Take this medicine three times a day’ (MChD 56). - We agree with Lemskaja (2010: 120) that MC läkstur results from contamination of two Russian words related in meaning: lekarstvo ‘medicine’ and miksturam ‘mixture (a medicine)’. lända, länta (1971) ‘ribbon’ < Rus. lenta ‘id.’ —> [...] lândastm194 195196197tarälka[4i säbblx9(> ‘[...] ленты [из кос] в тарелку кладут’ (L2015: 287); kbstarnyrj aryyzi läntazy ürüptür ‘Подружка невесты на ленты дует’ (ibid.); atjnapparyqm läntazy [...] ‘Когда лента упадет [...]’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. lyanta ‘лента’ (Slepcov 1964: 103) ~ liäntä ‘id.’ (ibid., D’jackovskij

187 < *lavka < *lavka-ga (lavka-DAj). 188 There is no word corresponding to ‘to buy’ in the original sentence. According to Li et alii (op.cit., footnotes 19, 20), araya alyrga should be used instead of araya in this and the next example. In our opinion, another explanation is possible: MC araya < *araya < *araya-ya (araya-DAT), and the whole expression is a caique on Rus. (idti) za vodkoj ‘(to go) for vodka’. 189 < *par-gan-ym (par-'io go’-PST-lsG). 190 The long a is secondary, due to the high vowel in the following syllable (cf. C.IV.0). 191 And for LC lapka ‘id.’ (in B.II). 192 The dative kiingd, if not a misprint (cf. the sentence s.v. makstur), indicates location, cf. also Kiia. kajdygjarga toron olaksytj? Tn welchem Lande bist du geboren? (lit. You are the boy bom in which place?) (RPro 695). 193 See MC makstur below in this chapter. 194 < *landa-sy-n (/dTii7a‘ribbon’-Px3sc-ACc). 195 < *tardlka < *taralka-ga < taralka, see below in this chapter. 196 < *sa!-yby! (sal-‘to put’-PREs). 197 < *atjna-p par-lyk (atjrta-'io fall’-cv par-'to go’ALX-FLT). 37 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1962: 34); Dolg. lanta (DW 173, StachowskiK 2010: 134), see also Ani­ kin 2003: 336. litopka (2006) ‘scythe’ (MChD 133) < Rus. litovka ‘kind of scythe’ (Vasmer II 503: ‘вид косы’, cf. also Filin 17: 73). - Cf. Yak. ilitiapka- ilitiappa ‘литовка’ (Slepcov 1964: 112), see also Anikin 2003: 339. - See Cui. latopka (chapter B.IV below). litra (2006) ‘litre’ —> araya turubul uc litra ‘Водка стоит (рядом) три литра’ (L2015: 262, ShB 181). - The word under discussion is attested in Mid­ dle Chulym only in the sentence which is quoted here. As evident, it is used in a numeral phrase with ‘three’ (= MC iic litra). Since the numeral ‘three’ combines with a genitive singular noun in Russian (e.g. Rus. tri litra ‘three litres’), this might be nothing more than an occurrence of Rus. litra, Gen.Sg. of litr ‘litre’ in a Middle Chulym sentence. Unfor­ tunately, we haven’t got any examples which would illustrate the Rus­ sian word for ‘litre’ in the phrases with those Middle Chulym numerals, whose Russian equivalents require the noun in other cases.198 *- Cf. Yak. litir(a) ~ litr ‘литр’ (Slepcov 1975: 209); Kirg. litir ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 130); Dolg. litr ~ lityr ‘Liter’ (StachowskiK 2010: 135, StachowskiK 2012: 291, cf. also StachowskiM 1999: 99).

Lizavdta (1970s), a female proper name < Rus. Lizaveta, colloq. of Eliza­ veta (SRLI) —> cylga olurtup dpkd ¿ikaptir'44 Lizavdtany ‘На лошадь посадив домой везет Елизавету’ (MCS 26). - Cf. Dolg. Lisabiata (Sta­ chowskiM 1999: 99, StachowskiK 2010: 135). lopat —> lapat

1,8 Cf. comments s.v. MC matra. Cf. also MC klasa (above), milliardof, miltionof miniit below in this chapter. < *dkal-ip-tir (akal-‘to bring’-cv-pREs), cf. also MC akkal- ‘id.’ (LCja 79). 38 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym lucsa, lucas™ (2006) ‘better’ < Rus. lucse ‘id.’ —> qajda lucsa ayzynarya20' ‘Where is better for hunting?’ (MChD 133, 193); qajda lucaz200 201202 203ayzy- narya ‘id.’ (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 344.

Liisa (1970s), a female proper name < Rus. Ljusja, dimin. of Ljudmila (SRLI) —► Liisa, nona san dttirzbj? ‘Люся, что ты делаешь?’ (MCJa 50).

Makdj (1960s), a male proper name < Rus. Makej, dimin. of Makedonij (SRLI) —> [...] Makajya ‘[...] до Макея’ (L2015: 217); Makdj anaparyan202 ‘Макей упал’ (ibid.). malatilka (1973) ‘threshing machine’ < Rus. molotilka ‘id.’ —>■ [...] malatil- kably soqabbs204 ‘[...] молотилкой молотили’ (L2015: 225). - Cf. Yak. malatylka ‘молотилка’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 32). mama (1946-53) ‘mother; stepmother’ < Rus.colloq. mama ‘mother’ —> mamam ‘1. моя мать; 2. мачеха205’ (TRS 72); ugojmamam ‘2. id.’ (ibid.); tatasb206 207208209210mamasb кйскъ2т bartii2m ‘Отец с матерью силком отдают’ (L2015: 281). - Cf. Yak. mama ‘мама’ (Slepcov 1964: 183, Slepcov 1975: 210), see also Anikin 2003: 349 and Li Yong-Song 1999: 122. masloprom (1970s) ‘masloprom (= butter producing farm)’ < Rus. masloprom,2W contraction of maslopromxdz < maslo ‘butter’ + promxoz = promyslovoe xozjajstvo ‘producing farm’ (SSA) —> [...] siidiim2w dp

200 The long й in both forms can be explained by stressed u in the etymon but the length of a in the latter Chulym form remains unclear. A misprint cannot be excluded. 201 = MO ayzynarga ‘to hunt’ (MChD 109). 202 The voiced -z is explained by sandhi; cf. C.III.2.3.6. 203 < *at)na(-p) par-gan (aqna-'to fall’(-cv) par-'to go’ALX-PST]. 204 < *soq-qan-ybys (soq-'to beat’-PST-1 pl). 205 A precise translation should be ‘моя мачеха = my stepmother’. 206 See MC tala below in this chapter. 207 < *kitc-kd (£uc‘strength’-DAT), probably a caique on Rus. nasilu ‘hardly, with difficulty’ (BTS: ‘с большим трудом’). 208 The expected form is barti < *pdr-tir (par-'to give’-PREs); b- is explained by sandhi. 209 Stress? 210 Probably a misprint for *siidiin < siit-ii-n (siir‘milk’-P.x3sG-ACc). 39 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

payam2" maslopromya ‘[...] [я, MP] молоко отнесла в маслопромхоз’ (MCJa 65).

Masa (1970s), a female proper name < Rus. Masa, dimin, of Marija or Mari­ na (SRLI) —* kör, Masa arâbala kaladi ‘Смотри, Маша с мужом идет’ (MĞJa 46). - Cf. Yak. Masa (Slepcov 1964: 183), Dolg. Mâca ~ Mâcu ~ Massa (StachowskiM 1999: 100, StachowskiK 2010: 136f). masyna (2006) ‘car’, masina (1950) ‘machine’ < Rus. masina ‘id.’ —> po masyna kaladi pistil] âlya ‘This car is coming to our village’ (MChD 134); pistirj kolxoz2'2 piyan aptw2'3 masinabla ‘В нашем колхозе сено убирают машиной’211 212213214 (ibid. 194). - Cf. Yak. masyna ~ massyna ‘ташина’ (Slepcov 1975: 211); Kirg. masijna ~ masina ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 105); Dolg. masyna ~ masina ‘Fahrzeug, Auto’ (StachowskiM 1999: 100, StachowskiK 2010: 137); Sr. masina ‘Auto’ (Dilmaç 1998: 67). - See LC masna (chapter В.П below). makstur (2006) ‘medicine’ < Rus. mikstura ‘kind of liquid medicine’ (BTS: ‘жидкое лекарство из смеси нескольких веществ’) —> icpo mâkstu- run ücüncüzün kündâ ‘Drink this medicine three times a day’ (MChD 56). - Cf. MĞ lâkstur above in this chapter. malimza (1950) ‘mill’ < Rus. mel’nica ‘id.’ —» âstiblibbs2'5 kiilaptbr2'b mâlimzâ ‘Слышен шум мельницы’217 (MDT 192). - Deaffrication of -c- might have already occurred in Russian.218 - Cf. Yak. mialiysa ‘мельница’(Slepcov 1964: 184, D’jackovskij 1962: 33) ~ mial’nissa ~ miâlinsâ ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1975: 211).

211 < *appar-gan-ym (appar-'to carry away’-PST-lso), cf. also MC apar- ‘to take away’ (MChD 110) -appar- ‘id.’(MCS 33). 212 See MC kolxoz above. 213 < *al-yp-tyr (al-'to take’-cv-pREs). 2IJ The original sentence translates as ‘Our kolkhoz gathers (lit. takes) hay with machine’. 215 < *azit-ibil-bis (azit-'to hear’-PRES-1 pl). 216 See MC killa- above. 217 The original sentence translates as ‘We hear [that] the mill is moving’. 218 Cf. Anikin’s (2003: 360) comments s.v. мельница: “Смычный элемент аффрикаты -ц- мог утрачиваться ещо в рус.: -ц- (-ц ’) > -с- (-с ’-)”, cf. MC kiirsa above and Cui. oyursa (below in chapter B.1V). 40 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

* manjät in man jät bol-4 (1971) ‘v.z. to marry, to be wedded’ and mänjättä- (1971) ‘v.t. to marry’ < Rus. vencat’ ‘1. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’ (Dal’; BTS: ‘совершить / совершать церковный обряд бракосочетания - возложение венцов на головы жениха и невесты’) —» MC olar man jät böptw ‘Они венчаться хотят’219 220 (L2015: 287); izänik22' nävästb122 mänjät bop käl’gibbs223 ‘Жених с невестой обвенчались, вернулись’224 (ibid.); olar225 äbys mänjättbn226 227228‘Их поп обвенчал’ (L2015: 287). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 126. masta (1973) ‘place’ < Rus. mesto ‘id.’ —► о/ caqsy mästal221 222bilabil226 ‘Она хорошие места знает’ (L2015: 232). - Cf. Yak. miästä ‘место’ (Slepcov 1064: 184), Dolg. miästä ‘Stelle’ < Rus. mesto (StachowskiM 1999: 101, StachowskiK 2010: 138), see also Anikin 2003: 362. - See Cul. mästä (chapter В.IV below). mätr (2006) ‘metre’, in kvadratnyj mätr (see above) < Rus. metr ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. miätär ~ miätir ~ metr ‘метр’ (Slepcov 1975: 212). - See mätra below. mätra, mäträ (1970s) ‘metre’ —> [...] pü paglap (kyryk mätra paglap säp229) [...] ‘[...] сеть связав (сорок метров связав) [...]’ (MCJa 90); man

219 In (mdnjdi) boptbr < *pdptlr < *pol-lp-tlr (po/-‘to be’AL'X-cv-PREs) and (mdnjdt) bop < *pol-Ip (potato be’-cv); initial b- after a voiceless -t is surprising. 220 The original sentence translates as ‘They are getting married’. 221 See Mt izanik above. 222 See MC navasta below in this chapter. 223 *kal-gan-ibis (kal-'to come’-psT-lPL), so that the sentence should be translated as “мы вернулись = we came”. 224 Because there is the 1 Pl.-suffix on the verb in the Chulym sentence (see the previous footnote), the more appropriate rendering would be “мы вернулись = we came”. 225 olar-ny (o/ar‘they’-acc) is expected here. 226 < *mdnjdttan < *mdnjdt-td-gdn (manjat-DER-PST). 227 While analysing this sentence, Lemskaja interprets the final -I in mastal as the plural suffix -lar (L2015: 234). We have not encountered such a shortening of -lar in any other source, so it is probably an error made by R.A. Boni who originally collected and transcribed the text. Lemskaja also cites masta ‘place’ (see B.1V below), but it is impossible to determine the dialect to which it belongs. 228 < *pil-ibil (pit-'to know’-PREs); the voiced b- is explained by sandhi. 229 < *sal-yp (sal-'to put’AUX-cv). 41 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

özüma tutun tykkdm2V} iic matradin ‘Я себе платье (одежду) сшила из трех метров’ (MĞS 48). - It is difficult to decide whether MĞ matra ~ matra was borrowed from Rus. métra, Gen.Sg. of métr or the etymon of it was Nom.Sg. métr with intrusion of -a in Middle Chulym as a means of adaptation of the word-final consonant cluster.231230 232233234Since the Gen.Sg. métra is required in Russian by some quite popular numerals (‘two’, ‘three’, ‘four’) and that was undoubtedly the context in which the Chu- lyms heard it more often than not, it seems natural to assume that MĞ matra - matrd goes back to Gen.Sg. métra, cf. also Dolg. rniatra ‘Meter’ < Rus. métra, Gen.Sg. of métr (StachowskiM 1999: 101, StachowskiK 2010: 138; 2012: 292).

Mixajl (2006), a male proper name < Rus. Mixail (SRL1) —> may âdym Mixajl ‘My name is Mikhail’ (MChD 135).

Mixajlyc ( 1960s), a male patronymic < Rus. Mixàjlovic —> Mikalaj Mixajlyc ajdaptbr ‘Николай Михайлович говорит’ (L2015: 217). - It is also possible that the form is based on fast or careless pronunciation in Rus­ sian and the shortening did not occur in Middle Chulym but already in Russian.

Mikalaj (1960s), a male proper name < Rus.dial. Mikolàj (SRL1) = Rus.st. Nikolàj —> Mikalaj Mixajlyc ajdaptbr ‘Николай Михайлович говорит’ (L2015: 217); ol kap222 Mikalajпъп2У> kolyn kabbskan2™ ‘Он подойдя, ударил по руке Николая’ (ibid.). - Cf. Dolg. Mukulâj (StachowskiM 1999: 102, StachowskiK 2010: 138); Sr. Mikalaj (Dilmaç 1998: 67). milliardof (2006) ‘billion’ < Rus. milliardov, Gen.Pl. of milliard ‘id.’ —> on milliardof'ten billion’ (MChD 135). - This numeral phrase is the only attestation of the word under discussion in Middle Chulym. Since the numeral ‘ten’ combines with a genitive plural noun in Russian (e.g. Rus.

230 *tikkam < *tik-kan-im (tik-‘to sew’-psT-lsc>) is expected here; see also fn. 162 s.v. kukülga above. 231 The etymology of Mİstolba raises similar doubts; see below in this chapter. For the adaptation of the -tr cluster in Dolgan, see StachowskiK 2012: 291. 232 < *kal-ip (kal-'to come’-cv). 233 *Mikalaj-пы] (Mikalaj-GEs) is expected here. 234 < *kabbskan < *kag-ypys-kan (как-'to hit’-cv vs-‘to send’Atx-PST). 42 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

desjat’ milliardov ‘ten billion’), this might be merely an example of the Rus. Gen.Pl. form milliardov inserted in a Middle Chulym phrase. Un­ fortunately, there are no examples of the word for ‘billion’ in phrases with those Middle Chulym numerals whose Russian equivalents require other cases on the noun.235 milliart (2006) ‘billion’ (MChD 135) < Rus. milliard ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. milijdr ~ mialijar ~ milliard ‘миллиард’ (Slepcov 1975: 212); Kirg. milijart ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 37). million (2006) ‘million’ (MChD 135) < Rus. million ‘id.’ —> ciis million ‘a hundred million’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. moliijudn ‘миллион’ (Slepcov 1964: 184); Kirg. milijan ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 106); Tat.dial. milijon ‘Million’ (Berta 1983: 94), Kar.-Balk. million ‘id.’ (Siemieniec-Golas 2002: 197), see also Anikin 2003: 364. millionof (2W6) ‘million’ < Rus. millionov, Gen.Pl. of millidn ‘id.’ —» ciis millionof'a hunderd million’ (MChD 135); on millionof ‘ten million’ (ibid.). - These numeral phrases are the only attestations of the word under discussion in Middle Chulym. Since both numerals require a geni­ tive plural noun in Russian (= Rus. std millidnov ‘hundred million’ and desjat' millionov ‘ten million’), these may be merely examples of the Rus. Gen.Pl. form millionov inserted in Middle Chulym phrases.236 miniit (2006) ‘minute’ (MChD 135) < Rus. minut, Gen.Pl. of miniita ‘id.’ —>• cat qalyan qyryq qyryq miniit ‘Forty, forty minutes are left’ (MChD 135). - This numeral phrase is the only attestation of the word under discus­ sion in Middle Chulym. Since the numeral ‘forty’ requires a genitive plural noun in Russian (= Rus. sorok minut ‘forty minutes’), this might be merely an example of the Rus. Gen.Pl. form minut inserted in a Mid­ dle Chulym phrase. Unfortunately, there are no examples of the word for ‘minute’ in phrases with those Middle Chulym numerals whose Rus­ sian equivalents require other cases on the noun.237 - Cf. Yak. miintitd

2.5 See also MC litra, klasa (above) and millionof, miniit below in this chapter. 2.6 Cf. also MC cits million above s.v. MC million and comments s.v. MC litra, klasa and milliardof (above) and miniit (below in this chapter). 2.7 See also MC litra, klasa, milliardof, millionof above. 43 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

~ mülütä ‘минута’ < Rus. minuta (Slepcov 1964: 184); Tat.dial. minut ‘Minute’ < Rus. minut(a) (Berta 1983: 94); Kirg. münöt ‘id.’ < Rus. minuta (Chorolec 1953: 45), cf. also Kar.-Balk. minut ‘id.’ (Siemieniec- Gołaś 2002: 197) and Anikin 2003: 364. most (2006), mos (2006), most (1970s) ‘bridge’ < Rus. most ‘id.’ —>■ most ‘bridge’ (MChD 136); most altynda ~ möz23* altynda ‘under the bridge’ (ibid.); cul kdjdr most dt payan238 239 ‘Через реку мост построен’240 (MĆJa 102). - Cf. Yak. muosta ‘мост’ (Slepcov 1964: 184); Dolg. muosta ~ mosta ‘Fußboden’ (StachowskiM 1999: 102, StachowskiK 2010: 139, esp. StachowskiK 2012: 290f.);241 242Sr. mosta ‘Brücke’ (Dilmaç 1998: 67), see also Anikin 2003: 375. mozäs (2006) ‘you can, you may (Sg.)’ (MChD 136) < Rus. móżeś’ ‘id.’, Pres.2Sg. < móc’ ‘to be able to; may’ —► ämdä sän możaś parajya ‘You may go now’ (ibid.). mozno (2006) ‘one can, one may’ (MChD 136) < Rus. móźno ‘id.’ —> anday możno top paryq292 ‘It is easy to catch a cold (lit. It is so possible to freeze)’243 (ibid.); mynda możno tartarya ‘One may smoke here’ (ibid.). - Cf. Dolg. możno ‘es it möglich’ (StachowskiM 1999: 102 s.v. muosabyt), see also Anikin 2003: 378. möt (1947-51), mjot (2006) ‘honey’ < Rus. med'id. ’ —> moyalak dtwd kbnadi mötkä ‘Медведь очень любит мед’ (FĆG 105); mjot ‘honey’ (MChD 136). - Cf. Yak. müöt ‘мед’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 17, Slepcov 1964: 185); Dolg. müöt ‘Honig’ (StachowskiM 1999: 102, StachowskiK 2010: 137); Sr. möt ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 67), see also Anikin 2003: 357. - See LĆ *möt (chapter B.II below), Küä. möt (chapter В.Ill below).

238 The voiced -z here is explained by sandhi. 239 < *par-yan (par-'to go’ alx-pst). 240 The original sentence translates as ‘ [He / they] made [= MÔ Stpayan, see the previous footnote] a bridge across the river’. 241 While Kamil Stachowski’s 2013 article (see StachowskiK 2013 in References, F.3.2) is entirely devoted to the borrowing of Rus. most into various languages of , the Chulym Turkic material was not taken into account by the author. 242 < *ton-lp par-ryq < *ton-Ip par-lyk (ton-'to freeze’-cv par-‘to go’ALX-FUT). 243 The original sentence translates as Tn this way [= MÔ anday] one may freeze’. 44 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym muraväj (2006) ‘ant’ (MChD 136) < Rus. muravej ‘id.’. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 380. mylo (2006) ‘soap’ (MChD 135) < Rus. mylo ‘id.’ —► äkdlis244 [...] mylo ‘Bring [...] the soap’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. myla ‘мыло’ (Slepcov 1964: 184), see also Anikin 2003: 382. naboj (1973) ‘boat, big boat’ < Rus.dial, nabój ‘plank(s) of wood nailed to the boat deck in order to increase its height; boat deck planks’ (Filin 19: 123: ‘прибитая к верху борта лодки или других мелких судов доска (доски) для увеличения высоты бортов; бортные доски’) —>päläcäk öl ćaśtyp245 246247248рагу ап naboj altynda ‘Маленький мальчик спрятался под лодкой’ (MĆS 14); palyq ollärgabis2^ özüpskä241 nabojly24* ‘рыбу ловила себе на большой лодке’249 (L2015: 268). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 386. näda (2006) ‘one should, must, ought’ (MChD 136) < Rus. nado ‘id.’ —> äbin näda görägä250 ‘We should look at the house (lit. One should look at one’s house)’251 (ibid.). - Cf. Dolg. näda ‘1. (man) soll/muß; 2. (man) braucht, (jemandem) ist nötig’ (StachowskiM 1999: 103), see also Ani­ kin 2003: 389.

Nadä (1970s), Nad’ä (1970s), Nädä (1970s), a female proper name < Rus. Nadja, dimin. of Nadezda (SRLI) —> Nadä igä ćas252 *töna bała ćady [...] ‘Надя два часа одевается [...]’ (MĆJa 56); Ol’ganyrj252 märjzä Nad’ä

244 < *akal-is (akal-'to bring’-iMp2pL). 245 < *cazyn-yp (*cazyn-'to hide oneslef’-cv), cf. Kiia., Alt., Tel., Leb. jazyn- ‘id.’ (R III 255), Sr. cazyn- ‘id.’($orS 12). 246 < *blargabis < *dliir-gdn-ibis (oliir-'io kill’-pst- 1 pl) is expected here. 247 < *ds-iibiis-kd (os‘self’-px 1 pl-dat). 248 < naboj-ly (naboj-i\STR/coM). 249 The original sentence translates as ‘We killed fish with [= from] the boat’. 250 < *kor-dr-ga (kor-'to see’-AOR-DAT); the voiced -g is explained by sandhi. 251 The translation of this sentence should rather be ‘One should look after one’s house’; cf. also another sentence quoted by Li et alii: dr kizi qojloryn korilbul ‘The man is looking after the [lit. his, MP] sheep’(MChD 131). 252 See MC cas above. 255 See MC Ol ’ga below in this chapter. 45 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

syndyy ‘Лицо у Ольги как у Нади’254 (ibid. 103); Nadanyy sagascd255 coyul ‘Наде нет восьми’ (ibid. 14). ndscasnyj (1970s) ‘unhappy’ < Rus. nescastnyj ‘id.’ —> Ak Kobaj ъНарГы: nascasnyj kizi man tuvam25b ‘Ак Кобей поет: Несчастный я человек родился’ (L2010: 272). navastii (1970s), ndvasta (1971), navdstb (1971) ‘bride, fiancee’ < Rus. nevesta ‘id.’ —> suryan: navastam qajdy dida ‘Спросил: невеста (моя) где? (LCJa 78); man251 257suryan navastam bar, dida ‘У меня невеста есть, сказал он’258 (ibid. 80); olpiska navasta postdru259 kalgan ‘Это к нам невесты пришли’ (RB) ~ ‘It is brides themselves who came’ (VL)260 261262 (L2012: 186); [...] izanik26' kal’l’ik navastany appayac2^2 ‘[...] жених приезжает невесту забрать’263 264(L2015: 288); izanik navastb manyat bop2M kal’gibbs ‘Жених с невестой обвенчались, вернулсь’265 (ibid. 289). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 399.

niicqa (2006) ‘granddaughter’ < Rus. vnucka ‘id.’ —> nticqa qyzy ‘his grand­ daughter’ (MChD 137). - Cf. Li Yong-Song 1999: 224, see also Anikin 2003:135.

nucuq (1946-53, 2006), nucuq (2006), nucdk (1970s), nucdk (1970s) ‘grand­ son; granddaughter; great-grandson; great-granddaughter; younger sis­ ter’s son; husband’s younger sister’s son; brother’s son’s daughter’ < Rus. vnucek ‘grandson’ —* nucuyum ‘сын моей дочери, моего сына,

254 The original sentence translates as ‘Olga’s face is like Nadya['s]’. 255 < sagds-ca (sdgds'eighf-approx). 256 < *tug-gan-ym (tug-'to be bom’-PST-1 so). 257 may or may ‘my’ is expected here. 258 Lemskaja’s translation is more faithful to the original: T have a fiancée that I asked for, [*he] said’(L2O13: 302). 259 < *pos-tar-y (po.s‘self’-pi.-px3); for the a > o labialization in Middle Chulym, see comments s.v. MÔ panka below in this chapter. 260 Lemskaja’s translation is more faithful to the original. 261 See MÔ izanik above. 262 < *appar-gac (appar-'to take away’ -opt/flt). 263 The original sentence translates as ‘The fiancé will come [and he] will take the bride [...]’. 264 See Mt manjat bol- s.v. *mdnjat above. 265 See fn. 224 s.v. MÔ *mdnjdt above. 46 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

внук, внучка, правнук, правнучка; сын моей младшей сестры; сын младшей сестры моего мужа; дочь моего сына, дочь моей дочери, дочь сына моего брата’ (TRS 73f.); nucuq ‘grandson’ (MChD 137); niicuq qys ‘granddaughter’ (ibid.); nucuq qyzy ‘his granddaughter’ (ibid.); niicuqum ‘my grandson’ (ibid.); nucuqum dl ‘my grandson’ (ibid.); nucuqum qys ‘my granddaughter’ (ibid.); mdrj nucagam uzup cady qdlumda ‘Моя внучка спит на (моих) руках’ (MCJa 54); [...] nucdyym olardyn yraq ‘[...] внучек266 267дальше их (живет)’ (ibid. 96). - Cf. Li Yong-Song 1999: 225. obida (1970s) ‘offence’ < Rus. obida ‘id.’ —> Maijuska obida buskan261 [...] ‘Взяла обида Мангуша [...]’ (L2010: 270). oyorot —> ayrot oxotnik, oqotnik —> axotnik oqrana (1970s) ‘guard, guarding’ < Rus. oxrana ‘guarding, protection’ —► [...] qys: «pistil] mynda oqrana, myndyn qacaq», dida ‘[...] девушка (отвечает): «У нас здесь охрана. (Давай) убежим»’268 269(LCJa 81).

Ol’ga (1970s), Ol’ya (1970s), a female proper name < Rus. Ol’ga (SRLI) —> Ol'ga syqtaldyr ‘Ольга хочет (сильно) плакать’ (MCJa 76); Ol’ganyq rnaijza Nad’a2w syndyy ‘Лицо у Ольги как у Нади’270 271(ibid. 103); ОГуа cyrtyp salyan kunagan ‘Ольга порвала (свое) платье’ (MCS 26). osnova (2006) ‘base, basis, foundation’ (MChD 139) < Rus. osnova ‘id.’ —> qacan ab22i osnova alza tura ‘When the city was founded?’ (MChD 139, 190). - Cf. Kirg. asnova ‘основа’ (Chorolec 1953: 127).

266 In the original sentence it is ‘my grandson’ [= MÙ nucàyym < *nucâk-Im (nucak'grandson’- pxIsg), with secondary lengthening of à before a high vowel in the attached suffix, cf. C.IV.OJ. 267 < *(obida) al-yp ys-kan (a/-‘to take’-cvy5-‘to send’ALX-psT), the expression is a caique on Rus. (ego) obida vzjala ‘(he) took offence’. 268 The original sentence translates as ‘The girl said: «Our guard is here. Let’s escape from here»’. 269 See MC Nada above. 270 The original sentence translates as ‘Olga’s face is like Nadyaf’s]’. 271 In this sentence, osnova is a part of the nominal-verb compound with al- ‘to take’ and the expected word order would be osnova ab [< *al-yp (al-'to take’-cv)] âlza; the voiced -b in ab 47 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects padarak (2006) ‘gift’ < Rus. podarok ‘id.’ —> mat] ayam ma par salyan padarak ‘My father gave me a gift’ (MChD 141). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 459. pajna (2006) ‘war’ (MChD 143), vajna (2006) ‘id.’ (ibid. 179) < Rus. vojna ‘id.’. - Cf. Dolg. bajna ‘Krieg’ (DW 51, StachowskiK 2010: 167).

рака* or paki* (1970s) ‘knucklebone(s) of animals like sheep, goats etc. used for playing the game babki' < Rus. babka or babki, Pl. of bab- ka ‘1. pastern;272 2. knucklebone used for playing a game’ (BTS: ‘1. надкопытный сыстав ноги у животных; 2. кость этого сустава, употребляемая для игры’)273 —> рак attar ‘В бабки274 играет (доел, бабки бросает)’ (LCJa 78). - Since the word under discussion is attested in a composition with a verb beginning with a-, it is difficult to establish whether its final vowel is -i or -a; in fast or careless speech, both paka* attar and paki* attar, it would be pak attar. It is hardly possible that the word is monosyllabic in Middle Chulym, which is why we propose that the stem here is рака* or paki*. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 75. panka (2007) ‘can, tin’ < Rus. banka ‘id.’ —> adoju115 pankozunut]™ istina pazynyf1 kirpayan11* ‘Собака головой в банку залезла’ (L2010a: 32). - Cf. Yak. batjka ‘банка’ (Slepcov 1964: 177), see also Anikin 2003: 81.

is explained by sandhi. 272 See ¿ul. рака in B.IV. 273 For a discussion of the etymology of Rus. babka ‘часть конской ноги (и др. животных) под щеткою; альчик, игорная бабка, надкопытная говяжья кость’, see Anikin 2008: 35f. 274 In Lemskaja’s translation it is ‘dibs’ (L2013: 314). Such a denotation of Rus. babki is recorded in BTS but in the context quoted by BirjukoviO it is rather ‘a bone’ or ‘bones’, cf. also Cu\.paka ‘pastern’. 275 < *adaj-I (a6/a/‘dog’-px3sti), cf. the following footnote. 276 The labialization a > о is quite a common Middle Chulym phenomenon, which takes place when adding suffixes to a given stem, cf. adoju < adaj ‘dog’ (MChD 105), cf. also e.g. karyndozym ‘my brother’ (MOS 54) < karyndas ‘brother’ (ZS 12) < karyndas ‘id.’ (MOS 64); palaldrym ~ palaldrym ‘my children’ (ZS 128) < pala ‘child’ (ibid.); parddylar - parddylar (ibid.) < *par- ady-lar (par-'to go’-PRES-PL); see also Pomorska 2001: 87. 27’ < *pas-y-nat] < *pas-y-nay (pas‘head’-Px3sG-lNSTR/coM). For the -s - -s alternation in Middle Chulym, see C.III.2.3 below. 278 < *kir-par-gan (kir-'to enter’par-‘to go’Atx-PST). 48 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym paraqot219 (2006) ‘ship’ (MChD 142) < Rus. paroxod ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. borokuot ‘пароход’ (Slepcov 1964: 35) ~ boroxuot ‘id.’ (ibid. 76; D’jackovskij 1962: 17) ~paroxod (Slepcov 1975: 217); Kirg. paraqot ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 116); Dolg. parakot ~porukuot ~poroxuot ‘Damp- fer’ (StachowskiM 1999: 105, StachowskiK 2010: 144), see also Anikin 2003: 435 and 777. parata (1970s), paratta (1970s) ‘gate’ —> parata ‘ворота’ (ZS 109); üttüktücanym260 paratta polok26' ‘Позвонки мои будут воротами’ (L2010: 271). - Because of a in the second syllable in MĞ para(t)a, Rus.dial, vorotâ ‘id.’ (Filin 5: 118, Anikin 2003: 142) would be a better match than Rus.st. vorota.262 - See Ğul. porota (chapter B.IV below). parok (1970s) ‘threshold’ < Rus. porög ‘id.’ —> izaq qajdy qalyan? - paroyonda [...] ‘Где мать (твоя) осталась? - На пороге [...]’ (LCJa 79). - Cf. Yak. boruok ‘порог’ (Slepcov 1964: 179), see also Anikin 2003: 474. pastok (2006) ‘east’ (MChD 142), bastok (2006) ‘id.’ (ibid. 113) < Rus. vostok ‘id.’. - The spelling bastok raises doubts. Voiced b- could be explained by sandhi (cf. C.I.0), but Li et alii quote MĞ bastok without any sentential context, so it is impossible to be conclusive on this mat­ ter. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 143. pastuq,pastuk (1950, 1970s) ‘herder’, pastuqta- (1970s) ‘to pasture’ < Rus. pas tux ‘id.’ —> anda baryp pastuk boptw263 ‘Там стал пастухом’284 (L2010: 267); bar265 pastuk рагър ajdhbul kanya: pastiij pastuk *290292294295

279 The long â in this word is surprising and a misprint in the source cannot be excluded. 290 The substantive *üttüktücan ‘vertebra’ is attested in the quoted text only once and it is not to be found in any other currently available source of Chulym lexis. Most probably, BirjukoviĞ’s notation is erroneous here since it is hard to compare such a form with any Turkic word with this denotation. 281 *pol-llk (po/-‘to be’-FLT), cf. MĞ polluq ‘id.’ s.v. MĞ pastuq and talndk below in this chapter. 292 But cf. Sr. paratta ‘Tor, Pforte’ < Rus. vorota (StachowskiM 1999: 98 s.v. lapatta, after Dilmaç 1998). 283 < *pol-lp-tlr (pol-‘to be’-cv-PREs); the voiced b- here is explained by sandhi. 294 The original sentence translates as ‘Having come [= MĞ bar-yp < par-yp (par-'to come’-cv), the voiced b- here is explained by sandhi], he became a herder there’. 295

sägräjgä2M kiictiP2 ‘Один пастух пошел к хану, сказал: наш пастух плясать местер’288 289*291292293294296297(ibid.); [...] tanysty pastukpla2*9 ‘[...] познакомился с пастухом’ (ibid.); pastuktar jäbän290 кар29' ol kanga ajtyptbr [...] ‘Пастухи, пришедши домой, рассказывают хану292 [...]’ (ibid.); Pötr292 istäptär pastuqta ‘Петр работает пастухом’ (MĞJa 49); Qözugürän toyasqan cylyy pastuyyna ‘Кбзугурян повстречал пастуха лошадей’ (LCJa 80); pastuq surtur [...] ‘Пастух спрашивает [...]’ (ibid.); İlgar inäk pastuyy polluq ‘Дальше встретите294 пастуха коров’ (ibid.); Közugürän koj pastuyyda292 curtabyly ‘Кбзугурян у пастуха овец живет’ (ibid. 81); Közugüränäy cügänän örlap payannar29*1 pastuqtar ‘Узду у Кбзугуряна пастухи выкрали’ (ibid.); qoj bastuyy291 qynyan sylyy qysqa ‘Пастух овец полюбил красивую девушку’ (ibid.); [...] *qastyndäP bastuq299 300käladi ‘[...] сзади за ней идет пастух’ (MDT 194); olpastuqtaptyr inäk, qoj ‘Он пасет коров, овец’ (MCJa 49); äp canda200 qoj pastuqtabyl ‘У дома (около дома) пасет (он) овец’ (ibid. 105). - Cf. Yak. bostuk ‘пастух’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 37, Slepcov 1975: 218); Dolg. pastux ~ postük ‘1. Hirt, auch: Rentierzüchter; 2. Hirtin’ (DWS 217, StachowskiK 2010: 144); Bar. pastuq ‘Hirt’(Dilmaç 1998: 43), see also Anikin 2003: 437. - See LC pastuq (chapter В.II below).

288 < *sdgir-dr-ga (sag»--‘to jump, to dance’-AOR-DAT). 287 While *kiic-tiig (kite ‘power’-DER) is expected here, isolated examples of -g deletion in the suffix -Llg are indeed recorded in the sources, cf. Pomorska 2004: 7If. 288 There is no word corresponding to “мастер = expert, master” and the relevant portion of the sentence translates as ‘our herder has strength to jump / to dance'. 289 < *pastuk-pyla (pos7z/A-'herder’-i\sTR coM). 29(1 ab-i-na (dp‘house’-px3sc-DAT) is expected here (cf. Pomorska 2001: 103, cf. also MChD 32). 291 < *kal-ip (kd!-'to come’-cv). 292 ‘to this [= MC of] khan’ in the original. 293 See Potr above in this chapter. 294 There is no word corresponding to “встретите = you will meet” in the original sentence, which translates as ‘Furthermore, there will be [= MCpol-luq (po/-‘to be’-FLT)] a cow herder’. 2,5 *pastuy-y-nda (pa5h/^‘herder’-px3sG-Loc) is expected here. 296 < *par-gan-nar (par-'to go’-PST-PL). 297 The voiced b- here is explained by sandhi. 298 *kastinda < *kazin-i-nda (*Aazt>t‘back(side)-px3sG-Loc)’ is expected here, cf. Kila, kazin ‘id.’ (R II 1176, ESTJa V 23), kasttna ‘behind of sth’ (cf. B.III s.v. istal), cf. also Sr. kastinda ‘id.’ (§orS 47); Kiiarik and Middle Chulym forms are lacking in Li Yong-S6ng 2004. 299 The voiced b- here is explained by sandhi. 300 < canda (e.g. ZS 38) < *can-y-nda (caw‘side’-Px3sG-LOc). 50 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym patım (2006) ‘spring onion, green onion’ (MChD 143) < Rus.dial. batim ‘any wild onion’ (Filin 2: 147: ‘всякий дикорастущий лук’) or botun ‘a spe­ cies of onion, Allium altaicum' (Dal’, Filin 3: 138: ‘растение Allium al- taicunv, горный алтайский лук’). - See LC pätun (chapter В.II below).

*pazdravl’at in pazdravl’ad ät- (2006) ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ < Rus. pozdravljat’ ‘id.’ —> man säni pazdravl’ad ädibilmin tuyan künübilä ‘Happy birthday to you! (lit. I congratulate you on your birthday)’ (MChD 144). - Although Li et alii record the noun pazdravl’at ‘con­ gratulation’ in their dictionary (ibid.), the only illustration of its usage is the sentence above. In the light of some other compounds composed of a Russian infinitive and the Chulym auxiliary at- ‘to make’,301 it is hardly possible, that the word pazdravl 'at is used in Chulym as a separate noun; hence the asterisk. Final -dinpazdravl’adät- is explained by sandhi (cf. C.III.O). - Cf. Dolg. pozdravljajdä- ‘beglückwünschen’ < Rus. pozdrav- Ijâj, Imp.2Sg. ofpazdravljät’ ‘id.’ (DW 205, StachowskiK. 2010: 148). päc, päs* (1970s) ‘oven, stove’ < Rus./?ec’ ‘id.’ —>päc taplapv'~, [...] itvagän qatajlap säpim, päckä tastapVsi södym205 303304*‘Печку растопив, [...] хлеб раскатав, в печку бросаю’ (MĞJa 90); pästi ‘печь, Acc.Sg.’ (MCS 24). - Because of the possible MC -c > -s spirantization before /,306 it is im­ possible to decide whether MĞpästi [1] < päc-ti* <рас < Rus.pec’or [2] < päs* < Rus.pec’, cf. Kzk.päs ‘Ofen’ (Berta 1983: 97); Kirg. mes ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 109), cf. also Khak.dial. pöv ‘печка, печь’ (KhRS 149); Sag. päs ‘Ofen’ (VEWT 382); Bar. mic ~ mic ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 42), Anikin 2003: 448. - See LC päc (chapter В.II below). pädrä (1970s) ‘bucket, Rus. ведро’ (IRP 9). - Because of the final ä in MC pädrä, we cannot exclude that it does not go back to the Rus. Nom.Sg. vedrö ‘id.’ but to the Rus. Prep.Sg. vedre or Rus.dial. vedro.* - Cf. Tuv. bödürä ‘id.’ (Pomorska 1995: 94), Dolg. bädoro ‘Eimer’ (StachowskiM

301 Cf. E.2.4.2 below. 302 See MĞ tapla- below in this chapter. 303 qatajla-p *sal-Ip (qatajla-'to roll out’-cv sal-'to put’AUX-cv); for MĞ qatajla-, see *qataj above in this chapter. 304 *tas-ta-p (tas'stone’-DER-cv). 31,5 *sal-ady-m (sal-‘to put’AL'x-PRES-lsG). 306 For other examples of this phenomenon, see comments s.v. MC kirpis* above. 51 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1999: 84, StachowskiK 2010: 166), Yak. biädärä ~ bädärä ‘ведро’ (Slepcov 1965: 106) < Rus. vedrö, see also Anikin 2003: 123. panik, banik* (1973) ‘rod, twig; broom’ < Rus. venik ‘broom, besom’ —► [...] kötin pdnikla soqan301 ‘[...] задницу307 308 розгами лупили’ (L2015: 226); at] sonda bänik ätip söyt>byl ‘Тогда розги дали лупили он *его][ ’309 (ibid.). - As for bänik, which is attested in the second sentence after a word ending in a, it is difficult to decide whether the sonority of the ini­ tial consonant was preserved here or Rus. v- underwent desonorization and despirantization to MC p-310 and then secondary sonorization due to sandhi (cf. C.I.0). - Cf. Yak. binnik ~ mlnnik ‘веник’ (Slepcov 1964: 113) — miännik ‘id.’ (ibid. 106); Dolg. miänik ~ mynnyk ‘Rutenbesen’ (StachowskiM 1999: 101, StachowskiK 2010: 166), see also Anikin 2003:125.

Pätr (1970s), a male proper name < Rus.arch. Petr (SRL1) —> Pair icädä bä? ‘Петр пьет?’ (MCJa 47). - Cf. Dolg. Piätir (StachowskiM 1999: 107, StachowskiK 2010: 146, esp. StachowskiK 2012: 291). - See MC Pötr below in this chapter.

pis’mo (1950) ‘letter’ < Rus. pis’mö ‘id.’ —> piskä ysxan pis ’то ‘Он прислал письмо’311 312(MDT 190). - Cf. Kirg. pismo ‘письмо’ (Chorolec 1953: 127), see also Anikin 2003: 452.

p’juska (1970s) ‘reel, Rus. вьюшка’ (ZS 109) < Rus. v'jüska ‘id.’. - Cf. Ani­ kin 2003: 148. - See Cul. pjuska (chapter В.IV below).

plaslovänjä (1970) ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial, blasloven ’e ‘id.’ (Filin 3: 16) —> Ak Kobäj [...] icäzän plaslovänjä soruptw, icäzä: «man pärbiikum3 2 plas-

307 < *soq-qan (soq-‘to beat’-PST). 308 It is ‘his backside’ [= MÔ kot-i-n < kot‘rump’-px3sg-acc’] in the original sentence. 309 The original sentence translates as ‘Having made [= MÔ at-ip (at-‘to make’-cv)] a broom [they] hit [the thief]’. 3111 As in pânik attested in the first sentence. 311 The original sentence translates as ‘[He] sent us [= MÔ pis-ka (p/5‘we’-DAT)] a letter’. 312 < *pdr-ba-gok-um (pdr-'to give’-NEG-FUT-lso). 52 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

lovânjâ» ‘Ак Кобей [...] спрашивает благословения матери.313 Мать: «Благословения не дам»’ (L2010: 266). - Cf. Yak. bylayastabyanna ‘благославение’ (Slepcov 1964: 180), Dolg. labaslabyanna ‘Seg(n)en’ < Rus. blagoslovenie ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 98; StachowskiK 2010: 115), see also Anikin 2003: 96. plat (1971), pulat (1970s) ‘scarf, headscarf’, pulaty- (1970s) ‘to tie up the eyes with a scarf’ < Rus.^/df ‘id.’ (BTS, Filin 27: 93: ‘большой платок, шаль’) —> izanik3'3 plat tyy-ьпъг twbptbr3'5 ‘Жених платок (невесте) завязывает’ (L2015: 288); aqplot316pâzânaрауь1аЬъ1 ‘Белый платок на его голове был повязан’317 (ibid. 262); pulat qarana3'* taıjyl ‘На глаза повяжи платок’ (LCJa 79); [...] pulatyq cackyl ‘[...] платок отвяжи’319 (ibid.); [...] qaraijy320 pulatyp32' sayrym322 carayaqyl323 didd ‘[...] глаза завязав платком, по спине моей бей, сказал (он)’ (LCJa 80). - Cf. Yak. bylât ‘плат’ (Slepcov 1984: 180); Tuv. bylât ‘kerchief’ (Pomorska 1995: 94); Dolg. pylât ~ plât ‘viereckiges Tuch’ (Sta­ chowskiM 1999: 109, StachowskiK 2010: 146); Sr. plat ‘Tuch’(Dilmaç 1998: 67), see also Anikin 2003: 453.

*plata ‘dress’ inplatalyy (1970s) ‘having / with a dress’ < Rus. plat 'e ‘dress’ —> kys kyzylplatalyy ‘девушка в красном платье’ (MĞS 53). - Cf. Yak. bylâtyja ~ pylâtyja ~ bylâccyja ‘платье’ (Slepcov 1975: 220, cf. also Slepcov 1964: 180); Dolg.p/af e ‘Kleid’ (DW 204, StachowskiK 2010: 146), see also Anikin 2003: 454.

313 The original sentence translates as ‘ Ak Kobej is asking his mother [= MĞ ica-za-n (zcd'mother’- px3sg-acc)J fora blessing’. 314 See MĞ izânik above. 315 For MĞ tyy-ьпъг ГыърГьг, see fn. 102 and 103 s.v. izânik above. 316 The vowel о in this word is probably a misprint for a. 317 The original sentence translates as ‘[He] ties [= MĞ рауъ1а-Ьъ1 (рауъ1а-‘Ю tie’-PREs)] a scarf on his head’. 318 < *qaraq-y-na (qaraq ‘eye’-Px3so-DAT). 319 The original sentence translates as ‘Untie your headscarf [= MĞ pulat-yij (pw/a/-Px2sG)]’. 320 *qaraq-yij-y (qaraq'eye'-t>x2sc,-ACc). 321 < *pulatap < *pulat-ta-p (pulat ‘scarf’-DER-cv). 322 *sayry-m-y (sayry'horseback’-pxlso-ACc) is expected here. 323 < *caraya-qyl (? * caray a-'to hit’-iMp2sG). The verb is attested twice in the quoted text and does not occur in any other currently available source of Chulym lexis. Lemskaja (L2013: 324, 329) interprets it as caraya- ‘to hold the horse from, Rus. выдерживать лошадь от’, but as far as we know, such a verb is not attested in other Turkic languages. 53 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects plämännik (1970) ‘nephew’ < Rus.dial, plemennik ‘id.’ (Filin 27: 108) = Rus. st. plemjännik ‘id.’ —> olornbijplämännigä atypyskan ‘Их племянник начал стрелять’324 325326327328329(L2015: 217). poćka, boćka (1970) ‘barrel’ < Rus. boćka ‘id.’ —>• [...] bar225 poćka22b ćijip par221 ‘[...] собери в одну бочку’ (L2010: 271); kyryk boćka araya jüttür,22* gulat’tabbskannar229 ‘Сорок бочек вина приготовили,330 331 сделали. Гуляли’ (ibid. 270); [...] kyryk boćka агауъ äcsalyannar22' ‘[...] выпили сорок бочек водки’ (ibid. 272). - Cf. Yak. buoćuka ~ muoćuka ‘бочка’ (Slepcov 1964: 107) ~ buoćuku ‘id.’ (ibid. 102); Kirg. boćka ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 134); Tat.dial. mickä ‘Fass, Fässchen’ (Ber­ ta 1983: 94) ~pićka ‘id.’ (ibid. 98); Dolg. boćka ‘Fass, Tonne’ (Sta- chowskiK 116);332 333334335336Śr. boćka ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 65), see also Anikin 2003: 104. - See Cul. poćka (chapter В.IV below). podruźka (1971) ‘bridesmaid’ < Rus. podrńźka ‘id.’ (Filin 28: 164: ‘в свадебном обряде - девушка - шафер; помощница дружки’) —> trużka222 aptbr224 podruzkalary süttbr ‘Главный сват покупает [ленты], подружки их продают’ (L2015: 287). pöjäst (2006) ‘train’ (MChD 148) < Rus. póezd ‘id.’ —> pajdaq pa qalyan ćazy225 qacan paryq22b pöjäst ‘Is much time left for the departure of the train?’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. pojiäs -puojas ~ buojas ~ poezd ‘поезд’ (Slep­ cov 1975: 220); Kirg. pojuz ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 101) -pojus ‘id.’ (ibid.

324 The original sentence translates as ‘Their nephew shot’. 325

56); Dolg. poezd ‘Zug (Bahn)’ (StachowskiM 1999: 107, StachowskiK 2010: 147, esp. StachowskiK 2012: 290). pol (1970s) ‘floor ’ < Rus. pöl ‘id.’ —> âmdâ pârzâ111 pol cuntyr ‘Затем одна пол начала мыть’337 338 339(L2012: 184); Qözu sojttâr^4 polda ‘Зять340 ползает по полу’ (LCJa 78). - Cf. Kirg. mol ‘пол’ (Chorolec 1953: 87), see also Anikin 2003: 466. pomoj (1970s) ‘slops’ < Rus. pornoi ‘id.’ —► pomojda itvâk polyan ‘В помоях хлеб был’ (LCJa 78). pömos, pömoc (2006) ‘aid, help, assistance’ (MChD 148) < Rus. pomosc' ‘id.’ —* mân âpw salyam andyn ulupömos ~ mân âp salyam andyn ulu pömoc ‘I received substantial aid from him’ (ibid.). - Cf. Kirg. pornos ‘id.’(Chorolec 1953: 110). por (1973) ‘thief’, porlan- (1973) ‘to steal’ < Rus. vör ‘id.’ —> pistiy por bolban^1 srödaw ‘У нас вора не было сроду’ (L2015: 225); [...]par рог körgânw арка ‘[...] один вор попал домой’ (ibid. 230); qacanda porlanbûkum2^ 343344345 ‘Сроду воровать не пойду’346 (L2015: 226). - Cf. Tat. dial, bur ‘Dieb’ (Berta 1083: 82); Sr. por ‘Rowdy, Hooligan’ (Dilmaç 1998: 67), see also Anikin 2003: 140. posxiscalis’(1970s) ‘Rus. восхищались’347 (ZS 109) < Rus. vosxiscalis’ ‘id.’, Pst.Pl. of vosxiscat'sja ‘to admire, to be delighted’.

337 < *pir-i-zi (p/r‘one’-Px3sG-Px3sG). 338 The original sentence translates as ‘Now one of them is washing the floor’. 339 < *soj-tlr (soj-'lo crawl along’-PREs). 340 There is no word corresponding to “зять = son-in-law” in the original sentence. “Kôzu”, “Küràn” or “Közugüran” is the name of the main character in the story transcribed by Birjukovii. 341 < *al-yp (al-'to take’-cv). 342 < *polban < *pol-ba-gan (pol-'to be’-NEG-psT); the voiced b- here is explained by sandhi. 343 See MĞ sröda below in this chapter. 344 Lemskaja (op.cit.) interprets kör-gdn as the past tense in -gdn of the verb kör- ‘to see’, but an incorrect transcription of kör- (instead of the expected kir- ‘to enter’) cannot be excluded. 345 < *porlan-ba-gok-um (porlan-'to steal’-NEG-FLT-lsG). 146 There is no word corresponding to “пойду = 1 will go” in the original sentence, which translates as ‘And I will never steal’. 347 Since the word is cited without any sentential context, its meaning cannot be determined. 55 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects posuda (1970s) ‘dishes’ < Rus. posuda ‘id.’ —> Valajw mart sana [...] ajtqam posuda ćunarya ‘Валя, я тебе [...] сказала вымыть посуду [...]’ (MĆJa 65). pot (2006) ‘here you are’ (MChD 148) < Rus. vot ‘here; there it is’ —> pot any dlyś caqsylyn ‘Here you are! Take it well’ (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 144. pozaluj (1947-51) ‘perhaps’ < Rus. pożałuj ‘id.’ —> olpożałuj ćarak3Ą9 ‘Это, пожалуй, выйдет’348 349350 (FĆG 131). - Cf. Yak. bahalyj ‘пожалуй’ (Slepcov 1964: 178), see also Anikin 2003: 464 s.v. пожаловать. porus (1970s) ‘verst (unit of length)’ < Rus. verst, Gen.Pl. of versta ‘id.’ —> [...] tura35' tort cits porus ‘[...] до города 400 верст’ (MĆS 46). - Cf. Yak. bidrdsta ‘верста’ (Slepcov 1964: 178); Dolg. bdrastid ~ biarasta ‘Werst’ (StachowskiM 1999: 84, StachowskiK 2010: 166); Tuv. byrysta ‘verst’ (Pomorska 1995: 94), see also Anikin 2003: 127.

Potr (1970s), a male proper name < Rus. Petr (SRLI) —> Pótr iśtdptdr pas- tuqta351 352‘Петр работает пастухом’ (MĆJa 49). - Cf. Yak. Budtur (Slep­ cov 1964: 180); Kirg. F’otyr (Chorolec 1953: 87). - See MĆ Patr above in this chapter. praslaś- (1970s), praslys- (1970) ‘to say goodbye to sb’ —► kirip icar/ld praslaś353, 354 dida ‘Войди (домой) с матерью попрощайся - сказал’ (LĆJa 79); ćylgylyryn tutupajkap359 praślyśtw ‘[...] поймали лошадей, прощаются’ (L2010: 263); Ак Kóbaj ćylybzypbla praślyśtw ‘Ак Кобей с конем прощаются’ (ibid. 268). - Without a doubt MĆ praslaś- ~ praślyś-355 go back to some form of Rus. proscat’sja ‘to say

348 See MĞ Valâ below in this chapter. 349 < *cara-gok (cara-'to fit’-FLT). 350 = ‘It will go well’ - ‘It will be good’. 351 *tura < *tura-ga (ti/ra'town’-DAi). 352 See MĞ pastuq above. 353 İn BirjukoviĞ’s monograph it is "praslas". In Lemskaja’s version of BirjukoviĞ’s text, the word is spelled as "prasalas" twice (2013: 299, 322) without any further comments. 354 < *tut-up al-kal-ip (tut-'to hold’-cv al-'to bring’AUX kal-'to come’AUX-cv). 355 As well as Kiia. praslas- ‘id.’ (in B.III). 56 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

goodbye to sb’ and the possible interpretations are [1] praslas- ~praslys- < prasa-la-s-* < prasca* < Rus. prosc-a-', [2] praslas- ~ praslys- < *prasaj-la-s- < prascaj* 2ib < Rus.proscaj, Imp.2Sg. of proscdtsjaP’ 1 praznyk (1950), praznyq (1970s), praznik (2006) ‘holiday, feast’ < Rus. prazdnik ‘id.’ —► cazyyaP* todurpraznyk ‘Лентяю всегда праздник’356 357358359 360361 (MDT 205); praznyq ‘праздник’ (ZS 128); apta pajdyy2b0 polluq praznik anyy iiciin ‘For that you will probably have a feast at home (lit. For that there will probably be a feast at home)’ (MChD 150). - Cf. Yak. byrahynhyk ‘праздник’ (Slepcov 1964: 51); Dolg. barahynnyk ~ byrahynhyk ‘Fest, Feier’ (StachowskiM 1999: 83, StachowskiK 2010: 149), see also Anikin 2003: 480. provolka (1970s) ‘wire’ < Rus. provoloka ‘id.’ —> [...] cumak tamir pro- volkadyn tapsalddybys2b' ‘[...] кружок за железную проволоку привязываем’ (MCS 47). - Most probably the deletion of о occurred already in Russian pronunciation and that simplified form was the source of MC provolka. - Cf. Yak. borobuluoka ~ borobuluoxa ‘проволока’ (Slepcov 1975: 223), see also Anikin 2003: 484. pulat —> plat

356 Cf. also Yak. byrahaj < Rus. proscaj (Slepcov 1964: 180); Dolg. prassaj ‘lebe wohll’ (StachowskiM 1999: 108, StachowskiK 2010: 149) - prascaj ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.) < Rus.proscaj'. ‘id.’. 357 Cf. also comments s.v. MC tapla- in this chapter and in E.2.3.2.3 below. 358 < *cazyrj-ga (cazyiplazy’-dat). Dul’zon sometimes records a long vowel in the LC and MC dative suffix, e.g. LC kwga ‘to the shore’ (MDT 190). Birjukovid says: “Иногда алломорфы -га/-га, -ка/-ка произносятся с долгими гласными [...]” (MCS 32). In Li et alii the final vowel of the MC dative suffix is always short (MChD 32f.). 359 MC tddiir translates as ‘backward’ (MChD 171) ~ ‘towards, Rus. навстречу’ (MCja 98), e.g. tic kiln tddiir ‘Three days ago’ (MChD 172), so there must be a mistake in Dul’zon’s translation of this sentence. 360 The word is only cited by Li et alii. According to Lemskaja (L2010b: 122): “A possible explanation is that payd'iy is related to the Russian parenthetical word поди /padi/ ‘it seems, it looks like’”. This, however, does not explain the final -y in MC pajday, and the problem requires further investigation. 361 < *tat]-yp sal-ady-bys (tay-‘to tie’-cv sal-'to put’alx-pres-Ipl); for tarj- see fn. 102 s.v. izanik above). For the a > о labialization in Middle Chulym, see comments s.v. MC panka above. 57 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects puls (2006) ‘pulse’ (MChD 150) < Rus. pills’ ‘id.’ —> qolunda '62 puls korak ‘Let me feel your pulse (lit. Let’s see the pulse in thine362 363 arm)’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. pul sa ~ puls ‘пульс’ (Slepcov 1975: 224). putulka (2006), ри/и/уа (2006) ‘bottle’ (MChD 150) < Rus. butylka ‘id.’ —► Tgi putulka ‘two bottles’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. bytylka ‘бутылка’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 21, Slepcov 1964: 81); Kirg. botblkb ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 105) ~ butulqa - biitiil’ka ‘id.’ (ibid. 66); Tat.dial, butylka ‘Flasche’ (Berta 1983: 82); Dolg. butiilka ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 85, StachowskiK 2010: 117), see also Anikin 2003: 117.

pyska (1970s) ‘tower, Rus. вышка’ (ZS 108) < Rus. vyska ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. byska ~ vyska ‘вышка’ (Slepcov 1975: 195); Kirg. vyska ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 126).

rados (2006) ‘joyful’364 < Rus. radost ’ ‘joy, gladness’ —♦ [...]po uciindiin san rados popturzuij365 366‘You are joyful because of this’ (MChD 158).

rany (1960s) ‘wounds’ < Rus. rany, Pl. of rana ‘wound’ —> [...] man olarnyq ranyn [...] загързы> pay lap salyam ‘[...] я раны их шарфом обвязал’ (L2015: 218). - Lemskaja (op.cit. 221) interprets ranyn in this sen­ tence as ran-y-n (raw‘wound’-px3sG-ACc). In our opinion, it is rany-n (ra«y‘wounds’-ACc). Since the final -y in Rus. rany is phonetically iden­ tical with the MC Px3Sg.-suffix -y, the Acc.-suffix is -n and not -ny here.367

ras (2006) ‘once, one time’ < Rus. raz ‘id.’ —> ras ‘a time’ (MChD 158); Tgi ras ‘twice’ (ibid.); pir ras ‘one time, once’ (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 501 and 779. - See LC ras (chapter B.II below).

362 *qol-utj-da (^o/‘arm’-Px2sc-LOC) is expected here. 363 [!], MP. 364 Li et alii translate MC rados as ‘joy, gladness’ but in the sentence illustrating its usage, it is without a doubt an adjective, so we suggest that it has the meaning ‘joyful’. ’65 < *pOi-Up-tur-zu)] (pot-'to be’-cv-pRES-2sc). 366 See MC sarbp below in this chapter. 367 Cf. also MC urdyy below in this chapter. 58 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

Rasija (2006) ‘Russia’ (MChD 158) < Rus. Rossija ‘id.’ —> [...] säni(,i qabasqaijnar mâ turada Rasijada ‘[...] you helped me in the city, in Russia’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. Arassyja ~ Arassyja ‘Россия’ (Slepcov 1964: 177); Dolg. Rossija ‘Rußland’ (DW 208, StachowskiK 2010: 151); Bar. Rässäj ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 44); Sr. Rossija ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 68), see also Anikin 2003: 511. rybak (1950), rybaq (1970s) ‘fisherman’ < Rus. rybâk ‘id.’ —» rybaktw barbsqarr’69 tudarga bälyq ‘Рыбаки отправились ловить рыбу’ (MDT 188); rybaq kämäbälä tämnängän™ ylya ‘Рыбак лодкой собрался в деревню’ (MĞS 36); rybaq kämäbälä kälgän ‘Рыбак лодкой приехал’ (ibid. 41); rybaq cylybyla pälyq tutubyl ‘Охотник371368 369370 372373374круглый год рыбу ловит’ (ibid. 42); pü211 gäräk™ rybakka ‘Сеть нужна рыбаку’ (MDT 191). säqar (1973), säkar (2006) ‘sugar’ < Rus. saxar ‘id.’ —> [...] säqar bolyäk™ ‘[...] сахар посыплю’375 376(L2015: 232); säkar ‘sugar’ (MChD 159); säkar käräk cöl™ ‘Sugar is not necessary’ (ibid.). - This ultimately Persian377 word was borrowed into Middle Chulym from Russian, cf. Khak. saxar ‘id.’, Tof. säkar ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1992-93: 251), Yak. säxar ~ säxär < Rus. saxar (Slepcov 1964: 186); Dolg. häkyr ‘Zucker’ (StachowskiM 1999: 91, StachowskiK 2010: 153)378 ~ häkar, hahar* in hahardäk ‘Zucker enthaltend / habend’ (StachowskiK op.cit., DWS 92), see also Anikin 2003: 532. - See Küä. saqar (chapter B.III below), Ğul. saqw (chapter B.IV below).

368 silar ‘you, Pl.’ is expected here. 369 < *par ys-qan (par-'to go’ y.s-'to send’ALX-PST); the voiced b- here and in balyq ‘fish’ is explained by sandhi. 370 tamnan-, pass, of tamna- ‘to begin, to start, to get ready’ < *tam « Ar. (Pomorska 2005: 1.16). 371 I.e. ‘fisherman’. 372 Cui. (ä)* - -y > (ä) - -a,iM under the influence of vowel harmony.385 - Cf. Dolg. hätjky ‘hoher Reiseschlit­ ten mit Vorder- und Hinterwand’ < Rus. sänki ‘Schlitten’ (StachowskiM 1999: 91, StachowskiK 2010: 152). säpat (2006) ‘west’ (MChD 159) < Rus. zäpad ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. säppas ~ säpas ‘запад’ (Slepcov 1964: 186); Dolg. häpat ~ häppat ~ säpat ‘Wes­ ten’ (StachowskiM 1999: 91, StachowskiK 2010: 169), see also Anikin 2003: 209. saplöt* or saplot* (1973) ‘fence or a fenced area for farm animals’ < Rus. dial, zaplöt ‘solid fence made of logs, thick or planks’ (Filin 10: 329: ‘плотный забор из бревен, тольстых жердей или досок’, cf. also

379 *pol-ba-gan (pol-'to be’-Nixi-PST). 380 < *soq sal-gan-ybys (*soq-‘to put in’ sal- ‘to put’ALX-PST-lPL). cf. LC suq- ‘to push (into)’ (CulT 159), Kiia. suq- ‘id.’ (R IV 750), cf. ESTJa VII 292. Lemskaja (ibid. 229) erroneously interprets this verb as soq- ‘to strike’. 381 < *asik-ka (asik'door’-DAx). 382 The corresponding word in the original sentence is ayac ‘forest, tree’ (MChD 106) - ‘tree, wood, Rus. дерево’ (e.g. DGC 18). 383 No gloss or sources are given. 384 Cf. comments s.v. MC sutqa above and Cul.jasla in chapter B.IV. 385 Cf. C.1V.2.4.2.4 below. 60 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

Filin 1983: 98) —> pistil] aran™ saplotyn atkan aran bolyam2*1 ‘У нас стайка с загоном строила сарай’386 387388 (L2015: 225); aran saplotyn aran istynda2*9 су1уа29й ‘Загороженное место. В сарае отгородила коней’391 392393394 (ibid.). - The form saplotyn attested in the two sentences cited above has been interpreted by Lemskaja (ibid. 228), albeit tentatively, as the geni­ tive in -tyn of sapid < Rus. soplo ‘nozzle’. If this were true, the genitive suffix should be -nil] and not -tyn. Needless to say that the word ‘nozzle’ does not fit the context at all. In our opinion saplotyn < saplot-tyn* is the ablative of either saplot292 or saplot.292 sapoq, sapuq (2006) ‘boot’ (MChD 159). - Because of the long a, we cannot exclude that the word does not go back to Rus.st. sapog ‘id.’ but to an unattested but plausible dialectal form with stress on the first syllable, i.e. sapog.* - Cf. Kirg. sapok ~ sopok ~ sopoq ‘сапог’ (Chorolec 1953: 116) ~ sopok ‘id.’ (ibid. 41); Dolg. hapagy ~ hapaki ‘Schuhe’ < Rus. sapogi, Pl. of sapog (StachowskiM 1999: 90, StachowskiK 2010: 153) ~ hapoki ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.); Yak. sappyky ~ sapyky ‘сапоги’ (Slepcov 1964: 186), see also Anikin 2003: 526. sabiir (2006) ‘north’ (MChD 161) < Rus. sever ‘id.’ —> sabardin ‘from the north’ (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 538.

*siidld (2003), sddlo (2006) ‘saddle’ < Rus. sedlo ‘id.’ —> cust294 cylyynyi] sadlo ‘Take off the horse’s saddle’ (MChD 161); a Judic sadlozyn

386 MO aran - oran ‘cowshed, stable, Rus. стайка’ (ZS 119) — ‘homestead, Rus. двор’ (ibid. 82). 387 Probably erroneously for bol-yan < *pol-gan (pol-‘to be’-psT). 388 The original sentence translates as ‘We had a bam comprising a pen [and] a fence’. 389 istinda ‘in, inside’ (MCJa 106) is expected here. 390 < *cylya < *cylyy-ya (ci /;.T ‘horse’-DAT). 391 The original sentence translates as ‘Inside the bam, [there was] the fenced area for horses’. 392 With secondary lengthening of о before a high vowel in the following syllable in saplotyn, cf. C.IV.O below. 393 With the long d resulting from adaptation of Russian stressed d (cf. С.IV. 1.4.1 below); for a similar adaptation, cf. Tuv. sapulut ‘fence, hoarding’ (Pomorska 1995: 94) and Yak. soppuluot ‘заплот’ (Slepcov 1964: 187); cf. also Anikin 2003: 210. 394 There must be a mistake in Li et alii’s attestation of this verb. In another article of his, Li Yong S6ng (Li2011: 126) cites tudun cucul- ‘to take off the clothes’, cf. ОТ sucul- (Clauson 797b). The -st- cluster arises when a vowel-initial suffix is added to the word cf. custlga < *cticul-ar- ga (Li, op.cit.), and therefore the 2Sg. imperative form of this verb should be *cucul. 61 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

dyqabilacady395 ‘And Yudich is holding onto his saddle’ (ShB 185). - It is impossible to decide whether the long ö in sâdlözyn results from sec­ ondary lengthening before a high vowel in the following syllable396 or it results from adaptation of Russian stressed 6. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 539. samja* or samja* (1970s) ‘family’ < Rus. sem’jâ ‘id.’ —► cuj ös sdmjazy ‘У него своя семья’ (MĞJa 53). - İt is impossible to decide whether the long a in samjdzy results from secondary lengthening before a high vowel in the following syllable397 398or it results from adaptation of Rus­ sian stressed -a. - Cf. Bar. sâmijâ ‘Familie’ (Dilmaç 1998: 45), see also Anikin 2003: 540. siip (1973) ‘chain’ < Rus. cep' ‘id.’ —> [...] tamir zapta396 uluy qus [...J ‘[...] на железной цепи большая птица (коршун) [...]’ (L2012: 188). - Cf. Yak. syap ~ syp ‘цепь’ (Slepcov 1964: 187); Dolg. cyap ~ cyp ‘Kette’ (StachowskiM 1999: 86, StachowskiK 2010: 119) ~ cip ‘id.’ (DWS 70, StachowskiK op.cit.), see also Anikin 2003: 661. sarkop (before 1984) ‘church, Rus. церковь’ (LCJa 58) < Rus. cerkov’ ‘id.’. - Cf. Tat.dial. cirkâü ‘Kirche’ (Berta 1983: 83); Dolg. harkdp ~ harkdp ‘Kapelle’ (StachowskiM 1999: 92, StachowskiK 2010: 118); Kirg. cirkau ‘церковь’ (Chorolec 1953: 109) ~ cirko ‘id.’ (ibid. 112), see also Anikin 2003: 661. sarp*-ь or sarp* ~ sarp* (1973) ‘sickle’ < Rus. serp ‘id.’ —> qolla qaskabis399 sarpbbhly ‘Рукой жала жали*[ серпом]’400 (L2015: 225). - The word has been attested only in the Instr.-Com. form quoted here. In Mid­ dle Chulym, this case suffix has the forms -(V)B(I)IA > -(T)B(Z)//401 so

395 ? < tytjy-blll cat-ady (*tyyy-‘to hold on firmly’-PRES ca/-‘to lie’Atx-PREs) < *tyrjy-, cf. Tob. tyrjny- ‘fest werden’ (R III 1308), Tel. tyijny- ‘stärker werden, an Kräften zunehmen’ (ibid.); the voiced d- in MÖ dyyäbiläcady is explained by sandhi. 396 Cf. C.IV.0. 397 Cf. C.1V.0. 398 The voiced z- here is explained by sandhi. 399 *kdskäbis < *käs-kän-ibis (kds-‘to cut’-PST-1 pl) is expected here. 400 The original sentence translates as ‘[We] cut (= harvested) [grain crops] with hands, with sickle’. 401 Cf. e.g. MÖ malatilka-bly ‘with threshing machine’ (see above s.v. malatilka). 62 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

sdrpbbbly can be interpreted as [1] sdrp-b-bhly < sdrpb < Rus. serp, with final -ъ in sdrpb inserted as an adaptation of the Rus. cluster -rp by paragoge402 or [2] sarp-b-bbly ~ (sarp ~ 5ar/?403-iNSTR/coM). - Cf. Khak. Belt, sirp ‘Sichel’ (StachowskiM 1996: 222). skladnoj (1970) ‘foldable (knife)’ < Rus. skladnój ‘foldable, folding’ —> [...] kylyćym par td skladnoj, akkdl [...] ‘[...] есть у меня складной нож, принеси [,..]’404 405406407408(L2010: 271). smola (1970s) ‘tar’ < Rus. smoła ‘id.’ —> smolabla ‘смолой’ (MĆS 39). - Cf. Dolg. hymala ‘Pech, Teer’ (StachowskiM 1999: 93, StachowskiK 2010: 155); Yak. symala ‘смола’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 37, Vasil’eva 2015: 21); Kirg. ysmola ~ysmala ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 126), see also Anikin 2003: 554. sobran’ja (1947-51) ‘meeting’ < Rus. sobranie ‘id.’ —> kizildrparbskan sobranja403 ‘Люди отправилсь на собрание’ (FĆG 116). - Cf. Kirg. sabyrajna ‘собрание’ (Chorolec 1953: 55), see also Anikin 2003: 554. soldat (1970s) ‘soldier’ < Rus. soldât ‘id.’ —> üc qat soldattar ücüncü sutqa- zyndd™ tura uzupysxannar401 ‘Три ряда солдат на третьи сутки, стоя, заснули’ (MĆJa 91). - Cf. Yak. salddt ~ sallat ‘солдат’ (Slepcov 1964: 112); Tat.dial. saldat ‘Soldat’ (Berta 1983: 101); Dolg. halddt ‘Soldat’ (StachowskiM 1999: 90, StachowskiK 2010: 156) ~ holdat ~ soldat ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.); Bar. saldat ~ soldat ~ soltat ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 44), see also Anikin 2003: 558 and 781. solom (1970) ‘straw’ < Rus. solóma ‘id.’ —> kajdapolyan say galganda? - so­ lom altbnda poyan40* ‘Где был, когда пришла война? - под соломой’

402 As in Yak. siarpa ~ siappa ‘id.’ < Rus. serp (Slepcov 1964: 186), cf. also Anikin’s (2003: 542) comment: “Появление конечного гласного в якут. [...] обусловлено стремлением избежать конечное -гр/-рп”. 403 The long a in ¡агръЬъ1у can be explained by the high vowel in the following suffix (cf. C.IV.0). 404 The original sentence translates as '[...] I have a knife and [it is] foldable, bring [it] [...]’. 405 < *sobran ja < *sobran 'ja-ga (sobran ja-Dxr). 406 See MC sutqa below in this chapter. 407 < *uzu-p-ys-kan-nar (uzu-‘to sleep’-cv vs-‘to send’AUX-psT-PL). 408 < polyan, see above. 63 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

(L2010: 264). - Cf. Tat.dial. salam ‘Strohhalm, Stroh’ < Rus. solom(a) ‘id.’ (Berta 1983: 101); Yak. solomo ~ soluoma ‘солома’ (Slepcov 1964: 187), for examples in other Tkc. languages, see C.III.8.1, see also Anikin 2003: 559. - See Cui. salam (chapter B.IV below). spasiba (2006) ‘thanks’ (MChD 163) < Rus. spasibo ‘id.’ —> ulu spasiba ‘Thank you! (lit. Great thanks!)’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. bahyba ‘спасибо’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 20, Slepcov 1964: 178); Dolg. pasiba ~ pasyba ~ bahyba ‘danke schon!’ (StachowskiM 1999: 105, StachowskiK 2010: 157), see also Anikin 2003: 563. - See Cui. spasibo (chapter B.IV below).

*spitanija —► to spitanija sroda (1973) ‘never’ < Rus.st. srodu = Rus.dial, sroda ‘id.’ (Filin 40: 317: ‘никогда, сроду’) —►pistil]рог909 bolban9'0 sroda ‘У нас вора не было сроду’ (L2015: 225). - The long д in MC sroda speaks in favour of a borrowing of Rus.st. srodu, but the adaptation of Rus. -u as MC -a is not attested in any other Russian loanword in Chulym. The contamination of the Russian standard and dialectal forms is not excluded. stdl, stol —> istal stolba (1970s) ‘pillar’ —> [...] tamir stolba tiir sayan9" ‘[...] к железному столбу приставил’ (L2012: 190). - This is the only attestation of this word and it is quite clear from the context and translation that the Middle Chulym form is Dat.Sg. If one assumes that the Nom.Sg. to be *stolb or rather stolp,* then the Dat.Sg. would have the stolbgaiovm* or stolpka* and not stolba.9'2 Hence the Nom.Sg. stolba suggested in the headword. This gives rise to the question of whether the final -a is: [1] due to a bor­ rowing of the Rus. Gen.Sg. stolba, or [2] a result of paragoge in Mid-

4(” See MC por above. 410 < *polban < pol-ba-gan* (pol-‘to Ье’-XEC.-PST); the voiced b- here is explained by sandhi. 411 < sal-gan* (sal-‘to put’AUX-PST). 412 < *stolbd < *stolba-ga (stolba-DM). Cf. also e.g. ol [...] jagada (< *jagada < *jagada-ga, cf. above s.v.) corubut ‘Он [...] за ягодой ходит’; svaqa (< *svaqa < svaqa-ga,* cf. below s.v.) man qalac atkam ‘I made a kalach for the matchmaker’. 64 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

die Chulym as in Yak. ostolho ~ ostuolba < Rus. stolb (Slepcov 1964: 185, cf. also D’jackovskij 1962: 33) ~ ostolbo ‘столб’ (Slepcov 1975: 232).413 Given that the Yak. forms have -d----- uo- < Rus. -o-, Anikin 2003: 574 suggests that paragoge is a better explanation than a borrow­ ing of the Russian genitive singular form. However, the interpretation of the Middle Chulym data is not so easy: regardless of whether the etymon was the Rus. Nom.Sg. stolb or the Gen.Sg. stolba, the stress pattern has not caused any changes in the quality of vowels. On the other hand, there is no other convincing example of a paragogic -a vowel in Middle Chulym,414 which suggests that a borrowing of the Rus. Gen.Sg. stolba is more likely but at this stage of research it is not possible to answer this question unequivocally. sumka (2006) ‘bag’ (MChD 164) < Rus. sumka ‘id.’ —> man tiktirminpalajak sumka ‘I am sowing a small bag’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. siirjka ~ sumka ‘сумка’ (Slepcov 1975: 232); Kirg. somke ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 132), see also Anikin 2003: 584. sutqa (1970s) ‘day (= 24 hours)’ < Rus. siitki ‘id.’ —» iic qat soldattar4'5 416 ucuncii sutqazynda tura uzupysxannaPb ‘Три ряда солдат на третьи сутки, стоя, заснули’ (MCJa 91). - Cf. Yak. sUkka ‘сутки’ (Slepcov 1975: 232);417 Kirg. sotka ~ sotko ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 99) ~ sotqo ‘id.’ (ibid. 64); Dolg. hutka ‘24 Stunden, Tag und Nacht’ (StachowskiM 1999: 93, StachowskiK 2010: 159), see also Anikin 2003: 587. svaqa (1971) ‘matchmaker’ < Rus. svaxa ‘id.’ —> svaqaWi man qalac4'9 420at- kamno ‘Стряпаю калач][* ’421 (L2015: 267).

413 Cf. also Khak. ystolba ‘pillar’ < Rus. stolb (Rajkova 1980: 30); Bar. stolb - stolba ‘Säule, Pfosten, Pfahl, Stange, Pfeiler’ (Dilmaç 1998: 45), Sr. ustolba ‘id.’ < Rus. Gen.Sg. stôlba (ibid. 69). 4,4 Cf. C.III.7.1.3. 415 See MC soldat above. 416 See fn. 407 s.v. soldat above. 417 Cf. also Anikin 2003: 587: Yak. sûkka < *siikky. 418 < *svâqâ < *svâqa-ga (svâqa-DAT). 419 See MÔ qalac above. 420 ätkäm < *ät-kän-im (ät-'to do’-PST-1 so) is expected here. 421 The original sentence translates as T made a kalach for the matchmaker’. 65 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

*svatat’ in svatat’ät- (1970s) ‘to matchmake’ < Rus. svátat’ ‘id.’ —► päzik pärgä qözup svatat’ ättär422 ‘Люльки вместе поставили’423 (LCJa 78). syc (2006) ‘falcon’ (MChD 161, Li2011: 130) < Rus. syc ‘kind of owl’ (BTS: ‘ночная или сумеречная птица отряда сов’). sajka (2006) ‘washbasin’ (MChD 165) < Rus. sájka ‘small wooden or tinned wash-tub’ (BTS: ‘небольшой деревянный сосуд с ручкой или жестяной таз с двумя ручками для мытья в бане’; cf. also Vasmer IV 395) —> sajkada sü par ‘Is there water in the washbasin? (lit. There is water in washbasin)’ (MChD 165). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 698f. saman (2006) ‘shaman’ (MChD 164) < Rus. samán ‘id.’. - Cf. Anikin 2000: 687f.; Anikin 2003: 700. samanka (2006) ‘female shaman’ (MChD 164) < Rus. samánka ‘id.’. sarbp (1960s) ‘scarf’ < Rus. sárf ‘id.’ —> [...] man olarnyrj ranyn424 425[...J кагър paylap salyam ‘[...] я раны их шарфом обвязал’ (L2015: 218). - Cf. Yak. särt ‘шарф’ (Slepcov 1964: 186); Kirg. saryp ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 95); Dolg. härt ‘Schal, Halstuch’ (DWS 83, StachowskiK 2010: 153, esp. StachowskiK 2012: 288f), see also Anikin 2003: 703. sinäl (1960s) ‘greatcoat’ < Rus. sinél’ ‘id.’ —> [...] män42i sinäläm corta- yaybskan426 ‘[...] мою шинель (он) изорвал’ (L2015: 218). - Cf. Yak. siniäl ~ sin ’iäl ‘шинель’ (Slepcov 1975: 241).

422 < *at-tir (dt-Xo do'-PREs). 423 Based on BirjukoviC’s translation of this sentence, the verb svatat' attar may appear to mean ‘вместе поставили = they put together’, just as parga qozitp [parga = pirga ‘together’ (MChD 146) + qos-кр (qos-'to put’-cv] which precedes it (the usage of synonyms or semantically close verbs in one and the same predicate is by no means unusual in Chulym). However, taking the context into account, Birjukovii’s translation is incomplete and Lemskaja is right to correct it to ‘Having put the cradles together, (*they) are matching (*the babies)’ (L2O13: 310), whereby Rus. svatat 'in MC svatat 'at- preserves its original meaning. 424 See MC rartv above. 425 mat) or mat] ‘my’ is expected here. 426 < *cyrt-a kakvs-kan (cyrt-'to rip’-cv ?kak- ‘to hit’ vs-‘to send’AUX-psT); Lemskaja (op.cit. 221) translates cort-, as ‘to trot, Rus. бежать рысью’ but we cannot agree with this interpretation. 66 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym skol (1973) ‘school’ —> pistir) skol bolvânnı ‘Школ не было’427 428 (L2015: 246) - Two etyma are plausible for this word: [1] Rus. sköla ‘school’, with deletion of the feminine marker -a,429 and [2] Rus. sköl, Gen.Pl. of sköla ‘id.’, which, taking the syntax of the Russian sentence into account, is very much probable.430 431432433434435436- Cf. Tat.dial. ysköl ‘Schule’ < Rus. skol(a) ‘id.’ (Berta 1983: 87); Yak. oskuola ~ uskuola ‘школа’ (Slepcov 1964: 104); Dolg. uskuola ~ oskuola ~ oskola ~ skola ‘Schule’ (DW 214, StachowskiK 2010: 155), for examples in other Tkc. languages, see C.III.8.1, see also Anikin 2003: 711. stan —> istyn* stoby (2006) lconj. so that, in order that’ < Rus. ctöby ‘id.’ —> mân anday ât salyam stoby may kâryndazym tut payanAi} kürsânim ‘I let my brother catch the chicken (lit. I made so that my brother caught the chicken)’ (MChD 166). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 688.

Tan’a (2006), a female proper name (MChD 167) < Rus. Tânja, dimin. of Tatjana (SRLI) —> mâni ajdybyl Tan’a ‘They call me Tanya’ (MChD 167); may ünüm Tan ’a ‘My name is Tanya’ (ibid.). tapla- (1970s) ‘to heat (an oven)’ —> pacm taplap [...] itvagân qatajlapw sâpm [...] ‘Печку растопив [...] хлеб раскатав [...]’ (MCJa 90). - This is the only attestation of a verb in question, and if we entertain the possibility that the final -p is a converb suffix, then tapla- is the stem. Most probably, MĞ tapla- goes back to some form of Rus. topit’fo heat (an oven)’ and the possible interpretations are MĞ tapla- < tapi-la-* < tapi* < [1] Rus. top-i- or [2] Rus. topi, Imp.2Sg. of topit’n(' Another possible explana­

427 < *pol-ba-gan {pol-'to be’-\EG-psT); the voiced b- here is explained by sandhi. 428 The original sentence translates as ‘We did not have school’. 429 As in LC skol (see B.II s.v.) and in MC solom (see above), cf. also C.III.8.1 below. 410 Cf. MC litra, klasa, milliardof, millionof and minut above. 431 < *par-gan (par-‘to go’ALX-PST). 432 See MC kiirsa above. 433 See MC pac above. 434 See MC qatajla-, s.v. *qataj above. 435 < *sal-Ip (sa!-‘to put’ alx-cv). 436 Cf. also comments s.v. MC praslas- above and E.2.3.2.2. 67 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

tion for in MC tapla- is contamination of two synonymous Russian verbs: [1] topit’ and [2] Rus.dial. teplit' ‘id.’ [Filin 44: 53: ‘топить (печь, каменку и т.п.)’]. taralka (1971) ‘plate’ < Rus. tarelka ‘id.’ —>• [...] landaswi421 tarâlkd42* sâbbl429 ‘[...] ленты [из кос] в тарелку кладут’ (L2015: 287). - Cf. Yak. tariâlkâ ‘тарелка’(D’jackovskij 1962: 19, Slepcov 1964: \№)~tâliâkkâ (Slepcov op.cit.); Kirg. dalirjke ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 49); Tat.dial., Tat.st. târinkâ ‘Teller’ (Berta 1983: 104); Dolg. tâliârkâ ~ tariâlkâ ~ târâlkâ ‘id.’ (Sta- chowskiM 1999: 111, StachowskiK 2010: 161: < Rus. terelka437 43843944044ij, see also Anikin 2003: 560.

*taröba ~ * türaba in tarobastyr44 (1973) ‘1. a greeting used when meeting someone, Rus. Здравствуй!’ (L2015: 232) ~ türabastar (2006) ‘2. How do you do?’ (MChD 173); 3. ‘cheers!’442 443< Rus.arch, zdorovo ‘1. id.’ (BTS: ‘приветствие при встрече; здравствуй’, cf. also Filin 11: 234) —> türabastar doktaf442 ‘How are you doctor?’ (MChD 173); türabastar pistil] cârim ‘Cheers for our444 place! ’ (ibid.) - The Rus. o - d > MC a - ö changes in taröba* are clear.445 446For turaba* 44b we would have to assume the a - ö > (< Rus. о - 6) > *a - w447 > й - a metathesis. - Cf. Dolg. doröbo, doröby ‘guten Tag!’ < Rus.arch, zdorovo ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 87, StachowskiK 2010: 170); Yak. doröbo < Rus. zdorovo (Slepcov 1964: 181), cf. also Khak. toroba ‘здорово, здравствуй’ (Rajkova 1980: 31) and Anikin 2003: 214.

437 See MC landa above. 438 < *taralkd < *taralka-ga (taralka-DST). 439 < *sal-ybyl (sal-‘to put’-PRES). 440 Misprint for tarelkal 441 < taroba-s-tyr (*taroba-REC-PREs). 442 The meaning ‘cheers’ may be due to contamination with Rus. zdorov "e ‘id.’. 443 See MC doktar above. 444 carim in the original sentence translates as ‘my place’, not ‘our place’, cf. MChD 174, fn. 47. 445 Cf. C.1V.2.2.1.1 and C.IV. 1.4.1. 446 The reason for vowel lengthening in the first syllable is unclear, cf. also comments s.v. MC kukulga above. 447 Probably due to a tendency to avoid o in non-first syllables, which is well known in Turkic. 68 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym tata (1970s) ‘father’ < Rus.colloq. tata ‘id.’ (Filin 43: 302) palazy ajtxan tatozyna446 tajya apparyjya ‘Сын попросил отца взять [его] в тайгу’ (MĆS 33). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 600; cf. also Li Yong-Sóng 1999: 116. - See MĆ tata below. tdlndk (1970s), talniik (1973) ‘young cow’ —> pu tdlndk ćanśtik indkpolluq ‘Этот теленок бодливой коровой будет’ (MĆJa 89); man aśtdptdrmdn tdlndk orlaptyr ‘Я слышу, как кричит теленок’ (ibid. 49); [...]par tdlndk sdbbl448 449 ‘Теперь[* дружка] кладет [...] одну телку’ (L2015: 264). - Be­ cause of the long a in tdlndk and the deletion of -o- in tdlndk, an unattested but plausible450 Rus.dial. telenok* would be a more likely etymon of those words451 452than Rus.st. telenok ‘id.’. - Cf. Kirg. telonoq ~ tolonok ‘теленок’ (Chorolec 1953: 106) ~ tolonoq ~ tolonyq ~ toloniik ‘id.’ (ibid. 52) ~ ti- lonoq ‘id.’ (ibid. 70). tdsta (1970s) ‘dough’ < Rus. testo ‘id.’ —> tastam aćyt451 payan453 ‘Тесто прокисло’ (MĆJa 38). - Cf. Yak. tidstd ‘тесто’ (Slepcov 1964: 188), see also Anikin 2003: 604. - See LĆ tasta (chapter B.II below). tiitd (1970s), t’iit’a (1946-53) ‘father’ < Rus.colloq. tjatja ‘id.’ (Filin 46: 105) —> tdtdzyć54 [...] ksadabld?5 tdmkiisun algan tatarga ‘Отец [...] табак (его) с кесетом взял курить’ (MĆS 41); tdtdzybldij ‘с отцом’456 457458(ibid. 40); [...] mana sayybyly451 tdtdm ‘[...] меня ждет отец’ (MĆJa 80); tdtozi456

448 For the a > о labialization in Middle Chulym, see comments s.v. MC panka above. 449 < *sal-ybyl (sal-'to put’-PREs). 450 Cf. Rus.dial. telennaja ~ telennaja ‘in-calf (heifer)’ [Filin 43: 347f.: ‘стельная (о корове)’]. 451 As well as for Cui. tajnak (in B.1V). 452 The expected word for ‘to turn sour, Rus. прокисать’ would rather be MC асу- = Kila, ajy- ‘id.’ (R I 529), LC dcy- or ajy- ‘id.’ (cf. Pomorska 2017: 53OT). On the other hand, it cannot be excluded that BirjukoviC’s translation is incorrect and may need emendation to ‘I make my dough sour’; for the lack of the accussative suffix in the possessive-marked direct objects, cf. e.g. MC man karyndyzym apparryk man turd ‘I will take my brother to the town’ (MCS 28), man korublum os abam ‘I see my house’ (ibid.). 453 < *par-gan (par-‘to go’Atx-PST). 454 The long d is secondary due to a high vowel in the following syllable, cf. C.IV.0. 455 See MC ksat above. 456 The original word translates as ‘with his father’. 457 MC sayy-byly (sayy-'to wait’-PREs), cf. fn. 3 s.v. a above. 458 For the a > d labialization in Middle Chulym, see comments s.v. MC panka above. 69 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

‘ее отец’ (IRP 9); tatasb mamasb459 кискъ460 461462463464465bartii46' ‘Отец с матерью силком отдают’ (L2015: 281); t'at’am ‘мой отец’ (TRS 71); tdtdzilap4*2 ‘по-отчески’ (MCJa 94). - Cf. Dolg. tata ~ lata ‘Vater’ (DW 221, Sta­ chowskiK 2010: 162), see also Anikin 2003: 628. - See MC tata above.

Tomsk (2006) ‘Tomsk’ (MChD 171) < Rus. Tomsk ‘id.’ —»tura Tomsk ‘Tomsk city (lit. city Tomsk)’ (ibid.).

Tomskaj (2006) ‘Tomsk’ (MChD 171) —> man kaja Tomskajya kdlgam4bi ‘I came to Tomsk yesterday’ (ibid.); man kalgam Tomskajdyn ‘I came from Tomsk’ (ibid.); on cyl todiir man curtam4b4 Tomskajda ‘I lived in Tomsk ten years ago’ (ibid.). - It is not excluded that MC Tomskaj goes back to Rus. masc. tomskij ’adj. Tomsk’, cf. the adaptation of Rus. -ij to -aj in Yakut, e.g. Yak. tuomuskaj4b3 ’adj. Tomsk’ < Rus. tomskij ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 81).466 However, Rus. tomskoj, the Prep.Sg. of tomskaja, the femi­ nine of tomskij, might as well be taken into account as the source, cf. Rus. v tomskoj oblasti ‘in Tomskaya Oblast’. to spitdnija (2006) ‘Goodbye!’ (MChD 170) < Rus. do svidanija ‘id.’. toza (2006) ‘also, as well, too’ < Rus. toze ‘id.’ —> ma toza siibiirpolluq ‘I will also be sorry’467 468(MChD 171); man toza ana qynadym ‘I also like that’ (ibid.); man toza silarni sayaqym4b* ‘I will also miss469 you’ (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 607.

459 See MC mama above. 460 See fn. 207 s.v. mama above. 461 See fn. 208 s.v. mama above. 462 < *tata-zi-la-p (Za7a‘father’-px3-DER-cv). For lexicalization ofconverbs in -p in Middle Chulym, see Pomorska 2004: 149ff.; MC tatozilap is erroneously cited there as "tatSzilap”. 463 < *kdl-gan-im (kal-‘to come’-PST-1 sg). 464 < *curt-ta-gan-vm (curt'dwelling place’-DER-PST-lsG). 465 Cf. also Yak. (Pek.) Duomuskaj, Tuomuskaj ‘Томск’ (Anikin 2003: 611 s.v. Томск). 466 Cf. also Yak. sallaskaj ‘soldier’s, millitary’ < Rus. soldatskij ‘id.’ (ibid ), Yak. kytajyskaj ‘Chinese’ < Rus. kitajskij ‘id.’ (ibid.). 467 The original sentence translates as ‘[It] will be bad [= MC siibiir (MChD 166)] for me’, cf. also MC ma attira siibiir ‘I feel very uncomfortable (lit. It is very bad for me)’ (ibid ). 468 MC sayaqym < * sayy-gok-ym (sayy-'lo wait’-FLT-lso), see fn. 3 s.v. MC a above. 469 This would be the only attestation of MC sayy- in the meaning ‘to miss’ and this gloss is probably incorrect (cf. also ESTJa VII 156). A more likely translation of this sentence would 70 Chapter 1. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym töta (1970s) ‘aunt’ < Rus. tetja ‘id.’ —>■ töta Varvara920, nona attiksb] tamna ‘Тетя Варвара, что ты завтра будешь делать?’ (MCJa 61). - Cf. Tat.dial. tuta ‘âltere Schwester, Tante’ (Berta 1983: 105); Kirg. töta ~ tota ~ totja ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 99), see also Anikin 2003: 605 and Li Yong-Söng 1999: 145. tötka (1970s) ‘aunt’ < Rus. tetka ‘id.’ —> azan tötka Varvara92' ‘Здравствуйте, тетя Варвара’ (MĞJa 49). truzka (1971), trüska (1973) ‘best man’ < Rus. drüzka ‘id.’ (BTS, cf. also Filin 8: 215, Dal’ s.v. друг) < drug ‘friend’ —> truzka аргы922, podruzkalary922 sâttbr ‘Главный сват покупает [ленты], подружки их продают’ (L2015: 287); [...] trüskapâr929 cylyy sâbbl925 ‘[...] дружка коня кладет’ (L2015: 264). - Cf. Yak. (Pek.) drüska ‘сосватавший за жениха невесту’ (Anikin 2003: 181). - Cf. MĞ drüga above in this chapter.

*türaba —> * tarâba türma (1970s) ‘prison, Rus. тюрьма’ (ZS 126) —> türmâdaga926 ‘узник’ (ibid. 96). - Because of the final a in MC türma, we cannot exclude that instead of the Rus.st. Nom.Sg. tjur ’mâ the word goes back to the Prep.Sg. tjur ’me or Rus.dial. * tjur’ma. - Cf. Yak. türma ‘тюрьма’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 24, Slepcov 1964 188) ~ turba (Pek.) (Anikin 2003: 627), Dolg. türma ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 112, cf. also StachowskiK 2010: 162), Bar. törmâ ‘id., Kerker’, Sr. türbâ ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 45, 69), Kirg. türmö (Chorolec 1953: 99) < Rus. tjur’mâ ‘id.’. tus (1950), tüs (1970s) ‘birch bark container with a lid’ < Rus.dial. tües ‘берестяной сосуд цилиндрической или круглой формы с крышкой, *

therefore be T will also wait for you’ as in MC a silar mani sayys [...] ‘And you wait for me [,..]!’(MChD 159). 470 See Varvara below in this chapter. 471 See Varvara below in this chapter. 472 < *al-yp-tyr (a/-‘to take’-cv-PREs). 473 See MC podruzka above. 474

для хранения или переноски чего-л.’ (Filin 45: 216) or Rus.dial, tûez, tujaz ‘круглый берестяной короб с крышкой’ (Anikin 2003: 618f, cf. also Anikin 2000: 560) —> alyam düs911 tüskäm91* pältirgä suyä ‘Взяв477 478479 туяс, я спустился на берег реки за водой’ (MDT 191); tustü ‘туяс, Асе.’ (ZS 16); tüs ‘туяс’ (ibid. 98); tüstu ‘его туяс’480 (ibid. 125). - See LC tüs (chapter В.II below). lyssa (1970s), tysa (2006) ‘thousand’ < Rus.colloq. tysca ‘id.’ (BTS) = Rus.st. tysjaca ‘id.’ —* tyssa ‘тысяча’ (MĞJa 13); tysa ‘thousand’ (L2010b: 120); parcäzi turubul tört tysa tört cüs on igi abac ‘Altogether 4,412 ruble’481 482483484485 (MChD 206); cüs tysa ‘a hundred thousand’ (ibid. 169); üc tysa ‘three thousand’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. tyhynca ~ tyhynca (Slepcov 1964: 188), Dolg. tyhycca ~ tyhycca ~ tyhynca ~ tyhycca ~ tyhacca ‘Tausend’ (DW 237, StachowskiK 2010: 163f.), Kirg. tysacy (Chorolec 1953: 44) ~ tisaca ‘id.’ (ibid. 66) < Rus. tysjaca, see also Anikin 2003: 626 s.v. тысяча. ucitäl (2006), ucitäl’ (1970s) ‘teacher’ < Rus. ucitel' ‘id.’ —> anytj ijazi ucTtäl ‘His mother is a teacher’ (MChD 175); igd cylpäzända ucitäl' pöp payan9*2 ‘Через год учителем стал’ (MCS 53). - Cf. Yak. ucütal ‘учитель’ (Slepcov 1964: 188); Dolg. ucittäl ~ ucTtal ~ ut’Ttal ~ ucitel’ ‘Lehrer’ (StachowskiM 1999: 112, StachowskiK 2010: 164), ucital ~ ucltel’ ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.), Kirg. ucitel ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 109) ~ ucitil ‘id.’ (ibid. 55), see also Anikin 2003: 638. ucTtälnica (2006), ucitäl’nica (1970s) ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’ < Rus. ucltel’nica ‘id.’ —» man körgäm9*3 ucitäl'nicany oglannyrymny9*9 ürätkän ‘Я видела учительницу, детей (моих) обучавшую’ (MĞS 26); pistil] ijäbis staptyr9*5 ucTtälnica ‘Our mother works as a teacher’ (MChD 175).

477 The voiced d- here is explained by sandhi. 478 < *tiis-kan-im (tiis-‘to fall; to descend, to go down’-psT-lso). 479 alyam (al-'to take’-PST) in the original sentence is a past tense form. 480 Birjukovii’s translation is not correct: tus-tu is an accusative form of dis, see above. 481 The original sentence translates as ‘Altogether [it] costs (lit. stands [= MC tur-ubul (tur-'to stand’-PREs)]; probably a caique on Rus. stoit' ‘to cost’) 4,412 ruble’. 482 < *pol-lppar-gan (pol-'lo be’-cv par-'to go’ acx-pst). 483 < *kor-gan-im (kor-'to see’-PST-lso). 484 < *oglan-nar-ym-ny (og/wt‘child; son’-PL-PxlsG-ACc). 485 < *ista-p-tyr (ista-'to work’-cv-PREs). 72 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

- Cf. Yak. ucutaln ’yssa ~ ucütalynsa ‘учительница’ (Slepcov 1975: 237); Dolg. ucitälnisa ~ ucitel’nica ‘Lehrerin’ (StachowskiM 1999: 112,486 Sta­ chowskiK 2010: 164). uka* or uka* (1970s) ‘fish soup’ < Rus. uxd ‘id.’ —► man tostäm4*1 ukäzyna ‘Я наелся ухи’ (MCS 33). - This would be the only attestation of the word in question and it is impossible to decide whether the long ä in ukäzyna results from secondary lengthening before a high vowel in the following syllable488 or is due to adaptation of Russian stressed -a. - Cf. Dolg. * uxä ‘Fischsuppe’, in uxalan- ‘Fischsuppe [fur sich selbst] kochen’ (StachowskiM 1999: 114, StachowskiK 2010: 165), see also Anikin 2003: 637. uraq (1970s) —> Cui. uraq (chapter B.IV below) uröyy (1970s) ‘homework, lessons’ < Rus. uröki ‘id.’, Pl. of urök ‘lesson’ ol sayal uröyyn syjyptyr ‘Она сейчас уроки пишет’ (MCJa 49). - The entire syntagma uröyyn syjyptyr4*4 is without a doubt a caique on Rus. [on I ona]piset uroki ‘[he / she] is doing [his / her] homework (lit. lessons)’, and therefore the word was most probably transmitted to Middle Chulym in its plural form. Since the final -y is phonetically identical with MC Px3Sg.-suffix -y, the Acc.-suffix in Middle Chulym has the form -n and not -wy.490 - Cf. Dolg. urok ~ uruok ‘Unterricht, Stunde’ < Rus. urök ‘id.’ (DW 246, StachowskiK 2010: 165), see also Anikin 2003: 635. ustal —> istal ustul (1970s) ‘chair, Rus. стул’ (ZS 125, 130) < Rus. stitl ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. ustiil ‘стул’ (Slepcov 1975: 232); Dolg. ustül ‘Stuhl’ (StachowskiM 1999: 113, StachowskiK 2010: 159), see also Anikin 2003: 578.

446 With the comment: “sicher pro *ucital 'riisa". 487 For ‘to be sated, to be full’ Middle Chulym has tos- (MChD 171) [= LC toj- (LCja 64) = Kiia. toj- (R III 1142) - tos- (ibid. 1208, RPro 690)], and consequently, its lSg. past tense form should be either tosqam or tostym. BirjukoviC’s notation is therefore most likely a misprint. 488 Cf. C.1V.0. 489 < syj-yp-tyr (syj-'to write’-CV-PRES). 490 Cf. also MC rany above. 73 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects uza (2006) ‘already’ < Rus. uze ‘id.’ —> ayam uza apta ‘My father is already at home’ (MChD 176); silar uza turyatjnar ‘Did you wake up already?’491 (ibid.). - Cf. Anikin 2003:631. iistiidan (1970s) ‘Rus. студень’ (ZS 130) < Rus. studen' ‘id.’. - We have two attestations of this word: the form quoted here and ustidan, whose dialectal affiliation cannot be determined.492 493Since both of them are cited without any context, their meaning cannot be specified; Russian studen ’translates as ‘anything cooled’ (Vasmer III 787: ‘то, что остужено’) ~ ‘kind of food made from jellied meat or fish’ (BTS: ‘кушанье из сгустившегося, превратившегося в желе при охлаждении мясного или рыбного отвара с мелкими кусочками мяса или рыбы’) ~ ‘icy cold’ (Filin 42: 75: ‘сильный холод, мороз, стужа’). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 577 and 781. vajna —> pajna

Vald (1970s), Vald (1973), a female proper name < Rus. Valja, dimin. of Vale­ ria (BTS) —> Vald nona attar492 ‘Валя что делает?’ (MCJa 49); Vald, man sdna [...] ajtqam posuda494 cunarya [...] ‘Валя, я тебе [...] сказала вымыть посуду [...]’ (ibid. 65); Vald syqtan495 496497catqan [...] ‘Валя плакала, лежала [...]’ (ibid. 85); ol qys atabbl Vala ‘Девочку зовут]*[ Валей’ (L2015: 238).

Varvara (1970s), a female proper name < Rus. Varvara (SRLI) —> tota49b Var­ vara, nona attiksiy tamna ‘Тетя Варвара, что ты завтра будешь делать?’ (MCJa 61); azan totka491 Varvara ‘Здравствуйте, тетя Варвара’ (ibid. 49). - Cf. Yak. Balbdra (Slepcov 1964: 178); Dolg. Barba (DW 53, Sta­ chowskiK 2010: 165).

4,1 The original sentence translates as ‘You (Pl.) have already got up [= MÔ tuigaijnar < *tur-gan- yynar (tur-'to stand’-PST-2PL)]’. 492 See B.IV s.v. 493 < *at-tir (dt-'to do’-PREs). 494 See MÔ posuda above. 495 < *syqta-gan (svqta-‘to weep’-PST). 496 See MC totd above. 497 See MÔ totka above. 74 Chapter I. Index of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym

Vasild (1973), a male proper name < Rus.st. Vasilij (SRLS) or Rus.arch. Vasilej (ibid.) —> [...J olatabbl Vasild ‘[...] мальчика498 зовут Василием’ (L2015: 243). - The final -ä in MC Vasild would support a borrowing of Rus.arch. Vasilej, but the long -i- finds a closer match in Rus.st. Vasilij. For the lat­ ter explanation we would have to assume that Rus. -ij > -äj* > -d change, which is not excluded.499 - Cf. Dolg. Bahylaj ~ Basylaj < Rus.dial.arch. Vasilej or Rus.st. Vasilij (StachowskiM 1999: 82, StachowskiK 2010: 165). vast’ (2006) ‘news’ (MChD 179) < Rus. vest’ ‘id.’ —> silärnüj caksy va vast’ ‘Do you have good news?’500 (ibid.). vrac (2006) ‘doctor, physician’ (MChD 179) < Rus. vrac ‘id.’ —> tiziniy vrac ‘dentist (lit. doctor of his tooth)’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. byrds ~ vrac ‘врач’ (Slepcov 1975: 194); Dolg. vrac ‘Arzt, Ärztin’ (DW 255, StachowskiK 2010: 167), Kar.-Balk. vrac ‘id.’ (Siemieniec-Golas 2005: 189), vraclyk ‘the function of doctor’ (ibid.).

*vyvod or vyvot* (1970s) ‘tube’ < Rus. vyvod ‘outlet, leading-out wire’ (BTS: 'tech, провод, приспособление, выходящее откуда-л. или выводящие наружу что-л.) ~ ‘chimney’ (Filin 5: 255: ‘печная труба’) —> körüblü vyvod öttürä ‘[...] смотрит через трубу’ (L2012: 186). - This is the only attestation of the word in question and because it did not undergo any other adaptations, the final -d probably results from adherence to the Russian spelling. However, the MC -t (< Rus. -d [-t]) > -d sandhi voicing at word boundary is not excluded either,501 hence both vyvod* and vyvot* are given as the possible nominative form above. ystdl istal

J” On the face of it, the relevant word in the original sentence appears to be MC ol ‘he; this’. However, it is not entirely impossible that we are dealing here with a secondary shortening in MC ol ‘boy’ (e.g. MChD 139, ZS 138, LÔJa 80). Lemskaja’s treatment is ambiguous: while she interprets the word as a pronoun, she translates it as ‘boy’ (L2015 243). Cf. e.g. Yak. kiridpkaj ‘firm, hard’ < Rus. krepkij ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 80), sibiàhdj ‘fresh’ < Rus. svezij ‘id.’ (ibid.); cf. also C.111.6. 500 The original sentence translates as ‘Is your news good?’. 5U' Cf. C.1I1.0. 75 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects zavosna (1970s) ‘building for keeping a horse harness, Rus. завозня’ < Rus. dial, zavoznja ‘id.’ (Filin 9: 331: ‘сарай для телег, саней, утвари и т.п.’) —* zavosna502 kardk503 ‘Зайдем в завознню’ (МА) ~ ‘Let’s get into the flatboat’504 (VL) (L2010: 296). - Cf. Sib.-Tat. sawasna ‘кладовая, завозня’ (Anikin 2003: 204), cf. also Khak. savozna ‘сарай для хранения упряжи, конюшня’ (ibid.); Yak. somuohuna ‘завозня’ (Slepcov 1964: 187). zanik —> izanik

502 < *zavosna < *zavosna-ga (zavosna-ом). 503 < *kir-àk (kir-'to enter’-opï/iMP 1 pl). 504 Although, Rus.dial. zavoznja may also translate as ‘(big) flatboat, Rus. речное судно - большая пласкодонная лодка’ (BTS, cf. also Filin 9: 330), a line later in the text which was retranscribed by Lemskaja, one finds ciigan ‘bridle’= cügàn ‘id.’ (ZS 95, 124) and dsar ‘saddle’ = azar ‘id.’ (ZS 99), which strongly suggests that the intended meaning of MC zavosna is not ‘flatboat’ here; cf. also the meaning of Khak. savozna, above. 76 Chapter II Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym

abin (1940s) ‘building used for drying sheaves before threshing’ (CulT 151) < Rus. ovin ‘id.’ (BTS: ‘строение для сушки снопов перед молотьбой’, Filin 22: 297). - Cf. Tat.dial, auyn ‘Darrhaus, Korndarre’ (Berta 1983: 81), see also Anikin 2003: 413. arsin (1940s) ‘arshin, an obsolete Russian length unit' < Rus. arsin ‘id.’ —> käzivalyan303 ayac pir Uy arsin uzunu ‘Он взял и срезал шест трех аршин длины’ (CulT 176, Pritsak 629, L2011: 94). - Ultimately of Ira­ nian origin, the word is a Turkic borrowing in Russian.505 506 507508In her other monograph, Birjukovic also cites Cui. arsun ‘id.’ (LCJa 17), but because of -u- this form is most probably Turkic (cf. ESTJa I 184). - Cf. Yak. assyn ‘аршин’ (Slepcov 1964: 177) ~ arsyn ‘id.’ (ibid., D’jackovskij 1962: 21); Dolg. arsyn 'ein Längenmaß Arschin’ (DW 37, StachowskiK 2010: 114); Tuv. arzyn ‘id.’ (Pomorska 1995: 95).

ärys501 (1940s) ‘rye, Rus. рожь’ (CulT 144, 172) < Rus.dial. aryz* ‘id.’ (Sta­ chowskiK 2008: 74). - See MC ärys (chapter B.I above), cf. also Küä. arys (chapter B.III below). baba (2010) ‘country woman; grandmother’ < Rus. baba ‘id.’ —> [...]paryyl baba *Kata-" ‘[...] Сходи к бабе Кате!’ (L2011: 75).

505 < *käs-ip al-gan (käs-'to cut’-cv al-'to take’ALX-PST). 506 Cf. ESTJa I 183f., Anikin 2003: 73 with references to previous work on this topic. 507 Cf. fn. 10 in B.I above. 508 See LC Kata below in this chapter. 77 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects bazar* —> pazar bol’sa cam (1940s) ‘more than’ < Rus. böl’se cem ‘id.’ —> pistiy kolxoziW câcalyan poluyu jylda bol’sa cam pultigb jylda ‘Наш колхоз в этом году посеял больше, чем в прошлом году’ (MDT 193). calkovyj (1947) ‘ruble’ < Rus. celkövyj ‘id.’ (BTS: ‘рубль’) —» may par jüs calkovyj aqca ‘У меня есть сто рублей денег’ (MDT 190). - Cf. Yak. solkuobaj ~ sokkuobaj ‘целковый’ (Slepcov 1964: 112); Dolg. holkuobaj ~ holkobaj - holkoboj ‘Rubel’ (StachowskiM 1999: 93, StachowskiK 2010: 118) ~ halkuobaj ‘id.’ (DWS, StachowskiK op.cit.); Sr. salkovaj - salkovyj ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 68). cas (1940s) ‘hour’ < Rus. câs ‘id.’ —► itvâk pâctâiw pyzad’i pir cas ‘Хлеб в печке печется один час’ (CulT 175); mân jadâdim toyus casta ‘Я ложусь в 9 часов’ (FCG 104); pis parâd’ivis İska künzâj töyus casta ‘Мы уходим на работу каждый день в 9 часов’ (ibid.). - See MĞ câs (chapter В.I above). cam bol 'sa cam cudttoj (1947) ‘odd; strange’ < Rus. cudnöj ‘id.’ —► mân cudnoj tils korgam- ‘Я удивительный (странный) сон видел’ (MDT 190). familja (1947) ‘surname’, *familija or familijaj* (2010) ‘family’ < Rus. familija ‘id.’ —> qana2'2 say âdyy familjây ‘Как твое имя и фамилия?’ (MDT 202); pilârim familijajy polyon ‘Знаю, фамилия была’ (L2010a: 29, L2011: 76). - Lemskaja (2011: 76) interprets familijajy in the second sentence as the Px3Sg.-form offamilija, but in such a case, it would have the form familija-zy* and not familijaj-y. Alternatively, familijaj could be explained as a borrowing of Rus. familiej, the Instr.Sg. offamilija, which, of course, is not excluded, but j might as well be a misprint for z. *

i0’ See LC kolxoz below in this chapter. 510 See LC pac below in this chapter. 511 *kdr-gam (kor-'to see’-PST) is expected here. 512 < *qartl, cf. OT (MK.) qanu ‘what?, which?’ (DTS 419), cf. also ESTJa V 191. 78 Chapter II. Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym

- Cf. Dolg. familija ‘Familienname’ (DW 84, StachowskiK 2010: 122); Kirg. pamylyja ~familija ‘фамилия’ (Chorolec 1953: 87). gazäta (2007-2008) ‘newspaper’ < Rus. gazeta ‘id.’ —> gazäta sanypjä5'2 ‘Газеты читает’ (L2011: 74). - Cf. Yak. xahyata ~ kasyat ~ xahyat ‘газета’ (Slepcov 1975: 195), Kirg. gezit ~ kazet ~ qazet ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 116), Dolg. gazet ‘Zeitung’ (DW 84, StachowskiK 2010: 124) < Rus. gazeta ‘id.’.

*gosti —> v gosti i (1947) ‘conj. and’ < Rus. i ‘id.’ —> kälgännär agazy ipalazy ‘Пришли отец и сын’ (MDT 188); tä tajgadäN4 pajdaq älyc i qus ‘В той тайге много зверей и птиц’ (ibid.). - See MC i (chapter В.I above). intärvü (2007-2008) ‘interview, inquiry’ < Rus. intervju ‘id.’ —> ol alyan intärvüixi ‘Он взял интервью’ (L2011: 69).

Ivan (1947-51), a male proper name < Rus. Ivan (SRLI) —> käyä pis tort kizi kulattdnbvbs5'6 Ivanda ‘Вчера мы вчетвером гуляли у Ивана’ (FCG 120); sän Ivan kajni'1 paryäjzin pün ‘Ты, Иван, куда сегодня пойдешь?’ (L2011: 71). - Cf. Yak. Ujbän ‘Иван’ (Slepcov 1964: 188); Dolg. Ujbän ‘id.’(StachowskiM 1999: 113, StachowskiK 2010: 126). izbuska (1947-51) ‘hüt’ < Rus. izbüska ‘id.’, dimin. of izbä ‘house, hut, cot­ tage’513 514515516517518 —» [...] anda polyok izbuska ‘[...] там будет избушка’ (FCG 130). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 221 and 772.

513 < *sana-p jat-adi (sana-‘to read'-cv Jat-'to lie’ALX-PREs), cf. also LC parjad'i - parja ‘he is going’ (FCG 107). 514 Dul’zon sometimes records a long vowel in the LC locative suffix, cf. a long vowel in the dative case (s.v. MC praznyk in B.I, cf. also comment 1.3 in Pomorska BL). 515 The LC sentence is a caique on Russian. 516 See Lt kulatta- s.v. *kulat below in this chapter. 517 < *kajnt < kajnar ‘куда’ (DGC 22). 318 Cf. Kiia.yspa ‘id.’ (in B.III). 79 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kastrülä (2010) ‘saucepan’ < Rus. kastrjiilja ‘id.’ —> mä any(?tj)i[9 anäji kas- trülädä suy jylyy äsalyan™ ‘Мне его жена в кастрюле воду теплую / горячую сделала’ (L2011: 177). - Cf. Yak. köstürülä ‘кастрюля’ (Slep­ cov 1964: 182), see also Anikin 2003: 252.

Katä (2010), a female proper name < Rus. Katja, dimin. of Ekaterina (SRLI) —> [...]paryyl babai2X Kata222 ‘[...] Сходи к бабе Кате!’ (L2011: 75).

Qazaq (1940s) ‘Russian (man)’ < Rus. kazak ‘Cossack’ —> qazaqqa ‘русскому’ (CulT 137). - See MC Qazaq (chapter B.I above). käläsä (1940s) ‘wheel, Rus. колесо’ (CulT 158). - Because of the final a, it cannot be excluded that LC käläsä does not go back to the Rus. Nom.Sg. kolesö ‘id.’ but to the Rus. Prep.Sg. kolese or Rus.dial. koleso.* - Cf. Bar. käläsä ‘колесо’, Tob. küläsä ‘id.’ (Anikin 2003: 279). kästil (1947-51) ‘crutch’ < Rus. kostyl' ‘id.’ —[...]* ös vägiij519 520521522 jöröksütf24 kästildä ‘[...] всю жизнь (свой век) будешь ходить на костыле’ (FCG 128). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 299. kinägä (1947-51) ‘book’ < Rus. kniga ‘id.’ —> kinägädin pispiljädivis22 525-[...] ‘Из книг мы узнаем [...]’ (FCG 108). - Cf. Yak. kinigä ‘книга’ (Slepcov 1964: 182), Dolg. kinigä ~ kinigä ~ knigä ~ kinikä ‘Buch’ (StachowskiK 2010: 130, cf. also StachowskiM 1999: 95) < Rus. kniga ‘id.’. - See MC kniga (chapter B.I above) and Cul. knigä (chapter B.IV above), cf. also LC knizka below. klanok (1940s), kolonok (1940s) ‘Siberian weasel’ < Rus. kolonök ‘id.’ —> kolonok ‘колонок’ (CJa 463); man öt’igäm526 [...] üc klanok ‘Я убил

519 Such a notation in L2011. For this sentence, amp ‘his / her’ is expected. 520 < *at-sal-gan (at-‘to make’ sal-'to put’ALX-PST). 521 See LC baba above in this chapter. 522 < *Kata-ga (Kata-OM). See LC vak* below in this chapter. 524 < *jdrdksutj < *jdrV-gok-shj (jorV-'to go, to walk’-FUT-2sG). 525 < *piladivis < *pil-adi-vis (pil-‘to know’-PRES-lPL). 526 < *btiir-gdn-im (otiir-'to kill’-pst- 1 sg), cf. also Kiia. odiir- ‘id.’ (RPro 699) = MC odar- ‘id.’ (ZS 11,95), cf. also fn. 595 s.v. LC straya below in this chapter. 80 Chapter II. Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym

[...] трех колонков’ (ibid. 466, L2015: 257). - Cf. Sr. kolnak- kolnaq ‘sibirischer Nerz’ (Dilmaç 1998: 66), see also Anikin 2003: 281 and Anikin 2000: 298. klâs* or klas* (1940s) ‘grade (at school)’ < Rus. klâss ‘id.’ —> man jaqsy iiranjatqan üşün kacvaryam iginyi klâzynga ‘Я хорошо учился и поэтому перешел во второй класс’ (ĞJa 454). - This is the only at­ testation of the word under discussion and it is impossible to decide whether the long â results from secondary lengthening before a high vowel in the following syllable527 or it is due to adaptation of Russian stressed â as in Yak. kylâs ‘класс’ (Slepcov 1975: 204). - See MC qlass (chapter B.I above). knizka (1947) ‘book’ < Rus. knizka, dimin. of kniga ‘id.’528 —> al knizka ‘Возьми книгу’ (MDT 190). - Cf. Kirg. kiniz'ka ‘книжка’ (Chorolec 1953: 138), see also Anikin 2003: 272. kolxoz (1940s), kolxos (1940s) ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < Rus. kolxoz ‘id.’ —>pistiq kolxoz câcalyanpoluyu jylda bol’sa cam529 pultigb jylda ‘Наш колхоз в этом году посеял больше, чем в прошлом году’ (MDT 193); pistit] kolxosta piyan câpjajlar530 jiyjajlar53' masnavala532 ‘В нашем колхозе сено убирают машиной’533 (ibid. 194); kolxosta at salyannar indktarga jaqy cadan ‘В колхозе построили для коров новый хлев’ (FĞG 139). - See MĞ kolxoz (chapter B.I above). kolonok —► klanok kravat’ (2010) ‘bed’ < Rus. krovdt’ ‘id.’ —> man any [...] kravat’ka sâpsalyam534 palinya ‘Я его [...] на кровать положил на спину’ (L2011: 177). - See MC krovat’ (chapter B.I above).

527 Cf. c.ıv.o. 528 Cf. LĞ kinagd above in this chapter. 529 See LĞ bo! sd cam above in this chapter. 530 < *câpjâjlar < *cac-yp jat-ady-lar (cac-'to throw around; to sow’-cv jat-'to lie’AL'x-PRES-Pi.). 531 < *jiy jat-ady-lar (jiy-‘to gather’yat-'to lie’ALX-PRES-PL), see the previous footnote. 532 See LĞ masna below in this chapter. 533 The original sentence translates as ‘In our kolkhoz, they sow and gather hay with machine’. 534 < *sal-yp sal-gan-ym (sal-'to put’-cv sa/-‘id.’ALX-PST-lsc). 81 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kräs* or kräs* (1940s) ‘cross’ < Rus. krest ‘id.’ —► krdzini turyuzad’ilar ajaq janga ‘Крест ставят у ног’ (ĞulT 177). - This is the only attestation of this word in the sources. It is impossible to decide whether the long a results from secondary lengthening before a high vowel in the follow­ ing syllable535 536537or it is due to adaptation of Russian stressed e. - Cf. Yak. kirids ‘крест’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 32, Slepcov 1964: 182); Dolg. kinds ‘kreuzförmiger Schnitt als Eigentumszeichen am Ohr des Rentiers’ (Sta- chowskiM 1999: 95, StachowskiK 2010: 132, esp. StachowskiK 2012: 290); Bar. käräst ‘Kreuz’ (Dilmaç 1998: 42), see also Anikin 2003: 304.

*kuca in kucala- (1940s) ‘to heap up’ < kuca* < Rus. киса ‘heap’ —> [...] qözunu pir järgä kucalap andyn pläjdi™ päctüf-' izigini ‘[...] сгребают уголь кучей в одно место и узнают температуру печки’538 *(ĞulT 175). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 325.

*kulät ~ kulat* in kulättä- ~ kulattä- (1947) ‘to feast; to drink heavily’ < Rus. guljat’ 'dial. 1. to feast, to drink heavily; 2. to go on a visit to’ (DaT: ‘пить, пьянствовать’, cf. also Filin 7: 224: ‘быть, проводить время в гостях, ходить, ездить в гости’) —> olar kulättännär529 iic kiln ‘Они пировали в продолжении540 трех дней’ (MDT 191); käyä pis tört kizi kulattänbvbs54' Ivanda541 542‘Вчера мы вчетвером гуляли у Ивана’ (FĞG 120). - The presence of a in the second syllable in kulattdnbvbs probably indicates adherence to the Russian spelling, but in Lower Chu­ lym the vowel was pronounced as palatal, cf. the palatal d in the verb­ producing -td- suffix. - See MĞ *giildt (chapter B.I above). kvasn’ä, kvasn’a (1940s) ‘1. dough; 2. dough-trough’ < Rus. kvasnjd ‘1.-2. id.’ (BTS, cf. also Filin 15: 164: ‘1. посуда, в которой делают квас; 2. тесто, опара’) —► talyandyn âyudad'i kvasn’ä ‘Из муки заводят

535 Cf. C.IV.0. 536 = LCpladi (ÔJa 453) < *pil-iidi t pii-'to know’-PREs). 537 See LC рас below in this chapter. 538 The original sentence translates as ‘Having heaped up the coal in one place, then [they] check the heat of the oven’. 514 < *kidattdnndr < *kulat-ta-gdn-nar (Au/îîZ-der-pst-pl). 540 There is no word corresponding to “в продолжении = during, for” in the original sentence. 541 < *kulattanivis < *kulat-td-gan-ibis (kulat-DER-PST-ln.). 542 See Ivan above in this chapter. 82 Chapter II. Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym

квашню’543 *(CulT 175); [...]kvasn’aacvarza, adad’i itvak ‘Когда квашня [...] закиснет, стряпают хлеб’ (ibid.); [...] ol tastany599 kvasn’adyn dp545 546 nakladad'i59b itvak ‘Взяв [...] это тесто из квашни, накладывают хлеб’ (ibid.); ulug kvasn 'adyn cyyad’i pir sagis itvak ‘Из большой квашни выходит восемь буханок547’ 548549 (ibid.); qayan kvasn 'а ауур jatvaza itvak polad’iprasnyj59* ‘Если квашня недостаточно закиснет, то хлеб бывает пресный’ (ibid.). - Cf. Khak. kybasna ‘квашня’ (Rajkova 1980: 30); Tat. dial, keiiasna ~ kiidsna ‘Backtrog’ (Berta 1983: 89), see also Anikin 2003: 259. kblamka, kblamka (1940s) ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel), Rus. ловушка (на колонка)’ (CulT 158, 163, respectively) < Rus.dial. kulemka ‘trap for small animals made of logs, poles or planks’ (Filin 16: 58: ‘ловушка на мелкого зверя из бревен, жердей или досок’). - Cf. Anikin 2000: 316 s.v. кулема and Anikin 2003: 316f. lapat, lopat (1947) ‘shovel’ < Rus. lopata ‘id.’ —> man kuraniim599 qar lapat- vala ‘Я разгребал снег лопатой’ (MDT 194); man kiirdnam qar lopatvala ‘id.’ (MCS 40);550 [...] anda itvakti lopatka sap55' otsdzad’i551 552‘[...J тогда хлеб лопатой сажают в печь’553 (CulT 175). - See MC lapat (chapter В.I above).

543 The original sentence translates as ‘[They] make sour [= LC ajudad'i < ayu-t-ad'i fdjn-'to sour’-CAts-PREs)] the dough from the flour’ (cf. Pomorska 2017: 530). 344 See LC tdstd below in this chapter. 545 < *al-vp (al-'to take’-cv). 546 See LC nakladat-* below in this chapter. 547 It is ‘bread’ [= LC itvak], not ‘loaf’ in the original text. 548 See LC prasnvj below in this chapter. 549 < *kuraniim < *kiiru-gan-im (kurii-'ta shovel’-psT-lso). 550 This sentence was copied by Birjukovii from Dul’zon (i.e. the preceding example). Note the spelling changes in comparison to Dul’zon’s kiirdniim and lapatvala. There is no doubt that Birjukovii’s emendation of Dul’zon’s lapatvala to lopatvala was motivated by the Russian spelling. 551 < *sa!-yp (sal-'to put’-cv). 552 Cf. Pomorska 2017: 534f. 553 The Chulym sentence translates as ‘[They] put the bread on the shovel and put [lit. seat] [it into the oven]’; the phrase “в печь = into the oven” has no counterpart in the original. 83 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

* lacit’ in lacit’at- (2010) ‘to cure’ < Rus. lecit’ ‘id.’ —> man any lacit’ adarya saxyn var/am [...] ‘Я его лечить задумал [...]’ (L2011: 176); ol sani lacit' atsalyox ‘Он тебя вылечит’ (ibid. 72). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 338. lapkd (1947-51) ‘shop, store’ —> man [...] paryoyum lapka334 ‘Я [...] пойду в магазин’ (FCG 131). - Because of a in the first syllable in LC lapka, a Russian form with unstressed a, e.g. Rus.dial. lavke,* Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of *lavka ‘id.’ would be a better match than Rus.st. lavka ‘id.’ or lavke, Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of lavka. lasinca (1940s) ‘staircase, Rus. лестница’ (CJa 462) < Rus. lestnica ‘id.’. lopat —> lapat

*masazirovat’ in masazirovat’ at- (2010) ‘to massage’ < Rus. massazirovat’ ‘id.’ (TSE: ‘делать массаж, массировать’) —> i ol jas kolluvala any masazirovat’ dtsalyam ‘И теми мокрыми руками [я, МР] его масса­ жировал (массаж (с)делал)’ (L2011: 178). mastarskoj (2010) ‘workshop’ < Rus. masterskoj, Gen.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of mas­ ter skaj a ‘id.’ —> [...]pistil]polyan zavadusij333 mastarskojda ‘[...] у нас был заведующий [в (?), МР] мастерской [...]’ (L2011: 176). - Cf. Yak. mastiarskaj ~ mastaryskyaj - masterskoj < Rus. masterskoj (Slepcov 1975: 211). masna (1947) ‘machine’ < Rus. masina ‘id.’ —► pistiy kolxosta556554 555 557558piyan capjajlar551 jiyjajlar53* masnavala ‘В нашем колхозе сено убирают машиной’559 (MDT 194). - See MC masyna (chapter B.I above). miziy (1940s) ‘brain, Rus. мозг в голове’ (CulT 166) < Rus. mozg ‘id.’. - The word is only attested in Dul’zon’s article quoted here and it is not certain that its spelling, especially as regards the final voiced -y, is correct. The

554 < *lapkd < *ldpkd-gd (lapka-DXT). 555 See LC zavadusij below in this chapter. 556 See kolxoz above in this chapter. 557 See fn. 530 s.v. LC kolxoz above. 558 See fn. 531 s.v. LC kolxoz above. The original sentence translates as ‘In our kolkhoz, they sow and gather hay with machine’. 84 Chapter 11. Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym

voiced fricative -y is found in Chulym in final position, as a regular con­ tinuation of PT *-g (cf. C.III.O). In the loanword under consideration, final voiceless -k is expected: Rus. mözg [-sk] > LC mosik* > mozik* > mizik.* It cannot be excluded that Dul’zon heard the word in a context promoting sandhi voicing and transcribed it incorrectly.

mök (1940s) ‘moss, Rus. мох’ (CulT 144) < Rus. möx ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. muox ‘мох’ (Slepcov 1964: 184); Tat.dial. milk ‘Moos’ (Berta 1983: 95), see also Anikin 2003: 377.

*möt ‘honey’ in möttiig (1945-50) ‘with honey’ < Rus. med ‘id.’ —> äkkäl tä tüstiP0 möttiig ‘Принеси тот туяс с медом’ (MCS 27). - See MC möt (chapter В.I above), Küä. möt (chapter В.Ill below).

*nakladat- or naklad(a)-* (1940s) ‘to put’ —► [...] ol tästäny56' kvasn ’ädyn562560 561 563564565 äpsa nakladad’i itväk ‘Взяв [...] это тесто из квашни, накладывают хлеб’ (CulT 175). - The word is attested in the Lower Chulym sources only in the present tense in -ad’i as quoted here. The possible interpretations are: [1] LC nakladad’i < *nakladat-ad’i (nakladat’-pres)5M < nakladat* < Rus.dial. nakladat’ Ao put’ (TSU, Filin 19: 321: ‘класть, накладывать в каком-либо количестве; подкладывать, добавлять’); [2] LC naklad(a)- ad’i (naklad(a)-PRES) < naklad(a)-* < Rus.dial. naklad(d)- ‘id.’. pastuq (1947) ‘herder’ < Rus.pastux ‘id.’ —>piikcä kläd’p- inäk, inäksönza566 pastuq ‘По степи идет корова, сзади за ней идет567 пастух’ (MDT 194). - See MC pastuq (chapter В.I above).

560 See LC tus below in this chapter. 561 See LC tasta below in this chapter. 562 See LC kvasn ’a above in this chapter. 563 < *al-yp (a/-‘to take’-cv). 564 For haplology in Middle Chulym see Pomorska 2004: 153, cf. also comments s.v. LC sds(at)* below in this chapter. 565 < *kal-adi (kal-'to come’-PREs). 566 *sonya < *soy-In-ya (so»f end’-px3sg-prol) is expected here; z is probably a misprint for dz. For other prolative case forms, see piikca in the same sentence and MC apsa < *dpca (fn. 124 s.v. karyta above). 567 In the original sentence, the verb for “идет = [he] is coming” is used only once. 85 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects patqopqa (1940s) ‘horseshoe, Rus. подкова’ (CulT 136) < Rus. podkovka, dimin. of podkova ‘id.’ (BTS). patun5(A (1940s) ‘wild garlic’ < Rus.dial. batun ‘any wild onion’ (Filin 2: 147: ‘всякий дикорастущий лук’) or botun ‘a species of onion, Allium altai- cum' (Dal’, Filin 3: 138: ‘растение Allium altaicum\ горный алтайский лук’) —> patun piiktagdiM ‘чеснок дикий (букв, луговой)’ (CJa 464). - See MC patun (chapter B.I above). pazar (1947-51), *bazar (1947-51) ‘market, bazaar’ < Rus. bazar ‘id.’570568 569 571—> [...] man sirapazar/a joridiyam™ ‘[...] я часто572 *574575576577на базар ходил’ (FCG 117); man pargoyum bazarya ‘Я поеду на базар’ (ibid. 131).- The voiced b- in bazarya in the latter sentence is adjacent to -m of the preceding word, so it is difficult to say whether its voicedness results from the sandhi voicing of p-™ or retention of Rus. b-. - Cf. Yak. bahar ‘базар’ (Slepcov 1964: 178), Khak. bazar ‘id.’, Alt. pazar ‘id.’ < Rus. bazar ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1992- 93: 249), see also Anikin 2003: 77.

рас (1940s) ‘oven’ < Rus. pec” ‘id.’ —► uluvac514 ‘русская (большая) печь’ (CulT 152); uluyрас ‘печка’ (ibid. 175); [...]plajdi515pactirj izigini ‘[...] узнают температуру печки’ (ibid.); itvakpacta pyzad’i pir cas™ ‘Хлеб в печке печется один час’ (ibid.); [...] qwtyzy pacta pop parad’U1 pos ‘[...] его

568 The long a in this word is surprising and it can be explained by a variety of factors: borrowing of an unattested Russian form with a different stress pattern (i.e. *batun), secondary lengthening in Chulym before a high vowel in the following syllable (in native words, this process generally targets stem vowels whenever followed by a suffix with a high vowel, see C.IV.0), or finally, a misprint in the source. 569 < *piik-ta-gi (piU'meadow; steppe’-Loc-DER). The typical Turkic adjective (modifier) + sub­ stantive order might have changed under the influence of Russian, cf. Rus. luk lugovoj ‘meadow garlic’. 570 « Pers. (Vasmer I 105). Since Dul’zon’s article was not available to us at that time, it is not referred to in Pomorska 2012. 571 < *jdrV-Adigan-ym (jorV-'to go, to walk’-PST-lsc); for the past tense in -AdigAn in Lower Chulym see comment 1.2 in Pomorska BL and Pomorska 2001: 78. 572 But cf. MC sira ‘rarely, Rus. редко’ (MCS 41) and MC sira ‘always, Rus. всегда’ (ibid. 63). S75 As in pazar (see above), cf. also C.1.0. 574 « uluy рас, see above. 575 < *pil-iidi (pil-'to know’-PREs). 576 See LC cas above in this chapter. 577 < *pol-Ippar-ad’i (pol-‘to be’-cvpar-'to go’Atx-PREs). 86 Chapter II. Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym

корка становится в печке пустой’ (ĞulT 175); andyn itvakti apcyyad’i pactin ‘Потом хлеб вынимают из печки’ (ibid.). - See МС рас (chapter В.I above). porna (1940s) ‘harrow (tool), Rus. борона’ (ĞulT 136) < Rus. boronâ ‘id.’. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 103. - See Cui. рогъпа (chapter B.IV below). prasnyj (1940s) ‘unleavened, tasteless’ < Rus. presnyj ‘id.’ —> kayan kvasn ’a51* âyyp jatvaza itvak polad’i prasnyj ‘Если квашня недостаточно закиснет, то хлеб бывает пресный’ (CulT 175). ras (1940s) ‘once, one time’ < Rus. râz ‘id.’ —> kizai19 kaps°pajdaq* ras jaqlan5'* ‘Бывая у людей, он много рас рассказывал’578 *580581582 (ĞulT 176); pir ras pis agbtnvala pârvargâs2* 5845855862 öduyga ‘Однажды мы с отцом отправились за дровами’ (MĞS 41); may oyum pirrasİM jorânİK jâzlap ‘Мой дядя как-то раз ходил на охоту’ (ĞulT 175, Pritsak 627); [...] manpirrâs jorânim [...] ‘[...] я однажды ходил [...]’ (FĞG 131). - See MĞ ras (chapter В.I above). skotka (1947) ‘meeting’ < Rus. sxodka ‘id.’ —> kiziparsalyan skotka^ ‘Народ587 ушел на собрание’ (MDT 190, ĞJa 456). soya (1940s) ‘ard (plough), Rus. плуг’ (ĞulT 136) < Rus. soxâ ‘id.’. - Cf. Tat. dial, suka ‘Pflug’ (Berta 1983: 103); Yak. suxa ‘coxa’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 24, Slepcov 1964: 187); Bar. soqa ‘Hakenpflug’ (Dilmaç 1998: 45), see also Anikin 2003: 562 and 781. - See Ğul. soya (chapter B.IV below).

578 See LC kvasn a above in this chapter. 379 < *kizi-ga (hz/'person’-DAT). 580 < *kal-ip (kal-'to come’-cv). 581 < *jaqla-gan (jaqla-'to tell’-PST), cf. KhakKoib., Khak.Kai. jôqta- ‘reden, sprechen’ (R III 406), K.üa.jôqta- ‘id.’ (RPro 703); actually the -qt- cluster is expected in Lower Chulym. 582 The original sentence translates as ‘Having come to people, he told [this story] many times’. 583 < *parpar-gan-ybys (par-'to go’par-'to give’ALX-PST-1 pl). 584 Cf. C.IV.4.1.3. 585 < ★jorV-gcin (jorY-'to go, to walk’-PST). 586 < *skotka-ga (skotka'meeting’-dat). 587 The original sentence translates as ‘People [= LÔ kizi] went to the meeting’. 87 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

*sosat- or sos(a)-* (2007-8) ‘v.z. to suckle’ —> say oylyny5w drnyak sdsjddi va ‘Твой ребенок сосет грудь?’ (L2010а: 29, L2011: 73). - The word is attested in the Lower Chulym sources only in the present tense in -adi as quoted here. The possible interpretations are: [ 1 ] LC sdsjddi < sosddi* < *sosad-adi (.sosc/Z-pres)588 589 < *sosat < Rus. sosat’590 ‘v.z. to suckle’; [2] LC sdsjddi < sosadi* < *sos(a)-adi (sds(aj-PRES) < Rus. 5O5(a)-‘id.’.591 stand (1945-50) ‘wall’ —> man miikcaj salgam592 stand593 ‘Я прислонился к стене’ (MCS 34). - Because of the final a, it is not impossible that instead of the Rus. Nom.Sg. stena, LC stand594 goes back to a form with stressed e, e.g. the Rus. Dat.Sg. or the Prep.Sg. stene or Rus.dial. stena.* straya (1947-51) ‘fishing gaff’ < Rus.dial. stroga ‘id.’ (Filin 42: 10: ‘острога’) = Rus.st. ostroga ‘id.’ —► man kiissaj cocvak strayavbla ot ’ad’im595 pajdak ‘Я каждой осенью щук добываю (убиваю) много’596 (FCG 104). syvyrtqa (1940s) ‘whey, Rus. сыворотка’ (CulT 136) < Rus. syvorotka ‘id.’. - Most probably vowel deletion occurred already in Russian pronunciation597 and that simplified form acted as the etymon of LC syvyrtqa. skol (1945-50) ‘school’ < Rus. skola ‘id.’ —> may palam iirdngan skolda ‘Мой сын учился в школе’ (MCS 52). - See MC skol (chapter B.I above).

588 oylyij ‘your son’ is expected here. 589 For a possible haplology, see LĞ nakladat-* above in this chapter. 590 Or rather its unattested but plausible dialectal form *sdsat', which - given the long ö in Lower Chulym - would be a better match. 591 See the previous footnote. 592 < miikcaj *sal-gan-ym (miikcdj-'to lean on’ sal-'to put’ALX-PST-lso); cf. also Dolg. bökcöj- ‘1. v.i. sich beugen, sich neigen; 2. v.t. biegen, beugen’ (DWS 59), Alt. bökcöj- ‘sırtım hafifçe kamburlaştırmak’ (ATS 44). < *stänä < *stänä-gä (.vZänä'wall’-DAT). 594 As well as MĞ island, Ğul. island (see B.I and B.IV, respectively). 595 < *ötür-ädi-m (ötür-'to kill’-pres- 1 sc), cf. fn. 526 s.v. LĞ klanok above. ,96 The original sentence translates as ‘Every autumn, I kill many pikes with fishing gaff’. 597 Cf. Rus.dial. syvrotka ‘id.’ (Filin 43: 121). 88 Chapter 11. Index of Russian loanwords in Lower Chulym

*stan ~ stan* or stany* (1947-51) ‘trousers’ < Rus. stany ‘id.’ —> parval™ tigan araziya599 [...] us600 601salluksuij stanyrj ‘He ходи в шиповник, [...] порвешь свои штаны’ (FĆG 128). - It is impossible to decide whether stanyij should be analysed as [1] śtan-ytj stdn(* m ~ *5/aw602-px2sG); [2] stany-rj (stdny-px2sG). - See MC iśtyn* (chapter B.I above). talaga (1940s) ‘cart, Rus. телега’ (ĆulT 158) < Rus. telega ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. taliaga ‘телега’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 18, Slepcov 1964: 188), see also Ani­ kin 2003:602. tdstd (1940s) ‘dough’ < Rus. testo ‘id.’ —> [...] ol tastany kvasn 'adyn603 ap604 nakladad'i605 606itvak ‘Взяв [...] это тесто из квашни, накладывают хлеб’ (CulT 175). - Cf. Yak. ciasta ‘тесто’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 37). - See MC tdstd (chapter B.I above). tus (1940s), tiias (1947) ‘birch bark container with a lid’ < Rus.dial, tues ‘берестяной сосуд цилиндрической или круглой формы с крышкой, для хранения или переноски чего-л.’ (Filin 45: 216) or Rus.dial, tuez, tujaz ‘круглый берестяной короб с крышкой’ (Anikin 2003: 618f., cf. also Anikin 2000: 560) —► tus ‘туяс’ (CulT 145, CJa 448); akkal ta tdstii mottiigf36 ‘Принеси тот туяс с медом’ (MCS 27); tiias ‘туяс’(МОТ 191). - See MC tus (chapter B.I above). tuzak, tuz’ak (1940s) ‘little birch bark container with a lid, Rus. туясок607’ (CulT 164). - Because of -ak in LC tiiz(jak, a Russian dialectal form with unstressed -ok, e.g. tuezok* - tuesok,* would be a better match than Rus. dial, tuezok ‘id.’ (Filin 45: 215) ~ tuesok ‘id.’ (ibid. 217), dimin. of Rus.

< *parval < *par-ba-gyl (par-'to go’-NEG-iMp2so). arazynya (ara‘distance between two things’-px3so-DAT) is expected here. 60(1 iis is expected here, cf. Cui. iis- ‘to tear’ (LCja 68), cf. also ESTJa 1 621. 601 Cf. Dolg. ystan ‘Hose’, Yak. ystan - ustan ‘id.’ (cf. B.I s.v. MC istyn*). 602 It is possible that a in stanyij is secondary due to the high vowel in the suffix, cf. C.IV.0. For deletion of-v, see C.III.8.2. 603 See LC kvasn a above in this chapter. 604 < *al-yp (al-'to take’-cv). 605 See LC nakladat-* above in this chapter. 606 See LC *mdt above in this chapter. 607 (!), erroneously for “туесок”. 89 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

dial, tuez etc. ‘birch bark container with a lid’ (see LC tiis above). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 618f. s.v. myec.

*vak or väk* (1947-51) ‘lifetime’ < Rus. vek ‘id.’ —> [...] ös vägiy jöröksüybm kästildtf™ ‘[...] всю жизнь (свой век) будешь ходить на костыле’ (FCG 128). - vägiy is the only attestation of this word in the sources and it is impossible to decide whether the long a results from secondary lengthening before a high vowel in the following syllable608 609610 611612613or it is due to adaptation of Russian stressed e. - Cf. Dolg. bidk - bäk ‘ 1. Alter; 2. immer, stets; 3. übli­ cherweise, gewöhnlich’ (StachowskiM 1999: 84, StachowskiK 2010: 166), see also Anikin 2003: 124. v gosti (1945-50) ‘(to come I to go) on a visit, as a guest’ < Rus. v gösti ‘id.’ —► käjä man joranim6" v gosti mäy öyumya ‘Вчера я ездил в гости к моему дяде’ (MCS 33). - See MC gost* (chapter В.I above). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 119. vrämä (1947) ‘time’ < Rus. vremja ‘id.’ —► kopctn vrämä uqlänyybi ‘Сколько часов614 615ты спал’ (MDT 204). - Cf. Yak. biriämä ‘время’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 18, 43, Slepcov 1964: 178), see also Anikin 2003: 145. zavädusij (2010) ‘manager’ < Rus. zavedujuscij ‘id.’ —> [...] pistiy polyan zavädusij mastärskojdäb'5[...j ‘[...] у нас был заведующий [в (?), МР] мастерской [...]’ (L2011: 176). - Cf. Yak. sabiädujussaj ~ säbiädissäj ~ zavedujuscaj ‘заведующий’ (Slepcov 1975: 200).

608 *jbrdksutj < *jdrV-gok-shj (jdrV-‘to go, to walk’-FtT-2sG). 609 See LC kastil above in this chapter. 610 Cf. C.IV.0. 611 < *jorV-gan-im (jorI-‘to go, to walk’-PST-lso). 612 *kopa is expected here, cf. LC kopa ‘how many’ (CulT 136) = MC kopa ‘id.’ (ZS 123). 613 < *uqla-gan-yrj (uqla-'to sleep’-PST-2so), cf. also LC uqla-s (uqla-wwln.) (CulT 173), cf. also Kiia. ujqla- ‘id.’ (R I 1598). 614 The translation of this word is not precise and it should be ‘time’. 615 See LC mastarskoj above in this chapter. 90 Chapter III Index of Russian loanwords in Küärik616

arys ‘rye, winter rye, Germ. Roggen, Winterroggen’ (R 1 278) < Rus.dial. *aryz ‘id.’ (StachowskiK 2008: 74). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 510. - See MC ärys (chapter B.I above), LC ärys (chapter B.II above). istäl, ostol ‘table’ < Rus. stöl ‘id.’ —► istäl ‘Tisch’ (R I 1534); [...] alyany ulug istälniaqkäldi ‘[...] sein Weib brachte einen großen Tisch her’ (RPro 694); ulug istälnuj kästinä odurttü ‘An den großen Tisch setzten sie sich’ (ibid. 697); [...] ostoldyij üstunä aqkäl-saldy ‘[...] [die Frau] setzte ihn617 auf den Tisch’ (ibid. 692); änäj [...] arayan qorayan istälgä saldy ‘Die Alte618 [...] stellt619 Branntwein und Feuerwasser auf den Tisch’ (ibid. 704). - See MC istäl (chapter B.I above), Cul. üstöl (chapter В.IV below). istäp ‘steppe, Germ. Steppe’ (R I 1534) < Rus. step ’ ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. istiäp ~ step' ‘степь’ (Slepcov 1975: 232), see also Anikin 2003: 573. qalat ‘dressing gown’ < Rus. xalät ‘id.’ —> torya qaladyn surtüb-aldylar ‘Den seidenen Rock zogen sie ab’ (RPro 690). - This ultimately Arabic620 word was borrowed into Küärik from Russian, cf. Yak. xalät ‘халат’ < Rus. xalat ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1975: 239), see also Anikin 2003: 647.621

616 Radloff collected the Küärik lexical material before 1893 (the year of publishing of his Proben..., cf. RPro in References, F.3.1). The Versuch... (= R) was published in the years 1899-1911. 617 There is no word corresponding to “ihn = it, him” in the original text. 618 Cf. also Küä. änäj ‘Mutter’ (RPro 694) - ‘Weib’ (ibid. 692) ~ ‘Frau’ (ibid. 691). 619 The verb sal-dy (sal-'to put’-psT) is marked as past by the suffix -dy, which makes Radloff’s German translation inaccurate. 620 See Vasmer IV 217; lacking in Pomorska 2005. 621 Küä. qalat is lacking in Radloff’s dictionary and in consequence not cited by Anikin 2003. 91 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kilät ‘store-room, Germ. Speicher’ (R II 1369) < Rus. klet’ ‘id.’ (BTS: ‘особое помещение при избе или отдельная нежилая постройка для хранения имущества, кладовая’). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 269. möt ‘honey’ < Rus. med ‘id.’ —► aq jatqan sü möt saqaPn öksös ‘Das dort fließende Wasser war wie Honig und Zucker’622 623 (RPro 700). - See MC möt (chapter B.I above), LC *möt (chapter В.11 above). ostol —> istäl päcät ‘stamp, seal’ < Rus. pecät' ‘id.’ —> [...] jarynymnyy ortazynda päcät saldyy ‘[...] auf meine Schulterblätter hast du einen Stempel gelegt’624 625 (RPro 691); [...] iki jarynyya päcät salyam ‘[...] auf deine beiden Schul­ terblätter habe ich meinen Stempel gelegt’ (ibid. 690); [...] päcätti kördür/mä? ‘[...] hast du den Stempel gesehen?’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. bäcät ‘печать’ (Slepcov 1964: 180); Tat.dial, picät ‘Siegel’ (Berta 1983: 98); Dolg. päcät* inpäcättäk ‘große Flecke habend [Hautfarbe]’ (Sta­ chowskiM 1999: 106, StachowskiK 2010: 145); Kirg. becet ‘печать’ (Chorolec 1953: 109), see also Anikin 2003: 447. praslas- ‘to say goodbye to sb’ —> praslas- ‘sich verabschieden’ (R IV 1415); [...]praslazyp Tasqa Mättyr adyna miinup jäPs cyq-jörüb-ysty ‘[...] sich verabschiedend stieg Taska Mättyr auf sein Pferd, ritt nach Hause’626 (RPro 703). - For remarks on the etymology of this word, see MC praslas- (chapter B.I above).

622 See Kiia. saqar below in this chapter. 623 The original sentence translates as ‘The water [which is] flowing is like honey and sugar’. 624 The original sentence translates as ‘You put [past tense, MP] the stamp in the middle [= Kiia. ortazynda] of my back’. 625 jar is probably a misprint for jor qyryq qyllygjadyyan qara sunduq iistundä jadyr ‘Die vierzigsaitige Jadygan liegt auf dem schwarzen Kasten’ (RPro 703). - Ultimate Arabic629 the word was borrowed into Chulym from Rus­ sian, cf. also Yak. sundük ‘сундук’ (Slepcov 1964: 187), Dolg. sunduk ~ hundük ~ hunduk ‘Kiste, Truhe, großer Koffer’ (StachowskiM 1995: 135; 1999: 93; 2002: 9; StachowskiK 2010: 159), Dolg. sunduk ‘id.’ (StachowskiK op.cit.), see also Anikin 2003: 584.630 suras ‘illegitimate child, Germ, ein uneheliches Kind’ (R IV 767) < Rus.dial. suräz ‘id.’ (Filin 42: 273: ‘внебрачный ребенок’). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 585.631 632 yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’, yspalyy ‘having a house, having a hut’ < Rus. izba ‘id.’ (BTS: ‘деревянный крестьянский дом’) —> yspa ‘Haus, Hütte’ (R I 1395); [...]yspäM2 kir-käldi ‘in eine [...] Hütte trat er’ (RPro 699); yspalyy ‘ein Haus, eine Hütte habend’ (R I 1395). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 221.

627 See Küä. möt above in this chapter. 628 See fn. 623 s.v. möt above in this chapter. 629 Cf. Pomorska 2005: 144, see also Anikin 2000: 512. 630 The word is lacking in Radloff’s dictionary and in consequence not cited by Anikin 2003. 631 Anikin quotes Küä. word after Radloff but retranscribes it mistakenly as suraz = Cyr. “cypa3”. 632 < *yspa-ga (r.spi/'hut’-DAT). 93

Chapter IV Index of Russian loanwords in an unidentified Chulym dialect633

ayriit (before 1966) ‘vegetable garden, Rus. огород’ (CJa 462). - Russian stressed о after a non-palatalized consonant is adapted in Chulym as d or o634 and not as a, which probably means that Cui. ayrat does not go back to Rus.st. ogorod ‘id.’. On the other hand, a stressed initial 6 in a hypothetical form which one might be inclined to postulate as the ety­ mon would not be rendered in Chulym as a-. The only form that would explain the vowel qualities in the Chulym word would be ogorod,* which encounters two major problems. First of all, such a form is hardly possible in Russian. Secondly, the second vowel would have to undergo syncope in Chulym, which would be a questionable change. A misprint cannot be excluded. - See MC ayrot (chapter B.I above).635 atiik (before 1984) ‘cock, Rus. петух’ (LCJa 32) < Rus. petux ‘id.’. - While discussing the etymology of this word, Marek Stachowski (1998: 113f.)636 *takes two possible interpretations into account: [1] Cui. atiik < *dtiik < dt-* bil ‘(of a bird) to sing, etc.’, cf. Tat. atac ‘cock’ = Sib.-Tat. atic ~ itac ‘id.’ < otac* ~ dtic.* The weak point of such an explanation is the necessity of assuming the *o > a delabialization, especially de-

633 The present chapter is an index of those loanwords whose affiliation to Middle or Lower Chulym is impossible to determine. They have been collected from A.P. Dul’zon and R.M. Birjukovid works and the authors do not provide them with a dialect label. Neither their phonetics (especially consonants) nor the context in which they appear in the sources allow for any safe conclusion as to which of the two dialects they belong to. 6,4 Cf. С.IV. 1.4. 635 Cf. also comments s.v. soya below in this chapter. 636 The word was attested only once in the sources which M. Stachowski had access to in 1998 and no other attestation can be found in the sources available to us at present. No attestation of the verb has come up since 1998. 95 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

spite the labial ü in the following syllable; [2] Cui. âtiik < patük* < Rus. petux.bW Finally, Stachowski regards the latter possibility as the more plausible one, assuming that the loss of initial p was under the influence of such forms as Tat. atac etc. or the possible but so far unattested Cui. *ötük.

istana (before 1984) ‘wall, Rus. стена’ (LCJa 18, 34). - For remarks on the etymology of this word, see MC istana (chapter B.I above), cf. also LC stand (chapter B.II above). jasla (before 1984) ‘manger, crib, Rus. ясли’ (LĞJa 34) < Rus.yd.s7z ‘id.’. - Although the Rus.Pl. jasla can be found in some South and West Russian dialects (cf. Anikin 2003: 734), it was probably not the source of the Chulym word in question; MC final a can be explained by the Rus. (a) - -i > Cui. *(a) - -y > (a) - -a change effected by vowel harmony.638 639 - Cf. Yak. (Pek.) yjdsyla ‘ясли (для закладки сена скоту)’ ~ Yak.dial, ğâsyla ‘кормушка для скота ete.’ < yjâsyly* < Rus. jâsli (Anikin 2003: 734), Yak. ğâhyla < Rus. jasli (Slepcov 1975: 244); cf. also Do\g. jasli -gasli ‘Kinderkrippe’(StachowskiM 1999: 89, 1995: 133f, StachowskiK 2010: 127); Sr. jasla - jasli ‘(Kinder-) Krippe’ < Rus. jasli (Dilmaç 1998: 66); Kirg. ğasly ‘ясли’ (Chorolec 1953: 106).

qaqulya (before 1984) ‘doll’. - See MĞ kukülga (chapter B.I above).

qalatqa (before 1984) ‘fishing float, Rus. поплавок’ (LCJa 37). - Because of the medial a in this word, a Russian form with both о vowels unstressed, e.g. Rus.dial. *kolodka would be a better match than Rus. kolödka ‘id.’ (Filin 14: 158: ’dial. 1. поплавок особой формы или ряд часто поставленных поплавков над мотней невода; 2. приспособление для зимнего лова рыбы в проруби’).

638 > Śr. patik ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 1998: 67), Yak. böttiik ‘петух’ (D’jaĞkovskij 1962: 22), Khak. patux ‘id.’(KhRS 149), Tuba patiik ‘id.’ (Baskakov 1966: 144), Kirg. piitük ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953:99) -petux -petuqx ‘id.’ (ibid. 118). 639 Cf. C.1V.2.4.2.4 below. 96 Chapter IV. Index of Russian loanwords in an unidentified Chulym dialect qapusta (before 1984) ‘cabbage, Rus. капуста’ (LĞJa 18), qopustabW ‘id.’ (ibid. 42) < Rus. kapusta ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. xoppüsta ‘капуста’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 37) ~xappysta ~ xapysta ‘id.’(Slepcov 1964: 110); Kirg. kepusta ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 121); Tat.dial. käbestä ‘Kohl’ (Berta 1983: 89); Bar. qabysta ‘id., Kraut’ (Dilmaç 1998: 44), see also Anikin 2003: 244. kartopka (before 1966), qartopqa (before 1984) ‘potato’ < Rus.dial. kartövka or kartojka ‘id.’ (Filin 13: 101) —> kartopka ‘картофель’ (CJa 462); qar­ topqa ‘id.’ (LĞJa 18, 39); köl qartopqa ‘водяной орех’ (ibid. 39). - Cf. Bar. qartapqa ‘Kartoffel’ (Dilmaç 1998: 44); Sr. kartopka ‘id.’ (ibid. 66), see also Anikin 2003: 249. kartuş (before 1966) ‘(peaked) hat, Rus. кепка, фуражка’ (CJa 462) < Rus. kartuz ‘type of peaked cup’ (Vasmer II 204: ‘вид фуражки’; Dal’: ‘фуражка с козырком’). - Cf. Yak. xortüs ‘картуз’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 36). - See MC qartus (chapter В.I above). käläckä (before 1966) ‘ring, Rus. кольцо’ (CJa 462) < Rus. kolecko ‘small ring’, dimin. of kol’cö ‘ring’. - Cf. Yak. kölüöskä ~ kölöskö ‘колечко’ (Slepcov 1964: 106); Tuv. xöläcik ‘ring of a scythe’ (Pomorska 1995: 94), see also Anikin 2003: 279. kapsül (before 1984) ‘cap, primer, Rus. капсюль’ (LĞJa 40) < Rus. kâpsjul’ ‘id.’. - Cf. Tuv. kapsyl ‘percussion cap; primer’ (Pomorska 1995: 96), see also Anikin 2003: 243. kinäs (1912) ‘the tribe elder, Rus. князь* 641’ (ĞulT 95) < Rus. knjdz' ‘prince, knyaz’. - Cf. Yak. kinds ‘князь’ (Slepcov 1964: 182); Dolg. kinds ‘Fürst’ (StachowskiM 1999: 95; StachowskiK 2010: 130); Bar. kinds ‘id.’ (Dil­ maç 1998: 42), see also Anikin 2003: 272 and 773.

6411 o in the first syllable is probably a misprint. Ml This is how Dul’zon translates Cui. kinds. In fact, while the Russian word was the source of borrowing, the Chulym reflex corresponded semantically to Rus. knjazéc ‘head of the tribe, the tribe elder’(DaT, cf. also Filin 13:353); cf. also Slepcov’s comments in 1963: 16. 97 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kipis (before 1984) ‘fishnet sinker, Rus. грузило для сети’ (LĆJa 8, 41) < Rus.dial, kives ‘stone attached to the bottom part of the fishing net’642 or kibas ‘fishing sinker attached to the net’.643 - The word has been already discussed by Marek Stachowski (1997: 244): Cui. kipis = Dolg. kibas ‘id.’ < Rus.dial, kibas ‘id.’ < Bal.-Fi., cf. Fin. kives ‘id.’.644 Stachowski points out the voiceless -p- in intervocalic position in Cui. kipis instead of the expected -v- or -b-. In fact, Russian -b- in this position is retained in Chulym,645 646whereas Russian -v- is either retained or despirantized to -b-M6 and consequently Cui. -p- could only go back to Rus. -p- or -/-647 648but neither is attested in the Russian word. It cannot be excluded that Cui. kipis was erroneously recorded by Birjukovic, but unfortunate­ ly, there is no other attestation of this word in the currently available sources. kird, kird (before 1984) ‘piece of metal or another substance of known weight used in weighing other articles’ < Rus. girja ‘id.’ —> kird ‘гиря’ (LĆJa 41), kird ‘id.’ (ibid. 18). - Cf. Yak. kird ‘гиря’ (Slepcov 1975: 196); Kirg. gir ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 116); Tat.dial. gir ‘Gewicht (bei Waage, Uhr)’ < Rus. girjja) ‘id.’ (Berta 1983: 85), see also Anikin 2003: 153. klamik (before 1984) ‘pigsty, Rus. хлев’ (LĆJa 41) < Rus. xlevik ‘small pig­ sty’ (Dal’), dimin. ofxlev ‘pigsty’. kniga (before 1979) ‘book’ < Rus. kniga ‘id.’ —> knigaM* ‘к книге’ (MĆS 33). - See MĆ kniga (chapter В.I above) and LĆ kinaga (chapter B.II above). qoloqon (before 1984) ‘little bell, Rus. колокольчик’ (LĆJa 42) < Rus. kólokol ‘bell’. - This is the only attestation of the word under discussion in the sources. Of course, we cannot exclude that the final -n is simply a

642 Vasmer II 229: ‘камень подвешенный к нижнему концу рыболовной сети’, cf. also Filin 13: 196. 643 Vasmer II 227: ‘поплавок на рыболовной сети’, cf. also Filin 13: 193. 644 See also Anikin 2000: 286, Anikin 2003: 261, StachowskiM 1999: 96 and StachowskiK 2010: 129. M5 Cf. C.11.1.2.1. 646 Cf. C.II.2.5. 647 Cf. С.II. 1.1.2 and С.II.2.1. 648 < *knigä-gä (Z77/'gä‘book’-DAT). 98 Chapter IV. Index of Russian loanwords in an unidentified Chulym dialect

misprint but alternation of final sonorants in Russian loanwords in Tur­ kic langauges is not unusual.649 Nevertheless, there is not enough data to permit a conclusion. - Cf. Yak. kuolakal - kuolakar ‘колокол’ (Slepcov 1964: 114), see also Anikin 2003: 281. qomut (before 1984) ‘horse collar, Rus. хомут’ (LCJa 42) < Rus. xomut ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. xomiit ‘хомут’ (Slepcov 1964: 189); Kirg. qamyt ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 116), see also Anikin 2003: 653. qopna (before 1984) ‘haystack, Rus. копна’ (LCJa 42) < Rus. kopna ‘id.’. - Cf. Anikin 2003: 290. qopta (before 1984) ‘blouse, jacket, Rus. блуза’ (LCJa 42) ~ ‘woolen gar­ ment worn over the upper body, Rus. кофта’ (ibid. 18)’ < Rus. kofta ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. kuopta ‘кофта’ (Slepcov 1964: 182); Dolg. kuopta ‘kurze Frauenjacke’ (StachowskiM 1999: 97, StachowskiK 2010: 130), see also Anikin 2003: 300. qopusta —> qapusta krdsnd (before 1984) ‘loom, Rus. станок ткацкий’ (LCJa 43). - Because of the front a in the first syllable in Cui. krdsnd, a Russian form with unstressed o, e.g. Rus.dial. krosne,* Prep.Sg. of krosno* ‘id.’ would be a better match than Nom.Sg. krosno ‘id.’ or Prep.Sg. krdsne. qrupqa (before 1984) ‘shag (tobacco), Rus. махорка’ (LCJa 43) < Rus.dial. krupka ‘low-quality tobacco, makhorka’ (Filin 15: 319: ‘табак низшего сорта, махорка’). kulup (before 1984) ‘club, Rus. клуб’ (LCJa 18) < Rus. klub ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. kulup ‘клуб’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 32, Slepcov 1975: 205); Kirg. qulub ‘id.’(Chorolec 1953: 92)-kulup ‘id.’(ibid. 131).

649 Cf. e.g. Yak. uorgan - uorgal ‘order’ < Rus. orden ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 108); Dolg. muskuj ‘Musket’ < Rus. muskul ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 56). 99 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects qurpa, kurpa (before 1984) ‘grain, groats’ < Rus. krupâ ‘id.’ —> kurpa ‘крупа’ (LĞJa 44); psanabSÜ qurpözyb-' ‘пшено’ (ibid.). - Cf. Yak. ku- rupa ‘крупа’ (Slepcov 1964: 110) ~ kuruppa ‘id.’ (ibid.; D’jackovskij 1962: 24), see also Anikin 2003: 309. ladan (before 1984) ‘incense, Rus. ладан’ (LĞJa 47) < Rus. ladan ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. ladan ‘ладан’ (Slepcov 1964: 183); Tat.dial, ladan ‘Weihrauch’ (Berta 1983: 91). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 330 and 775. latopka (before 1984) ‘scythe, Rus. коса (орудие)’ (LĞJa 47) < Rus. litövka ‘kind of scythe’ (Vasmer II 503: ‘вид косы’, cf. also Filin 17: 73). - See MĞ litopka (chapter B.I above). markap (before 1984) ‘carrot, Rus. морковь’ (LĞJa 47), morkop ‘id.’ (ibid. 18) < Rus. morköv’ ‘id.’. — Cf. Yak. morkuop ‘морковь’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 36, Slepcov 1964: 184); Khak.Belt. markap ‘Möhre, Mohrrübe’ (StachowskiM 1996: 221); Bar. morqop ‘id., Karotte’ (Dilmaç 1998: 42); Sr. morkop ‘id.’ (ibid. 67), see also Anikin 2003: 373. maska (before 1984) ‘lubrication, oiling, Rus. смазка’ (LĞJa 47) < Rus. smâzka ‘id.’. maşta (before 2011) ‘place’ —> mastâzi ‘mccto-px3sg’ (L2011: 167). - Be­ cause of the final a in Ğul. maşta, both the Rus. Nom.Sg. mesto ‘id.’650 651652 and the Rus. Prep.Sg. meste are possible etyma for it. - Cf. Yak. miasta ‘место’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 37). - Cf. MĞ masta (chapter B.I above). nastopka (before 1984) ‘tincture, Rus. настойка’ (LĞJa 49). - The word is only attested in the source quoted here. Unless -p- is a misprint, the word may be a contamination of Rus. nastöjka ‘tincture’ and stopka ‘(wine) glass’ (cf. Filin 41: 233: ‘кружка, стакан’).

650 See Cui. psana below in this chapter. 651 Cui. qurpozy < *qurpazy < qurpa. Lengthening of o is due to the high vowel in the following syllable (cf. C.1V.0). For the a > o labialization in Middle Chulym, see MC panka in B.I. 652 With the Rus. e - o > Cui. *a - a > a - d change due to the harmony (cf. C.1V.2.2.1.4). 100 Chapter IV. Index of Russian loanwords in an unidentified Chulym dialect oyursa (before 1984) ‘cucumber, Rus. огурец’ (LĆJa 49), ogursa (before 1984) ‘id.’ (ibid. 18) < Rus. ogurca, Gen.Sg. of ogurec ‘id.’. - Deaffrica- tion of -c- might have already occurred in Russian.653 palto (before 1984) ‘coat, Rus. пальто’ (LĆJa 18) < Rus. pal'to ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. boltuo ‘пальто’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 17, Slepcov 1964: 179, Slep­ cov 1975: 217); Kirg.pa/rö ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 99) ~päl’to ‘id.’ (ibid. 40); Dolg. paltii ‘Mantel’ (StachowskiM 1999: 105, StachowskiK 2010: 143), see also Anikin 2003: 431.

рака (before 1984) ‘pastern, Rus. бабка (сустав)’ (LĆJa 52) < Rus. babka ‘id.’ (BTS: ‘надкопытный сустав ноги у животных’). - See MĆ рака* (chapter B.I above). parśbl (before 1984) ‘medical assistant, Rus. фельдшер’ (LĆJa 53). - There are two possible interpretations of the etymology of this word: [1] Cui. pärshl < pälsw* < RMS.fel’dser ‘id.’654 and [2] Cul. parśbl < Rus.dial. (Middle-Ob dialects) ferśal ‘id.’ (Anikin 2003: 641, Vasmer IV 189). The latter etymon would be a better match. pärträt (before 1984) ‘portrait, Rus. портрет’ (LĆJa 53) < Rus. portret ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. matyryat ‘портрет’ (Slepcov 1964: 184) ~ mätiriät ‘id.’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 19, Slepcov 1975: 221) ~ mätriät ~ portret ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1975: 221); Dolg. portret ‘Porträt, Bildnis’ (DW 205, Sta­ chowskiK 2010: 148), see also Anikin 2003: 476. pjuśka (before 1984) ‘reel, Rus. вьюшка’ (LĆJa 54) < Rus. v’jüska ‘id.’. - See MĆ p'juska (chapter B.I above). pockä (before 1966) ‘barrel, Rus. бочка’ (ĆJa 462). - Because of the final ä in Cui. pockä, both the Rus. Nom.Sg. boćka ‘id.’ and the Rus. Prep.Sg. bóćke are possible etyma for it. - See MĆ poćka (chapter B.I above).

655 Cf. Anikin’s (2003: 415) comment on Yak. ogursu - ugursu < Rus.Pl. ogurcy: “[...] утрата затвора в -i/- могла происходить еще на рус. почве” (cf. also Slepcov 1964: 104). Cf. MĆ kiirsä and MĆ mälimzä (above in chapter B.I). 654 Cf. Dolg. pyarsal ‘Arztgehilfe’ < *pyalsar < *pyalcar < Rus. fel'dser (StachowskiM 1999: 109, StachowskiK 2010: 123); cf. also Yak. biässä-biäksär ~ biälsär ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 179, 1975: 237, cf. also D’jaikovskij 1962: 18) and Kirg. belćir ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 105). 101 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects polas (1912) ‘volost, an administrative-territorial unit in old Russia, Rus. волость’ (CulT 95) < Rus. volost’ ‘id.’ (BTS). - Cf. Anikin 2003: 139. porota (before 1966) ‘gate, Rus. ворота’ (ĞJa 462) < Rus.st. voröta or Rus. dial, vorotâ ‘id.’.655 656

рогьпа (before 1966) ‘harrow (tool), Rus. борона’ (ĞJa 462) < Rus. boronâ ‘id.’. - See LĞ porna (chapter В.II above). pospannik (before 1984) ‘vaccine, Rus. привывка’ (LĞJa 55) < Rus.dial. vöspennik ‘person who vaccinates people against smallpox’ (Filin 5: 140, after Dal’: ‘оспопрививатель’). prigadir (before 1984) ‘team-leader’. - See MĞ *brigadir (chapter B.I above). psiina (before 1984) ‘millet’ < Rus.dial. psend ‘id.’ (Filin 33: 182: ‘просо’, see also Anikin 2003: 497) = Rus.st. psenö ‘id.’ —> psana qurpözybib ‘пшено’ (LĞJa 44). - Cf. Kirg. piseno ‘пшено’ (Chorolec 1953: 130). püska (before 1966) ‘beads, Rus. бусы’ (ĞJa 462) < Rus. bûsiki, dimin, of busy ‘id.’. - Most probably -i- deletion occurred in Russian pronuncia­ tion and that simplified form acted as the etymon of Ğul. püska < püski.* saqbr (before 1966) ‘sugar, Rus. сахар’ (ĞJa 462). - Since the reduced vow­ el, which is transcribed by Dul’zon as ъ alternates with a or y,657 Ğul. saqw may result from either saqar* or saqyr,* and therefore both Rus. st. saxar ‘sugar’ and Rus.dial. saxir ‘id.’658 can be taken into account as possible etyma. - See MĞ saqar (chapter B.I above), Kiia. saqar (chap­ ter B.III above). salam (before 1984) ‘straw’ —► torârP9 salam ‘измельченная солома’ (LĞJa 64). - According to Menges (1978: 15, cf. also Anikin 2003: 559f.660),

655 See comments s.v. MĞ parata (chapter B.I above). 656 See Ğul. qurpa above in this chapter. 657 See comments in C.IV.O. 658 See comments s.v. MĞ saqar in B.I. 659 < *to(g)rV-gan < (*to(g)rV-‘to cut into pices’-PART), see comments in Pomorska BL 5.2. 660 Ğul. salam is not cited by Anikin 2003. 102 Chapter IV. Index of Russian loanwords in an unidentified Chulym dialect

the a - a vowel pattern found in some Turkic reflexes of this loanword may result from [1] borrowing from a Russian dialect which has the “akanye”, cf. Rus.dial, salama ‘straw bundle in the net fabric sack’ (Fi­ lin 36: 55: ‘связка сена в мешке из сетевого полотна’); [2] a change whereby Rus. о > Tkc. а; [3] the influence of Tkc. sal- ‘to disperse, to scatter’. The last possibility seems less likely. - See MC solom (chapter B.I above). siilasovat (before 1984) ‘selsoviet, a rural council in the , Rus. сельсовет’ (LCJa 18) < Rus. sel'sovet ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. sialfjsabiat ‘сельсовет’ (Slepcov 1975: 229); Sr. sal'sovat ‘Dorfsowjet’ (Dilmaç 1998: 68). saratjka (before 1984) ‘match, Rus. спичка’ (LCJa 58) < Rus.dial, serjanka or serjanka ‘id.’ (Filin 37: 230: ‘серная спичка’). - Cf. Tuv. sdratjgi ‘matches’ < Rus. serjânki (Pomorska 2005: 95), see also Anikin 2003: 543. soya (before 1966) ‘ard (plough), Rus. coxa, плуг’ (ĞJa 462). - Following a non-palatalized consonant, Rus. stressed â is generally adapted as Cui. a ~ я,661 especially in the presence of a back vowel in the preceding syl­ lable, cf. LĞ soya (chapter B.II above). That is why, if the Chulym word goes back to Rus.st. soxa, one should expect -a at the end. A possible but unattested Rus.dial, form soxa* is no solution to this problem either: while in some Chulym words a goes back to Rus. post-tonic a, its front quality may be due to vowel harmony, as in all such examples there is a front vowel in the preceding syllable.662 Finally, a borrowing of another declensional form is rather inconceivable. Consequently, the most plau­ sible explanation of Cui. -a is that it is a misprint.663 664 spasibo (before 1979) ‘thanks’ < Rus. spasibo ‘id.’ —> spasibo pâlyyytjâbM ‘спасибо за рыбу’ (MĞS 35). - See MC spasîba (chapter B.I above).

661 Cf. C.IV.1.1. 662 Cf. C.IV.2.1.2.2. 663 Cf. also comments s.v. ayrdt above in this chapter. 664 < *pdlyq-y-nga (palyq-fx3SG-DM) or *palyq-yt]-ga (pdlyq-Px2sG-DA7), for the long a in the dative suffix see MC praznyk above in B.I. 103 Part B. Index of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects sbdrbaj^- (before 1984) ‘1. lot; 2. fate, destiny, Rus. жребий’ (LCJa 76). - If we accept the Russian standard form zrebij ‘1.-2. id.’ (BTS: ‘судьба, участь’) as the etymon of Cui. shdrbaj, the phonetic adaptations, i.e. cluster resolution by means of metathesis665 666 and the Rus. e - z > Cui. a - a change raise no doubts.667 668However, a borrowing of Rus.dial. zerebef™ (Anikin 2003: 200) ~ Rus.arch. (17th c.) zerebej ‘жребий; доля, пай; надел земли’ (ibid.)669 is also possible.670 tajnak (before 1984) ‘young cow, Rus. теленок’ (LCJa 63). - For remarks on the etymology of this word, see MC talnak in chapter B.I above. tiipka (before 1984) ‘hoe (tool), Rus. тяпка’ (LCJa 18) < Rus. tjapka ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. tapka ‘тяпка’ (Slepcov 1975: 236); Khak.Belt. capka ‘Hackmesser’ (StachowskiM 1996: 219). tdplomat (before 1984) ‘kind of coat, pea coat, Rus. тужурка’ (LCJa 63) < Rus.dial. teplomat ‘warm outer coat’ (Filin 44: 55: ‘теплая верхняя одежда’) = Rus.dial. diplomat ‘kind of rural coat’ (ibid. 8: 66: ‘род крестьянской верхней одежды; пальто’). uluq (before 1984) ‘onion, Rus. лук’ (LCJa 18) < Rus. luk ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. liik ‘лук’ (Slepcov 1964: 183, Slepcov 1975: 209), see also Anikin 2003: 344. uraq (before 1984) ‘small fish, Rus. мелкая рыба’ (LCJa 68) < Rus.dial. (Yenis.) urak ‘dried crucian’ (Filin 47: 316: ‘сушеный карась’) ~ (Novos., MOb) urak ‘1. roach dried on fire; 2. dried fish meal’ (Anikin 2000: 586: ‘1. сушеная на огне плотва; 2. мука из сушеной рыбы’). - In her other monograph (ZS 23), Birjukovic also cites MC uraq and translates it as ‘мелкий (= small)’. Most probably, this translation is incomplete and it should be ‘мелкая рыба (= small fish)’, as in LCJa 68.

665 The reduced ₺ is expected in this word; cf. comments in C.IV.0. 666 As in Yak. sarabaj - sarabidj ‘id.’ < Rus. zrebij (Slepcov 1964: 106), cf. also C.I.7.1.3. 667 Cf. C.IV.2.4.2. 668 Cf. also Rus.dial. (Orenburg) zerbij ‘id.’ (Filin 9: 130). 669 After Panin 1991: 42; stress? 670 For syncope, see C.II.7.5.2. 104 Chapter IV. Index of Russian loanwords in an unidentified Chulym dialect ustidiin (before 1984) ‘Rus. студень’671 672(LĆJa 68) < istudân* brL < Rus. studen ’ ‘id.’. ustul (before 1984) ‘chair; bench’. - See MC ustul (chapter B.I above). uśtop (before 1984) ‘litre, Rus. литр’ (LĆJa 68) < Rus. 57ó/‘old Russian unit of volume’ (Vasmer IV 479: ‘посуда, мера жидкости’; BTS: ‘старинная русская мера объёма жидкости равная 1/10 ведра [...]; такое количество жидкости (обычно вина, водки)’). - Cf. Bar. stop ‘gemusterter Wollstoff; Stoff, Textilware’ (Dilmaç 1998: 45), see also Anikin 2003: 716.

Ulan (before 1984) ‘1. flax; 2. linen’ —> ülân ‘лён’ (LĆJa 68) - ‘лён (для прядения)’ (ibid. 6). - Since Rus. ó is adapted in Chulym as ö whenever it follows a palatalized consonant,673 Rus.dial. *len is a better match for Ćul. ülân than Rus.st. len ‘1.-2. id.’.674 - Cf. also Yak. liiön ~ len ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1975: 209). iistol (before 1966) ‘table, Rus. стол’ (ĆJa 462) < Rus. stół ‘id.’. - See MC istal (chapter B.I above), Küâ. istâl (chapter B.III above). varabika (before 1966) ‘sparrow, Rus. воробейка’ (ĆJa 463) < Rus.dial, vo- robejka ‘little sparrow’ (Filin 5: 102: ‘воробышек’), dimin, of vorobej ‘id.’. - Cf. Khak.st. porâtaj, Khak.Belt. porotjmaj ‘Sperling, Spatz’ < *porobaj < Rus. vorobej (StachowskiM 1996: 221); Sx.porakij ‘id.’ (Dil­ maç 1998: 67), see also Anikin 2003: 141 s.v. воробей. vilkii (before 1966) ‘fork, Rus. вилка’ (ĆJa 462) < Rus. vilka ‘id.’. - Cf. Yak. bîlkâ ‘вилка’ (D’jackovskij 1962: 20); Dolg. hllka ‘Gabel’ (Sta­ chowskiM 1999: 84, StachowskiK 2010: 166), see also Anikin 2003: 132.

671 See comments s.v. MC iistiidan in B.I. 672 For the adaptation of Rus. word-initial st- cluster in Chulym, see C.I.7.1.1.1. 675 Cf. C.IV.3.1.2.1. 674 Cf. Slepcov’s comment on Yak. ¿¡bias ‘oat’: "В слове «овёс» о (графически ё) имеет немотивированный субститут иэ - эбиэс. Можно думать, что это слово могло быть воспринято в произношении «овес»’’ (Slepcov 1964: 77). 105

Part С Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

Chapter I Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

0. Word-initial consonants in the Chulym Turkic dialects

In native Chulym words, word-initial obstruents, including stops, are voiceless,1 e.g. MĞ käcä ~ käyä ‘yesterday’ (MChD 127) = LC käcä ‘id.’ (LĞJa 40) ~ käyä ‘id.’ (ĞJa 139); MĞ kir- ‘to enter’ (MChD 129) = kir- ‘id.’ (LCJa 150) = Küä. kir- ‘id.’ (R II 1350); MĞ kör- ‘to see’ (ZS 134) = LC kör- ‘id.’ (LĞJa 136) = Küä. kör- ‘id.’ (R II 1249); MĞ pay ‘cord, rope’ (MChD 141) = LĞpay ‘id.’ (LĞJa 138); MĞ pol- ‘to be’ (MChD 148) = LĞ pol- ‘id.’ (ĞJa 149) = Küä. pol- ‘id.’ (R IV 1273); MĞ tay ‘mountain’ (ZS 105) = LĞ tay ‘id.’ (LĞJal38) = Küä. tay ‘id.’ (R III 795); MĞ til ‘tongue, language’ (MChD 170) = LĞ til ‘id.’ (ĞJa 149) = Küä. til ‘id.’ (R III 1379); MĞ tur- ‘to stand (up), to get up’ (ZS 93) = LĞ tur- ‘id.’ (DGĞ 18) = Küä. tur- ‘id.’ (R Ill 1442). Middle and Lower Chulym word-initial prevocalic voiceless obstruents can undergo voicing at word boundaries when a preceding word ends with a voiced consonant or with a vowel.2 In most attested cases, word-external

1 Li et alii’s conclusion that the phoneme /d/ “[...] is found in the initial and final positions” (MChD 23) is an obvious mistake. The phoneme /d/ is not found initially or finally in native words in any Chulym dialect, cf. also CulT 150, 152, 158; CJa 448; ZS 86-94; MChD 21-22, 27-28; Pomorska 2001:91. 2 Cf. CulT 152;ZS91, 134f. 107 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects sandhi voicing applies to stops, but some examples of fricatives are also to be found. As for p-, it can additionally undergo spirantization to bilabial v,3 and q-, spirantization to 7, e.g. MC todiir bar (ZS 137) < todiir ‘backward’ + par ‘to go’, Imp.2Sg.; LC sarbalyq ‘sturgeon, lit. yellow fish’ (CJa 463) ~ sarvalyq ‘id.’ (CulT 152) < saryg ‘yellow’ + palyq ~palyq ‘fish’; MC apta va (MChD 140) < ap-ta* ba (dp'house’-loc inter); MC iic kun durgan (ZS 134) < iic ‘three’ + kiin ‘day’ + tur-gan ‘to stand’-PST; MC ara dodiir ‘back and forth’ (ZS 137) ~ ara todiir ‘here and there’ (MCJa 49); MC qarayat ‘black­ currant’ (MCJa 65) ~ qara qat ‘id.’ (ibid. 83); MC kar gizi ‘old man’ (ZS 30) - kar kizi ‘id.’ (MCJa 100); LC anaj gizi ‘woman’ (CJa 447); LC qarr> goyvaj ‘blueberry’ (CJa 463f.) = MC qara kobiigaj ‘id.’ (LCJa 7); MC cylyy zarga (MCJa 99) < cylyy ‘hot’ + sar-ga < car-ga* ‘earth’-DAT; MC taskdr zapysxan (ZS 137) < taskdr - tasqar ‘outside’ (MChD 168) + sapysqan* < sapysqan* < soq-upys-qan* (soq-Ao hit’-cvys-To send’AUX-PST).

1. Stops

In the available material, Russian initial b-, d- generally undergo devoic­ ing to p- (cf. 1.1.1) and t- (cf. 1.2.1), respectively, whereas g- is adapted as k- > q- (cf. 1.3.1). In some cases however, Rus. b-, d-, g- remain voiced (cf. 1.1.2, 1.2.2, 1.3.2, respectively). Russian initial voiceless p-, t- remain unchanged (cf. 1.5.1 and 1.6.1, re­ spectively), whereas voiceless k- may become uvular in the environment of back vowels (cf. 1.4.1). Russian palatalized stops undergo depalatalization.4

1.1 Word-initial b-

1.1.1 Rus. b- > MC, LC p- MC paka* or paki* ‘knucklebone(s) of animals like sheep, goats etc. used for playing the game babki' < babka ‘id.’ or babki (Pl.); MC panka ‘can, tin’ < banka ‘id.’; MC patun ‘spring onion, green onion’ < Rus.dial. batun ‘any wild onion’ - botun ‘a species of onion, Allium altaicum'1'.

3 Cf. CulT 151f; MChD 21; ZS 87, 107f„ 141. 4 With the exception of MC t 'at 'a (cf. 1.6.1.1), cf. also C.1V.3 below. 108 Chapter 1. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

MCplaslovanja ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial. blasloven ’e ‘id.’; MC poćka ‘barrel’ < boćka ‘id.’, cf. MC boćka ‘id.’ (1.1.2); MC putulka ~putulya ‘bottle’ < butylka ‘id.’; LC patun ‘wild garlic’ < Rus.dial. batun ‘any wild onion’ ~ boturf ‘a species of onion, Allium altaicum'\ LĆpazar ‘market, bazaar’ < bazar ‘id.’, cf. LC bazar* ‘id.’ (1.1.3); LC porna, Cui. porbna ‘harrow (tool)’ < borona ‘id.’; Cul. paka ‘pastern’ < babka ‘id.’; Cu\. poćka ‘barrel’ < bóćkah ‘id.’; Cui. prigadir ‘team-leader’ < brigadir ‘id.’, cf. MĆ brigadir* (1.1.3); Cul. pilska ‘beads’ < busiki, dimin. of busy ‘id.’.

1.1.2 Rus. b- > MĆ, LĆ b~, e.g. MĆ blin ‘pancake’ < blin ‘id.’; MĆ boćka ‘barrel’ < boćka ‘id.’, cf. MĆ poćka ‘id.’ (1.1.1); MC bold ‘more’ < bólee ‘id.’; LC baba ‘country woman; grandmother’ < baba ‘id.’; LC bol’sa cam ‘more than’ < bol’se cem ‘id.’.

1.1.3 The possibility of word-extemal sandhi voicing of initial prevocalic voiceless p- in Chulym7 makes it difficult to decide whether Russian initial b- was retained in MC *brigadir ‘team-leader’ and LC bazar* ‘market, bazaar’, which are both attested after words ending in a vowel or a voiced consonant, or if it was first adapted as voiceless p-8 and then underwent secondary voic­ ing due to sandhi.

1.2 Word-initial d-

1.2.1 Rus. d- > MĆ t- MĆ truzka ~ truśka ‘best man’ < druzka ‘id.’;9

5 Or Rus.dial. *batun ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of LĆ patun, see B.I1 s.v. 6 Or Rus. bóćke, Prep.Sg. of boćka ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of Ćul. poćka, see B.IV s.v. 7 See the introductory remarks to the present chapter, cf. also 1.5.3 below. * As in Ćul. prigadir and LĆ pazar, respectively, cf. 1.1.1 above. ’ Cf. 7.2.2 below. 109 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC to spitanija ‘Goodbye!’ < do svidanija ‘id.’.10 11

1.2.2 Rus. d- > MĆ d- MĆ doktar ‘doctor, physician’ < doktor ‘id.’; MĆ driiga - druga ‘friend’ < druga, Acc.Sg. or Gen.Sg. of drug ‘id.’.

1.3 Word-initial g-, g

1.3.1 Rus. g-, g’- > MC, LC k- (> q-) MC qost’‘guest’ < gost’ ‘id.’, cf. MC *gost -gost’* ‘id.’ (1.3.3); MC külà- ‘v.z. to move’

1.3.2 Rus. g-,g’-> MC, LCg- MC Gana, a male proper name < Gêna; LC gazàta ‘newspaper’ < gazéta ‘id.’.

1.3.3 The possibility of word-external sandhi voicing of initial prevocalic voiceless k-1 q- in Chulym12 makes it difficult to decide whether Russian ini­ tial g- remains unchanged in MC *gost - gost ’* ‘guest’, MC *giilâ- - gulà-* ‘to walk etc.’ and MC gülâtta-* - gülâtâ-* - gulat’*ta- ‘to feast etc.’, which are all attested after words ending in vowels or voiced consonants, or if it was first adapted as k- (> g-)13 and then underwent secondary voicing due to sandhi.

10 Cf. also MC tarbbastyr ~ tiirabastar (1.1.4.2 below). 11 Or Rus.dial. gulja(t'); for remarks on the etymology of MC kula-, see B.I s.v. 12 See the introductory remarks to the present chapter. 13 As in MC' qost', MC kiild-, Mt kuldta- - LC kulatta-, respectively, cf. 1.3.1 above. 110 Chapter I. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

1.4 Word-initial k-, k’-

1.4.1 Rus. k-, k’~ > MC, LC, Kiia. k- (> q-), e.g. MC qalac ‘kalach (kind of traditional bread)’ < kalac ‘id.’; MC kirpis* or kirpic* ‘brick’ < kirpic ‘id.’; MC qlass'4 ‘grade (at school)’ < klass ‘id.’; MC kolosa ~ qalotca ‘well’ < kolodca, Gen.Sg. of kolodec ‘id.’; MC krovat ’, LC kravat' ‘bed’< krovat ’ ‘id.’; LC kastil ‘crutch’ < kostyl' ‘id.’; Kua. kilat ‘store-room’ < klet’ ‘id.’.

1.5 Word-initial p~, p

1.5.1 Rus.p-,p’- > MC, LC, Kiia.p-, e.g. MCparaqot ‘ship’

1.5.2 (?) Rus.p’-> Cui. 0- Cul. atiik ‘cock’ < petux ‘id.’.14 15

1.5.3 Cul.pL- (< Rus.pK-) at word boundaries As it was said above,16 Chulym prevocalic voiceless p- can undergo voic­ ing at word boundaries when a preceding word ends with a voiced consonant or with a vowel. In intervocalic position it may additionally undergo spiranti- zation to bilabial v. The same change is attested in the following loanwords:

14 For k- as the first member of other consonant clusters, see 7.3 below. 15 This etymology of Cui. atiik is not certain; for details, see comments in B.1V s.v. 16 See the introductory remarks to the present chapter. Ill Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC qoj bastuyy ‘shepherd’ < qoj ‘sheep’ + pastuq-y* (/>

LC uluvac'1 ‘(big) Russian oven’ < ulubac* < ulu(y) ‘big’ + pac ‘oven’ < Rus. pec’ ‘id.’.

1.6 Word-initial Z-, C-

1.6.1 Rus. t’- > MC, LC t-, e.g. MC taralka ‘plate’ < tarelka ‘id.’; MC, LC tdstd ‘dough’ < testo ‘id.’; MC tota ‘aunt’ < tetja ‘id.’; MC tata ‘father’ < Rus.colloq. tjatja ‘id.’, cf. MC t’at’a ‘id.’ (1.6.1.1); Cui. tapka ‘hoe (tool)’ < tjapka ‘id.’.

1.6.1.1 Rus. t’a- > MC t’d- MC t’at’a ‘father’ < Rus.colloq. tjatja ‘id.’, cf. MC tata (1.6.1).

1.6.2 Cui. t- < Rus. t- at word boundaries As it was said above,1817 19Chulym prevocalic voiceless t- can undergo voic­ ing at word boundaries when a preceding word ends with a voiced consonant or with a vowel. The same change is attested in the following loanword:

MC alyam dus < al-yam (al-’to take’-PST) + tils ‘birch bark container with a lid’ < Rus.dial. tues'9 ‘id.’.

17 But cf. LC uluypac ‘oven’ (cf. B.ll s.v. pac). 18 See the introductory remarks to the present chapter. 19 Or Rus.dial. tuez - tujaz. 112 Chapter I. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

2. Fricatives

2.1 Word-initial/,/’-and v-, v’- The voiceless fricative f does not occur in any position in native Chulym words20 and the voiced bilabial fricative v occurs in word-medial position only as a result of spirantization of -b- and spirantization and voicing of -p-.2' In the collected material, there are only two loanwords whose Russian etyma begin in/-. In one case it is palatalized/’- and it undergoes despiran- tization and depalatalization to Cui. p- (cf. 2.1.1) and in the other case, plain f-, which remains unchanged (cf. 2.1.2). Russian initial initial v- generally undergoes despirantization and devoic­ ing to Cul. p-, whereas Rus. v’- is additionally depalatalized22 23(cf. 2.1.3). In one case, Rus. v ’- is adapted as m- in the presence of a in the following syllable (cf. 2.1.5). In some cases, however, Rus. v- remains un­ changed and v ’- is only depalatalized (cf. 2.1.6). In two loanwords, the initial vn- cluster of the Russian etymon is simplified by v dropping (cf. 2.1.7).

2.1.1 Rus./’- > Cui. p-22 Cui. pars-bl ‘medical assistant’ < Rus.st.yë/’iZser24 ‘id.’.

2.1.2 Rus./->LC/- LC familja ‘surname’ ~familija* ‘family’

2.1.3 Rus. v-, v’~ > MC, Cul.p-25 2627 MCpajna ‘war’ < vojnà ‘id.’, cf. MC vajna ‘id.’ (2.1.6); MCparat(t)a, Cui. porota ‘gate’ < vorota2b ‘id.’; MCpastok ‘east’ < vostôk ‘id.’, cf. MC bastok ‘id.’ (2.1.4); MCpadra ‘bucket’ < vedro11 ‘id.’;

20 Cf. C.II.2.1 and C.1II.2.2 below. 21 Cf. C.I1.2.5 below. 22 With the exception of MC p'juska ~ Cui. pjuska (cf. 2.1.3.1). 23 For the same adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 25; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 47; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 95. For Rus. f- > Yak. b-, see Slepcov 1964: 88f. 24 Or Rus. dial, fersal ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of Cui. pars-bl, see B.IV s.v. 25 For Rus. v- > b- in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 27; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 57. 26 Or Rus.dial, vorota ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of MCparata - Cui.porota, see B.I. s.v. 27 Or vedre, Prep.Sg. of vedro, or Rus.dial. *vedro ‘id.’; for details, see B.I s.v. MC padra. 113 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC pänik ‘rod, twig; broom’ < venik ‘broom, besom’, cf. MC *bänik ‘id.’ (2.1.3.2); MCpor ‘thief’ < vor ‘id.’; MC posxiscalis ’ ‘Rus. восхищались’ < vosxiscälis ’ ‘id.’; MC pot ‘here you are’ < vot ‘here; there it is!’; MC pörus ‘verst (unit of length)’ < verst, Gen.Pl. of verstä ‘id.’;28 Cui. polas ‘volost, an administrative-territorial unit in old Russia’ < volost ’ ‘id.’; Cui. pospännik ‘vaccine’ < Rus.dial, vöspennik ‘a person who vaccinates people against smallpox’.

2.1.3.1 Rus. v’- > MC, Cul.p’- MC pjuska,’ Cui. pjuska ‘reel’ < vjuska’ ‘id.’.

2.1.3.2 The possibility of word-external sandhi voicing of initial prevocalic p- in Chulym29 makes it difficult to decide whether Russian initial v- > MC b-,30 313233in MC *bänik ‘rod, twig; broom’, which is attested after a word ending in -a, or if it was first adapted as voiceless p-21 and then underwent secondary voicing due to sandhi.

2.1.4 (?) Rus. v- > MC b- MC bastok21 ‘east’ < vostök ‘id.’, cf. MC pastok ‘id.’ (2.1.3).

2.1.5 Rus. v’- - n > MC m- - n22 MC mänyät* in man jät bo I- ‘v.z. to marry, to be wedded’, mänyättä- lv.t. to marry’ < vencät' ‘ 1. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’.

28 Cf. C.IV.3.1.2.1 below. 29 See the introductory remarks to this chapter and 1.5.3 above. 30 MC b- < Rus. v- would also be attested in MC bastok ‘east’ (cf. 2.1.4), but the spelling of this word raises doubts about its correctness, for details see B.I s.v. 31 As in MCpanik (cf. 2.1.3 above). Note thatpanik is attested in the same source (cf. B.I s.v.) and it follows a word which ends in -n. 32 See comments s.v. MC pastok in B.I and fn. 30 above. 33 For the same adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 27, in Tuvinian, see Pomorska 1995: 97. 114 Chapter 1. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

2.1.6 Rus. v-, v’-> MC, LC v-, e.g. MC vajna ‘war’ < vojna ‘id.’, cf. MC pajna ‘id.’ (2.1.3); MC vrac ‘doctor, physician’ < vrac ‘id.’; LC vak* or vdk* ‘lifetime’ < vek ‘id.’; Cui. varabika ‘sparrow’ < Rus.dial. vorobejka, dimin. of vorobej ‘id.’; Cui. vilka ‘fork’ < vilka ‘id.’.

2.1.7 Rus. v- > MC -034 35 MC nucqa ‘granddaughter’ < vnucka ‘id.’; MC nucuq etc. ‘grandson etc.’ < vnucek ‘grandson’.

2.2 Word-initial x- In native Chulym words, the voiceless fricative x is found only in word- medial and final positions in which it results from spirantization of -q-25 and -q or -y.36 37 Russian initial voiceless x- undergoes despirantization to k- in all loan­ words which are to be found in the available material. In the environment of back vowels, it may further become uvular q-.

2.2.1 Rus. x- > MC, Kiia., Cui. k-27 (> q-) MC kazain ‘owner, landlord’

2.3 Word-initial s-, s’- and z- In native Chulym words, the distribution of the voiced fricative z is restricted to word-medial position only,38 and in word-initial and final positions,39 the voiceless s occurs.

34 Cf. 7.1.4 below. 35 In Lower Chulym also -k- (cf. C.11.2.2 below). 36 Cf. C.1I1.2.1 below. 37 For the same adaptation in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 48; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 117; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 27. 38 Cf. C.II.2.3 below. 39 Cf. the introductory remarks to chapter III. 115 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

The anticipated devoicing of Russian initial voiced z- is attested in some Middle Chulym words (cf. 2.3.1), although in two other loanwords it re­ mains unchanged (cf. 2.3.2). Russian initial voiceless s- remains unchanged in all available loanwords and palatalized s ’- undergoes depalatalization (cf. 2.3.3). In one loanword, the initial sm- cluster of the Rus. etymon is simpli­ fied by s dropping (cf. 2.3.4). For the adaptation of the initial si-cluster, see 7.1.1.1 below.

2.3.1 Rus. z- > MC s-40 MC samok ‘lock’ < zamök ‘id.’; MC säpat ‘west’ < zapad ‘id.’; MC saplöt* or saplot* ‘fence or a fenced area for farm animals’ < Rus.dial. zaplöt ‘solid fence made of logs, thick poles or planks’.

2.3.2 Rus. z- > MC, LC z- MC zavosna ‘building for keeping a horse harness’ < Rus.dial. zavöznja ‘id.’; LC zavädusij ‘manager’ < zavedujuscij ‘id.’.

2.3.3 Rus. s-, s’- > MC, LC, Küä. s-, e.g. MC säbär ‘north’< sever ‘id.’; MC sädlo ‘saddle’ < sedlö ‘id.’; MC smola ‘tar’ < srnola ‘id.’;41 LC soya ‘ard (plough)’ < soxd ‘id.’; Küä. suras ‘illegitimate child’ < Rus.dial. surdz ‘id.’.

2.3.4 Rus. s- > Cui. 0-42 Cui. maska ‘lubrication, oiling’ < smdzka ‘id.’.

40 For Rus. z- > Dolg. a- (> h-), see StachowskiM 1999: 28 and > Kirg. x-, see Chorolec 1953: 100. 41 For other sC clusters, see 7.3 below. 42 Cf. 7.1.4 below. 116 Chapter I. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

2.4 Word-initial s- and z- In native words, initial voiceless s- is attested only in Middle Chulym and results from spirantization of c- which has developed from PT c-* or j-.* 43 Middle Chulym voiced z is found word-medially only.44 45 In the collected material, there are only two loanwords whose Russian etyma begin with z-. In one case it underwent devoicing to Cui. s- (cf. 2.4.1). In the other, a prothethic i is added to it (cf. 2.4.2), although in another source, the very same word is attested with the initial z- intact, even though other adaptations are applied to it (cf. 2.4.3). Russian initial voiceless s- remains unchanged (cf. 2.4.4). For the adapta­ tion of the initial ^/-cluster, see 7.1.1.2 below.

2.4.1 Rus. z- > Cui. s- Cul. s-bärbäj ‘1. lot; 2. fate, destiny’ < sräbäj* < Rus.st. zrébij95 ‘id.’.46 47

2.4.2 Rus. z- > MC iz- MC izänik ‘fiancé, bridegroom’ < zenix ‘id.’, cf. MC zanik ‘id.’ (2.4.3).

2.4.3 Rus. z- > MC z- MC zanik ‘fiancé, bridegroom’ < Rus.dial. zanix91 ‘id.’, cf. MC izänik ‘id.’ (2.4.2).

2.4.4 Rus. s- > MC, LC s-, e.g. MC saman ‘shaman’ < samàn ‘id.’; MC sarbp ‘scarf’ < sàrf ‘id.’; MC sinäl ‘greatcoat’ < sinél’ ‘id.’; MC stan ‘trousers’ < stanÿ ‘id.’, cf. MC istÿn* or *istyn ~ *istÿny ‘id.’ (7. LI.2); MC, LC skol ‘school’ < skôla ‘id.’.

43 For examples see 3.2 below, cf. also CulT 153; ZS lOOff.; Pomorska 2001: 92. 44 Cf. C.II.2.4 below. Birjukovic occasionally cites forms like zdnim T will measure’ (ZS 35) but, in fact, they were originally part of a syntagma in which original s- underwent sandhi voicing to z-. As for *zanim, it should be analysed as sanlm < *sdnd-ar-im (sand-AOR-lso) < cana- ‘to measure’ (ZS 19) = Kua. cana- ‘to try’ (R IV 199), cf. also VEWT 104. 45 Or Rus.dial. zerebej ~ zerbij ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of Cui. sbarbaj, see B.IV s.v. 46 Cf. also 7.1.3.2 below. 47 Or Rus.st. zenix ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of MC zanik, see B.I s.v. MC izanik. 117 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

3. Affricates

3.1 Word-initial c- In native words, the dental voiceless affricate c- is present in Lower Chu­ lym and Küärik as a continuation of PT *c-. 48 In native Middle Chulym words c does not occur in any position. In the collected material, there are only four loanwords, three in Middle Chulym and one in Lower Chulym, whose Russian etyma begin in c-. Since the affricate c does not occur in native Middle Chulym words, Rus. c- is expected to be preserved in Lower Chulym and to be somehow adapted in Middle Chu­ lym. Indeed, in two of the Middle Chulym words words Rus. c- undergoes deaf- frication to s- (cf. 3.1.1), yet in one loanword it remains unchanged (cf. 3.1.2).

3.1.1 Rus. c- > MC s-49 MC särkop ‘church’ < cerkov’ ‘id.’; MC säp ‘chain’ < cep ’ ‘id.’.

3.1.2 Rus. c- > LC, MC c- LC cälkovyj ‘rouble’ < celkövyj ‘id.’; MC cvätok ‘flower’ < cvetok ‘id.’.

3.2 Word-initial c- In native words, the voiceless affricate c- occurs in Middle Chulym as a continuation of PT c-* and */-. 50 MC c- < PT c* alternates with s-, and MC c- < PT j-* alternates with s- and n~ n-, e.g. MC cyq- ~ syq- ‘to go out’ = LC cyq- ‘id.’ = Küä. cyq- ‘id.’; MC caq ~ saq ‘time’ = LC caq ‘id.’ = Küä. caq ‘id.’ (Pomorska 2000: 255); MC cästäm ~ näzäm ‘ 1. my sister’s husband older than me; 2. my husband’s elder sister’s husband’; MC car ~ sär ‘earth’51 = LC jär ‘id.’; MC caq ~ n’a ‘new’ = LC jaqy ‘id.’ (LCJa 9) = Küä.yazyy ~ n ’arjy - n’a ‘id.’ (Pomorska 2000: 256); MC cazay ‘on foot’ = LC jajaij ~ t’ajay ‘id.’ (ibid.).

48 Cf. ĆJa 154f.; Pomorska 2001: 95. For examples, see 3.2 below. 49 Cf. Rus. c- > Yak., Tat.dial., Kirg. s- (Slepcov 1964: 91, Berta 1983: 44 and Chorolec 1953: 108, respectively) and Rus. c- > Dolg. h- (StachowskiM 1999: 28). 50 Cf. Pomorska 2001: 91; Pomorska 2004: 2If.; cf. also ĆulT 156; ZS 112; MChD 25. 51 Also‘place’(MChD 116). 118 Chapter I. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

Since c is distinctive in Middle Chulym, Rus. c- is expected to be pre­ served in it and somehow adapted in Lower Chulym and Kiiarik. It turns out, however, that in all available loanwords, whether attested in Middle or Lower Chulym, Rus. c- remains unchanged.

3.2.1 Rus. c- > MC, LC c- MC cas - cas ‘time, hour’, LC cas ‘hour’ < cas ‘id.’; MC casnok ‘garlic’ < cesnok ‘id.’; MC cislo ‘number’ < cislo ‘id.’; MC cugun ‘cast iron pot’ < cugun ‘1. cast iron; 2. cast iron pot, vessel’; LC cam in bol’sa cam ‘more than’ < bdl’se cem ‘id.’; LC cudnoj ‘odd; strange’ < cudnoj ‘id.’.

4. Liquids

4.1 Word-initial In native Chulym words, the liquid / does not occur word-initially.52 Ac­ cording to this, we would expect that Rus. /- will be adapted in Chulym by means of a prothetic vowel, as it happens in e.g. Dolgan, Khakas, Tuvinian, Karachay-Balkar.53 54Indeed, in two of the attested loanwords, the adaptation of Rus. /- is as expected (cf. 4.1.1). However, in others, even those featuring other adaptations, Rus. /- remains unchanged while palatalized /’- undergoes depalatalization (cf. 4.1.2).

4.1.1 Rus. I- > Cui. VI- Cul. uluq ‘onion’ < luk ‘id.’; Cui. ulan ‘1. flax; 2. linen’< Rus.st. leni4 ‘1.-2. id.’.55

4.1.2 Rus. /-, /’- > MC, LC e.g. MC, LC lapat ‘shovel’ < lopata ‘id.’; MC landa ~ lanta ‘ribbon’ < lenta ‘id.’;

52 Cf. LĆJa 148; ZS 81; MChD 25; Pomorska 2001: 91. 53 Cf. Rajkova 1980: 29; StachowskiM 1999: 71; Pomorska 1995: 97; Siemieniec-Gołaś 2003: 86, respectively. 54 Or Rus.dial. *len ‘1.-2. id.’; for remarks on the etymology ofćul. Ulan, see B.IV s.v. 55 Cf. C.lV.3.1.2.1a. 119 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC litopka, Cul. lätopka ‘scythe’ < litovka ‘kind of scythe’; MC lücsä ~ lücäs ‘better’ < lücse ‘id.’; MC Lüsä, a female proper name < Ljiisjay(' LC läsinca ‘staircase’ < lestnica ‘id.’.

4.2 Word-initial r- The initial liquid r- does not occur in native Middle Chulym words.5756 It is attested in isolated Lower Chulym58 and Kiiarik words,59 but it results from deletion of the preceding initial vowel, e.g. LC rak ‘far’ (CulT 150) = Küä. rak ‘id.’ (RPro 704) < yrak,* cf. MCyrafc ‘id.’ (ZS 24).60 In Russian loanwords, initial r- remains unchanged in all available words (cf. 4.2.1). Since we would expect that Rus. initial r- will be adapted by means of a prothetic vowel, as it happens in other Tkc. languages61 and in the case of Rus. I- > Cul. T7-,62 63the following Russian loanwords must be quite recent in Culym.

4.2.1 Rus. r- > MC, LC r- MC rädos ‘joyful’ < radost' ‘joy, gladness’; MC rany ‘wounds’ < rciny, Pl. of rana ‘id.’; MC, LC ras ‘once, one time’ < raz ‘id.’; MC Raslja ‘Russia’ < Rossija ‘id.’; MC rybak ~ rybaq ‘fisherman’ < rybdk ‘id.’.

56 Cf. C.IV.3.1.3.1. 57 Cf. ZS 79f.; MChD 23. 58 Cf. ĆulT 150; Pomorska 2001: 91. 59 Cf. Pomorska 2001: 91. 60 Cf. also LĆ rys ‘1. luck, fortune, happiness’ - Küä. rys T.id.; 2. prosperity, affluence’ = MĆ yrys T. id.’ < *yrys « Ar. (Pomorska 2005: 142). 61 E.g. in Yakut (Slepcov 1964: 92), Khakas (Rajkova 1980: 29), Karachay-Balkar (Siemieniec- -Gołaś 2003: 86), Tatar dial. (Berta 1983: 53f.), Kirgiz (Chorolec 1953: 108), Dolgan (StachowskiM 1999: 29). 63 Cf. 4.1.1 above. 120 Chapter I. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

5. Nasals

5.1 Word-initial m-, m’- In native Chulym words, m- occurs rarely, e.g. MC maya ‘frog’ (ZS 85) = LC maya ‘id.’ (CulT 137) = Kiia. maya ‘id.’ (R IV 2000); MC man ‘I’ (MChD 134) = LC man ‘id.’ (CulT 141) = Kila, man ‘id.’ (RPro passim); MC miin- ‘to mount (a horse)’ (MCJa 36) = LC miin- ‘id.’ (CulT 148) = Kiia. miin- ‘id.’ (R IV 2221).63 In the available material, Russian initial m- remains unchanged in all loan­ words while palatalized m undergoes depalatalization.

5.1.1 Rus. m~, m’-> MC, LC, Kiia. m-, e.g. MC masyna ‘car’, LC masna ‘machine’ < masina ‘id.’; MC mdsta, Cui. masta ‘place’ < mesto ‘id.’; MC minut ‘minute’ < minut, Gen.Pl. of minuta ‘id.’; MC most ~ mds ~ most ‘bridge’ < most ‘id.’; LC mok ‘moss’ < mox ‘id.’; MC, Kiia. mot ‘honey’, LC *mot ‘id.’64 < med ‘id.’.65

5.2 Word-initial «-, n In native Chulym words, word-initial n- occurs in some interrogative pronouns,66 *e.g.: MC ndma ‘what?’ (MChD 136) ~ noma ‘id.’ (ZS 123) = Kiia. nama ‘id.’ (RPro 701); LC noza ‘id.’ (CJa 148); LC nozadin ‘from what’ (CJa 450); MC noya ‘why?, what for?’ (ZS 82) = Kiia. noya ‘id.’ (RPro 699). We can also find MC and Kiia. n-~ n'- which alternate with MC c- and Kiia. j- < pt Russian initial n- remains unchanged in all loanwords recorded in the sources while palatalized n undergoes depalatalization.

5.2.1 Rus. MC, LC „-, e.g. MC nada ‘one should, must, ought’ < nado ‘id.’;

65 Cf. also ĆJa 147f.; ZS 85; Pomorska 2001: 91. M In mottug ‘with honey’. 65 Cf.C.lV.3.1.2.1. 66 Cf. ĆJa 148; ZS 83; Pomorska 2001: 91. 6' Cf. 3.2 above. Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC navasta ~ navasta ~ navastb ‘bride, fiancee’ < nevesta ‘id.’; MC nascasnyj ‘unhappy’ < nescastnyj ‘id.’; LC *nakladat- or *naklad(a)- ‘to put’ < Rus.dial. naklad(at’) ‘id.’.

6. The glide j-

In native words, initial j- is distinctive in Lower Chulym and Kiiarik as a continuation of PT j-P* In Lower Chulym, it alternates with t’- and in Kiiarik - with n and n-.6968 In the collected material there are only a few loanwords whose Russian etyma begin with j-. All of them are attested in Middle Chulym,70 in which we would expect the j- > c- adaptation.71 In fact, Rus.j- is retained before stressed a and w even in those loanwords to which other adaptations are applied (cf. 6.1, 6.2), while Russian initial e- [ji-] is adapted as MC a- or i- (cf. 6.3).

6.1 Rus./d-> MC, Cul./a- MC jagoda ~ jagada ‘berry’ < jagoda ‘id.’; MC jasik ‘box’ < jascik ‘id.’; CvX.jasla ‘manger, crib’ < jasli ‘id.’.

6.2 Rus./w > MC ju- MC juk ‘south’ < jug ‘id.’; MC jupka ‘skirt’ < jubka ‘id.’.

6.3 Rus. e- [ji-| > MC a-, i- MC Apim, a male proper name < Efim-, MC aso ~ iso ‘1. yet, more; 2. else’ < esce ‘id.’.

68 Cf. ZS 110; Pomorska 2001: 91. For examples, see 3.2 above. 69 Cf. Pomorska 2000: 256. For examples, see 3.2 above. 70 With the exception of Ćul. jasła, whose dialectal affiliation cannot be determined (it can be Middle or Lower Chulym). 71 Cf. 3.2 above. For the j- > g- adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 29, StachowskiK 2010: 121 f., 126f; in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 93, D’jaćkovskij 1962: 43; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 49 and in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 112. 122 Chapter 1. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

7. Consonant clusters in word-initial position

In Turkic languages, including the Chulym Turkic dialects, word-initial consonant clusters are generally disallowed in native words. While in some Chulym words initial clusters do occur, they are apparently secondary and result from syncope, e.g. MC star ‘you, Pl.’ (ZS 130) ~ silar (ibid. 142) = LC star - silar (DGC 18) = Kiia. star11 (RPro 698); MC plddirj ‘you know’ (LCJa 78) < pil-adi-y* (pil-'to know’-PRES-2sG), LCplad'i ‘he knows’ (CJa 462) < pil-adi.* In part, word-initial consonant clusters in the collected material either occur without any change or they undergo one adaptation only, namely de­ palatalization of the second member (cf. 7.3). This is especially true of Lower Chulym, where there is only one certain72 73 case of breaking apart a consonant cluster (cf. 7.1.2.2). It is striking that even the st- and st- clusters, which are well adapted in Middle Chulym (cf. 7.1.1), have been retained without change in Lower Chulym (cf. 7.3). In some cases, a word-initial consonant cluster is still preserved but one of its consonants undergoes phonetic adaptation to the Chulym system (cf. 7.2). As it was said above, most cases of cluster adaptation are attested in Mid­ dle Chulym. These include vowel prothesis (cf. 7.1.1), vowel epenthesis (cf. 7.1.2), metathesis (cf. 7.1.3) and deletion of the first member in the cluster (cf. 7.1.4). In the available material, there are also cases of secondary consonant clus­ ters in word-initial position (cf. 7.4).

7.1 Adaptation of consonant clusters in word-initial position

7.1.1 Vowel prothesis Only original st- (cf. 7.1.1.1) and ¿7- (cf. 7.1.1.2) clusters are adapted in this manner.74 In most examples, the prothetic vowel is high, and it harmo­

72 In addition, Pritsak quotes also Kiia. silar (Pritsak 627) but such a form is attested neither in Radloff’s Versuch... nor in Proben... 73 Loanwords, which are designated with the abbreviation "Cui.” can in fact be Middle Chulym or Lower Chulym. 74 For vowel prothesis in the adaptation of word-initial st- and -st- clusters in Rus. loanwords in Khakas, see Rajkova 1980: 30; in Yakut, see D’jadkovskij 1962:43; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 31 f.; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 64. 123 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects nizes with respect to the front/back dimension with the vowel in the next syllable; the only exception is o- in Kiia. ostoi, which results from regressive assimilation to Rus. stressed ó: Rus. stół > Kila. istol* > ostoi.

7.1.1.1 Rus. st-, st’- > MĆ, Kiia. Vst- MĆ istal ~ istal ~ ystal ~ ustal, Kua. istal ~ ostoi, Ćul. iistól ‘table’ < stół ‘id.’, cf. MĆ stal, s/о/‘id.’(7.3); MĆ ¡stand ‘wall’ < stena15 ‘id.’, cf. LC stand ‘id.’ (7.3); MC ustul ‘chair’ < stul ‘id.’; MC ustiidan, Cui. ustidan ‘Rus. студень’ < studen ’ ‘id.’; Kiia. istap ‘steppe’ < step ’ ‘id.’.

7.1.1.2 Rus. St- > MĆ, Cui. Vst- MĆ iStyn* or iStyn* ~ iStyny* ‘trousers’ < stany ‘id.’, cf. MC Stan ‘id.’, LC Stan* ~ Stan* or Stany* (7.3); Cul. uStop ‘liter’ < śtó/ ‘old Russian unit of volume’.

7.1.2 Vowel epenthesis Russian kl-, kn-, pl- and br- clusters are adopted in this manner.7675 In all cases, the epenthetic vowel is high and it harmonizes with respect to the front/ back dimension with the vowel in the next syllable. After labial p- and b-, the prothetic vowel is и ~ u (cf. 7.1.2.3-4).

7.1.2.1 Rus. kl-, kl’- > Kua., Cui. kVl- Kiia. kilat ‘store-room’ < klet’ ‘id.’; Cui. kulup ‘club’ < klub ‘id.’.

7.1.2.2 Rus. kn ’- > LC, Cui. kVn LĆ kinaga ‘book’ < kniga ‘id.’, cf. MĆ kniga ~ kniga, Cui. kniga ‘id.’ (7.3); Cui. kinds ‘the tribe elder’ < knjaz’ ‘prince, knyaz’.

75 Or stene (Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. ofstena) or Rus.dial. *stena', for remarks on the etymology of MC ¡stand, see B.I s.v. 76 For vowel epenthesis in the adaptation of word-initial stop-sonorant clusters in Rus. loanwords in Khakas, see Rajkova 1980: 30; in Yakut, see D’jaCkovskij 1962: 43; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 32; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 64. 124 Chapter I. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

7.1.2.3 Rus.p/- > MCpf/- MCpulat ‘scarf, headscarf’

7.1.2.4 Rus. br,->N\CbVr- MC biiramna ‘log, beam’ < brevno11 ‘id.’.

7.1.3 Metathesis Consonant cluster adaptation by means of metathesis is attested in three cases, although one of them is uncertain (cf. 7.1.3.2). While the material is too poor to arrive at a final conclusion, it is striking that in all cases the process affects clusters in which the second member is r.77 78 79

7.1.3.1 Rus. CrVC- > MC, Cui. CVrC- MC qurzaq ‘ring-shaped bread or cake’ < kruzdk19 ’dial, cake made by the bride for the groom’; Cui. qurpa ‘grain, groats’ < krupa ‘id.’.

7.1.3.2 if we accept Rus.st. zrebij as a more plausible etymon for Cui. sbarbaj ‘1. lot; 2. fate, destiny’,80 then this word would have been another example of metathesis, with the change Rus. zreb- > Cui. zbdrb-* > sbarb-.

\A1. Deletion of the first member in the cluster In the loanwords which are quoted below, the consonant clusters were simplified by way of deletion of the first member.81

7.1.4.1 Rus. sm- > Cui. m- Cul. maska ‘lubrication, oiling’ < smazka ‘id.’.

77 Or Prep.Sg. brevne - Rus.dial. *brevno; for remarks on the etymology of Mt biiramna, see B.I s.v. 78 Cf. also Erdal 2004: U3;Rajkova 1980: 31; StachowskiM 1999:34. 79 Or Rus.dial. *kriizok; for remarks on the etymology of MC qurzaq, see B.I s.v. 80 For remarks on the etymology of Cui. s-uarbaj, see B.IV s.v. 81 Cf. also the same process in Khakas (Rajkova 1980: 31) and in Dolgan (StachowskiM 1999: 34f.). 125 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

7.1.4.2 Rus. zd- > MC rf-* > t-* 2 MC taröbastyr, a greeting used when meeting someone ~ türabastar ’ 1. How do you do; 2. cheers!’ < Rus.arch, zdorövo ‘1. id.’.

7.1.4.3 Rus. vn- > MC n- MC niicqa ‘granddaughter’ < vnucka ‘id.’; MC nucuq - nücuq ~ nücäk - nucäk ‘grandson etc.’ < vmicek ‘grandson’.

7.2 Adaptation of one of the members in word-initial clusters

In the examples below, the initial cluster is still preserved but one of its members undergoes adaptation to the Chulym system: Russian voiced initial stops b- and d- devoice to p- and t-, respectively,82 83 848586even when the consonant which is adjacent to them is voiced (cf. 7.2.1-2); Rus. x undergoes despiran- tization to k* 9 (cf. 7.2.3-4); Rus. v undergoes despirantization and devoices to *p 5 (cf. 7.2.5); Rus. k- in a back vowel environment undergoes uvularization to Cui. *q- b (cf. 7.2.6).

7.2.1 Rus. bC(’j- > MC, Cui. pC- MCplaslovänjä ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial. blasloven’e ‘id.’; Cui. prigadir ‘team-leader’ < brigadir ‘id.’.

7.2.2 Rus. dr- > MC tr MC truzka ~ trüska ‘best man’ < drüzka ‘id.’.

7.2.3 Rus. x/’-> Cui. kl- Cul. klämik ‘pigsty’ < xlevik ‘small pigsty’.

7.2.4 Rus. sx- > LC sk- LC skotka ‘meeting’ < sxödka ‘id.’.

82 For the devoicing of Rus. d- see 1.2.1 above. ” Cf. 1.1.1 and 1.2.1 above. 84 Cf. C.2.2.1 above and C.ll.2.2 below. 85 C.II.2.5 below. 86 Cf. 1.4.1 above. 126 Chapter 1. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position

7.2.5 Rus. sv’- > MC sp- MC spitanija in to spitanija ‘Goodbye!’ < do svidanija ‘id.’.

7.2.6 Rus. kCA- > MĆ, Ćul. qCA- MĆ qlass ‘grade (at school)’ < klass ‘id.’, cf. LĆ klas* or klas* ‘id.’ (7.3); Ćul. qrupqa ‘shag (tobacco)’ < Rus.dial. krupka ‘low-quality tobacco, makhorka’.

7.3 Unchanged consonant clusters in word-initial position bl’- MC blin ‘pancake’ < blin ‘id.’; MC blirrb ‘pancakes’ < bliny ‘id.’, Pl. of blin ‘pancake’. br’-* 7 MĞ brigadir* ‘team-leader’ < brigadir ‘id.’, cf. Ğul. prigadir ‘id.’(7.2.1). cv’- MĞ cvatok ‘flower’ < cvetök ‘id.’.

&- [şt-] MĞ stoby ‘so that, in order that’ < ctöby ‘id.’. dr- MĞ drüga ~ druga ‘friend’ < druga, Gen.Sg. or Acc.Sg. of drug ‘id.’. kl- LĞ *klâs or *klas ‘grade (at school)’ < klass ‘id.’, cf. MĞ qlass (7.2.6); MĞ klâsa ‘grade (at school)’ < kldssa, Gen.Sg. of klass ‘id.’. kn’- MĞ kniga ~ kniga, Ğul. kniga ‘book’ < kniga ‘id.’, cf. LĞ kinaga ‘id.’ (7.1.2.2); LĞ knizka ‘book’ < knizka ‘id.’. kr-, kr ’- MĞ krovat ’, LĞ kravat' ‘bed’< krovât ’ ‘id.’; LĞ *kras or kras* ‘cross’ < krest ‘id.’. 87

87 Not certain; for details, see 1.1.3 above.

127 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects kv- MC kvadratnyj™ ‘square’ < kvadratnyj ‘id.’; LC kvasn 'a - kvasn a ‘ 1. dough; 2. dough-trough’ < kvasnja ‘1.-2. id.’. pl-,pP- MC plat ‘scarf, headscarf’ < plat ‘id.’, cf. MC pulat ‘id.’ (7.1.2.3); MC plata* ‘dress’8988

88 In k. matr ‘square metre’. 89 In platalvy ‘having / with a dress’. 90 For remarks on the etymology of MC praslas- -praslys- (and Kiia. praslas-), see B.I s.v. 91 For remarks on the etymology of MC sroda, see B.I s.v. 92 Or Rus. stolb (Nom.Sg.) with further paragoge in Middle Chulym; for remarks on the etymology of MC stolba, see B.I s.v. 93 Or Rus. stene, Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. ofstena - Rus.dial. *stena; for remarks on the etymology of LC stand, see B.I1 s.v. 128 Chapter 1. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-initial position sv- MC svaqa ‘matchmaker’ < svaxa ‘id.’; MC svatat ’at- ‘to matchmake’ < *svatat ' < Rus. svatat ’ ‘id.’. sk- MC, LC skol ‘school’ < skola44 ‘id.’. st- LC *stan ~ *stan or stany* ‘trousers’ < stany ‘id.’, cf. MC istyn* or istyn* ~ istyny* ‘id.’ (7.1.1.2). vr-, vr’- MC vrac ‘doctor, physician’ < vrac ‘id.’; LC vrama ‘time’ < vremja ‘id.’.

7.3.1 Unchanged three-consonant clusters in word-initial position ski- MC skladnoj ‘foldable (knife)’ < skladnoj ‘foldable, folding’. str- LC straya ‘fishing gaff’ < Rus.dial. stroga ‘id.’.

7.4 Secondary consonant clusters in word-initial position

Secondary clusters in the loanwords which are quoted below, could result from syncope in Chulym, but it is plausible that they were perceived as such and borrowed in this reduced form due to fast and careless pronunciation of the Russian source:

Rus. C(’)VC(’)- > MC, LC CC- MC ksat ‘tobacco pouch’ < kiset ‘id.’; LC klanok ‘Siberian weasel’ < kolondk ‘id.’, cf. LC kolonok ‘id.’.

94 Or Rus. skol, Gen.Pl. of skola', for remarks on the etymology of MC (and LC) skol, see B.I s.v. 129

Chapter II Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

1. Stops

1.1 Voiceless stops

1.1.1 Word-medial -k-, -k’- In native Chulym words: [1] voiceless velar -k- and its uvular allophone -q- (found in a back vowel environment) may occur95 in clusters with a voiceless consonant, e.g. MC ackbc ‘key’ (ZS 110); LC aqca ‘money’ (DGC 18) = Kiia. aqca ‘id., coin’ (R I 124) = MC aqca ‘money’ (LCJa 28); MC saqson ‘eighty’ (ZS 87) ~ sakson ‘id.’ (MChD 160) = LC sakson ‘id.’ (CulT 158); MC pasqa ~ pasqy ‘1. other; 2. stranger’ (MChD 143) = LC pasqa ‘id.’ (CulT 170) = Kiia. pasqa ‘id.’ (RPro 105); LC dcqa ‘1. old man’ (MCS 36) = MC ocqa ‘1. id.’ (LCJa 78) = Kiia. aucqa ‘old (man)’ (R 1 81); MC ajtqan ‘to tell, Pst.’ (MCJa 65);96 [2] intervocalically, -k- generally undergoes voicing to -g- or - in the case of its uvular allophone - voicing and spirantization to -y-, although examples of retention of voicelessness with occasional gemination are also to be found, e.g. MC ikd ‘two’ (MCS 27) ~ igi ~ igi ‘id.’ (MChD 125) = LC igi ‘id.’ (CulT 163) = Kiia. iki ‘id.’ (RPro 690); LC sakir- ‘1. to jump, to hop; 2. to dance’ (CulT 158) = MC sagir- ‘1.-2. id.’ (MChD 160) - sagdr- ‘1. id.’ (ZS 114) = Kiia. sakir- ‘ 1 .-2. id.’ (R IV 442) ~ sagir- ‘ 1. id.’ (RPro 690); MC sagis ‘eight’ (MCJa 18, MChD 160) = LC sagis ‘id.’ (CulT 158) - sagis ‘id.’ (ibid. 175) = Kiia. sagis ‘id.’ (Pritsak 62697); LC aqurin ‘slowly’ (CulT 175) = Kiia. ayrin ‘id.’ (RPro 702) ~ ayryn ‘id.’ (ibid. 699); MCpaybr ‘copper’ (ZS 105) = LC

95 Cf. CulT 157f„ 170; MChD 27, 28; ZS 94; Pomorska 2001: 96. 96 Cf. also 2.2 below. 97 No source is given; the numeral is attested neither in Radloff’s Versuch... nor in Proben... 131 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects payw ‘id.’ (ĆulT 160) = Kiia. paqyr ‘copper’ (R IV 1128); MC sayyn- ‘to think’ (ZS 21) = Kiia. sayyn- ‘id.’ (RPro 702); Kiia. syqqyr- ‘to whistle’ (R IV 612) ~ syqyr- ‘id.’ (ibid. 609) = MĆ syyyr- ‘id.’ (LĆJa 81).98 Deletion is rare in this context: MĆ piin ‘today’ (MChD 151) = LĆ pGn ‘id.’(ĆulT 145) = Kua. pun ‘id.’(RPro 703) ~pun ‘id.’(R IV 1364) <<*pu kiln ‘this day’; MC azdnda ~ azonda ‘then’ (LĆJa 27) « azaq *‘end’99 (ibid.); [3] between a sonorant and a vowel, -k- generally undergoes voicing to -g-, whereas -q- is subject to voicing and spirantization to -y- in this position; however, some examples of retention are also attested, e.g. LĆ qorquldaq ‘cowardly’ (ĆulT 162), Kiia. qorqunjaq ‘timorous’ (R II 566), Kua. qorqut- ‘to frighten’ (ibid. 567), but cf. Cui. koryul- ‘to be frightened’ (MĆJa 38), Ćul. qoryus- ‘to threaten, to frighten’ (LĆJa 42); Kua. tiilkii ‘fox’ (RPro 690, 696) ~ tiilgii ‘id.’ (ibid. 691, R III 1571) = MC tiilgii ‘id.’ (LĆJa 78) = LĆ tiilgii ‘id.’ (ĆulT 167); MĆ drgdk ‘male’ (MChD 122) = LC irgdk ‘id.’ (ĆulT 154) = Kiia. drgdk ‘id.’ (R I 784); Kiia. arya ‘back; mountain ridge’ (R I 294).

In the available material, Russian intervocalic and post-sonorant -k- gen­ erally remains unchanged and in a back vowel environment, it may undergo uvularization (cf. 1.1.1.3-4). Examples of voicing and spirantization in those positions are isolated (cf. 1.1.1.1 -2). No cases of deletion or gemination have been found. In consonant clusters with a voiceless consonant, Rus. -k- remains unchanged (cf. 1.1.1.5). Rus. palatalized -k’- undergoes depalatalization.

1.1.1.1 Rus.-rAL->MC-ryr- MĆ urdyy ‘homework, lessons’ < uroki ‘id.’.

1.1.1.2 Rus. -Ik- > MĆ, Ćul. -Ig- (> -ly-) MC kukiilga, Cui. qaqulya ‘doll’ < kukolka, dimin. of kukla ‘id.’; MĆputulya ‘bottle’ < hutylka ‘id.’, cf. MĆputulka ‘id.’ (7.4.1).

1.1.1.3 Rus. - Vk(’)V- > MĆ, Cui. -VkV- (>-VqV-), e.g. MC kukiilga, Cui. qaqulya ‘doll’ < kukolka, dimin. of kukla ‘id.’; MC Makaj, a male proper name < Make?, MC Mikalaj, a male proper name < Rus.dial. Mikołaj-,

98 Cf. also LĆ mdkka - rndka ‘deceit’ (ĆulT 163) = Kiia. maka ‘id.’ (RPro 700) < Mo. (cf. Rassadin 1980: 49f.). 99 Cf. Li Yong-Sóng 2004: 557ff. and ESTJa I 104. 132 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

Cui. qoloqon ‘little bell’ < kólokol ‘bell’.

1.1.1.4 Rus. -RkV- > MĆ, LC -RkV-, e.g.100 MĆ särkop ‘church’ < cerkov’ ‘id.’; MĆ sänka ‘sledge’ < sanki ‘id.’; MĆ tarälka ‘plate’ < tarelka ‘id.’; LC kblämkä ~ kblämkä ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’ < Rus.dial. kulemka ‘trap for small animals’.

1.1.1.5 Rus. -TkV-,-VkT- > MĆ, LĆ -TkV-,-VkT-, e g.101 MĆ poćka - boćka ‘barrel’ < boćka ‘id.’; LĆ skotka ‘meeting’ < sxodka [-tk-J ‘id.’.

1.1.2 Word-medial -p-, -p ’- In native Chulym words, voiceless -p-:102 [1] may occur in a cluster with a voiceless consonant and may undergo spirantization and voicing to bilabial -v- in such a context,103 *e.g. MĆ apći ‘ 1. woman’ (ZS 41) ~ ‘2. wife’ (MCJa 78) = LC äpci ‘ 1. id.’ (CulT 166); MC itp akw ‘bread’ (DGĆ 22) ~ itvdk ‘id.’ (CulT 175) = MC itpäk ~ itväk ‘id.’ (LCJa 78); MC ökpä ‘lung’ (MChD 140) ~ ökvb ‘id.’ (ZS 107); MC öspayan (LĆJa 81) ~ ösvayan (ZS 118) = LĆ ösvargan (MCS 53) < ös-par-gan* (ös- ‘to grow’par-’to go’AUX-PST); [2] undergoes voicing to -b- (occasionally accompanied by further spi­ rantization to bilabial -v-) in intervocalic position, e.g. MC köbük ‘foam’ (ZS 124) = LĆ köbük ‘id.’ (ĆulT 140) ~ kövük ‘id.’ (ibid. 151) = Küä. köbük ‘id.’ (R II 1317); MC qäbuy ‘door’ (MCS 68); MC qäbb (ZS 132) < qap-y* (qap’bag, sack’-Px3sG); LC süvürgü ‘broom’ (CulT 151); Küä. parybyzar (RPro 700) < par-yp* ys-ar (par-’to go’-cvys-‘to send’AUX-AOR); [3] generally undergoes voicing to -b- (occasionally accompanied by fur­ ther spirantization to bilabial -v-) between a sonorant and a vowel, although some cases of retention are also attested, e.g. Ćul. arpa ‘barley’ (LCJa 17)

1(10 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. "" For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 102 Cf. CulT 150f.; ZS 86f., 141; MChD 21; Pomorska 2001: 100. 103 Cf. CulT 151f.;ZS 107ff.; Pomorska 2001: 101. 11,4 itpak is expected here. 133 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

= MC arba ‘id.’ (LCJa 77) = LC arba ‘rye’ (ibid. 6) = Küä. arba ‘barley’ (R I 335); MC ölpayan ‘he died’ (MCS 47) < *öl-par-gan (ö7-‘to die’par- ‘to go’AUX-PST); MC kärbäk ‘eyelash’ (ZS 87) = LC kärbik ~ kdrvik ‘id.’ (CulT 139); MC parbäyyl ~ parväyyl (MChD 21) < par-ba-gyl* (par-Ao go’-NEG-IMP2sG).

No case of voicing or spirantization of Rus. -p- has been found in the available material. Regardless of the phonetic environment, Rus. -p- remains without change in Chulym, even if other adaptations occur in a given word. In one case, deletion of Rus. -p- in a consonant cluster occurs (cf. 1.1.2.4). Rus. -pundergoes depalatalization.

1.1.2.1 Rus.-Ppi7-> MC, LC-Ppl7- MC, LC lapat ~ lopat ‘shovel’ < lopata ‘id.’; MC säpat ‘west’ < zdpad ‘id.’; Cul. qapusta ‘cabbage’ < kapiista ‘id.’.

1.1.2.2 Rus. -Rp(’)V-,-VpR- > MC, Cul. -RpV-,-VpR-, e g.105 MC kirpis* or kirpic* ‘brick’ < kirpic ‘id.’; MC lampa ‘lamp’ < lampa ‘id.’; MC saplöt* or saplot* ‘fence or a fenced area for farm animals’ < Rus.dial. zaplöt ‘solid fence made of logs, thick poles or planks’; Cul. qopna ‘haystack’ < kopnd ‘id.’.

1.1.2.3 Rus.-VpT-,-Tp’V- > Cul.-VpT-,-TpV-, e.g.106 Cul. käpsäl ‘cap’ < kapsjul’ ‘id.’; Cul. qrupqa ‘shag (tobacco)’ < Rus.dial. krüpka ‘low-quality tobacco, makhorka’; Cul. pospdnnik ‘vaccine’ < Rus.dial. vöspennik ‘person who vaccinates people against pox’; Cul. täpkä ‘hoe (tool)’ < tjdpka ‘id.’.

105 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 106 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 134 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

1.1.2.4 Rus. -b(kj- [-pk-] > MC, Cui. -0-07 MC рака* or paki* ‘knucklebone(s) of animals like sheep, goats etc. used for playing the game babki' < papka* ~ papki* < Rus. babka ‘id.’ or babki (Pi.); Cui. рака ‘pastern’ < *papka < Rus. babka ‘id.’.

1.1.3 Word-medial -t-, -t'- In native Chulym words, voiceless -f-:10S [1] occurs in clusters with a voiceless consonant, e.g. MC castuq ‘pillow’ (MChD 115) = LC jastuq ‘id.’ (CulT 156) = Kua.yas^ ‘id.’ (R I 223); MC istb ‘innards’109 (ZS 20), istinda ‘in, inside’ (MCJa 106); [2] is attested between /, r,j and a vowel and after / and j it may undergo voicing, e.g. MC, LC alty ‘six’ (MCJa 13) = Kiia. alty ‘id.’ (RPro 691); MC altyn ‘gold’ (ZS 88) = LC altyn ‘id.’ (CulT 163) = Kiia. altyn ‘id.’ (R I 405); MC cyltys ‘star’ (LCJa 75) ~ culdus ‘id.’ (ZS 90) = LC jyldys ~ juldus ‘id.’ (CulT 133) = Kiia. jyldys ‘id.’ (R III 490); MC artuq ‘excessive’ (MChD 110) = LC artuq ‘excess’ (CulT 152) = Kiia. artyq ‘more’ (RPro 692); MC ortak ~ ortok ‘duck’ (ZS 122) = LC ortok ‘id.’ (CulT 163); MC ajtys- ‘to come to an agreement, Rus. договориться’ (LCJa 77) ~ ajdys- ‘id.’ (ibid. 81), MC ajdyp (ZS 86) ~ ajtyp (MCS 57) < ajt-yp (ajt-‘to tell’-cv), LC ajdad'iyannar (CulT 177) < ajt-ad'igan-nar* (o/7-pst-pl); [3] undergoes voicing in intervocalic position, although this phenomenon is not regular and forms in which the voiceless consonant is preserved or geminated are also to be found, e.g. MC ata ‘father’ (MCJa 85) ~ ada ‘id.’ (ibid. 72) = LC ada ‘husband’s elder brother’ (CulT 152); MC dtus ‘thirty’ (ZS \\9) - odus ‘id.’(MChD 137) = LC otus - odus ‘id.’ (CJa 451) = Kiia. odus ‘id.’ (R I 1133, RPro 705) - ottus ‘id.’ (RPro 704); MC attaptar (LCJa 78) < at-ip-tir* (at-'to make’-cv-PREs); MC oduij ‘firewood’ (MChD 137, ZS 119) ~ otuy ‘id.’ (ZS 119, 134, MCS 35) = LC ddurj ‘id.’ (MCS 41) ~ ddun ‘id.’ (CJa 466) = Kiia. oduij ‘id.’ (R I 1126).

In the available material, Russian -t- generally does not undergo any changes and remains voiceless (cf. 1.1.3.3-5). One case of intervocalic gemi- *

1117 For consonant cluster resolution by means of deletion of one of the members, see 7.1.3 below. 1IM Cf. CulT 152f.; ZS 88f; MChD 22f.; Pomorska 2001: 101. Il” Rus. ‘внутренности’. 135 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects nation (cf. 1.1.3.1), and one of post-sonorant voicing (cf. 1.1.3.2) have been found. Palatalized -t undergoes depalatalization.110 111

1.1.3.1 Rus.-VtV- > MC-VttV-m MC paratta ‘gate’ < vorota ‘id.’,112 cf. MC parata ‘id.’.

1.1.3.2 Rus. -ntV- > MC -ndV- MC landa ‘ribbon’ < lenta ‘id.’, cf. MC lartta ‘id.’ (7.4.1).

1.1.3.3 Rus. -Vt(’)V-> MC, LC -VtV-, e.g. MC litopka, Cui. latopka ‘scythe’ < litovka ‘kind of scythe’; LC Kata, a female proper name < Katja', LC gazata ‘newspaper’ < gazeta ‘id.’.

1.1.3.4 Rus. -Rt(’)V- > MC, Cui. -RtV-, e.g.113 MC kartina ‘picture’ < kartina ‘id.’; LC intarvu ‘interview, inquiry’ < intervju ‘id.’; Cui. kartopka ~ qartopqa ‘potato’ < Rus.dial. kartovka ~ kartojka ‘id.’.

1.1.3.4a Rus. -rtr- > Cui. -rtr- Cul. partrat ‘portrait’

1.1.3.5 Rus. -Tt(’)-, -tT- > MC, LC -Tt-, -tT-, e.g.114 MC pastok ‘east’ < vostok ‘id.’; MC, LC tdstd ‘dough’ < testo ‘id.’; LCpatqopqa ‘horseshoe’

110 Cf. C.IV.3. 111 For gemination of in Russian loanwords in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 69. 112 Or Rus.dial. vorota', for remarks on the etymology of MC paratta, see B.I s.v. 113 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 114 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 136 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

1.2 Voiced stops

1.2.1 Word-medial -b- In native Chulym words, medial voiced -b- occurs in intervocalic posi­ tion and in the vicinity of a sonorant, e.g. Cui. abajm ‘my eldest brother’ (LCJa 26); Cui. taban ‘sole’ (ibid. 60) = Kiia. taban ‘id.; low part; basis’ (R III 963); MC tabraq ‘quickly, fast, rapidly’ (ZS 65) ~ tabi>raq ‘id.’ (ibid. 108) = Kiia. tabraq ‘id.’ (RPro 695). It may also result from voicing of -p- (cf. 1.1.2 above). Cases of its alternation with -v- and -m- are attested, e.g. MC abac - avac"5 ‘ruble’ (ZS 108) = LC abac ~ avac ‘id.’ (CulT 151); MC tavbraq ‘id.’ (ZS 108) < tabtraq', MC sybycaq ‘foal’ (MCS 53) = Cui. symycaq ‘two-year-old foal’ (LCJa 5); MC cdgirba ‘twenty’ (MChD 116) = LC jarva ‘id.’ (CulT 166) = Kiia. jigirba ‘id.’ (R III 509).

In the available material, Russian -b- generally does not undergo any changes (cf. 1.2.1.3-4). In one Kiiarik word, an originally voiced cluster -zb- undergoes devoicing to -sp- (cf. 1.2.1.1). In one loanword, Russian intervo­ calic -b- seems to be rendered by Cui. -p-, but this change is not certain (cf. 1.2.1.2). Palatalized -bundergoes depalatalization.

1.2.1.1 Rus. -zb- > Kiia. -sp-"6 Kua.yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ < izba ‘chamber, room; hut, cottage’, cf. LC izbuska ‘hut’ (1.2.1.4).

1.2.1.2 (?) Rus.-r^^z->Cul.-^zp^z- Cul. kipis"1 ‘fishnet sinker’ < Rus.dial, kibas"* ‘fishing sinker attached to the net’.

1.2.1.3 Rus.-Vb(jV- > MC, Cui.-VbV-, e.g. MC obida ‘offence’ < obida ‘id.’; MC rybak ~ rybaq ‘fisherman’ < rybak ‘id.’; Cui. varabika ‘sparrow’ < Rus.dial, vorobejka, dimin. of vorobej ‘id.’. *

115 For a discussion of the etymology and semantics of this word, see StachowskiM 1998: 113. Cf. 7.3 below. 117 Probably incorrectly transcribed by Birjukovii; for details, see B.IV s.v. 118 If we accept Rus.dial, kibas as a more plausible etymon for Cui. kipis; see also 2.5.3.2 below. 137 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1.2.1.4 Rus. -bR-, -Rb- > MC, LC -bR-, -Rb- MĞ sobran jä ‘meeting’ < sobróme ‘id.’;119 LC izbuska ‘hut’ < izbúska ‘id.’, cf. Väiä.yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ (1.2.1.1).

1.2.2 Word-medial -d- In native Chulym words, the distribution of voiced medial -d- is restricted to intervocalic position and to the position between a sonorant and a vowel,120 e.g. MC ödük - ödük ‘footwear’ (ZS 129) = LC ödük ‘id.’ (ĞulT 144) = Küä. ödük ‘id.’ (R I 1279); MĞ qaryndas ‘brother’ (MChD 153) = LĞ qanndäs ‘id.’ (ĞJa 466) = Küä. qaryndas ‘id.’ (RPro 699); Ğul. kändbr ‘hemp’ (LĞJa 40) = Küä. kändir ‘id.’ (R II 1081); MĞ kindik ‘navel’ (MChD 129); MĞ qajdyy ‘what, which’ (ZS 77) = LĞ qajdyy ‘id.’ (ĞulT 175) = Küä. qajdyg ‘id.’ (RPro 695). Ğul. -d- may also result from voicing of -t- (cf. 1.1.3 above).

In the available material, Russian -d- generally does not undergo any changes (cf. 1.2.2.2-3). The only exception is its devoicing in intervocalic position in one Middle Chulym word (cf. 1.2.2.1). Palatalized -d’- undergoes depalatalization.

1.2.2.1 Rus.-VdV- > MC -P7L-121 MĞ to spitânija ‘Goodbye!’ < do svidánija ‘id.’.

1.2.2.2 Rus. -Vd(jV- > MC, LC -VdV-, e.g. MĞ nada ‘one should, must, ought’ < nado ‘id.’; MĞ poşuda ‘dishes’ < poşuda ‘id.’; LĞ zavädusij ‘manager’ < zavédujuscij ‘id.’; Ğul. prigadir ‘team-leader’ < brigadir ‘id.’.

1.2.2.3 Rus. -Rd-, -dR- > MC, LC, Küä. -Rd-, -dR-, e.g.122 MĞ podruzka ‘bridesmaid’

Cf. also Ğul. Sbärbäj in B.IV s.v. 12(1 Cf. ĞulT 152f.; ZS 89fT.; MChD 23. 121 Cf. also the same change in Dolg. pobotuok (~ poboduok - pobuduok) ‘Ziehriemen im Rentiergeschirr’ < Rus. povodók ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 37, 107), cf. also Sr. solicit - soldat ‘soldier’(Dilmaç 1998: 44). 122 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 138 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

MC soldat ‘soldier’ < solddt ‘id.’; LC cudnoj ‘odd; strange’ < cudnoj ‘id.’; Küä. sunduq ‘box’ < sundük Targe lockable box for storing belongings, valuables’.

1.2.3 Word-medial -g- In native Chulym words, voiced -g- occurs in intervocalic position and in the vicinity of a sonorant. It commonly undergoes spirantization and may sometimes be dropped altogether,123 e.g. MC ciyit ~ cit ‘young; young man’ (ZS 5, 34) ~ cayät ‘young’ (MCJa 11) = LC jät ‘id.’ (CTJa 161) ~ jät ‘id.’ (ibid. 139) = Küä.jzf ‘id.’ (RPro 698); MC ayac ‘tree’ (MChD 106) - äc ‘id.’ (ZS 115) = LC ayac ‘id.’ (CulT 160) = Küä. ayac ‘id.’ (R I 152); MC suyaq - söq ‘cold’ (ZS 5, MChD 163) = LC suyaq ~ suaq ‘id.’ (LCJa 58); MC älgäk ‘sieve’ (ZS 10) = LC älyäk ~ älgäk ‘id.’ (CulT 158); MC ayryy ‘illness, dis­ ease’ (MChD 107) = LC ayryy ‘ill’ (CulT 160) = Cul. ayryy ‘id.’ (LCJa 26) ~ äryy ‘1. id.; 2. illness’ (ibid. 30); MC puya ‘bull’ (MChD 150) = LCpuya ‘id.’ (CulT 137) = Küä.pwya‘id.’(R IV 1361).

Rus. -g- may undergo spirantization to -y- in a back vowel environment or between a back vowel and a sonorant (cf. 1.2.3.1-2). In some other cases it remains unchanged (cf. 1.2.3.3-4).

1.2.3.1 Rus.> MC, LC-L/L- MC cuyun ‘cast iron pot’ < cugun ‘1. cast iron; 2. cast iron pot, vessel’, cf. MC cugun ‘id.’; MC oyorot ‘vegetable garden’ < ogoröd ‘id.’, cf. MC ayrot ‘id.’ (1.2.3.1a); LC straya ‘fishing gaff’ < Rus.dial. strogd ‘id.’; Cul. oyursa ‘cucumber’ < ogurca, Gen.Sg. of ogurec ‘id.’, cf. Cul. ogursa ‘id.’.

1.2.3.1a Rus.-PgFr->MC-ryr- MC ayrot, Cul. ayrät ‘vegetable garden’ < ogoröd ‘id.’, cf. MC oyorot ‘id.’ (1.2.3.1).

123 Cf. LÖa 158f„ 160; ZS 94ff.; MChD 27f.; Pomorska 2001: 95f. Cf. also 1.1.1 above. 139 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1.2.3.2 Rus. -l’g- > MC -Гу­ мс Ol'ya, a female proper name < Ol’ga, cf MC Ol’ga ‘id.’ (7.4.1).

1.2.3.3 Rus. -VgV- > MC, LC -VgV-, e g. MC brigadir,* Cui. prigadir ‘team-leader’ < brigadir ‘id.’; MC drtiga ‘friend’ < druga, Acc.Sg. or Gen.Sg. of drug ‘id.’; LC talaga ‘cart’ < telega ‘id.’.

1.2.3.4 Rus. -gR- > MC -gR- kilogram ‘kilogram’ < kilogramm ‘id.’.

2. Fricatives

2.1 Word-medial -/-, and -vT- |-fT-] The voiceless fricative -f- does not occur in any position in native Chulym words. As anticipated,124 Rus. intervocalic (attested once in the collected ma­ terial) as well as Rus. [f] before a voiceless consonant, whether corresponding to orthographic -f- or -v-125 (only in clusters -ft- and -vk- in the cluster mate­ rial), undergo despirantization to -p- in Chulym (cf. 2.1.1-2). In one case, [f] remains unchanged (cf. 2.1.3).

2.1.1 Rus.-VfV- > MC-LpF-126 MC Apim, a male proper name < Efim.

2.1.2 Rus. -ft-, -vk- [-fk-] > MC, LC -pt-, -pk-, e.g.127 Cui. qopta ‘blouse, jacket’ < kofta ‘id.’; MC lapka ‘shop, store’ < lavka ‘small shop’, cf. MC lavka - lajka ‘id.’ (2.1.3); LCpatqopqa ‘horseshoe’

124 Cf. C.I.2.1 and C.UI.2.2. 125 Cf. Avanesov 1956: 164. 126 For the same adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 38; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 47; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 95; for Rus. - VJV- > Yak. -V'pipjV-. see Slepcov 1964: 88, cf. also D’jaikovskij 1962: 46. 127 For some other examples, see 7.2.3.1. For the same adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 47f. 140 Chapter 11. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

2.1.3 Rus. -vk- [-fk-] > MC -vk-, -fk- MĆ lavka ~ lajka ‘shop, store’ < lavka ‘small shop’, cf. MĆ lapka ‘id.’ (2.1.2).

2.2 Word-medial -x-, -x’- In native words, word-medial -x- is attested in Middle and Lower Chulym. It is secondary and results from spirantization of -q-, and in Lower Chulym also of -k-, generally in clusters with a voiceless obstruent, sometimes also in the position between a vowel and a sonorant,128 e.g. MC pasxa ‘other’ (MĆJa 103) ~pasxy ‘id.’ (ZS 12); LC pasxa ~pasqa ‘id.’ (ĆulT 170); LĆ qusxun ‘raven’ (ĆulT 170) < qusqun* ‘id.’;129 *LC dcx-b ‘1. old man; 2. husband’ (ĆulT 155) < dcqa ‘1. id.’ (MĆS 141); MC ajtxan (MCS 26) < ajt-qan (ajt-‘to tell’- pst); LC oxsiis ~ oksiis ‘orphan’ (ĆulT 160); LĆ mdsxd- maska ‘mushroom’ (ibid.); LĆ uqla- ‘to sleep’ (ĆJa 461) ~juxla- ‘id.’ (DGĆ 26); MĆparbuxnrbn (ZS 104) < par-ba-gok-mln* (par-lto go’-NEG-FUT-lsG).

In intervocalic position and when adjacent to a sonorant in intervocalic clusters, Rus. -x- undegoes despirantization to -k-1 -q-[3° (cf. 2.2.1-2). In one case, Rus. intervocalic -x- in the environment of back vowels is adapted as LĆ -y- (cf. 2.2.3). In some other cases, Rus. -x- remains unchanged (cf. 2.2.4-5).

2.2.1 Rus.-VxV- > MĆ, Kua.-VkV- (>-Pql7-)’ MĆ akotnik ~ aqotnik ~ oqotniq ‘hunter’ < oxotnik ‘id.’, cf. MĆ axotnik ~ oxotnik ‘id.’ (2.2.4); MĆ paraqot ‘ship’

2.2.2 Rus. -RxV-, - VxR- > MĆ, LĆ -Rq V-, - VqR- MĆ qolqos ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < kolxoz ‘id.’, cf. MĆ, LĆ kolxoz etc. ‘id.’(2.2.5);

128 Cf. ĆulT 159f„ 170f; ZS 103ff„ 139; Pomorska 2001: 96. 129 Cf. Kiia. qusqun ‘id.’ (cf. 1.1.1, point [1] above). 1,11 Cf. also the despirantization of Rus. x in word-initial (C.1.2.2) and word-final (C.111.2.1.1) positions. 111 For Rus. -x- > -k- in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 40; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 48; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 117. 141 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC oqrana ‘guard, guarding’ < oxrdna ‘guarding, protection’.

2.2.3 Rus.-VxV-> LĞ-L/L- LC soya ‘ard (plough)’ < soxd ‘id.’.

2.2.4 Rus.-VxV-> MC-t.vC- MC Mixajl, a male proper name < Mixail; MC Mixajlyc, a male patronymic < Mixajlovic; MĞ axotnik ~ oxotnik ‘hunter’ < oxotnik ‘id.’, cf. MC akotnik etc. ‘id.’ (2.2.1).

2.2.5 Rus. -Cx- > MC -Cx- MC kolxoz ~ qolxos, LĞ kolxoz - kolxos ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < kolxoz ‘id.’,cf. MĞ qolqos ‘id.’(2.2.2); MĞ posxiscalis ’ ‘Rus. восхищались’ < vosxiscälis ’ ‘id.’.

2.3 Word-medial -s-, -s and -z-, -z In native Chulym words, voiceless -5-:132 [1] occurs in clusters with a voiceless consonant, e.g. MC öksüs ‘1. or­ phan; 2. widow’ (ZS 94) = LĞ öksüs ~ öxsüs ‘1. id.’ (ĞulT 160) = Küä. öksüs ‘id.’ (RPro 703); MC aqsaq ‘lame’ (ZS 93) = LC aqsaq ‘id.’ (CulT 159) = Küä. aqsaq (R I 125); MC castyq ~ castuq ‘pillow’ (ZS 72) = LC jästuq ‘id.’ (ĞulT 156) = Küü.jastyq ‘id.’ (R III 223); [2] undergoes voicing to -z- in intervocalic position, although cases of re­ tention of voicelessness, occasionally accompanied by gemination, are also to be found, e.g. MĞ iziy ‘hot’ (MChD 126) ~ isiy ‘id.’ (MĞS 53) = LĞ iziy ‘heat’ (ĞulT 158); MĞ özüm (ZS 16) = LĞ özüm (Pritsak 627) = Küä. özüm (RPro 689) < ös-üm* (öVself’-PxlsG); MĞ âsyppagabbs (ZS 98) < as-yp-par-gan-* bys (<25-‘to lose one’s way’-cv par-’\.o go’AUX-PST-İPL); Küä. münälbässim (Pritsak 626, 627l33) < mün-al-bas-im* (mün-’to mount’ a/-‘to take’AUX-AOR. neg-Isg); [3] undergoes voicing to -z- between a sonorant and a vowel, but some cases of retention of voicelessness are also attested, e.g. MĞ qursaq ‘stomach’ (ZS 124) = LĞ qursaq ‘id.’ (ĞulT 163) = Küä. qursaq ‘id.’ (R II 956); MĞ polsa (LĞJa 77) ~polza (DGĞ 19) < pol-sa (pol-lto be’-C0ND); MĞ ölursuq

132 Cf. ĞulT 153; ZS 96ff.; MChD 24; Pomorska 2001: lOOf. 133 No source is given; this verb form is attested neither in Radloff’s Versuch... nor in Proben... 142 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

(ZS 116) < dlur-ur-suy* (olur-'to seat’-AOR-2sG), cf. MC alarzytj (MCJa 58) (¿7/-‘to take’-AOR-2sG).134

In the available material, Russian voiceless medial -s- remains voiceless in almost all attested loanwords, even when it occurs intervocalically (cf. 2.3.2) and in the pre-sonorant position (cf. 2.3.3). It is probable that in one case Rus. intervocalic -s- underwent voicing to -z- (cf. 2.3.1), although this depends on which of the two possible etyma is regarded as more plausible. Russian geminated intervocalic -ss- is simplified in Chulym to voiceless -s- (cf. 2.3.5). In two loanwords, Rus. -z- in clusters with a voiced consonant undergoes devoicing. In one of these cases, the second member is a voiced stop, and the process of devoicing applies to the entire cluster (cf. 2.3.6). In another one, the second member is a sonorant, so it only applies to z (cf. 2.3.7). In other cases, Rus. -z- remains unchanged (cf. 2.3.8-9). Palatalized -5 ’- and -zgen­ erally undergo depalatalization.

2.3.1 (?)Rus.-Usr->LC-rzU- LC tuzak Tittle birch bark container with a lid’ < Rus.dial. tuesok ‘id’.135 136

2.3.2 Rus.-Ksf’JU-> MC-KsU-, e.g. MC Liisa, a female proper name < Ljusjcr™ MC posuda ‘dishes’

2.3.3 Rus. -s(’)R- > MC, LC -s(’)R-, e.g.137 MC casnok ‘garlic’ < cesnok ‘id.’; MC plaslovanja ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial. blasloven 'e ‘id.’; MC pis 'mo ‘letter’ < pis 'mo ‘id.’; LC prasnyj ‘unleavened, tasteless’

I3J For secondary -5- (> -z-) resulting from the -s- > -s- change in Middle Chulym and Kiiarik, see 2.4 below. Cf. also the introductory remarks to section 6. below in this chapter. 135 If we accept Rus.dial. tuesok as the etymon of LC tuzak', for remarks on the etymology of LC tuzak, see B.IV s.v. Another possible source is Rus.dial. tuezok, in which case the voiced -z- is already present in the donor form. 136 Cf.C.IV.3.1.3.1. 137 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 143 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.3.4 Rus. -sT- > MC, LC -sT- MCpastok ‘east’ < vostok ‘id.’; MC posxiscalis' ‘Rus. восхищались’ < vosxiscalis ’ ‘id.’; MC, LC tasta ‘dough’ < testo ‘id.’; Cui. pospannik ‘vaccine’ < Rus.dial, vospennik ‘person who vaccinates people against pox’.

2.3.5 Rus.-LssL-138 139> MC, LC-LsL- MC klasa ‘grade (at school)’ < klassa, Gen.Sg. of klass ‘id.’; LC masazirovat’at- ‘to massage’ < *masazirovat ’< Rus. massazirovat’ ‘id.’.

2.3.6 Rus. -zb- > Kiia. -sp-119 Kiia. yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ < izba ‘chamber, room; hut, cottage’, cf. LC izbuska ‘hut’ (2.3.9).

2.3.7 Rus. -zn’- > MC -s«-140 MC zavosna ‘building for keeping a horse harness’ < Rus.dial, zavdznja ‘id.’.

2.3.8 Rus. -Vz(’)V- > MC, LC -VzV-, e.g. MC kazain ‘owner, landlord’

2.3.9 Rus.-Fz/f-> MC, LC-Lz/?-, e.g.142 MC kiiznac ~ kuznac ‘blacksmith’ < kuznec ‘id.’; MC praznyk etc. ‘holiday, feast’ < prazdnik [-zn ’-] ‘id.’; LC izbuska ‘hut’ < izbuska ‘id.’, cf. Kiia. yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ (2.3.6).

138 After a stressed vowel, orthographically geminated -sj- is pronounced long in Rus. klassa; however, in the case of massazirovat', which is a loanword in Russian, its gemination may or may not be maintained in pronunciation (cf. Vinogradov 1960: 69, Timberlake 2004: 68). 139 Cf. 7.3 below. 140 Cf. also Rus. -zn'- > Dolg. *s(Vnn)- > -h(Vnh)- in Dolg. barähynn'yk - byrähynn'yk ‘Fest, Feier’ < *baräsvn 'vk - *byräsyn 'yk < Rus. präzdnik ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 51). 141 Cf. C.IV.3.1.1.1. 143 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 144 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

2.4 Word-medial -s-, -z- and -sc-, -sc- |e:| In native Chulym words, voiceless -s-:143 [1] occurs in clusters with a voiceless consonant; in Middle Chulym and Küärik it alternates with -s-, e.g. MC caqsy ~ MC saqsy ‘good, well’ (LCJa 23) = LC jaqsy ‘id.’ (CulT 156) = Küä. jaqsy ‘id.’ (RPro 703) ~ jaqsy ‘id.’ (ibid. 694); MC tasqar ‘outside, outdoors’ (MChD 168) ~ MC taskar ‘id.’ (ZS 137); Küä. tasqary ‘outside of’ (RPro 695) - tasqar ‘id.’ (ibid. 702); MC istän- ‘to work’ (MCJa 88) ~ MC istän- ‘id.’ (ZS 33) = LC istän- ‘id.’ (CulT 158); [2] intervocalically, generally undergoes voicing to -z-, although examples of retention of voicelessness are also attested; in Middle Chulym and Küärik, -VsV- alternates with -VsV- > -VzV-, e.g. MC äsämädä ‘nothing’ (MCS 47, MChD 123) = LC äsmädä (CulT 143); Küä. dsit- ‘to hear’ (RPro 701) = MC azit- ‘id.’ (ZS 94); MC dsik ‘door’ (L2015: 225) ~ dzik ‘id.’ (MCJa 105) = LC dzik ‘id.’ (CulT 130) = Küä. dzik ‘id.’ (R I 915); MC pdsbm (ZS 132) < *pas-Im (paf‘head’-PxlsG), MCpdzy

In the available material, Russian intervocalic -s- is adapted as -s- in one loanword (cf. 2.4.1), and as -z- in another (cf. 2.4.2); both examples come from Middle Chulym. In other loanwords, whether attested in Middle or Lower Chulym, Russian -s- remains unchanged, regardless of whether it is in intervocalic position (cf. 2.4.3.1) or between a sonorant and a vowel (cf. 2.4.3.3).

143 Cf. CulT 153f.; ZS lOOfif.; MChD 24f.; Pomorska 2001: 101. 144 For secondary -s- (> -z-) resulting from spirantization of MC -c- and Kiia. -c-, see 3.1, point [4] below. 145 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

The Russian long soft voiceless sibilant -sc- [c:]145 in intervocalic posi­ tion is generally adapted as MC, LC -J-146 (cf. 2.4.4.1). Furthermore, there is one example of its adaptation as Kua. -5- (cf. 2.4.4.2) and another as MC -ss- (cf. 2.4.4.3). In some cases, the Russian spelling -sc- and -sc- is followed (cf. 2.4.4.4). Russian medial voiced -z- remains unchanged in all available loanwords (cf. 2.4.5).

2.4.1 Rus.-fTr->MC-Lsr- MC kasa ‘porridge’ < kasa ‘id.’, cf. MC qazi ‘id.’ (2.4.2).

2.4.2 Rus. -LG-> MC -I H- MC qazi ‘porridge’ < kasi, Gen.Sg. of kasa ‘id.’, cf. MC kasa (2.4.1).

2.4.3 Rus. -s- > MC -s-

2.4.3.1 Rus.-fTC->MC-rsC- MC Masa, a female proper name < Masa', MC masyna ‘car’ ~ masina ‘machine’ < masina ‘id.’, cf. LC masna ‘id.’ (7.5.2).

2.4.3.2 Rus. -sk-, -zk- |-sk-] > MC, Cui. -sk- MC pjuska’ ‘reel’, CvA. pjuska ‘id.’ < v'juska ‘id.’; MCpyska ‘tower’ < vyska ‘id.’; MC truska ‘best man’ < druzka ‘id.’, cf. MC truzka ‘id.’ (2.4.3.2a).

2.4.3.2a Rus. -zk- [-§k-] > MC, LC -zk- MC truzka ‘best man’ < druzka ‘id.’, cf. MC truska ‘id.’ (2.4.3.2); LC knizka ‘book’ < knizka ‘id.’.

2.4.3.3 Rus. -RsV- > LC -RsV- LC arsin ‘arshin, an obsolete Russian length unit’ < arsin ‘id.’; LC bol’sa cam ‘more than’ < bol’se cem ‘id.’.

145 Cf. Vinogradov 1960: 65. 146 For the same adaptation in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 110. For Rus. -sc- > Yak., Dolg. -5s- > -5----- h-, see StachowskiM 1999: 52 and Slepcov 1964: 93; for Rus. -sc- > Tat.dial. -ss-, see Berta 1983: 55. 146 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

2.4.4 Rus.-VscV-,-VscV- [c ]

2.4.4.1 Rus. -Sc- > MĆ, LC -s- MĆ dśo ~ iśo ‘ 1. yet, more; 2. else’ < eśće ‘id.’; MĆ jaśik ‘box’ < jóśćik ‘id.’; MĆ praslaś- ~praslys- ‘to say goodbye to sb’ « Rus. prayed-147 ‘id.’, cf. Küä. praslaś- ‘id.’ (2.4.4.2); MĆ tyśa ‘thousand’ < Rus.colloq. tyśća ‘id.’, cf. MĆ tyśśa ‘id.’ (2.4.4.3); LC zavddusij ‘manager’ < zavedujuscij ‘id.’.

2.4.4.2 Rus. -sc- > Küä. -s- Küä. praslaś- ‘to say goodbye to sb’ « Rus. prayed-148 ‘id.’, cf. MĆpraślaś- ‘id.’ (2.4.4.1).

2.4.4.3 Rus. -sc- > MC -ss- MĆ tyśśa ‘thousand’ < Rus.colloq. tyśća ‘id.’, cf. MĆ tyśa ‘id.’ (2.4.4.1).

2.4.4.4 Rus. -sc-, -sc- > MC -sc-, -sc- MĆ ndsćasnyj ‘unhappy’ < nesćastnyj ‘id.’; MC posxiscalis ’ ‘Rus. восхищались’ < vosxiscalis ’ ‘id.’.

2.4.5 Rus. -z- > MĆ, LC -ź-

2.4.5.1 Rus.-VzV- > MĆ, LC-VzV-, e.g. MĆ tozd ‘also, as well, too’ < tóże ‘id.’; MĆ uzd ‘already’ < uze ‘id.’; LC masazirovat’ dt- ‘to massage’ < masazirovat* ’ < Rus. massazirovat’ ‘id.’.

2.4.5.2 Rus. -zC- > MĆ -ŹC- MC możno ‘one can, one may’ < móźno ‘id.’.

147 For remarks on the etymology of MÖ praslas- and Küä. praslas-, see B.I s.v. MÖ praslas-. 148 Cf. the previous footnote. 147 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.5 Word-medial-v-,-v In native Chulym words, voiced bilabial -v- results from spirantization of -b-149 and spirantization and voicing of -p-.150 In the available material, Russian -v- is adapted as Cui. -b-, -p- and -m-, and if palatalized, it additionally undergoes depalatalization. Despirantization to voiced -b- is found in intervocalic position only151 (cf. 2.5.1). Despirantization and devoicing to -p-152 is attested in one loanword and it occurs in a consonant cluster whose first member is voiceless (cf. 2.5.3.1). Adaptation as the bilabial nasal -m- occurs in two loanwords. In one case it is applied to -v- in a vn- cluster, and results from long-distance assimilation due to initial b- (cf. 2.5.2.1); in the other it is attested in intervocalic posi­ tion and none of the consonants which are present in that word are bilabial or nasal (cf. 2.5.2.2). It is probable that in one patronymic Rus. intervocalic -v- dropped out (cf. 2.5.4). In some other cases, Rus. -v- remains unchanged, regardless of whether it is in intervocalic position or in the vicinity of a con­ sonant (cf. 2.5.5).

2.5.1 Rus.-Vv(’)V- > MC, LC -K6L-153 MC tarobastyr, a greeting used when meeting someone ~ turabastar ’ 1. How do you do? 2. cheers!’ « Rus.arch, zdordvo ‘ 1. id.’; MC sabar ‘north’ < sever ‘id.’; LC abin ‘building used for drying sheaves before threshing’ < ovin ‘id.’.

2.5.2 Rus. -v-> Cui. -m-154 155

2.5.2.1 Rus. b - vn > MC b - mn MC buramna ‘log, beam’ < brevno'55 ‘id.’.

149 Cf. 1.2.1 above. 150 Cf. 1.1.2 above. 151 At first glance it seems that in one case, Rus. -Vv'l- is adapted as Cul. -Fpl-, but this change is not certain (cf. 2.5.3.2). 152 Cf. also despirantization of Rus. vto Cul p in word-initial and final positions (cf. C.1.2.1.3 and C.III.2.2.2, respectively). 151 For the same adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 39; in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 89; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 57; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 93. 154 For the same adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 68 and in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 107. 155 Or Prep.Sg. brevné ~ Rus.dial. *brévno; for remarks on the etymology of MC büràmnà, see B.I s.v. 148 Chapter 11. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

2.S.2.2 Rus.-Lv’L- > Cui.-LmL-156 157158159 Cui. klamik ‘pigsty’ < xlevik ‘small pigsty’.

2.5.3 Rus. -v- > MC, Cui. -p-

2.5.3.1 Rus. sv’- > MC sp- MC to spitanija ‘Goodbye!’ < do svidanija ‘id.’.

2.5.3.2 (?) Rus.-Vv’V- > Cui.-VpV- Cul. kipis'-2 ‘fishnet sinker’ < Rus.dial. kives™ ‘stone attached to the bottom part of the fishing net’.

2.5.4 (?) Rus. (a) - -ovi- > MC (a) - -y- MC Mixajlyc, a male patronymic < MixajlovicP9

2.5.5 Rus. -v- > MC, LC -v-

2.5.5.1 Rus.-Vv’V- > MC, LC-VvV-, e.g. MC navasta ‘bride, fiancee’ < nevesta ‘id.’; MCplaslovanja ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial. blasloven’e ‘id.’; LC zavadusij ‘manager’ < zavedujuscij ‘id.’.

2.5.5.2 Rus. sv- > MC sv- MC svaqa ‘matchmaker’ < svaxa ‘id.’; MC svatat ’at- ‘to matchmake’ < svatat* ’ < Rus. svatat ’ ‘id.’.

2.5.5.3 Rus. -RvC) V-, -vRV- > MC, LC -RvV-, -vRV- MC Varvara, a female proper name < Varvara; LC intarvii ‘interview, inquiry’ < intervju’ ‘id.’;160

156 For the same adaptation in Yakut, see Slepcov 1963: 107. 157 Probably incorrectly transcribed by BirjukoviC; for details, see B.IV s.v. 158 If we accept Rus.dial. kives as a more plausible etymon for Cui. ktpis, then see Index, section B.IV for remarks on the etymology of the Chulym word; see also 1.2.1.2 above. 159 The process of shortening in this word could have occurred already in Russian. Cf.C.IV.3.1.3.1. 149 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC *pazdravl 'at in pazdravl 'ad at- ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ < pozdravljat' ‘id.’.

3. Affricates

3.1 Word-medial -c- The Chulym continuants of PT -c-* are -c- in Lower Chulym and Kiiarik and -c- in Middle Chulym.161 In native words, voiceless LC, Kiia. -c- and MC -c-:162 [1] occur in clusters with a voiceless consonant, e.g. LC dcqa ‘old man’ = Kiia. aucqa ‘old (man)’ = MC ocqa ‘old man’;163 LC apci ‘ 1. woman’ = MC apci ‘1. id.; 2. wife’;164 [2] are attested in intervocalic position, where they commonly undergo voicing to LC, Kiia. -j- and MC -j- respectively, e.g. LC pycaq ‘knife’ (CulT 56) ~pyyaq ‘id.’ (CulT 133) = Kiia. pyyaq ‘id.’ (R IV 1318) = MC pycaq ‘id.’ (ZS 108) -pyyaq ‘id.’ (DGC 18); LC kiyiy ‘small’ (MCS 34) = Kiia. kiyig ‘id.’ (RPro 696) = MC kiciy ‘id.’ (LCJa 41); LC acyy ‘bitter’ (LCJa 9) - ayyy ‘id.’ (CulT 155) = Kiia. ayyy ‘id.’ (R I 529) = MC acyy ‘id.’ (LCJa 9); LC ayuq ‘open’ (CulT 155) = Kiia. ayyq ‘id.’ (R 1 529) = MC acyq ~ ayyq ‘id.’ (LCJa 30); [3] are attested between a sonorant and a vowel, where they commonly undergo voicing to LC, Kiia. -j- and MC -j- respectively, e.g. LC iginci ‘sec­ ond’ (CulT 176) ~ iginyi ‘id.’ (CJa 466) = Kiia. ikinyi ‘id.’ (RPro 695) = MC iginci ~ iginyi ‘id.’ (MChD 126); Kiia. iiyunyu ‘id.’ (RPro 692) = MC uciincu ‘id.’ (MCJa 15) ~ iiyunyu ‘id.’ (LCJa 79); LCpalcyq ‘mud’ (CulT 163) = Kiia. palcyq ‘id.’ (R IV 1172) = MC pdlcik ‘id.’ (ZS 111); MC kdldmciik ‘butterfly’ (ZS 85) ~ kalamyik ‘id.’ (ibid. 143); [4] may occasionally undergo spirantization, whether accompanied by voicing or not,165 e.g. MC pyzaq ‘knife’ (ZS 103); Kiia. abysqa ‘old (man)’ (RPro 703); MC osqacaq ‘old man’ (L2010: 264); MC kiziy ‘small’ (ZS 103).

161 Cf. also C.1.3.1 and C.III.3.1. 162 Cf. CulT 154ff.; ZS 109ff.; MChD 25f.; Pomorska 2001: 95. 165 For some other examples, see 1.1.1, p. [ 1 ] above. 164 Cf. 1.1.2, p. [1] above. 165 See also comments s.v. MC kirpis* in B.I. 150 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

In the available material, Rus. -c- is sometimes spirantized in Chulym to -s- (cf. 3.1.1). Loanwords which display this change are attested in Middle Chulym,166 in which the -c- affricate does not occur in native words. In one word, Rus. -c- is replaced by -c- in Middle Chulym. The change is attested in intervocalic position but -c- remains voiceless (cf. 3.1.2). In two other loan­ words, one of them attested in Middle Chulym, Rus. -c- remains unchanged (cf. 3.1.3).

3.1.1 Rus. -c- > MC -s-167

3.1.1.1 Rus.-VdcV- |Vts:V]168 > MC-VsV- MC kolosa ‘well’ < kolodca, Gen.Sg. of kolodec ‘id.’.

3.1.1.2 (?) Rus. -c- > MC, Cui. -s-169 Cui. oyursa ‘cucumber’ < ogurca, Gen.Sg. of ogurec ‘id.’; MC kursa ‘chicken; hen’ < kurica ‘id.’; MC malimza ‘mill’ < malinsa* < Rus. mel’nica ‘id.’.

3.1.2 Rus. -VcV- > MC -VcV- MC kiizndcd ‘smithy’ < kuznica ‘id.’.

3.1.3 Rus. -c- > MC, LC -c- MC ucltalnica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’ < ucitel'nica ‘id.’; LC lasinca ‘staircase’ < *lasnica < Rus. lestnica ‘id.’.

166 The dialect affiliation of one loanword is impossible to determine, as it may belong to either Middle or Lower Chulym. 167 For the same adaptation in Kirgiz, see Chorolec 1953: 108. For Rus. -VcV- > Dolg. -VsV- (~ VssV-), see StachowskiM 1999: 41; in Yakut, Rus. - VcV- is generally adapted as -55- (Slepcov 1964: 91 f.) and in Tatar dial, as -c- (Berta 1983: 44). Cf. Vinogradov 1960: 78. 169 The spirantization of -c- could have occurred already in Russian, see comments in B.I s.v. MC kursa, malimza and in B.IV s.v. Cui. oyursa. 151 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

3.2 Word-medial -c- Word-medial -c- and its voiced counterpart -j- are distinctive in Middle Chulym.170 The adaptation of Russian voiceless -ć- occurs in two loanwords. In one Küärik word, Rus. intervocalic -c- is adapted as voiceless -c- (cf. 3.2.1).171 In other cases, Rus. -ć- in intervocalic position remains unchanged (cf. 3.2.3.1), including a word in Lower Chulym where the phoneme /ć/ is foreign.172 In one word, which is attested in Middle Chulym, Rus. -ć- in an intervocalic -nć- cluster undergoes voicing to -j- (cf. 3.2.2).173 174

3.2.1 Rus.-lcV-> Küä. Küä. päcät ‘stamp, seal’

3.2.2 Rus. -nc- > MĆ -nj- MC * manjät in mänjät bol- 'v.i. to marry, to be wedded’ ~ mänjättä- 'v.t. to marry’ < vencat ’ ‘ 1. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’.

3.2.3 Rus. -c- > MĆ, LC -c-

3.2.3.1 Rus.-LcL-> MĆ, LC -l cL- MĆ nucuq ~ nucuq ~ nücäk ~ nucäk ‘grandson etc.’ < vnucek ‘id.’; MĆ ucitäl ‘teacher’ < ućitel’ ‘id.’; MC ucitälnica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’ < ucitel’nica ‘id.’; LC kuća* in kucała- ‘to heap up’ < kuca ‘heap’.

3.2.3.2 Rus. -ćk- > MĆ, Cui. -ćk- (> -cq-) MC nücqa ‘granddaughter’ < vnucka ‘id.’; MĆ poćka ~ boćka ‘barrel’ < boćka ‘id.’; Cui. käläckä ‘ring’ < kolećko ‘small ring’.

170 For examples, see 3.1 above. 171 As it was mentioned above (cf. 3.1), the phoneme /i/ is not present in native Küärik words. 172 Cf. 3.1 above. 173 Cf. 3.1, point [3] above. 174 For Rus. -KcK- > Dolg. -VcV- - -Vt’V-, see StachowskiM 1999: 41; for Rus. -VcV- > Tat.dial. -VcV-, see Berta 1983: 45. 152 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

4. Liquids

4.1 Word-medial -/-, In most loanwords in the available material, Rus. -/- remains unchanged both in intervocalic position and in consonant clusters, whereas its palatalized counterpart generally undergoes depalatalization. In one loanword, Russian intervocalic is adaptated as Cui. -7-175 (cf. 4.1.1) and forms a cluster with the following consonant as a result of syncope of the adjacent vowel.176 177In one case, long-distance metathesis of the / ’- r liquids is probable (cf. 4.1.2). Some words follow Russian in using a doubled spelling even though it corresponds to a single phonetic [1] in the source form (cf. 4.1.4).

4.1.1 Rus. V-*-l > Cui. -/- Cui. tajnak ‘young cow’ < telënok'11 ‘id.’, cf. MC tdlndk ~ tdlndk ‘id.’.

4.1.2 (?) Rus.r > Cul. r - / Cui. pars-bl ‘medical assistant’ < *pàlsw < Rus.fél’dser ‘id.’.178

4.1.3 Rus. -Vl(’)V- > MC, LC, Küâ. -Vl(jV-, e g. MC kolosa ~ qalotca ‘well’ < kolôdca, Gen.Sg. of kolôdec ‘id.’; MC mylo ‘soap’ < mÿlo ‘id.’; LC familja ‘surname’ < familija ‘id.’;179 LC kastrülà ‘saucepan’ < kastrjulja ‘id.’;180 LC talagd ‘cart’ < telega ‘id.’; Kiia. qalat ‘dressing gown’ < xaldt ‘id.’.

4.1.3.1 Rus. -Cl-, -l(’)C- > MC, LC -Cl-, -l(’)C-, e.g.181 MCplaslovanjd ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial. blaslovén’e ‘id.’;

175 Cf. also Yak. xoruobuja ‘roof, roofing’ < Rus. krovlja ‘id.’ (cf. Slepcov 1964: 92). 176 Cf. 7.5.2 below. 177 Or Rus.dial. *telenok; cf. comments in B.I s.v. MC tdlndk. 178 If we accept Rus.st. fel 'dser as the etymon of Cui. pars-bl, as e.g. StachowskiM 1999: 68 does for Dolg. pyarsal (< *pyalsar < Rus. fel ’dser}. However, an alternative assumption would be to derive the Chulym word from Rus.dial. fersal ‘id.’ (cf. B.IV s.v), which itself has undergone metathesis. 179 Cf. C.IV.3.2.1.1b. 180 Cf. C.IV.3.2.1.1. 181 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 153 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC sadlo ‘saddle’ < sedlo ‘id.’; MC putulka ~putulya ‘bottle’ < butylka ‘id.’; MC ucitalnica ~ ucital’nica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’ < ucitel’nica . ‘id/; LC calkovyj ‘rouble’ < celkovyj ‘id.’.

4.1.4 Rus. -VllV- [-L/L-]182 > MC -VllV- MC milliart ‘billion’ < milliard ‘id.’; MC wz7/zart/o/‘billion’ < milliardov, Gen.Pl. of milliard ‘id.’; MC million ‘million’ < million ‘id.’; MC millionof’m\W\ovC < millionov, Gen.Pl. of million ‘id.’.

4.2 Word-medial-r-,-r In all loanwords which are to be found in the available material, Rus. -r- remains unchanged, both in intervocalic position and in consonant clusters183 (cf. 4.2.1). Palatalized -rundergoes depalatalization.

4.2.1 Rus.-VrC)V- > MC, LC, Kiia.-VrV-, e.g. MC, LC arys, Kiia. arys ‘rye’ < Rus.dial. aryz* ‘id.’; MC paraqot ‘ship’

4.2.2 Rus. -Cr(’)-, -rC- > MC, LC -Cr-, -rC-, e.g.185 186 MC kartina ‘picture’ < kartina ‘id.’; MC tiirma ‘prison’ < tjur'ma ^ ‘id.’; LC kastriild ‘saucepan’ < kastrjulja ‘id.’;187 LC arsin ‘arshin, an obsolete Russian length unit’ < arsin ‘id.’.

182 Since in all listed loanwords Rus. -//- follows an unstressed vowel, it was most probably pronounced as [1] in Russian, cf. Vinogradov 1960: 69, Timberlake 2004: 68. 183 For the probable, albeit not certain metathesis of Rus. /’ - r> Cui. r- I, see 4.1 above. 184 Cf. C.IV.3.1.1a. 185 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 186 Or rather tjur 'me (Prep.Sg. of tjur 'ma) - Rus.dial. *tjur 'ma', for remarks on the etymology of MC tiirma, see B.I s.v. 187 Cf. C.IV.3.1.3.1. 154 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

5. Nasals

5.1 Word-medial -m-, -m ’- In the available material, while Rus. -m- remains intact, -mundergoes depalatalization in Chulym and the palatal quality shifts onto the adjacent back vowel (cf. 5.1.1).

5.1.1 Rus.-Vm(’)V- > MC, LC -Vm(jV-. e.g. MCpornos ~pomoc ‘aid, help, assistance’

5.1.2 Rus. -Cm-, -mC- > MC, LC -Cm-, -mC-, e.g.189 190 MC lampa ‘lamp’ < lampa ‘id.’; MC pis ’mo ‘letter’ < pis ’mo ‘id.’; LC kblamka ~ kblamka ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’ < Rus.dial. kulemka ‘trap for small animals’.

5.2 Word-medial -n-, -n ’- In the available material, examples of adaptation of word-medial -n- are few and far between. In one case, Russian medial -n- in a -nk- cluster is adapted as Cui. -y- (cf. 5.2.1), in another, long-distance assimilation occurs, whereby Rus. m - n’> MC m - m (cf. 5.2.2). Palatalized -n’- undergoes depalatalization. In other loanwords, word-medial -n- and geminated -nn- re­ main unchanged, whether intervocalic or in the vicinity of another consonant (cf. 5.2.3-5).

5.2.1 Rus. -nk- > Cui. -yk-'90 Cui. sardrjkd ‘match’ < Rus.dial. serjanka ‘id.’.

188 Cf. C.IV.3.2.1.1b. 189 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 190 For the same adaptation in Yakut, see D’jaikovskij 1962: 34 and Slepcov 1964: 109; in Tuvinian, see Pomorska 1994: 98; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 48. 155 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

5.2.2 Rus. m - »’ > MC m - m MC mälimzä ‘mill’ < mel'nica ‘id.’.

5.2.3 Rus. - Vn(’) V- > MC - Vn(j V-, e.g. MC oqrana ‘guard, guarding’ < oxrdna ‘guarding, protection’; MC panik ‘rod, twig; broom’ < venik ‘broom, besom’; MC sobranjd ‘meeting’ < sobrdnie ‘id.’.

5.2.4 Rus. -Cn(’)-, -nC- > MC, LC, Küä. -Cn-, -nC-, e.g.191 MC küznäc - kuznäc ‘blacksmith’ < kuznec ‘id.’; MC pajna ~ vajna ‘war’ < vojnä ‘id.’; MC panka ‘can, tin’ < banka ‘id.’; LC cudnoj ‘odd; strange’ < cudnöj ‘id.’; LC präsnyj ‘unleavened, tasteless’

5.2.5 Rus. -nn- |-nj:-]192 > MC, Cul. -nn- MC plämännik ‘nephew’ < Rus.dial. plemennik ‘id.’; Cul. pospdnnik ‘vaccine’ < Rus.dial. vöspennik ‘person who vaccinates people against pox’.

6. The glide -j-

In native Lower Chulym and Küärik words, medial -j- is the continuation of PT -d-* 193 and PT *-j-, while in Middle Chulym, word-medial -j- is the con­ tinuation of PT -/-,* 194 e.g. LC pojük ‘high’195 (LCJa 23); LC ijdr ‘saddle’196 (CulT 156); LC qujuruq ‘tail’ (DGC 18) = Küä. qujruq ‘id.’197 (R 11 891); LC

1,1 For other examples, see 7.4.1 below. 192 In both attested Rus. etyma, the geminated -nn- occurs after a stressed vowel (cf. Vinogradov 1960: 69, Timberlake 2004: 68). 193 Cf. Schönig 1998: 404; Tekin 1991: 12ff.; Pomorska 2001: 77; Pomorska 2004: 20f. 194 PT *-<)- developed in Middle Chulym to -z-; such a continuation of PT *- ö- is attested also in a number of Küärik words (see the following footnotes). 195 = MC posiik (ZS 129) ~pöziik (ibid. 112) = Küä. pöziik ‘id.’ (RPro 703). 196 = MÖ äzär (ZS 99) = Küä. äzär ‘id.’ (R 1 892). I9’ - Küä. quznruq ‘id.’ (RPro 705) = MÖ quzuruq ‘id.’ (LÖJa 44). 156 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position mojnu ‘his neck’ (CTJa 157) = Kiia. mojny ‘id.’ (RPro 702) = MCpojnu ‘id.’ (ZS 23) < pojln-l* pq/7«-Px3sG);*( LC qojuy ‘thick’ (CTJa 175) = Kiia. qojuy ‘id.’ (R II 528) = MC qojuy ‘id.’ (ZS 51). Word-medial -j- may undergo elision,198 e.g. LC cip (CulT 146) < cij-ip* (ci/-‘to write’-cv), cf. also LC cijarga ‘to write’ (ibid. 139); LC qys ~ qyjys ‘crooked, bent’ (ibid. 145); LC sujal ~ siidl ‘wart’ (CulT 142) = Kiia. sual ‘id.’ (R IV 795) = MC sdl ‘id.’ (ZS 97); Kiia. s3lo-'99 ‘to say’ (RPro e.g. 696).

In the available material, there are some loanwords in which word-medial -j- has undergone elision (cf. 6.1). In intervocalic position, the process can be accompanied by compensatory vowel lengthening (cf. 6.1.1), along with fronting of the adjacent back vowel (cf. 6.1.2). In one case, compensatory vowel lengthening does not occur (cf. 6.1.3). In another, as a result of -j- eli­ sion between a vowel and a consonant, the original mid vowel is raised (cf. 6.1.4). In some other loanwords Rus. -j- remains unchanged, whether inter­ vocalic or in an intervocalic consonant cluster (cf. 6.2).

6.1 Rus. -j- > MC, LC -0-

6.1.1 Rus. -C’ee > MC Cd MC bold ‘more’ < bolee [-ljija] ‘id.’.

6.1.2 Rus. -ue-----ue- or uja- > MC -«-, -«-, LC -«-, -iia- MC tds - tus, LC tus ~ tubs ‘birch bark container with a lid’ < Rus.dial, tues ~ tuez or tujaz ‘id.’; LC tdzak ~ tuz ’ak ‘little birch bark container with a lid’ < Rus.dial. tuezdk ~ tues ok200 ‘id.’.

6.1.3 Rus. -uju- > LC -u- LC zavadusij ‘manager’ < zavedujuscij ‘id.’.

6.1.4 Rus. -C’ejk- > Cui. -Cik- Cul. varabika ‘sparrow’ < Rus.dial. vorobejka, dimin. of vorobej ‘id.’.

Cf. also Pomorska 2001: 102. The word is not attested in Lower and Middle Chulym. Or rather Rus.dial. *tuesok ~ *tuezok; for remarks on the etymology of LC tuzak, see B.II s.v. 157 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

6.2 Rus. -j- > MC, LC -j-

6.2.1 Rus.-ljr->MC, LC-LyL- MC Rasija ‘Russia’ < Rossija ‘id.’; LC familija ‘family’ < Rus. familija ‘id.’.

6.2.2 Rus. -jC- > MC -jC- MC Mixajlyc, a male patronymic < Mixajlovic; MC sajka ‘washbasin’ < sajka ‘small wooden or tinned wash-tub’.

7. Consonant clusters in word-medial position

In the available material, there are only a few cases in which word-medial consonant clusters have been broken apart. The methods of adaptation used include anaptyxis (cf. 7.1.1), metathesis (cf. 7.1.2) and deletion of the first member in the cluster (cf. 7.1.3). In some loanwords, a word-medial consonant cluster is retained in Chu­ lym, but one of its consonants undergoes adaptation, including [1] progres­ sive voicing of the second member (cf. 7.2.1); [2] devoicing of Rus. -z- in the vicinity of -n- (cf. 7.2.2); [3] despirantization of Rus. -f- and -x-201 (cf. 7.2.3); [4] velarization of Rus. -n- in the vicinity of -k- (cf. 7.2.4); [5] changing of one member of the cluster due to long-distance assimilation of consonants (cf. 7.2.5); [6] probable changing of one member of the cluster due to long­ distance metathesis (cf. 7.2.6); [7] probable spirantization of -c- (cf. 7.2.7); [8] uvularization of -k- in the vicinity of back vowels (cf. 7.2.8) and [9] spi­ rantization of -g- in the vicinity of back vowels (cf. 7.2.9). In one case, an intervocalic consonant cluster is still preserved, but both its members undergo devoicing (cf. 7.3). In some cases, word-medial consonant clusters arise secondarily as a re­ sult of metathesis (cf. 7.5.1) or syncope (cf. 7.5.2).

201 Only isolated examples of retention of the -f- and -x- spirants in word-medial clusters are to be found in the available material, see 2.1.2 and 2.2.5 above, respectively. 158 Chapter 11. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

7.1 Adaptation of word-medial consonant clusters

7.1.1 Anaptyxis202

Rus. -I’s- > Cui. - IVs- Cul. salasovat ‘selsoviet, a rural council in the Soviet Union’ < selsovet’ ‘id.’.

7.1.2 Metathesis203 Adaptation by metathesis has occurred in three loanwords and it affected the second consonant in a cluster and a neighbouring vowel. In two cases, such a resolution of the cluster leads to the formation of another, more accept­ able one204 205(cf. 7.1.2.2-3).

7.1.2.1 Rus. -csV> MC -cVs* > -cVs MC lucas10- ‘better’ < *lucas < lucas* < Rus. lucse ‘id., cf. MC lucsa ‘id.’.

7.1.2.2 Rus. -stn’Vc- |-sW-|206 > LC -sVnc- LC lasinca ‘staircase’ < lestnica ‘id.’.

7.1.2.3 Rus. m - -I’nVe- > MC m - -lVnc-* > m- -lVns-* >m-~ -IVmz- MC malimza ‘mill’ < malinsa* < malinca* < Rus. mel’nica ‘id.’.207

7.1.3 Deletion of the first member in the cluster Adaptation by deletion of the first consonant in a cluster is found in two loanwords (cf. 7.1.3.1-2). In another, simplification of a three-consonant clus­ ter is also probable, although this depends on which of the two possible etyma is regarded as more plausible (cf. 7.1.3.3).

202 For anaptyxis in cluster adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 50f.; in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 119; in Tuvinian, see Pomorska 1995: 94. 203 For metathesis in cluster adaptation in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 51 f. 204 Cf. 7.5.1 below. 205 The long vowel in the second syllable appears suspicious; for details, see comments in B.I s.v. 206 Cf. Vinogradov 1960: 80. 207 Cf. also 7.5.1.2 below. 159 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

7.1.3.1 Rus. -bk- l-pA-l > MC, Cui. -k- MĆ pâka* oï pâki* ‘knucklebone(s) of animals like sheep, goats etc. used for playing the game babki' < *pâpka ~ pàpki* < Rus. bàbka or bàbki, Pl. of bàbka ‘id.’; Cul. paka ‘pastern’ < papka* < Rus. bàbka ‘id.’.

7.1.3.2 Rus. -éjk- > Cul. -ik- Ćul. varabika ‘sparrow’ < Rus.dial. vorobéjka, dimin. of vorobéj ‘id.’.

7.1.3.3 (?) Rus. -l’ds- [-l't§§-l _ r > Ćul. -rS- - l Cul. parsbl ‘medical assistant’ < *palxbr < palcst>r* < Rus. fél’dser ‘id.’.208

7.2 Adaptation of one consonant in word-medial clusters

7.2.1 Voicing of the second cluster member The process may be attributed to the voicedness of the first member of the cluster.

7.2.1.1 Rus. -Ik- > MC, Cui. -Ig- (> -/y-)209 MC kukulga, Cui. qaqulya ‘doll’ < kukolka, dimin. oikukla ‘id.’; MC putulya ‘bottle’ < butylka ‘id.’, cf. MCputulka ‘id.’ (7.4.1).

7.2.1.2 Rus. -nt- > MC -nd- MC landa ‘ribbon’ < lenta ‘id.’, cf. MC lanta ‘id.’ (7.4.1).

7.2.1.3 Rus. -nc- > MC -ny- MC manyat* in manyat bol- 'v.i. to marry, to be wedded’ ~ manyatta- 'v.t. to marry’ < vencat ’ ‘ 1. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’.

20a If we accept Rus. st. fel 'dser as the etymon of Cui. pdrsul, we have to assume cluster simplifaction (-/ 'ds- > -Is-) along with long-distance metathesis of the liquids (/ - r > r - !) (cf. 4.1.2 above). However, both processes are already attested in the other possible etymon, namely Rus.dial. fersal ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of Cui. pdrsbl, see B.IV s.v. 209 Cf. also 7.2.6 below. 160 Chapter 11. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

7.2.2 Devoicing of -z- in the -zn ’- cluster

Rus. -zn9- > MC -sn-lw MC zavosna ‘building for keeping a horse harness’ < Rus.dial. zavoznja ‘id.’.

7.2.3 Despirantization of -f- and -x-

7.2.3.1 Rus. -JT-, -vT- i-fT-J > MC, LC -pT- MC lapka ‘shop, store’ < lavka ‘small shop’, cf. MC lajka ~ lavka ‘id.’ (7.4.1); MC litopka, Cui. latopka ‘scythe’ < litovka ‘kind of scythe’; LC lapka ‘shop, store’ < lavka1" ‘small shop’; LC patqopqa ‘horseshoe’

7.2.3.2 Rus. -xC-, -Cx- > MC -qC- or -Cq- MC oqrana ‘guard, guarding’ < oxrana ‘guarding, protection’; MC qolqos ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < kolxdz ‘id.’, cf. MC kolxoz ~ qolxos, LC kolxoz ~ kolxos ‘id.’ (7.4.1).

7.2.4 Velarization of -n- in a -nk- cluster

Rus. -nk- > Cui. -rjk-lxl Cui. sararjka ‘match’ < Rus.dial. serjanka ‘id.’.

7.2.5 Changes of one member due to long-distance assimilation

7.2.5.1 Rus. m - -l9nVc- > MC m - -lVnc-* > m - *-lVns- > m-~ -IVmz- MC malimza ‘mill’ < malinsa* < malinca* < Rus. mel’nica ‘id.’. *

210 Cf. 2.3.7 above. 211 Or Rus.dial. *lavke, Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of *lavkd ’id.'; for remarks on the etymology of LC lapka, see B.I1 s.v. 212 Cf. 5.2.1 above. 161 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

7.2.5.2 Rus. b - vn > MĆ b - mn MC buramna ‘log, beam’ < brevno ‘id.’.213

7.2.6 Changes of one member due to long-distance metathesis

(?) Rus. r> Ćul. r - P'4 Ćul. pdrś-bl ‘medical assistant’ < pdlśw* < Rus. fel’dser ‘id.’.

7.2.7 Spirantization of -c-

(?) Rus. -rc- > Ćul. -rs-215 Ćul. oyursa ~ ogursa ‘cucumber’ < ogurca, Gen.Sg. of ogurec ‘id.’.216 217218

7.2.8 Uvularization of -k- in the vicinity of back vowels

Rus. -CkA > Ćul. -CqA MĆ nucqa ‘granddaughter’ < vnucka ‘id.’; MC sutqa ‘day (= 24 hours)’ < sutki ‘id.’; LCpatqopqa ‘horseshoe’

7.2.9 Spirantization of -g- in the vicinity of back vowels

Rus. -CgA- > MC -C//1-' MC Ol'ya, a female proper name < Ol’ga, cf. MC Ol’ga ‘id.’ (7.4.1).

213 Cf. 2.5.2.1 above. 214 The change is not certain; for details, see 4.1.2 above. 215 The change is not certain, since the deaffrication of -c- in this consonant cluster could have occurred already in Russian, see 3.1.1.2 above. 216 Cf. also MĆ malimzâ (7.1.2.3). 217 Or Rus.dial. *kolodk

7.3 Adaptation of the whole cluster in word-medial position

Rus.-VzbV- > Küä. -f.vpt-29 Küä. yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ < izba ‘chamber, room; hut, cottage’, cf. LC izbuska ‘hut’ (7.4.1).

7.4 Unchanged consonant clusters in word-medial position220

7.4.1 Two-consonant clusters in word-medial position

-bk- |-pk-■] 'MCjupka ‘skirt’

-br- MC sobranja ‘meeting’ < sobranie ‘id.’.

-ck- MĆ poćka ~ boćka ‘barrel’ < boćka ‘id.’; Cul. kdldćkd ‘ring’ < kolećko ‘small ring’.

-CŚ- MĆ lucsd ‘better’ < Rus. lućśe ‘id.’, cf. MĆ lućas ‘id. (7.1.2.1).

-dk- |-t k-| LCpatqopqa ‘horseshoe’

-dl- MĆ sadlo ‘saddle’ < sedló ‘id.’.

-dn- MC skladnoj ‘foldable (knife)’ < skladnoj ‘foldable, folding’ LĆ ćudnoj ‘odd; strange’ < ćudnój ‘id.’.

-drO- MC kudrjavaj ‘curly’ < kudrjavyj ‘id.’; MC kvadratnyj2-' ‘square’ < kvadratnyj ‘id.’;

219 Cf. also Dolg. *-zb- (< Rus. -zm-) > *-sb- > -sp- in Dolg. mdspian ‘Waage’ < *mdsbian < *mdzbidn < Rus. bezmen ‘Schnellwaage’ (StachowskiM 1999: 48), cf. also Yak. mahaman ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 113). 220 Apart from depalatalization of one the consonants. 221 In k. matr ‘square metre’. 163 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MCpädrä ‘bucket’ < vedro222 ‘id.’; MC podruźka ‘bridesmaid’

-gr- MĆ kilogram ‘kilogram’ < kilogramm ‘id.’.

-jk- MC sajka ‘washbasin’ < sajka ‘small wood or sheet tin wash-tub’.

-Ji- MC Mixajlyc, a male patronymic < Mixäjlovic.

-jn- MC pajna ~ vajna ‘war’ < vojnä ‘id.’.

-kl- LĆ nakladat-* or *naklad(a)- ‘to put’ < Rus.dial. naklad(at') ‘id.’.

-kt- MC doktar ‘doctor, physician’ < doktor ‘id.’.

-Id- MC soldat ‘soldier’ < soldat ‘id.’.

-i’g- MĆ 01 'ga, a female proper name < Ol’ga, cf. MC Ol’ya (7.2.9).

-Ix- MĆ kolxoz ~ qolxos, LC kolxoz ~ kolxos ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < kolxoz ‘id.’, cf. MĆ qolqos ‘id.’ (7.2.3.2).

-Ik- MC malatilka ‘threshing machine’ < molotilka ‘id.’; MĆ putulka ‘bottle’ < butylka ‘id.’, cf. MĆ putulya ‘id.’ (7.2.1.1); MC tarälka ‘plate’ < tarelka ‘id.’; LĆ cälkovyj ‘rouble’ < celkovyj ‘id.’; Ćul. vilkä ‘fork’ < vilka ‘id.’.

-I’n- MC ucitäl’nica - ucitälnica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’ < ucitel’nica ‘id.’.

222 Or Rus. Prep.Sg. vedre or Rus.dial. *vedro\ for remarks on the etymology of MĆ pädrä, see B.I

164 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

-l’s- LC bol'sa cam ‘more than’ < bol’se cem ‘id.’.

-mk- MC sumka ‘bag’ < sumka ‘id.’; LC kblamka ~ kblamka ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’ < Rus. dial, kulemka ‘trap for small animals’.

-mp- MC lampa ‘lamp’ < lampa ‘id.’.

-nd- Kiia. sunduq ‘box’ < sunduk ‘large lockable box for storing belongings, valuables’.

-nk- MC panka ‘can, tin’ < banka ‘id.’; MC sanka ‘sledge, sleigh’ < sanki ‘id.’; MC samanka ‘female shaman’ < samanka ‘id.’.

-nt(’)- MC lanta ‘ribbon’ < lenta ‘id.’, cf. MC landa ‘id.’ (7.2.1.2); LC intdrvii ‘interview, inquiry’ < interv’ju ‘id.’.

-pk- Cui. tapka ‘hoe (tool)’ < tjapka ‘id.’.

-pl- MC saplot* or saplot* ‘fence or a fenced area for farm ani­ mals’ < Rus.dial. zaplot ‘solid fence made of logs, thick poles or planks’; Cui. taplomat ‘kind of coat, pea coat’ < Rus.dial. teplomat ‘warm outer coat’.

-pn- Cui. qopna ‘haystack’ < kopna ‘id.’.

-pr- MC masloprom ‘masloprom (butter producing farm)’ < maslo- prom ‘id.’.

-ps’- Cui. kapsal ‘cap’ < kapsjul’ ‘id.’.

-rd- MC milliardof'biWion' < milliardov, Gen.Pl. of milliard ‘id.’.

-rk- MC sarkop ‘church’ < cerkov’ ‘id.’; Cui. markap ~ morkop ‘carrot’ < morkdv' ‘id.’. 165 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

-rp’- MC kirpis* or *kirpic ‘brick’ < kirpic ‘id.’.

-rs- LC arsin ‘arshin, an obsolete Russian length unit’ < arsin ‘id.’; (?) Cui. parsbl ‘medical assistant’ < Rus.dial. fersal ‘id.’.223

MC kartina ‘picture’ < kartina ‘id.’; MC qartus ‘(peaked) hat’, Cui. kartus ‘id.’ < kartuz ‘id.’; Cui. kartopka ~ qartopqa ‘potato’ < Rus.dial. kartovka ~ kartdfka ‘id.’.

-rv(’)- MC Varvara, a female proper name < Varvara; LC intarvii ‘interview, inquiry’ < interv’jii ‘id.’.

-sx- MC posxiscalis ’ ‘Rus. восхищались’ < vosxiscalis ’ ‘id.’.

-sl- MC cislo ‘number’ < cis Id ‘id.’; MC plaslovanja ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial. blasloven ’e ‘id.’; MC masloprom ‘masloprom (butter producing farm)’ < maslo- prom ‘id.’; Cui. jasla ‘manger, crib’ < jasli ‘id.’.

-s’m- MC pis 'mo ‘letter’

-sn- MC casnok ‘garlic’ < cesnok ‘id.’; MC osnova ‘base, basis, foundation’ < osndva ‘id.’; LC prasnyj ‘unleavened, tasteless’

-sp- Cui. pospannik ‘vaccine’ < Rus.dial. vospennik ‘person who vaccinates people against smallpox’.

MC masta ‘place’ < mesto ‘id.’;

If we accept Rus.dial, fersal as the etymon of Ğul. pars-ul; for remarks on the etymology of Ğul. pârstl, see B.IV s.v., cf. also 7.1.3.3 above. Or Rus.dial. *krosne, Prep.Sg. of *krosno; for remarks on the etymology of Ğul. krâsnâ, see B.IV s.v. 166 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

MC navasta ~ navasta ~ navdstb ‘bride, fiancee’ < nevesta ‘id.’; MC pastok ‘east’ < vostok ‘id.’; MCpastuq ~pastuk, LCpastuq ‘herder’

-stn- [-sn-]225 MC nascasnyj ‘unhappy’ < nescastnyj ‘id.’.

-sk- MC babuska ‘midwife’ < babuska ‘id.’; MC koska ‘cat’ < koska ‘id.’; MCpjuska’ ‘reel’, Cui. pjuska ‘id.’ < v’juska ‘id.’; MC pyska ‘tower’ < vyska ‘id.’; LC izbuska ‘hut’ < izbuska ‘id.’.

-sn’- LC kvasn 'a ~ kvasn ’a ‘ 1. dough; 2. dough-trough’ < kvasnja ‘1.-2. id.’.

-tk- MC atkrytka ‘postcard’ < otkrytka ‘id.’; MC totka ‘aunt’ < tetka ‘id.’.

MC oxotnik ~ akotnik ~ aqotnik ~ oxotnik ~ oqotniq ‘hunter’ < oxotnik ‘id.’; MC kvadratnyj110 ‘square’ < kvadratnyj ‘id.’.

-tr- (?) MC litra ‘liter’ < litra, Gen.Sg. of litr ‘id.’;227 (?) MC matra ~ matra ‘metre’ < metra, Gen.Sg. of metr ‘id.’.228

225 Cf. Vinogradov 1960: 80. 226 In k. matr ‘square metre’. 227 For remarks on the etymology of MC litra, see B.I s.v., cf. also C.111.7.1.3.3. 228 For remarks on the etymology of MC matra, see B.I s.v., cf. also C.Ill.7.1.3.3. 167 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

-vk- [-fk-] MC lavka ~ lafka ~ lafka ‘shop, store’ < lavka ‘small shop’,229 cf. MC lapka, LC lapka ‘id.’ (7.2.3.1).

-vl9- MC pazdravl* ’at inpazdravl’ad at- ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ < pozdravljat ’ ‘ id. ’.

-zb- LC izbuśka ‘hut’ < izbuśka ‘id.’, cf. Kiia. yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ (7.3).

-zdn'- |-zn’-]230 MC praznyk ~ praznyq ~ praznik ‘holiday, feast’ < prazdnik ‘id.’.

-zk- |-sk-| Ćul. maska ‘lubrication, oiling’ < smazka ‘id.’.

-zn9-12' MĆ kiizndc ~ kuznac ‘blacksmith’ < kuznec ‘id.’; MĆ kuzndćd ‘smithy’ < kuźnica ‘id.’.

-zk- |-Sk-] MĆ truźka ~ truśka ‘best man’ < drużka ‘id.’; MĆ podruźka ‘bridesmaid’

-zn- MĆ możno ‘one can, one may’ < możno ‘id.’.

7.4.2 Three-consonant clusters in word-medial position

-kst- MC makstur ‘medicine’ < mikstura ‘id.’.

-msk(9)- MĆ Tomskaj ‘Tomsk’ < tómskij121 'adj.masc. Tomsk’.

-rsk- LC mastarskoj ‘workshop’ < masterskój, Gen.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of masterskaja ‘id.’.

229 Or, for MC lafka, Rus.Dat. or Prep, lavke', for details, see B.I s.v. MC lapka. 230 Cf. Vinogradov 1960: 80. 231 For Rus. -zn- > MC -sn-, see 7.2.2. 232 Or tomskoj, Prep.Sg. of tomskaja 'adj.fem. Tomsk’; for remarks on the etymology of MC Tomskaj, see B.I s.v. 168 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

-rtr ’- Cul. partrat ‘portrait’ < portret ‘id. ’.

-str’- LC kastriila ‘saucepan’ < kastrjulja ‘id.’.

-tkr- MC atkrytka ‘postcard’ < otkrytka ‘id.’.

-zdr- MC pazdravl* 'at in pazdravl ’ad at- ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ < pozdravljat ’ ‘ id. ’.

7.5 Secondary consonant clusters in word-medial position Secondary consonant clusters occur in Russian loanwords in Chulym due to metathesis (cf. 7.5.1) and syncope (cf. 7.5.2).

7.5.1 Secondary consonant clusters due to metathesis Metathesis in the following loanwords affects the second member of a word-initial cluster and a vowel which stands next to it. This is a means to avoid initial clusters, which are illicit in Chulym, in favour of word-medial clusters, which are more acceptable.

7.5.1.1 Rus. CCVC- > MC, Cul. CVCC- MC qurzaq ‘ring-shaped bread or cake’ < kruzok133 ‘ 1. small ring; 2. dial, cake made by the bride for the groom’; Cul. qurpa ‘grain, groats’ < krupa ‘id.’.

7.5.1.1a (?) Rus. zreb- > Cul. si>drb- Cul. s-bdrbaj ‘1. lot; 2. fate, destiny’ < Rus.st. zrebij239 ‘id.’.

7.5.1.2 Rus. -CCVC- > MC, LC -CVCC- MC malimza ‘mill’ < malinsa* < mdlinca* < Rus. mel’nica ‘id.’;* 234235 LC lasinca ‘staircase’ < *lasnica < Rus. lestnica [-s-W-J ‘id.’.236

2,3 Or Rus.dial. *kruzok', for remarks on the etymology of MC qurzaq, see B.I s.v. 234 If we accept Rus.st. zrebij as a more plausible etymon for Cul. s-bdrbaj. However, in Rus.dial. zerbij, which may also be taken into consideration as an etymon of Cul. sbdrbaj (for remarks on the etymology of this word, see B.IV s.v.), the metathesis occurred already in Russian. 235 Cf. also 7.1.2.3 above. 236 Cf. also 7.1.2.2 above. 169 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

7.5.2 Secondary consonant clusters due to syncope In the following loanwords, word-medial consonant clusters arose secon­ darily due to syncope. However, it is equally plausible that the deletion of an unstressed vowel, subject to reduction especially in post-tonic position, did not take place in Chulym but already in Russian pronunciation and such simplified forms became etyma for Chulym loanwords. In LC masna, the deleted vowel was stressed in Russian, which indicates that the process must have taken place in Lower Chulym, cf. also the preser­ vation of the original vowel in MC masyna, masina.231 Compare also cases of vowel deletion in native forms, e.g. MC pirzi (MChD 146) < *pir-i-zi (pir- px3sg-px3sg); MC dziipska (MCS 14) < os-ubus-ka* (¿У self’-PxlPL-DAT).238237

Rus. -CVC- > MC, LC -CC- MC ayrot ‘vegetable garden’ < ogorod ‘id.’, cf. MC oyorot ‘id.’; MC kiirsd ‘chicken; hen’ < kurica ‘id.’; MCprovolka ‘wire’

8. Geminates in word-medial position

In the available material, the Russian geminates -ss- and -sc- [g:] are sim­ plified to -5- and -5- respectively (cf. 8.1). Rus. -nn- remains unchanged (cf. 8.2), even if other adaptations are applied to the word, as it happens in Cui. pospannik. In one case, voiceless -t- undergoes secondary gemination in in­ tervocalic position (cf. 8.3).240

237 Cf. also comments s.v. MC talnak (B.I s.v.). 238 Cf. also cases of syncope in final position in native Chulym words in C.I11.7. 239 Or Rus.dial. *télenok; cf. comments in B.I s.v. MÔ talnak. 240 For the same phenomenon in native words, see 1.1.3, point [3] above. 170 Chapter II. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-medial position

8.1 Simplification of geminates in word-medial position

8.1.1 Rus.-Ussr->MC-rsr- MC klasa ‘grade (at school)’ < klassa, Gen.Sg. of klass ‘id.’.241

8.1.2 Rus. -sc- [e:] > MC, LC -S-, e g.242 MC aso ~ iso ‘1. yet, more; 2. else’ < esce ‘id.’; LC zavcidusij ‘manager’ < Rus.dial. zavedujuscij ‘id.’.

8.2 Preservation of geminates in word-medial position

Rus. -nn- > MC, Cul. -nn- MCplamannik ‘nephew’ < Rus.dial. plemennik ‘id.’; Cul. pospannik ‘vaccine’ < Rus.dial. vdspennik ‘person who vaccinates people against smallpox’.243 244

8.3 Secondary gemination in word-medial position

Rus. -171-> MC -CftC- ” MC paratta ‘gate’ < Rus.st. vorota or Rus.dial. vorota ‘id.’, cf. MC parata ‘id.’.

241 Cf. also 2.3.5 above. 242 For other examples, see 2.4.4.1 above. 241 Cf. also 5.2.5 above. 244 For the gemination of -/- in Russian loanwords in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 69. 171

Chapter III Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

0. Word-final consonants in the Chulym Turkic dialects

In native Chulym words, final obstruents, except the fricative -y < PT -g,* are voiceless,245 e.g. MĞ äp ‘house’ (MChD 122) = Küä. äp ‘id.’ (R I 918) = LC üy ‘id.’ (DGC 20); MĞ qap ‘sack’ (ZS 30) = LC qap ‘id.’ (CulT 169) = Küä. qap ‘id.’ (R II 400); MC öt ‘gall’ (ZS 35); MĞ ayys ‘mouth’ (ZS 129) ~ äyys ‘id.’ (LĞJa 26) = LĞ ayys ‘id.’ (ĞulT 160) ~ äs ‘id.’ (LĞJa 30); MĞ samis ‘fat’ (ZS 48) = LĞ sämis ‘id.’ (ĞulT 166) ~ sämis ‘id.’ (ibid. 164) = Küä. sämis ‘id.’ (R IV 510); MĞ cyltys ‘star’ (ZS 98) ~ culdus ‘id.’ (ibid. 90) = LĞ jyldys -juldus ‘id.’ (ĞulT 133) = Küä. jyldys ‘id.’ (R III 490); MĞ iziy ‘hot’ (MChD 126) = LĞ iziy ‘id.’ (ĞulT 161) = Küä. iziy ‘id.’;246 MĞ äcyy ‘bitter’ (LĞJa 9) = LĞ äcyy ‘id.’ (ibid.) ~ äyyy ‘id.’ (ĞulT 155) = Küä. ayyy ‘id.’ (R I 529). Chulym word-final postvocalic voiceless obstruents may become voiced if a vowel-initial suffix is attached, e.g. MĞ adä (ZS 89) = LĞ iätb (LĞJa 63) = Küä. ädi (RPro 695) - äti (ibid. 702) < ät-i* (ör‘meat’-px3sG); LĞ jädip (ĞJa 466) = Küä.jätip (RPro 697) = MĞ cätip (LĞJa 78) < jät-ip* ~ cät-ip (jät- ~ cät-’io reach’-cv); MĞ äbänä (ZS 98) = Küä. äbinä (RPro 698) < *äp-i-nä (a/?‘house’-Px3sG-DAT); MĞ özü (MĞJa 83) = LĞ özü (ĞulT 176) = Küä. özü (RPro 698) < ös-ü* (öVself, own’-Px3sG); MĞ pâzynda (ZS 13) ~ pâzynda (MĞS 19) = LĞ pâzynda (MĞS 53) = Küä. pazynda (RPro 691) < *pas-y-nda (/2<75‘head’-Px3sG-LOc).

245 Cf. CulT 150ff.; ZS 79ff.; MChD 2Iff.; Pomorska 2001: 92ff. Dul’zon’s statement that among Chulym voiced consonants only sonorants are to be found in word-final position (Oja 448) is obviously untrue. 246 In kipy iziy aj ‘lit. small hot month’ (Pomorska 2011: 132). 173 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

Word-external sandhi voicing may also occur,247 e.g. MĆ kbb adajlar (ZS 135) < kóp ‘many’ + adaj-lar (adaf dog’-pl); MĆ ćiiz dbać (ZS 135) < ćiis ‘a hundred’ + dbać ‘ruble’; MĆ ćidol (ibid.) ~ ćit bl (ibid. 136) < ćit ‘young’ + ol ~ bl ‘boy; son’; LĆ jadalvanivis (ĆJa 466) < jat* al-ba-gan-ibis (jat-’to reach’ al-'to take’AUX-NEG-PST-lPL); Kiia. cayib-alyp (RPro 690) < cac-ip* al-yp (c'Jc-‘unfasten’-cv a/-‘to take’AUX-cv). Before a vowel-initial suffix, word-final postvocalic -k I -q may not only undergo voicing,248 but also - in a back vowel environment - further spi­ rantization or even deletion, e.g. MĆ azayy (MCS 64) = LĆ ajdyb (ĆulT 163) < ajaq-y* (ajaq'foot; leg’-px3sc); MC inagan (MĆJa 67) < inak-i-n* (inak’cow’-px3sg-acc); MĆ ćdlaga (LĆJa 71) = Kiia. jdlagi (RPro 701) < *cdlak-i ~ *jdlak-i (calak ~ jdldk’mane’-px3sg); MC qarana (LĆJa 79) < qaraq-y-na* (qaraq’ eye'-px3sg-dax), LC qardnyrj - qaraybnyq (ĆulT 145) < *qaraq-y-nyrj (qaraq‘eye’-px3sg-gen); MĆ toy iafb (ZS 130) < toq* at-i (/o^‘hen’ + at ‘meat’-Px3sG); MĆ tamay alty (ZS 135) < *tamaq alt-y (tamaq’ throat’ + a/i‘underside’-Px3sG). If followed by a vowel-initial suffix, word-final post-vocalic -g/-y gener­ ally do not undergo elision, although some cases of their deletion are to be found, e.g. LĆ izig-i-ni ‘heat-px3sG-ACc’ (ĆulT 175); Ćul. suy-y ‘water-px3sG’ (LĆJa 38); MĆ sny jaydltyr (ĆJa 461) < suy cay-(a/y)* al-tyr (cay-’to rain’-cv al-’to take’AUX-PREs), MĆ ćap (DGĆ 28) < *ćay-yp (cay-’to rain’-cv); MC pan (ZS 30) < pay-y-n* (pay’rope’-px3sg-acc); LĆ uluot (ĆulT 161) < *uluy ot < uluy ‘big’ + ot ‘fire’, but cf. LĆ uluy amas ‘small, lit. not big’ (ĆJa 462).

1. Stops

As it was mentioned above, word-final stops in native Chulym words are voiceless. In the environment of back vowels, -k may undergo uvularization to -q, cases of spirantization to -x are also attested.249 Russian also exhibits devoicing in absolute final position, so that ortho­ graphic -b, -d, -g are pronounced voiceless in such a context.250 In the avail­ able Chulym material, these are rendered as -p (cf. 1.1.1), -t (cf. 1.2.1) and -k /

247 Cf. also C.I.O, C.l. 1.5.3 and C.1.1.6.2. 248 Cases of word-external sandhi voicing are sometimes also attested. 249 See 2.1 below. 250 Cf. Avanesov 1956: 159, 163f. 174 Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

-q (cf. 1.3.1), respectively. Uvularization of Cui. -k < Rus. -k and -g [-k] in the environment of back vowels is attested in some loanwords (cf. 1.3.1, 1.3.2), but we were unable to find cases of its further spirantization to -.r. Russian final post-vocalic voiceless -t remains unchanged (cf. 1.2.2) and some cases of -t deletion in the -st(j cluster have been found (cf. 1.2.2.1). Russian palatalized stops in word-final position generally become de­ palatalized (cf. 1.1.3, 1.2.3), although in some cases the original spelling is retained (cf. 1.2.3.1). If a vowel-initial suffix follows, word-final voiceless stops undergo the same changes in loanwords as in native words; cases of word-external sandhi voicing are also attested (cf. 1.2.4, 1.3.3).

1.1 Word-final -b |-p] and -p, -p9

1.1.1 Rus. -b |-p] > Cui. -p Cui. kulup ‘club’ < klub ‘id.’.

1.1.2 (?) Rus. ~(C)p > MC -(C)pVor ~(C)p MC särp-b* or särp* ~ särp* 25' ‘sickle’ < serp ‘id.’.

1.1.3 Rus. -p9 > MC, Küä. -p MC säp ‘chain’ < cep ’ ‘id.’; Küä. istäp ‘steppe’ < step ’ ‘id.’.

1.2 Word-final -d |-t] and -t, -t9

1.2.1 Rus. -d |-t] > MC, LC, Küä. -t MC ayrot ~ oyorot ‘vegetable garden’ < ogoröd ‘id.’; MC milliart ‘billion’ < milliard ‘id.’; MC möt ~ mjot, Küä. möt, LC *wo7 251 252 ‘honey’ < med ‘id.’; MC paräqot ‘ship’ < paroxöd ‘id.’; MCpöjäst ‘train’

251 At this stage of research, it is impossible to establish the canonical form of the word; see comments in B.I s.v., cf. also 7.1.3 below. 252 In möttiig ‘with honey’. 175 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanw ords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC säpat ‘west’ < zäpad ‘id.’.

1.2.1.1 Because of potental word-external sandhi voicing in Chulym,253 it is impossible to determine whether Rus. vyvod ‘ 1. outlet, leading-out wire; 2. chimney’ was adapted as MC *vyvod or vyvot* ‘tube’, for details see B.I s.v.

1.2.2 Rus. -t > MC, Kiia. -t, e.g. MC ksät ‘tobacco pouch’ < kiset ‘id.’; MC plat ~pulat ‘scarf, headscarf’

1.2.2.1 Rus. -st, -st’ > MC, LC -s, e.g.254 MC pörus ‘verst (unit of length)’ < pörs* < Rus. verst, Gen.Pl. of versta ‘id.’; LC *kräs or *kras ‘cross’ < krest ‘id.’; Cui. polas ‘volost, an administrative-territorial unit in old Russia’ < volost’ ‘id.’.

1.2.3 Rus. -t’ > MC, Küä. -t MC gost* ‘guest’ < gost’ ‘id.’, cf. MC gost’* ~ qost’ ‘id.’ (1.2.3.1); MC mänyät* in mänyät bol- ‘v.z. to marry, to be wedded’ < vencat’ ‘1. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’; Küä. kilät ‘store-room’ < klet’ ‘id.’; Küä. päcät ‘stamp, seal’ < pecät ’ ‘id.’.

1.2.3.1 Rus. -t’ > MC, LC -t’, e.g. MC gost’* ~ qost’ ‘guest’

253 See the introductory remarks to the present chapter. 254 For some other examples, see 7.1.2 below. 176 Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

1.2.4 Cul. -Vt (< Rus. -Vt ~-Vf) at morpheme and word boundaries As it was mentioned above,255 Chulym post-vocalic voiceless stops in word-final position may undergo voicing if followed by a vowel-initial suffix as well as in external sandhi contexts; voicing also affects word final - Vt in some Russian loanwords:

MC ksädäbla < ksät-i-bilä* (^0Z-px3sg-instr/com) < ksät ‘tobacco pouch’ < Rus. kiset ‘id.’; Küä. qaladyn < qalat-y-n* (qalat-Px3sG-xcc) < qalat ‘dressing gown’ < Rus. xaldt ‘id.’; MC pazdravl’ad ät- ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ < pazdravl* ’at < Rus. poz- dravljat'‘id.’ + ät- ‘to do’, but cf. MC svatat'ät- ‘to matchmake’ and LC läcit’ät- ‘to cure’, in which sandhi voicing does not occur.

1.3 Word-final -g [-k] and -k

1.3.1 Rus. -g |-k] > MC -k (> -q) MC juk ‘south’ < jug ‘id.’; MC parok ‘threshold’

1.3.1.1 (?) Rus. -zg [-sk] > LC -ziy LC miziy251 ‘brain’ < mözg ‘id.’.

1.3.2 Rus. -k > MC, LC, Küä. -k (> -q), e.g. MC nucuq ~ nücuq ~ nücäk ~ nucäk ‘grandson etc.’ < vmicek ‘grandson’; MC pastok ‘east’ < vostök ‘id.’; MC samok ~ samoq ‘lock’ < zamök ‘id.’; LC klanok ~ kolonok ‘Siberian weasel’ < kolonök ‘id.’; Küä. sunduq ‘box’ < sundük Targe lockable box for storing belongings, valuables’.

See the introductory remarks to the present chapter. !!6 Or Rus.dial. *sapog; for remarks on the etymology of MC sapoq, see B.I s.v. -37 Dul’zon’s transcription cited here is probably incorrect; for details, see B.II s.v. 177 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1.3.3 Cul. -Vk, -Vq (< Rus. -Vk, -Vg |-k], -Vx) in suffixation before a vowel-initial suffix As discussed in the introduction to this chapter, if followed by a vowel­ initial suffix Chulym post-vocalic -k I -q may undergo voicing, and in the en­ vironment of back vowels, further spirantization or deletion. In the available material, the phenomenon of voicing and spirantization of -Vk I - Vq < Rus. -Vk,-Vg[-k], - Vx25* is quite well documented but no example of their elision was to be found:

MC jasigyn < *jasik-y-n (jasik-?x3sG-xcc) < jasik ‘box’ < Rus. jascik ‘id.’;258 259 MC paroyonda < parok-I-nda* (parok-px3sG-LOc) < parok ‘threshold’ < Rus. porog ‘id.’; MC plamanniga < pldmannik-i* (pIdmdnnik-Px3sG) < plamannik ‘nephew’ < Rus.dial. plemennik ‘id.’; MC nucuyum < nucuq-um* (nucuq-pxIsg) < nucuq ‘grandson etc.’ < Rus. vnucek ‘id.’, but cf. MC nucuqunr, MC nucagam ~ nucayym < nucak-Im* ~ nucdk-Im* (nucak ~ nucak-px) sg) < nucak ~ nucak ‘grandson etc.’ < Rus. vnucek ‘id.’; LC vagirj < vak-irj* ~ vdk-iij* (vak* ~ v«A-* px2sg) < vak* - vak* ‘lifetime’ < Rus. vek ‘id.’; MC zanigymga < zanik-ym-ga* (zc7«zA-px1sg-dat) < zanik ‘fiance, bride­ groom’ < Rus.dial. zanix ‘id.’;260 MC pastuyy < pastuq-y* (pastuq-px3sa) ~ pastuyyna < pastuq-y-na* (pastuq- px3sg-dat)

2. Fricatives

2.1 Word-final -x In native Chulym words, voiceless -x is secondary and results from spiran­ tization of-g and -y.261 The phenomenon is well attested in Middle Chulym, but occasional Lower Chulym examples are also to be found, e.g. MC coq ~ cox ‘non-existent, there is no..., no’ (MChD 118); MCpozuq ‘nail’ (LCJa

258 Cf. 2.1.1 below. 259 Cf. also word-external sandhi voicing in this word in [...] jasig, jasigyn [...] (B.I s.v. MC jasik). 260 Cf. B.I s.v. MC izanik. 261 Cf. MChD 28; ZS 139; Pomorska 2001a: 155. 178 Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

54) ~pôzux ‘id.’ (ZS 139); MC pâlyq ~ pàlyx ‘fish’ (MChD 141); MC sâryy ‘yellow’ (ZS 42) ~ sâryx ‘id.’ (ibid. 66); LC axvalyaj ~ aqpâlyq aj ‘whitefish (inconnu) month’ (LCJa 11). In all loanwords attested in the sources, Russian final voiceless -x is adapt­ ed as -k with possible further uvularization to -q in a back vowel environment:

2.1.1 Rus. -x > MC, LC -k2b2 (> -q) MC izanik ‘fiancé, bridegroom’ < zenix ‘id.’; MC izanik ~ zanik ‘fiancé, bridegroom’ < Rus.dial. zanix2b3 ‘id.’; MCpastuq ~pastuk ‘herder’, LC pastuq ‘id.’

2.1.1.1 Cui. -Vk, -Vq (< Rus. -Vx) in suffixation before a vowel­ initial suffix - See 1.3.3 above.

2.2 Word-final -v |-f] and -v ’ [-f’] In native Chulym words, the voiceless fricative f does not occur in any position262 263264 265and the distribution of the voiced bilabial fricative v is restricted to word-medial position, where it results from spirantization of -b- and -p-.2b5 As anticipated,266 Rus. -f and -v(’) (pronounced [-f(’)])267 268generally un­ dergo despirantization to Cui. -p (cf. 2.2.1-2), except for two cases where the Russian pronunciation [-f] is retained (cf. 2.2.2.1). Palatalized -v’ [-f’J undergoes depalatalization (cf. 2.2.2).

2.2.1 Rus. -(C)f> MC -(C) Vp2b* MC sarbp ‘scarf’ < sàrf ‘id.’.

262 For the same adaptation in Yakut see Slepcov 1964: 95; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 48. 263 For remarks on the etymology of MC izanik - zanik, see B.I s.v. izanik. 264 Cf. C.1.2.1 and C.II.2.1. 265 Cf. C.II.2.5. 266 For the same adaptation in word-initial and medial positions see C.I.2.1 and C.II.2.1, respectively. 267 Cf. Vinogradov 1960: 88; Panov 1967: 226. 268 For the same adaptation in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 88; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 55; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 47; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 95. 179 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.2.2 Rus. -v’ [-f’l > MC, Cui. -p269 MC särkop ‘church’ < cérkov' ‘id.’; Cui. markap ~ morkop ‘carrot’ < rnorkov ’ ‘id.’.

2.2.2.1 Rus. -v [-f] > MC -f MC milliardof ’biihon' < milliardov, Gen.Pl. of milliard ‘id.’; MC millionof lm\W\on’ < millionov, Gen.Pl. of million ‘id.’.

2.3 Word-final -z |-s], -z’ [-s’] and -s, -s’ As discussed in the introduction to this chapter, the voiced fricative found word-finally in native Chulym words is -7.270 In Middle Chulym, final -s alter­ nates with -5, e.g. qys - qys ‘winter’ (DGC 23); qus - qus ‘bird’ (LCJa 24).271 MC and Küä. -s can also result from deaffrication of -c.272 Russian -z, pronounced [s],273 is adapted as Cui. -s (cf. 2.3.1), while pala­ talized -z’ additionally undergoes depalatalization to -5 (cf. 2.3.2). Voiceless -s and -5 ’ remain unchanged (cf. 2.3.3). Rus. -55 [-5] remains -5 (cf. 2.3.5.1) but in one case its spelling is retained (cf. 2.3.5.2).

2.3.1 Rus. -z [-s] > MC, LC, Küä. -s MC qartus, Cui. kartus ‘(peaked) hat’ < kartuz ‘id.’; MC qolxos ~ qolqos, LC kolxos ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < kolxôz ‘id.’, cf. MC, LC kolxoz ‘id.’(2.3.1.1); MC, LC ras ‘once, one time’ < râz ‘id.’; Küä. suras ‘illegitimate child’ < Rus.dial. suràz ‘id.’.

269 For the same adaptation in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 88; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 55; in Tatar dial., see Berta 1983: 47; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 94. 270 In Birjukoviê’s works, one can find isolated examples of final voiced -z, including Ğul. qyz ‘daughter’ (VSĞ 118) - MĞ qys ‘id., girl’ (multiple attestations, e.g. ZS 97) = LĞ qys ‘id.’ (ĞulT 153, 163; ĞJa 448) = Küà. qys ‘id.’ (R II 800; RPro, multiple attestations, e.g. 701); Ğul. öksüz ‘1. orphan; 2. widower’ (LĞJa 15) = öksiis ‘1.-2. id.’ (ibid. 51) = MĞ öksüs ‘1. orphan; 2. widow’ (ZS 94) = LĞ öksüs ‘orphan’ (ĞulT 160) = Küà. öksüs ‘id.’ (RPro 703). Most probably, the author ignored the possibility of sandhi voicing in syntagmas like öksüz àpci ‘widow’ (LĞJa 15) and incorrectly treated voicedness as an inherent feature in the final segment of öküz (cf. also Pomorska 2001a: 156f. ). 271 For other examples, see Pomorska 200la: 157. 272 Cf. 3.2 below. 271 Cf. Vinogradov 1960: 90; Panov 1967: 223. 180 Chapter 111. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

2.3.1.1 Rus. -z |-s] > MC, LC -z MC, LC kolxoz ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < kolxoz ‘id.’, cf. MC qolxos etc. (2.3.1).

2.3.2 Rus.-z’[-s’] > Cui.-s Cui. kinds ‘the tribe elder’ < knjaz ’ ‘prince, knyaz’.

2.3.3 Rus. -s > MC, Cui. -s MC cas ~ cas, LC cas ‘time, hour’ < cas ‘id.’, cf. MC cas* ‘id.’ (2.3.4); MC puls ‘pulse’

2.3.3.1 Rus. -s ’ > MC -s ’ MC posxiscalis ’ ‘Rus. восхищались’ < vosxiscalis ’ ‘id.’.

2.3.4 (?) Rus. -.v > MC -s MC cas* 214 ‘time, hour’ < cas ‘id.’, cf. MC cas etc. ‘id.’ (2.3.3).

2.3.5 Rus. -.s.v |-s|274 275

2.3.5.1 Rus. -vs > LC -s LC *klas or *klas ‘grade (at school)’ < klass ‘id.’, cf. MC qlass (2.3.5.2).

2.3.5.2 Rus. -vv > MC -ss MC qlass ‘grade (at school)’ < klass ‘id.’, cf. LC *klas or klas* (2.3.5.1).

2.3.6 Cui. -5 at morpheme and word boundaries As discussed in the introduction to this chapter, when followed by a vow­ el-initial suffix or a vowel-initial word, Chulym post-vocalic -5 may undergo voicing to z. The same voicing also affects - Vs < Rus. -s, -ss, -cse, -sC:

MC cazy < cas-y* (cas ~ cu5-px3sg) < cas ~ cas ‘time, hour’ < Rus. cas ‘id.’;

274 See comments in B.I s.v. MC cas. 275 Cf. Timberlake 2004: 76. 181 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

LC kläzynga < kläs-y-nga* *(kläs ~ *klas -px3sg-d\t) < *kläs ~ klas* ‘grade (at school)’ < Rus. klass ‘id.’; MC lücäz ayzynarya < lücäs ‘better’ « Rus. lücse ‘id.’ + ayzynarya™ ‘to hunt’; MC möz altynda < mös ‘bridge’ « Rus. most ‘id.’ + alt-y-nda (alt’un- derside’-px3so-Loc).

2.4 Word-final -s ’ and -z [-§1 In the available material, there are only two examples whose Russian etyma ended in voiceless -s(’)111 and in both of them it is adapted as Cui. -s.

2.4.1 Rus. s’>MC-s MC mozäs ‘you can, you may (Sg.)’ < mözes ’ ‘id.’.

2.4.2 Rus. -z |-§] > MC, LC -s MC, LC ärys, Küä. arys ‘rye’ < Rus.dial. aryz* ‘id.’.

2.5 Word-final -sc’ [e:] In the available material, there is only one loanword whose Russian ety­ mon ended with orthographic -sc’ [g:]. The word is attested in Middle Chulym and the sound in question is variably adapted as -c and -s.278

Rus.-sc’ [c:| > MC-s ~-c279 MC pömos -pömoc ‘aid, help, assistance’

:76 MChD 133. On page 109 it is cited as MC ayzynarya ‘id.’. ■77 Orthographic -z is pronounced voiceless, cf. Vinogradov 1960: 90; Panov 1967: 223. Cf. also 3.2 below. !7’ Cf. also Rus. -sc' > Kirg. -s (Chorodec 1953: 110). 182 Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

3. Affricates

3.1 Word-final -c In native Chulym words, the affricate -c is distinctive word-finally in Lower Chulym and in Küärik where it alternates with -y.280 In Middle Chulym c does not occur anywhere in native words. In the available material, there are only three loanwords, all attested in Middle Chulym, which go back to Russian words ending in -c. In one case Rus. -c undergoes spirantization to -s (cf. 3.1.1), in another it is substituted by -c (cf. 3.1.2), and in yet another the Russian spelling is retained (cf. 3.1.3).

3.1.1 Rus. -c > MC -y281 MC kaläs ~ koläs ‘ring’ < kolec, Gen.Pl. of kol’cö ‘id.’.

3.1.2 Rus. -c > MC -c MC küznäc ‘blacksmith’ < kuznec ‘id.’, cf. MC kuznäc ‘id.’ (3.1.3).

3.1.3 Rus. -c > MC -c MC kuznäc ‘blacksmith’ < kuznec ‘id.’, cf. MC küznäc ‘id.’ (3.1.2).

3.2 Word-final -c, -c’ In native Chulym words, -c is distinctive in Middle Chulym, where it alternates with -y282 while Lower Chulym has -c, and Küärik has -c ~ -s, e.g. MC ac ‘hungry’ (MChD 105) = LĞ ac ‘id.’ (ĞulT 155) = Küä. ac ‘id.’ (R I 528) ~ as ‘hunger’ (RPro 693); MC küc ‘strength’ (LĞJa 15) ~ küs ‘id.’ (IRP 9) = LĞ küc ‘id.’ (ĞulT 135) = Küä. küc ‘id.’ (R II 1499); MĞ üc ‘three’ (MChD 176) ~ üs ‘id.’ (VSĞ 115) = LĞ üc ‘id.’ (ĞulT 155) = Küä. üc ‘id.’ (R 1 1876) ~ üs ‘id.’ (RPro 689). As anticipated, Rus. -c remains unchanged in loanwords attested in Mid­ dle Chulym (cf. 3.2.2) and it is adapted as -c in Lower Chulym (cf. 3.2.1). In

280 For the examples, see 3.2 below. 281 For the same adaptation in Yakut see Slepcov 1964: 91; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 55; in Tuvinian, see Pomorska 1995: 98. 282 Cf. CulT 154; LCJa 23; Pritsak 623; ZS 110f.; Pomorska 2001: 90, 93; 2001a: 157f.; cf. also C.I.3.2 and C.1I.3.1, point [4]. 183 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects two cases, it seems that Rus. -c(’) was adapted as MC -s, although the change is not certain (cf. 3.2.4).

3.2.1 Rus.-c’>LC-c LCpäc ‘oven’

3.2.2 Rus. -c > MC -c MC qalac ‘kalach (kind of traditional bread)’ < kaldc ‘id.’; MC syc ‘falcon’ < syc ‘kind of owls’; MC vrac ‘doctor, physician’ < vräc ‘id.’.

3.2.3 Rus. - MC c MCpäc ‘oven, stove’

3.2.4 (?) Rus. -c, -c’> MC -s MC kirpis* ‘brick’ < kirpic ‘id.’; MCpäs* ‘oven, stove’

4. Liquids

4.1 Word-final-Z and-Z’ Generally, Rus. -I remains unchanged in Chulym (cf. 4.1.1), whereas its palatalized variant undergoes depalatalization (cf. 4.1.3). It is possible that in one case Rus. -/ > Cui. -n (4.1.2), although the evidence is inconclusive.

4.1.1 Rus.-Z > MC, Cui., Küä.-Z MC istal ~ istäl etc., Küä. istäl ~ ostol, Cui. üstöl ‘table’ < stöl ‘id.’; MC Mixajl, a male proper name < Mixail; MCpol ‘floor’

!83 At this stage of research, it is impossible to establish the canonical forms of the MC words; for details see B.I s.v. kirpis* and pac, respectively. 184 Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

4.1.1.1 (?) Rus.-/> Cul.-/ Cul. pärs-bl ‘medical assistant’ < Rus.dial. *fersaP 9 ‘id.’.

4.1.2 (?) Rus. -I > Cul. -n1*5 Cul. qoloqon ‘little bell’ < kölokol ‘bell’.

4.1.3 Rus. > MC, LC -I MC sind! ‘greatcoat’ < sinel’ ‘id.’; MC ucitäl ‘teacher’ < ucitel' ‘id.’, cf. MC ucitäl’ ‘id.’ (4.1.3.1); LC kdstil ‘crutch’ < kostyl’ ‘id.’;284 285286 Cul. kdpsdl ‘cap, primer’ < kdpsjul’ ‘id.’.287

4.1.3.1 Rus. -V > MC -r MC ucitäl’ ‘teacher’ < ucitel’ ‘id.’, cf. MC ucital ‘id.’ (4.1.3).

4.2 Word-final -r Generally, Rus. -r remains unchanged in Chulym (cf. 4.2.1). One word may have undergone metathesis, whereby Rus. l’~ -r> Cul. r - -I (cf. 4.2.2), but this depends on which of the two possible etyma is accepted as more plausible.

4.2.1 Rus. -r > MC, LC -r, e.g. MC *,brigadir Cul. prigadir ‘team-leader’ < brigadir ‘id.’; MC por ‘thief’ < vor ‘id.’; MC Pdtr, a male proper name < Petr, MC sdbdr ‘north’ < sever ‘id.’; LCpazar or *bazar ‘market, bazaar’ < bazar ‘id.’.

284 If we accept Rus.dial. fersal as the etymon of the word under discussion; for details, see B.IV s.v. Cul. pdr.nl, cf. also 4.2.2 below. 285 This change is uncertain, for details, see B.IV s.v. 286 Cf. C.1V.4.3.1. 287 Cf. C.lV.3.2.2a. 185 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

4.2.2 (?) Rus./’--r>r--/ Cu\. parsbl ‘medical assistant’ < Rus.st. fel 'dserw ‘id.’.

5. Nasals

Word-final Rus. -m and -n remain unchanged in Chulym, whereas Rus. -n ’ undergoes depalatalization.

5.1 Word-final -m

5.1.1 Rus. -m > MC, LC -m MC Apim, a male proper name < Efim-, MC masloprom ‘masloprom (butter producing farm)’ < masloprom ‘id.’; LC bol’sa cam ‘more than’ < bdl’se cem ‘id.’.

5.2 Word-final -n and -и’

5.2.1 Rus. -n > MC, LC -n, e.g. MC cuyun ‘cast iron pot’ < cugim ‘ 1. cast iron; 2. cast iron pot, vessel’; MC kazain ‘owner, landlord’

5.2.1.1 Rus. -n9 > MC, Cui. -n MC iistudan, Cui. ustindan ‘Rus. студень’ < stiiden’ ‘id.’.

This is the case if we accept Rus.st. fel'dser as the etymon of Cui. parf-bl; however, it is also possible that the Chulym word goes back to a metathesized Rus.dial. variant fersal ‘id.’ for details, see B.IV s.v. 186 Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

6. The glide -j

Generally, Rus. -j remains unchanged in Chulym. In one word it merges with the preceding vowel, but without any effect on its length.289

6.1 Rus. -j = MĆ, LĆ -j, e.g. MĆ naboj ‘boat, big boat’ < Rus.dial. nabój ‘plank(s) of wood nailed to the boat deck in order to increase its height; boat deck planks’; MĆ ndsćasnyj ‘unhappy’ < nesćastnyj ‘id.’; LCprasnyj ‘unleavened, tasteless’

6.1.2 Rus. -ij or -ej > MĆ -d MC Vasila, a male proper name < Rus.st. Vasilij or Rus.arch. Vasilej.™

7. Consonant clusters in word-final position

In native Chulym words, consonant clusters in word-final position are generally limited to those which are well known from other Turkic langauges, e.i. in which the first member is /г/, /1/, /n/;291 sometimes, however, even such clusters undergo adaptation by means of vowel epenthesis or paragoge, e.g. MĆ qurut ‘worm’ (MChD 158) = Kiia. qurt ‘id.’ (RII 944); MĆ ćumurt ‘bird cherry’ (MChD 119) = LĆ jomurt ‘id.’ (ĆJa 463) = Kua. jumurt ‘id.’ (R III 577); LC qorq- ‘to be afraid!’ (ĆulT 159), Kiia. qorqy- ‘id.’ (R II 564), cf. also Kua. koruk-tu (koruk-’id.’-pst) (RPro 699), MC qdruq-qan (qoruq-’id.'-pst) (ZS 119); MC alt ‘underside’ (MChD 107); MĆ ćdnć- ‘to be hurt by a sliver, Rus. занозить’ (ZS 10) - Cui. sane- ‘to stick’ (LĆJa 14). Cases of secondary word-final clusters arising due to syncope are also to be found, e.g. MC tajnaps ‘our grandmother’ (MChD 168) < tajna-bys* (/ą//7a‘grandmother’-PxlPL); MC axtaps ‘clean!’ (ibid. 110) < aq-ta-p* ys

■8’ Cf. also Tat.dial, panysky ‘herrschaftlich, Herren-’ < Rus. panskifj) (Berta 1983: 50, 97) and Kirg. ystarsy ‘older’ < Rus. starsyj (Chorolec 1953: 113). ',0 For remarks on the etymology of MC Vaslld, see B.I s.v. Cf. Erdal 2004: 109f. The status of forms like MC oust ‘take off!’ (MChD 120) is doubtful; for details, see B.I s.v. MÖ sädlö*. 187 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

(<7<7‘white’-DER-cv yy-‘to sent’AUx); MC kSduriips ‘reise!’ (ibid. 130) < *kodiir-up ys (kodiir-Ao raise’-cvyy-‘to send’aux).292 In the available material, vowel epenthesis (cf. 7.1.1) and deletion of the second consonant in a cluster (cf. 7.1.2) are the most common methods of adaptation. At this stage of research, paragoge must still be regarded as one but not the only possible interpretation of some cases (cf. 7.1.3). Word-final consonant clusters which are not permitted in Chulym are sometimes pre­ served (cf. 7.3) and the only visible change is depalatalization of one of the members (cf. 7.2).

7.1 Adaptation of consonant clusters in word-final position

7.1.1 Vowel epenthesis293

7.1.1.1 Rus. -rf> MC -r Vp MC sarbp ‘scarf’ < sarfAd.'.

7.1.1.2 Rus. -rst > MC -rs* > -rVs MC porus ‘verst (unit of length)’ < pdrs* < Rus. verst, Gen.Pl. of versta ‘id.’.

7.1.1.3 Rus. -zg |-sk] > LC -zVy LC miziy294 ‘brain’ < mozg ‘id.’.

7.1.2 Deletion of the second member295

Rus. -st, -st’ > MC, LC -s MC mds ‘bridge’ < most ‘id.’, cf. MC most ~ most ‘id.’ (7.3);

292 Cf. also cases of syncope in medial position in native Chulym w ords (C.II.7.5.2). 293 For vowel epenthesis in the adaptation of word-final clusters in Rus. loanwords in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 122ff.; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 58 and especially StachowskiK 2012: passim. 294 Dul’zon’s transcription cited here is probably incorrect; for details, see B.II s.v. 295 In the available material, only Rus. -st and -st ’ clusters are adapted this way. For apocope in the adaptation of word-final clusters in Rus. loanwords in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 122ff.; in Karachay-Balkar, see Siemieniec-Golas 2003: 86; in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 58 and StachowskiK 2012 and 2013: passim. 188 Chapter 111. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position

MC porus ‘verst (unit of length)’ < pors* < Rus. verst, Gen.Pl. of versta ‘id.’; MC rados ‘joyful’ < radost’ ‘joy, gladness’; LC krds* or kras* ‘cross’ < krest ‘id.’; Cui.polas ‘volost, an administrative-territorial unit in old Russia’ < volost' ‘id.’.

7.1.3 Paragoge (?)296 In the available material, there are some loanwords in which the final consonant cluster may have been adapted by means of paragoge. However, in all of them the interpretation is not easy and other explanations for the final vowels can be taken into account.

7.1.3.1 (?) Rus. -lb > MC -Iba MC stolba ‘pillar’ < stdlb291 ‘id.’.

7.1.3.2 (?) Rus. -rp > MC -rpi> MC *sarpb 29* ‘sickle’ < serp ‘id.’.

7.1.3.3 (?) Rus. -tr > MC -tra ~ -trd MC litra ‘litre’ < litr299 ‘id.’; MC matra ~ matra ‘metre’ < metr™ ‘id.’.

7.2 Depalatalization of a palatalized consonant in word-final clusters In the examples which are listed below, the final cluster is still preserved but one of its members undergoes depalatalization.

7.2.1 Rus. -Vs > MC -Is MC puls ‘pulse’

2.6 For paragoge in the adaptation of word-final clusters in Rus. loanwords in Tuvinian, see Pomorska 1995: 94; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 124ff.; in Dolgan, see StachowskiK 2012: 292, where the author verifies Marek Stachowski’s (1999: 57f.) opinion on the subject. 2.7 Or stolba, Gen.Sg. of stölb, for details, see B.I s.v. Or särp* ~ .*särp At this stage of research, it is impossible to establish the canonical form of the MÖ reflex; for details, see B.I s.v. 2,9 Or litra, Gen.Sg. of litr; for details, see B.I s.v. 31,11 Or metra, Gen.Sg. of metr; for details, see B.I s.v. 189 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

7.2.2 Rus. -st’ > MC -st MC gost* ‘guest’ < gost ’ ‘id.’, cf. MC gost’*, qost' 'id. ’ (7.3).

7.3 Unchanged consonant clusters in word-final position

-rd |-rt] MC milliart ‘billion’ < milliard ‘id.’.

-st MC most, most ‘bridge’ < most ‘id.’, cf. MC mös ‘id.’ (7.1.2).

-st’ MC gost’*, qost’ ‘guest’

-tr MC kvadratnyj mätr ‘metre’ < métr ‘id.’, cf. MC mätra ~ mäträ ‘id.’ (7.1.3.3); MC Pätr, a male proper name < Pétr; MC Pötr, a male proper name < Pëtr.

-zd |-st] MC pojäst ‘train’

13A Unchanged word-final three-consonant cluster

-msk MC Tomsk ‘Tomsk’ < Tomsk.

8. Apocope

Deletion of the final syllable or vowel in Russian common nouns bor­ rowed to Turkic languages is a familiar phenomenon. It may apply to Rus­ sian vowels or syllables which perform certain morphological functions, such as the Rus. plural suffix -y, e.g. Yak. säkymat ~ säxymat ‘chess’ (Slep­ cov 1964: 107) = Dolg. häkymat ‘id.’ < Rus. saxmat-y (StachowskiM 1999: 62);301 the feminine suffix -a, e.g. Kar.-Balk. zadac ‘task’ < Rus. zadaca ‘id.’ (Siemieniec-Golas 2003: 86); the adjective-forming suffix -skij or the noun­ forming suffixes -ec and -in, e.g. Bar. gärman ‘1. german; 2. German’ < Rus.

301 But cf. Berta’s interpretation of Tat. dial, sakmak ‘Schach- oder Damespiel, Schachbrett’ < Rus. dial. *saxtnax - *sakmak ‘Schachspiel, Schachfiguren’ (1984: 103). 190 Chapter III. Adaptation of Russian consonants in word-final position germanskij ‘1. id.’ ~germanec ‘2. id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 62), Bar. kyrystan ’adj. Christian’ < Rus. xristianskij ‘id.’ ~ xristianin ’n. Christian’ (ibid.), Śr. krâstjan ‘peasant’ < Rus. krest’ânin ‘id.’ (ibid.). Sometimes apocope affects word-final syllables which are phonetically identical with Turkic suffixes, such as the dative suffix -ka in Tuv. byrdân ‘kind of weapon’ < Rus. berdânka ‘id.’, Tuv. krupćat ‘pure wheaten flour’ < Rus. krupćatka ‘id.’ (Pomorska 1995: 101), or most probably, the Px3Sg.-suf- fix -ta in Dolg. komna ‘Zimmer’ < komna-ta* < Rus. komnata (StachowskiM 1999: 62, cf. also DW 151). In the available material, apocope applies in the following loanwords. The deleted segment is either final -a or -y, i.e. either the Rus. feminine singular ending or one of the plural endings, respectively.

8.1 Deletion of Rus. -a MĆ, LĆ lapat ~ lopat ‘shovel’ < łopata ‘id.’; MC makstur3"1 ‘medicine’ < mikstura ‘kind of liquid medicine’; MĆ solom ‘straw’, Cui. salam ‘id.’< Rus.st. solóma or Rus.dial. salama3"3 ‘id.’; cf. also Tat.dial. salam ‘Strohhalm, Stroh’ < Rus. solom(a) ‘id.’ (Ber­ ta 1983: 101), cf. also Kar. (T), (H), (K) salam ‘id.’ (KRPS 462, CK.ED 333), Bsk. halam ‘id.’ (RBśkS 806), Kzk. salam ‘id.’ (KzkRS), Alt. salam ‘straw’ (ATS 149), Tuba salam ‘id.’ (Baskakov 1966: 146), Tel., Korn. salam ‘id.’ (R IV 353), Tob. salam ‘Strohsack’ (ibid., VEWT 397); LĆ śkol ‘school’ < śkóla ‘id.’; cf. also Tat.dial. yśkól ‘Schule’ < Rus. śkol(a) ‘id.’ (Berta 1983: 87), Bar. sqol ‘id.’, Śr. śkol ~ sqol ‘id.’ (Dilmaç 45, 68), Kirg. iśkol ‘id.’ (Chorolec 1953: 105) < Rus. śkola ‘id.’, cf. also Tof. śkol -yśkól ‘id.’ (TofRS 97), Kirg.colloq. śkol ‘id.’ (KirgRS 2: 410).

8.2 Deletion of Rus. -y MĆ stan ‘trousers’ < stany ‘id.’; cf. also Yak. ystân - ustan ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 102), Dolg. ystân ‘id.’ < Rus. śtan(y) ‘id.’ (StachowskiM 1999: 62), cf. also Bśk. yśtan ‘id.’ (RBśkS 957), Khak. ystan ‘id.’ (Rajkova

№ Cf. also MC lakstur ‘medicine’, which resulted from contamination of Rus. lekarstvo ‘medicine’ and mikstura. 303 See comments in B.IV s.v. Cui. salam. 191 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1980: 30), Kirg.yyiaM ‘1. id.; 2. underpants’ (KirgRS 442), Sr.yyfan ‘1. id.’ (§orS 34), Alt., Tel. ystan ‘2. id.’ (R I 1402). Chapter IV Adaptation of Russian vowels

0. Introductory remarks on Chulym Turkic vocalism304

The Middle and Lower Chulym vowel systems consist of eight short pho­ nemes /a/, /ä/,305 /1/, /y/, /0/, /0/, /11/, /ü/, eight long phonemes /ä/, /ä/, /1/, /y/, /0/, /0/, /ü/, /Ü/, and diphthongs. The Küärik system is almost the same, except for the lack of /y/. Radloff records three reduced vowels in Küärik: I and Cyr. y andy,306 whereas Dul’zon and Birjukovic record two reduced vowels in Lower and Middle Chulym, written b and b.307 The analysis of the avilable lexical material shows, that b alternates with a or y, while b, with i or ö,308 although exceptions to this rule are also found. In most cases, lengthening of vowels is compensatory, due to various contractions, but there are a number of words in which a long vowel cor­ responds to a Proto-Turkic long vowel, e.g. MC Ik ‘spindle’ (ZS 94) = LC

3IM It has been pointed out in previous works (cf. esp. Pomorska 2000: 248ff. and 2004: 27ff.) that the sources of Chulym lexical material are characterized by considerable chaos, especially with respect to vowel notation. Not only do the authors use different letters for the same sound, but their conclusions are not consistent with the lexical material they cite. For instance, Birjukovii says that Middle Chulym does not have /y/ and /u/ (ZS 9), but a number of pages later she cites MC yl 'village' (ibid. 129) and MC siig ‘ rain, lit. water’ (ibid. 143). More recently, in one of their publications on Middle Chulym, Anderson and Harrison (2006: 47) transcribe two front non-high unrounded vowel phonemes, /e/ and /as/, although Li et alii (2006: 14), who carried out their fieldwork around the same time and interviewed the same native speaker do not agree with this opinion. Our conclusions about the Chulym vocalism are based on comprehensive analysis of all the available lexical material. 31.5 Front unrounded non-high non-low vowel as it is known in other Turkic languages (cf. MChD 14; ZS 10f.; Pomorska 2000: 249f„ 2001: 83f. and 2004: 29f.). 31.6 In the present publication the latter two are substituted with their Latin counterparts, i.e. ii and u, respectively. 307 We preserve Dul’zon and BirjukoviC’s b and b without change, adding a comment, if necessary. For details, see Pomorska 2000: 251 and 2004: 3Off. 193 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects ik ‘id.’ (CulT 138) = Kiia. ik ‘id.’ (R I 1415) < PT *ik (Scerbak 1970: 194; Tekin 1995: 182); Cul. Un voice’ (LCJa 15, 25, 68) = MC un ‘id.’ (ZS 82) = LC un ‘id.’ (CulT 140) = Kiia. iin ‘id.’ (R I 1818) < PT iln* (Scerbak 1970: 198; Tekin 1995: 185).309 Secondary lengthening of a stem vowel due to a high vowel in the at­ tached suffix is frequent,310 e.g. MC kazym (ZS 38) < kas-ym* ‘goose-pxlsc’ < kas ‘id.’ (ibid.); LC jar-yp ‘to split-cv’ (CulT 177) < jar- ‘id.’, cT.jar-ad'i ‘id.-pres’ (CulT 177); Kiia. kir-ip ‘to enter-cv’ (RPro 692) ~ kirip ‘id.’ (ibid. 699) < kir- ‘id.’ (R II 135O).311

1. Treatment of Russian stressed vowels

In the available material, Russian stressed vowels are generally rendered in Chulym as the corresponding short vowels. In ca. thirty five Middle Chu­ lym words, one Lower Chulym word (cf. 1.2.1) and three words whose affili­ ation to Middle or Lower Chulym is impossible to determine (cf. 1.2.1, 1.3.1), a Russian stressed vowel is substituted by the corresponding long vowel.312 Ca. 70% of Middle Chulym words with a long vowel of this type have been recorded by Li et alii in MChD.313 According to the authors, length in these examples is not caused by Russian stress but by the “elongated pronuncia­ tion [...] in the open syllables”.314 Of course lengthening of vowels in open syllables is plausible, but it is evident that it applies precisely to those vowels which go back to Russian stressed ones. Moreover, open syllable lengthening

309 For more examples, see Pomorska 2001: 85. 310 Cf. CulT 144; ZS 38f.; cf. also Rasanen 1955: 58 and Borgojakov 1966: 83f. 311 For more examples, see C.III.0. 312 For the adaptation of Russian stressed vowels as long vowels or diphthongs in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 74ff., D’jaikovskij 1962: 14fif.; in Dolgan, see StachowskiK 2010: passim. In Tuvinian, Rus. stressed vowels are generally adapted as long (cf. Pomorska 1995: 100), whereas in Tatar dial, and Kirghiz, as short (cf. Berta 1983: 22ff. and Chorolec 1953: 35ff., respectively). 313 In the following list, such examples are marked by “LYS”; for other abbreviations, see F.2. 314 The same explanation is given by Li et alii for long vowels in native Chulym words: “The long vowels of Chulym Turkish [sic, MP] are mostly of secondary origin. Some of them are the results of various contractions. The others are due to the elongated pronunciation of the open syllables” (MChD 13f.). Note that the lexical material in MChD comes from a single informant (cf. also fn. 24 in Part A), so one should be very cautious in drawing conclusions. 194 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels does not explain the long vowels in MC cäs (cf. 1.1.1), minut (cf. 1.5.1) and most ~ mös (cf. 1.4.1).

1.1 Russian stressed d

1.1.1 Rus. ä > MC ä MC (LYS) cäs ‘time, hour’ < cäs ‘id.’ (1.1.2); MC (VL) jägada ‘berry’

1.1.2 Rus. ä > MC, LC, Küä. a, e.g. MC (RB) cas ‘time, hour’ < cäs ‘id.’ (1.1.1); MC (AD) jagoda ‘berry’< jägoda ‘id.’ (1.1.1); MC panka ‘can, tin’ < banka ‘id.’; MC (RB) Vald, a female proper name Valja (1.1.1); LC straya ‘fishing gaff’ < Rus.dial. strogä ‘id.’; Küä. saqar ‘sugar’ < säxar ‘id.’ (1.1.1); Küä. yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ < izba ‘id.’.

1.1.3 For Rus. C’ä > Cui. Cd, see 3.1.1 below.

1.1.4 For other qualitative changes of Rus. a, see 4.1 below.

195 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1.2 Russian stressed e

1.2.1 Rus. e > MC, LC a MC (AD) mälimzä ‘mill’ < mel’mca ‘id.’; MC (VL) mästa ‘place’ < mesto ‘id.’ (1.2.2); MC (VL)panik or *bdnik ‘rod, twig; broom’ < venik ‘broom, besom’; MC (LYS) säbär ‘north’ < sever ‘id.’; LC (AD) kblamkä ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’ < Rus.dial. kulemka ‘trap for small animals made of logs, poles or planks’ (1.2.2); Cul. (RB) klämik ‘pigsty’ < xlevik ‘small pigsty’.

1.2.2 Rus. e > MC, LC, Küä. ä, e.g. MC lända ~ länta ‘ribbon’ < lenta ‘id.’; LC (AD) kblämkä ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’ < Rus.dial. kulemka ‘trap for small animals made of logs, poles or planks’ (1.2.1); LC läsinca ‘staircase’ < lestnica ‘id.’; Küä. istäp ‘steppe’ < step ’ ‘id.’; Küä. kilät ‘store-room’ < klet’ ‘id.’; Cul. (RB) mästä ‘place’ < mesto or meste (Prep.Sg.) ‘id.’ (1.2.1).

1.2.3 For qualitative changes of Russian stressed e, see 4.3.2 below.

1.3 Russian stressed i

1.3.1 Rus. i > MC, Cul. T MC (LYS) karfina ‘picture’ < kartlna ‘id.’; MC (LYS) kmga ‘book’ < kniga ‘id.’ (1.3.2); MC (LYS) Rasija ‘Russia’ < Rossija ‘id.’; MC (LYS) spasiba ‘thanks’ < spasibo ‘id.’ (1.3.2); MC (LYS) ucltäl ‘teacher’ < ucitel’ ‘id.’ (1.3.2); MC (LYS) ucitalnica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’ < ucitel’nica ‘id.’ (1.3.2); Cul. (RB) kipis ‘fishnet sinker’ < Rus.dial. kives ‘stone attached to the bottom part of the fishing net’ or kibas ‘fishing sinker attached to the net’; Cul. (RB) kirä ‘piece of metal or another substance of known weight used in weighing other articles’ < girja ‘id.’ (1.3.2). 196 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

1.3.2 Rus. i > MĆ, LĆ i, e.g. MC Apim, a male proper name < Efim ‘id.’; MĆ kirpiś* or kirpić* ‘brick’ < kirpić ‘id.’; MĆ (AD, RB) kniga ‘book’, LC (AD) kinaga ‘id.’, Ćul. (RB) kniga ‘id.’ < kniga ‘id.’ (1.3.1); MĆ (RB) ućital’ ‘teacher’ < ućitel' ‘id.’ (1.3.1); MC (RB) ucital'nica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’ < ucitel’nica ‘id.’ (1.3.1); LC abin ‘building used for drying sheaves before threshing’ < ovin ‘id.’; Cui. (RB) spasibo ‘thanks’ < spasibo ‘id.’ (1.3.1); Cui. (RB) kira ‘piece of metal or another substance of known weight used in weighing other articles’

1.3.3 For qualitative changes of Rus. i, see 4.1 below.

1.4 Russian stressed ó

1.4.1 Rus. ó > MĆ ó MĆ (LYS) most ~ mds ‘bridge’ < most ‘id.’ (1.4.2); MĆ (LYS)pojast ‘train’

1.4.2 Rus. ó > MĆ, LĆ o, e.g. MC (RB) most ‘bridge’ < most ‘id.’ (1.4.1); MĆpoćka ~ boćka ‘barrel’ < boćka ‘id.’; LC skotka ‘meeting’ < sxodka ‘id.’; Cui. qopta ‘1. blousejacket; 2. woolen garment worn over the upper body’ < kófta ‘id.’; Ćul. uśtop ‘liter’ < 5tó/‘old Russian unit of volume’.

1.4.3 For Rus. Cd > Ćul. Co, see 3.1.2 below.

197 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

1.4.2 For other qualitative changes of Rus. 6, see 4.1,4.2, 4.3 below.

1.5 Russian stressed u

1.5.1 Rus. u > MC u MC (LYS) druga ‘friend’ < druga, Gen.Sg. or Acc.Sg. of drug ‘id.’ (1.5.2); MC (AD) kiila- ‘v.z. to move’ < Rus.dial. gulja(t') ‘id.’; MC (LYS) lucsa ~ lucas ‘better’ < lucse ‘id.’; MC (LYS) minut ‘minute’ < minut, Gen.Pl. of minuta ‘id.’; MC (LYS) nucqa ‘granddaughter’ < vnucka ‘id.’; MC (LYS) nucuq ~ (RB) nucak ‘grandson etc.’ < vnucek ‘grandson’ (1.5.2); MC (VL) truska ‘best man’ < druzka ‘id.’ (1.5.2).

1.5.2 Rus. u > MC, LC, Kiia. «, e.g. MC (LYS) druga ‘friend’ < druga, Gen.Sg. or Acc.Sg. of drug ‘id.’ (1.5.1); MC (AD) nucuq ~ nucak ‘grandson etc.’ < vnucek ‘grandson’ (1.5.1); MC (VL) truzka ‘best man’ < druzka ‘id.’ (1.5.1); MC ustul ‘chair’ < stul ‘id.’; LC izbuska ‘hut’ < izbuska ‘id.’; Kiia. sunduq ‘box’ < sunduk ‘large lockable box for storing belongings, valuables’; Cui. uluq ‘onion’ < luk ‘id.’.

1.5.3 For Rus. C’zz > Cui. Cu, see 3.1.3 below.

1.5.4 For other qualitative changes of Russian stressed u, see 4.1.6 below.

1.6 Russian stressed j and (s, z)i |i]315

1.6.1 Rus. (s)i Ji] > MC y MC (LYS) masyna ‘car’ < masina ‘id.’ (1.6.1.1).

115 Cf. Vinogradov I960: 58. 198 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

1.6.1.1 Rus. (s, z)i [i] > MC, LC i MC masina ‘machine’ < masina ‘id.’ (1.6.1);316 LC arsin ‘arshin, an obsolete Russian length unit’ < arsin ‘id.’; LC *masazirovat ’ in masazirovat’ at- ‘to massage’ < massazirovat’ ‘id.’.

1.6.2 Rus. y > MC, LC y, e.g. MC karyta ‘trough’ < koryto ‘id.’; MC pyska ‘tower’ < vyska ‘id.’; MC tyssa ~ tysa ‘thousand’ < Rus.colloq. tysca ‘id.’; LC syvyrtqa ‘whey’ < syvorotka ‘id.’.

1.6.3 For qualitative changes of Russian stressed y, see 4.1 and 4.3 below.

1.7 Special cases

The following loanwords are only attested in forms with a suffix contain­ ing a high vowel. As it was mentioned above,317 318the process of secondary vowel lengthening in such positions is well known in the Chulym Turkic dialects. Without access to any other other sources of Chulym lexis, it is im­ possible to decide whether the long vowels are motivated by Russian stress or by the high vowel in the suffix of the Chulym form.

MC saplotyn < sapldt-tyn* ~ *saplot-tyn ‘fence or a fenced area for farm animals-ABL’ < *saplot or *saplot < Rus.dial. zaplot ‘solid fence made of logs, thick poles or planks’; MC sadlozyn < sadlo-zy-n* ~ sadlo-zy-n* ‘saddle-Px3sG-ACC’ < sadld* or sadlo2'* < Rus. sedlo ‘id.’; MC samjazy < samja-zy* ~ samja-zy* ‘family-Px3sG’ < samja* or samja* < Rus. sem’ja ‘id.’; MC ukazyna < uka-zy-na* ~ uka-zy-na* ‘fish soup-px3sg-dat’ < *uka or uka* < Rus. uxa ‘id.’; LC klazynga < klas-y-nga* ~ klas-y-nga* ‘grade (at sc1iooI)-px3sg-dat’ < klas* or klas* < Rus. klass ‘id.’;

316 Cf. also LC masna ‘id.’. 317 See the introductory remarks to this chapter. 318 Attested in MChD 161. 199 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

LĆ krazini < kras-i-ni* - kras-i-ni* ‘cross-Px3sG-ACc’ < *kràs or kras* < Rus. krést ‘id’; LĆ vagii] < vak-iij* ~ *vak-irj ‘lifetime-Px2sG’ < vak* or *vak < Rus. vék ‘id.’.

2. Chulym reflexes of Russian vowels in unstressed position

When analysing possible qualitative changes of unstressed vowels319 in Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects, one faces a number of difficulties. First of all, one has to take into account the potential discrepancy be­ tween spelling and pronunciation in the recipient dialects. The latter may be obscured by the mirroring of the Russian spelling, or ambiguous,320 or simply erroneous, notation of a given Chulym word in the sources.321 Additionally, there is always the possibility of further modifications of the vowels in Chu­ lym322 caused e.g. by front harmony (frequently violated),323 the labialization of a > o or the tendency to avoid o in non-first syllables.324 As to the donor language, it has to be taken into consideration that a given Chulym word may not go back to standard Russian but to a dialectal, some­ times only hypothetical, form, with different vowels and/or stress pattern. In the light of the diachronic and synchronic diversity of Russian dialects, the question once again arises of which variety was the actual source of a given Chulym word. For example, Chulym words in which o corresponds to Rus. unstressed orthographic o (cf. 2.2 below) may be either influenced by their Russian spelling or go back to a Russian dialect which displays “okan’e”.325 Reservations of this kind are especially applicable to those loanwords where

319 As it is known, Rus. unstressed vowels are subject to different degrees of phonetic reduction depending on their distance from the stressed syllable and on the preceding consonant, cf. e.g. Avanesov 1956: 105ff., Timberlake 2004: 42ff, Crosswhite 2000: passim. 520 Cf. comments s.v. MĆ kalas in B.I. 521 Cf. Pomorska 2004: 28ff. 322 For vowel alternations and changes in the Chulym dialects, see Pomorska 2001: 83ff. 323 Cf. Pomorska 2001: 86ff. 324 Cf. 4.2 below. 325 Cf. Kasatkin 2005: 36ff., cf. also comments in StachowskiM 1999: 14f. 200 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels consonant adaptations have applied, but of course partial adaptation of these in Chulym cannot be excluded. To sum up, the aim of the present section is to present the Chulym reflexes of Russian orthographic vowels in post- and pre-tonic positions, bearing in mind that the reasons for particular changes remain ambiguous.

2.1 Russian unstressed a

2.1.1 Rus. a in pre-tonic position Russian a in the first or second pre-tonic syllable, whether word-initial or following a hard consonant, is generally rendered as a in Chulym. In one case, Rus. first pre-tonic a is rendered as y or y (cf. 2.1.1.2). The a ~ y alternation is well-known in Middle Chulym, cf. e.g. MC adaj ‘dog’ (LCJa 26) ~ adyj ‘id.’ (ibid. 78),326 327but the high vowel environment might have had an impact on the a >y change in this particular loanword.

2.1.1.1 Rus. a > MC, LC, Küä. a, e.g. MC plaslovänjä ‘blessing’ < Rus.dial. blasloven ’e ‘id.’; MC samok ‘lock’ < zamok ‘id.’; LC arsin ‘arshin, an obsolete Russian length unit’ < arsin ‘id.’; LC familjä ‘surname’ < familija ‘family’; LC kastrülä ‘saucepan’ < kastrjulja ‘id.’; Küä. qalat ‘dressing gown’ < xalät ‘id.’; Cui. kartopka ‘potato’ < Rus.dial. kartovka or kartöfka ‘id.’.

2.1.1.2 Rus. a(-y)>MCy MC istyn* - *istyn or istyny* 321 ‘trousers’ < stany ‘id.’, cf. MC stan ‘id.’.

326 For other examples, see Pomorska 2001: 88; cf. also comments in StachowskiM 2012: 496ff. 327 See comments in B.I s.v. 201 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.1.2 Rus. a in post-tonic position Russian post-tonic a after a hard consonant is generally rendered as a or a in Chulym. It seems that the choice between a and a is determined by vowel harmony: in almost all cases, Cui. a occurs when the vowel in the preceding syllable is back328 (cf. 2.1.2. la), and Cui. a occurs when the preceding vowel is front329 (cf. 2.1.2.2a). In some words, Rus. post-tonic a undergoes reduction (cf. 2.1.2.3), but an alternative explanation is possible in the case of Cui. pars-bl and Cui. saqbr.

2.1.2.1 Rus. a > MĆ, LĆ a

2.1.2.1a Rus. (V* -) a> MĆ, LĆ a, e.g. MĆ jagoda ~ jagada ‘berry’ < jagoda ‘id.’; MĆ lapka ~ lavka ~ lafka ‘shop, store’ < lavka ‘small shop’, cf. MĆ lafka ‘id.’(2.1.2.2b); MĆ panka ‘can, tin’ < banka ‘id.’; MĆ poćka ~ boćka ‘barrel’ < boćka ‘id.’, cf. Cul. poćka ‘id.’ (2.1.2.2b); MĆ trużka ~ truska ‘best man’ < drużka ‘id.’; LĆpatqopqa ‘horseshoe’

2.1.2.1b Rus. (V* -) a > MĆ, LĆ a MC kartina ‘picture’ < kartina ‘id.’; MC kriiga ~ kniga ‘book’ < kniga ‘id.’, cf. LC kinaga, Cui. kniga ‘id.’ (2.1.2.2a); MĆ navasta ‘bride, fiancee’ < nevesta ‘id.’, cf. MC navasta - navastb ‘id.’ (2.1.2.2a, 2.1.2.3); LĆ kniżka ‘book’ < kniźka, dimin. of. kniga ‘id.’; LC lasinca ‘staircase’ < lestnica ‘id.’.

128 While Cui. a is occasionally found after a front syllable (cf. 2.1.2.1b), such cases may have been influenced by the spelling of the Russian etymon. 329 Whether in the Russian etymon or, secondarily, in its Chulym reflex, as a result of transfer of palatal quality from the preceding consonant onto the vowel. 202 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

2.1.2.2 Rus. a > MĆ, LĆ a

2.1.2.2a Rus. ~ C’VA-) a > MĆ, LC a MC kiirsa ‘chicken; hen’ < kurica ‘id.’; MC kiiznaca ‘smithy’ < kuzniëà* < kûznica ‘id.’; MC malimza ‘mill’ < mél’nica ‘id.’; MC navasta ‘bride, fiancée’ < nevésta ‘id.’, cf. MC navasta ~ nàvàstb ‘id.’ (2.1.2.1b, 2.1.2.3); LĆ kinàga, Ćul. kniga ‘book’ < kniga ‘id.’, cf. MC kniga ~ kniga ‘id.’ (2.1.2.1b); LC kblamka ~ kblamka ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’ < Rus.dial. kulémka ‘trap for small animals made of logs, poles or planks’; LC tàlàgà ‘cart’ < teléga ‘id.’; Cul. tàpkâ ‘hoe (tool)’ < tàpka* < tjàpka ‘id.’; Ćul. sàràykà ‘match’ < saranka* < Rus.dial. sérjanka ~ serjànka ‘id.’; Cul. varabikà ‘sparrow’ < Rus.dial. vorobéjka Tittle sparrow’; Cui. vilka ‘fork’ < vilka ‘id.’.

2.1.2.2b (?) Rus. (VA -)a> MĆ, Cui. a MC lafka ‘shop, store’ < lâvka220 ‘small shop’, cf. MC lavka ~ lafka ~ lapka ‘id.’(2.1.2.1a); Ćul. poćka ‘barrel’ < boćka22' ‘id.’, cf. MĆpoćka ~ boćka ‘id.’ (2.1.2.1a).

2.1.2.3 Rus. a > MĆ i> MĆ nàvâstb ‘bride, fiancée’ < nevésta ‘id.’, cf. MC navasta ~ navasta ‘id.’ (2.1.2.1b, 2.1.2.2a).

2.1.2.3a (?) Rus. a > Ćul. 1» Ćul. parśbl ‘medical assistant’ < Rus.dial. fersal221 ‘id.’; Cui. saq-br ‘sugar’ < Rus.st. sàxar222 ‘id.’.

Or lavke, Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of lavka\ for remarks on the etymology of MĆ lafka, see B.I s.v. MĆ lapka. Or bóćke, Prep.Sg. of boćka', for remarks on the etymology of Ćul. poćka, see B.I s.v. MĆ poćka. Or Rus.st. /e/ dser, for remarks on the etymology of Ćul. pdrśbl, see B.IV s.v. Or Rus.dial. saxir, for remarks on the etymology of Ćul. saq-br, see B.IV s.v. 203 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.1.2.4 (?) Rus. (i-) a > Cul. i Cul. kipis ‘fishnet sinker’ < Rus.dial. kibasii4 ‘fishing sinker attached to the net’.

2.1.2.5 For adaptations of Rus. post-tonic a after a palatalized conso­ nant, see 3.2.1 below.

2.2 Russian unstressed o

2.2.1 Rus. o in pre-tonic position Russian o in the first or second pre-tonic syllable, whether word-initial or following a hard consonant, is generally rendered as a or o, with both options occasionally encountered in different variants of the same Chulym word (cf. 2.2.1.3). Sometimes Rus. pre-tonic o is replaced in Chulym by a (cf. 2.2.1.4). In all such cases, the vowel in the following syllable is front itself, either because it goes back to a front vowel in the Russian etymon or because it inherited its palatal quality from the following consonant in Chulym (in LC kastil). What this means is that the o > a change is most likely due to vowel harmony, but cf. MC kazain, malatilka and LC abin (2.2.1.1). In one loanword, Rus. first pre-tonic o undergoes reduction and further deletion (cf. 2.2.1.5); deletion of pre-tonic o in the first or second syllable, which gives rise to a secondary consonant cluster is attested in two more cases (cf. 2.2.1.6).

2.2.1.1 Rus. o > MC, LC a, e.g. MC kazain ‘owner, landlord’ < xozjain ‘id.’; MC malatilka ‘threshing machine’ < molotilka ‘id.’; MC taroba* in tarobastyr, a greeting used when meeting someone < Rus. arch, zdorovo ‘id.’; LC abin ‘building used for drying sheaves before threshing’ < ovin ‘id.’; LC straya ‘fishing gaff’ < Rus.dial. stroga ‘id.’.

334 Or Rus.dial. kives ‘stone attached to the low part of the fishing net’; cf B.IV s.v. 204 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

2.2.1.2 Rus. o > MC, LC o, e.g. MC qolqos, LC kolxos ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’ < kolxoz ‘id.’; MC oqrana ‘guard, guarding’ < oxrana ‘guarding, protection’; LC kolonok ‘Siberian weasel’ < kolonok ‘id.’, cf. LC klanok ‘id.’ (2.2.1.6); Cui. qomut ‘horse collar’ < xomut ‘id.’.

2.2.1.3 Rus. o > MC, LC a ~ o MC ayrot ~ oyorot ‘vegetable garden’< ogorod ‘id.’; MC oxotnik ~ akotnik ~ oxotnik ~ oqotniq ‘hunter’ < oxotnik ‘id.’; MC kolas ~ kolas335 336337‘ring’ < kolec, Gen.Pl. of kol’co ‘id.’; MC, LC lapat - lopat330 ‘shovel’ < lopata ‘id.’; MC parata ~paratta, Cui. porota ‘gate’ < vorota331 ‘id.’; Cui. markap ~ morkop ‘carrot’< morkov’ ‘id.’; Cui.338 salam ~ MC solom ‘straw’ < soloma339 ‘id.’.

2.2.1.4 Rus. o (- VE)> LC, Cui. a LC kalasa ‘wheel’ < koleso340 ‘id.’; LC kastil ‘crutch’ < kastil* < Rus. kostyl’ ‘id.’; Cui. kalacka ‘ring’ < kolecko ‘small ring’; Cui. partrat ‘portrait’

2.2.1.5 Rus. CoC > Cui. CbC > CC Cui.341 port>na, LC porna ‘harrow (tool)’ < borona ‘id.’.

2.2.1.6 Rus. CoC > MC, LC CC MC ayrot ‘vegetable garden’< ogorod ‘id.’, cf. MC oyorot ‘id.’ (2.2.1.3); LC klanok ‘Siberian weasel’ < kolonok ‘id.’, cf. LC kolonok ‘id.’ (2.2.1.2).

5,5 In two different editions of the very same text; for details, see B.I s.v. 336 In two different editions of the very same sentence; for details, see B.I and B.II s.v. 337 Or Rus.dial. vorota', for remarks on the etymology of MĆ parata, see B.I s.v. 338 Middle Chulym? 339 Or, in the case of Ćul. salam, rather Rus.dial. salama; see comments in B.1V s.v. 340 Or rather Prep.Sg. kolese or Rus.dial. *koleso', for remarks on the etymology of LĆ kalasa, see B.II s.v. 341 Lower Chulym? 205 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.2.2 Russian o in post-tonic position Russian post-tonic o after a hard consonant is generally substituted in Chulym by a or o. In some loanwords, it is replaced by a (cf. 2.2.2.3). How­ ever, since the vowel in the preceding syllable is front itself, either because it goes back to a front vowel in the Russian etymon or because it inherited its palatal quality from the preceding consonant in Chulym, this change is most probably due to vowel harmony. In one loanword, Rus. post-tonic o changed to LC y (cf. 2.2.2.4) and in another to MC u (cf. 2.2.2.5). Given that in both cases, the preceding syllable featured y and u respectively, this change also could be explained by vowel harmony.

2.2.2.1 Rus. o > MC, Cul. a, e.g. MC doktar ‘doctor, physician’ < doktor ‘id.’; MC karyta ‘trough’ < koryto ‘id.’; MC mdsta ‘place’ < mesto ‘id.’, cf. Cul. masta (2.2.2.3); MC tardba* in tardbastyr, a greeting used when meeting someone < Rus. arch, zdorovo ‘id.’; Cul.polas ‘volost, an administrative-territorial unit in old Russia’ < volost’ ‘id.’.

2.2.2.2 Rus. o > MC, LC o, e.g. MC sarkop ‘church’ < cerkov’ ‘id.’; MC rados ‘joyful’ < radost ’ ‘joy, gladness’; LC masazirovat* ’ in masazirovat' at- ‘to massage’ < massazirovat’ ‘id.’; Cul. qoloqon ‘little bell’ < kolokol ‘bell’.

2.2.2.3 Rus. (Vs- ~ C’LA -) o > MC, LC d MC talnak, Cul. tajnak ‘young cow’ < *talonok (cf. 3.1.2.1 below) < Rus. t elenok392 ‘id.’; MC, LC tasta ‘dough’ < testo ‘id.’; (?) Cul. masta ‘place’ < mesto393 ‘id.’.

342 Or Rus.dial. telenok;* for remarks on the etymology of MC talnak and Cul. tajnak, see B.I s.v. MC talnak. 343 Or Prep.Sg. meste; for remarks on the etymology of Cul. masta, see B.IV s.v. 206 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

2.2.2.4 Rus. (y —) o> LC y LC syvyrtqa ‘whey’ < syvorotka ‘id.’.

2.2.2.5 Rus. u - o > MC u* - a> a - u> u - u MC kukulga344 345‘doll’ < kakulga343 < *kukalga < Rus. kukolka ‘dolly’.

2.2.2.6 (?) Rus. CoC > MC, LC CC346 MC provolka ‘wire’

2.3 Russian unstressed e

2.3.1 Rus. e in pre-tonic position Russian first and second pre-tonic post-consonantal e is substituted by Cui. a:

Rus. e > MC, LC, Küä. ä, e.g. MC cäsnok ‘garlic’ < cesnôk ‘id.’; MC sädlo ‘saddle’ < sedlô ‘id.’; LC cälkovyj ‘rouble’ < celkôvyj ‘id.’; LC tälägä ‘cart’ < teléga ‘id.’; Küä. päcät ‘stamp, seal’

2.3.2 Rus. e in post-tonic position Russian post-tonic e is generally substituted by Cui. ä. In two cases, the changes of Rus. post-tonic e could be impacted by vowel harmony in Chulym (cf. 2.3.2.2-3).

2.3.2.1 Rus. e > MC, LC ä, e.g. MC nücäk ~ nucdk ‘grandson etc.’ < vnucek ‘id.’, cf. MC nucuq, nucuq ‘id.’ (2.3.2.2); MC säbär ‘north’ < sever ‘id.’; LC bol’sd cam ‘more than’ < bôl'se cém ‘id.’;

344 The reason for vowel lengthening in the second syllable is unclear, cf. comments in B.I s.v. 345 = Cui. qaqulya ‘id.’. 346 it is not excluded that o was already deleted in Russian pronunciation. 207 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

Cul. pospännik ‘vaccine’ < Rus.dial. vöspennik ‘person who vaccinates people against smallpox’.

2.3.2.2 Rus. (ü -) e > MC u MC nucuq ~ niicuq ‘grandson etc.’ < vnücek ‘id.’, cf. MC nücäk ~ nucäk (2.3.2.1).

2.3.2.3 (?) Rus. (i-) e > Cul. i Cul. kipis ‘fishnet sinker’ < Rus.dial. kives241 ‘stone attached to the bottom part of the fishing net’.

2.3.2.4 (?) Rus. e > Cul. •₺ Cul. pars-bl ‘medical assistant’ < Rus.st.ye/’¿Zier347 348 349350‘id.’.

2.3.2.5 Long ä which replaces Rus. pre-tonic e in MC lücäs249 ‘better’ < lücse ‘id.’ is unclear and it cannot be excluded that this is a misprint.

2.4 Russian unstressed i

2.4.1 Rus. i in pre-tonic position Russian first or second pre-tonic i, whether word-initial or post-conso­ nantal, is generally rendered as i in Chulym. In two cases, it is substituted by a250 (cf. 2.4.1.2), and in one Küä. word, it changes toy (cf. 2.4.1.3), probably under the influence of the back a in the following syllable. In one case, Rus. pre-tonic i undergoes deletion, which gives rise to a secondary consonant cluster (cf. 2.4.1.4).

2.4.1.1 Rus. i > MC, LC i, e.g. MC blim, ‘pancakes’ < bliny ‘id.’, Pl. of blin ‘pancake’;

347 Or Rus.dial. kibas ‘fishing sinker attached to the net’; for remarks on the etymology of Cul. kipis, see B.IV s.v. 348 Or. Rus.dial. fersal ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of Cul. pars-bl, see B.IV s.v., cf. also 2.1.2.3a above. 349 - MC lücsä ‘id.’. 350 Cases of i lowering are very frequent in Middle Chulym, e.g. pir ~ par ‘one’ (ZS 19, for other examples, see Pomorska 2001: 88), and it may be assumed that Rus. i was initially rendered as MC i, which then underwent lowering to ä (cf. also 2.4.2.3 below). 208 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

MC brigadir* ‘team-leader’ < brigadir ‘id.’; MC kirpis* or kirpic* ‘brick’ < kirpic ‘id.’; MC litopka ‘scythe’ < litövka ‘id.’, cf. Cui. Idtopka ‘id.’ (2.4.1.2); MC to spitdnija ‘Goodbye’ < do sviddnija ‘id.’; LC izbuska ‘hut’ < izbuska ‘id.’.

2.4.1.2 Rus. i > MC, Cui. ä MC mdkstur ‘medicine’ < mikstüra ‘kind of liquid medicine’; Cui. Idtopka ‘scythe’ < litövka ‘id.’, cf. MC litopka ‘id.’ (2.4.1.1).

2.4.1.3 Rus. i (- a) > Kiia. y Küä. yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ < izba ‘id.’.

2.4.1.4 Rus. CiOMCCC MC ksdt ‘tobacco pouch’ < kiset ‘id.’.

2.4.2 Rus. i in post-tonic position Russian post-tonic i is rendered as Cui. i in most available loanwords (cf. 2.4.2.1). In some cases, it is rendered asy (cf. 2.4.2.2) and this velarization can be explained as a result of the impact of the back vowel in the preceding syllable. Sometimes Rus. post-tonic i is replaced by d in Chulym351 (cf. 2.4.2.3), and in some cases, by a (cf. 2.4.2.4). Since a is found in words with a back vowel in the preceding syllable, the d (< Rus. z) > a shift was probably trig­ gered by vowel harmony. In one case, Rus. post-tonic i undergoes deletion, which gives rise to a secondary consonant cluster (cf. 2.4.2.5).

2.4.2.1 Rus. i > MC, LC /, e.g. MC jasik ‘box’ < jascik ‘id.’; MC malimzd ‘mill’ < mel’nica ‘id.’; MC pänik ~ bänik* ‘rod, twig; broom’ < venik ‘broom, besom’; MCpldmdnnik ‘nephew’ < Rus.dial. plemennik ‘id.’; LC Idsinca ‘staircase’ < lestnica ‘id.’.

351 Cf. the same change in pre-tonic positions (2.4.1.2 above). 209 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.4.2.2 Rus. (VA) - i > MC y MC Mixajlyc, a male patronymic < Mixajlovitf, MC urdyy ‘homework, lessons’ < uroki ‘id.’, Pl. of urok ‘lesson’; MC praznyk ~ praznyq ‘holiday, feast’

2.4.2.2a (?) Rus. (a -) i > Cul. i> Cul. saqbr ‘sugar’ < Rus.dial. saxir352 353 354355356‘id.’.

2.4.2.3 Rus. i > MĆ, Cul. d MĆ kuznaca ‘smithy’ < kuźnica ‘id.’; Cul. piiska ‘beads’ < busiki, dimin. of busy ‘id.’.

2.4.2.3a (?) Rus. (e -) -ij > Cul. -aj Cul. śbdrbaj ‘1. lot; 2. fate, destiny’ < źrebij or Rus.dial. źerbij334 ‘1.-2. id.’.

2.4.2.3b (?) Rus. -ij > MC d MC Vasila, a male proper name < Rus.st. Vasilij.3ii

2.4.2.4 Rus. (VA) - i > MĆ, Ćul. a MC sanka ‘sledge, sleigh’ < sanki ‘id.’; MC sutqa ‘day (= 24 hours)’ < sutki ‘id.’; Ćul. jasla ‘manger, crib’

2.4.2.4a (?) Rus. -ij > MĆ -aj MĆ Tomskaj ‘Tomsk’ < tómskij™ 'adj. Tomsk’.

2.4.2.5 Rus. CiC > MĆ CC MC kiirsa ‘chicken; hen’ < kurica ‘id.’.

352 In all these forms i is most likely due to adherence to the Rus. spelling, whereas its actual pronunciation isy, for details, see B.I s.v. axotnik. 353 Or Rus.st. saxar, for remarks on the etymology of Cul. saybr, see B.IV s.v. 354 Or Rus.dial. zerebej - Rus.arch, zerebej ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of Cul. .narbaj, see B.IV s.v. 355 Or Rus.arch. Vasilej; for remarks on the etymology of MC Vasila, see B.I s.v. 356 Or tomskoj, Prep.Sg. of tomskaja 'adj.fem. Tomsk’; for remarks on the etymology of MC Tomskaj, see B.I s.v. 210 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

2.5 Russian unstressed u

2.5.1 Rus. u in pre-tonic position Russian first and second pre-tonic u, whether word-initial or post-conso­ nantal,357 *is generally rendered as u in Chulym (cf. 2.5.1.1). In some examples it is rendered as ii (cf. 2.5.1.2) and in one as reduced b35!! (cf. 2.5.1.3). Since in all these cases the vowel in the following syllable is front, either because it goes back to a front vowel in the Russian etymon or because it inherited its palatal quality from the preceding consonant in Chulym, this palatalization can be explained by vowel harmony.

2.5.1.1 Rus. u > MC, LC, Kiia. u, e.g. MC cuyun ‘cast iron pot’ < cugun ‘ 1. cast iron; 2. cast iron pot, vessel’; MC kuznac ‘blacksmith’ < kuznec ‘id.’, cf. MC kuznac ‘id.’ (2.5.1.2); MC muravaj ‘ant’ < muravej ‘id.’; LC cudnoj ‘odd; strange’ < cudnoj ‘id.’; Kua. sunduq ‘box’ < sunduk ‘large lockable box for storing belongings, valuables’; Cui. qurpa ‘grain, groats’ < krupa ‘id.’.

2.5.1.2 Rus. u (- C’L' ~ Pj > MC ii MC giila-* ‘ 1. to walk; v.i. to move; to blow (wind)’ < guld-'59 < Rus. gulja(t j ‘1.-2. id.’; MC giilat* in gulat(t)a-* ‘to feast, to celebrate; to drink heavily’ < gulat* M} < Rus. guljat’ ‘id.’; MC kiiznac ‘blacksmith’ < kuznac (cf. 2.5.1.1) < Rus. kuznec ‘id.’.

2.5.1.3 Rus. u (- e)> LC b LC kblamka ~ kblamka ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’ < Rus.dial. kulemka ‘trap for small animals made of logs, poles or planks’.

2.5.1.4 For adaptations of Rus. pre-tonic u after a palatalized or soft consonant, see 3.2.2.1 below.

Also after the soft c. Front, cf. the introductory remarks to this chapter. Cf. MC gula-* ‘to feast, to celebrate’ in B.I s.v. MC giila-*. 160 Cf. MC kulata- ‘id.’. 211 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.5.2 Russian u in post-tonic position Russian post-tonic u is rendered as u in Chulym. However, in one case, the second post-tonic (j)u underwent elision (cf. 2.5.2.1).

2.5.2.1 Rus. u > MC, LC u MCpozaluj ‘perhaps’

2.5.2.2 For adaptations of Rus. post-tonic u after a palatalized conso­ nant, see 3.2.2.2.

2.6 Russian unstressed j

2.6.1 Rus. y in pre-tonic position Russian pre-tonic y is attested only in two Middle Chulym loanwords, and in both it is found in the first syllable. In one case it is substituted by y and in the other, the Rus. spelling si is mirrored.

2.6.1.1 Rus.j>MCj MC rybak ~ rybaq ‘fisherman’ < rybak ‘id.’.

2.6.1.2 Rus. (s)i [i] > MC (s)i MC sinal ‘greatcoat’ < sinel ’ ‘id.’.

2.6.2 Russian j in post-tonic position Russian post-tonic y is generally rendered as y in Chulym (cf. 2.6.2.1). In one case, namely in the adjective-forming suffix -yj, Rus. y is adapted as MC a (cf. 2.6.2.2). This is well attested e.g. in Yakut,361 but in the MC word the impact of the stressed a in the preceding syllable must also be taken into consideration.

361 Cf. Yak. kylabynaj ‘main’ < Rus. glavnyj ‘id.’ (Slepcov 1964: 81), Yak. kyrasyabaj ‘beautiful’ < Rus. krasivyj ‘id.’ (ibid.). 212 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

2.6.2.1 Rus.j>MC, LCj MC rany ‘wounds’ < rany, Pl. of rana ‘id.’; MC stoby ‘so that, in order that’ < ctbby ‘id.’; MC kvadratnyj301 square’ < kvadratnyj ‘id.’; MC ndscasnyj ‘unhappy’ < nescastnyj ‘id.’; LC cdlkovyj ‘rouble’ < celkövyj ‘id.’; LCprdsnyj ‘unleavened, tasteless’

2.6.2.2 Rus. (ä -) -yj > MC -aj MC kudrjavaj ‘curly’ < kudrjavyj ‘id.’.

3. Adaptations of Russian back vowels adjacent to palatalized or soft consonants

Russian back stressed and unstressed vowels which follow palatalized or soft consonants generally undergo palatalization in Chulym, concomitant with the depalatalization of the consonant.362 363 In some cases (cf. 3.1.1.1b, 3.1.2.2, 3.2.1.1b), vowel palatalization occurs, but the consonant retains its spelling as C’. Most probably, this is only an attempt to indicate the pronunciation of Chulym consonants in a front-vowel environment, where they are realized as slightly more palatal.

3.1 Russian stressed back vowels after palatalized or soft consonants

3.1.1 Rus. C’a

3.1.1.1 Rus. C’a > MC, LC, Küä. Cä MC *gülä- ~ *gulä- ‘1. to walk; v.i. to move; to blow (wind)', 2. to feast, to celebrate’

362 In k. mätr ‘square metre’. 363 For the same changes in Russian loanwords in Dolgan, see StachowskiM 1999: 63ff.; in Yakut, see Slepcov 1964: 74f., 77f., 82f.; in Kirghiz, see Chorolec 1953: 44f., 70. 213 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

MC kazäin ‘owner, landlord’

3.1.1.1a (?) Rus. C’ä > Cui. Cä Cui. säräqkä ‘match’ < Rus.dial. serjanka3bi ‘id.’.

3.1.1.1b Rus. C’ä > MC, LC C’ä MC t’ät’ä ‘father’< Rus.colloq. tjätja ‘id.’, cf. MC tätä ‘id.’(3.1.1.1); LC kvasn ’ä ‘ 1. dough; 2. dough-trough’ < kvasnjä ’ 1 .-2. id.’, cf. LC kvasn ’a ‘id.’(3.1.1.2).

3.1.1.2 Rus. C’ä > MC, LC C’a MC kudrjavaj ‘curly’ < kudrjävyj ‘id.’; MC pazdravl* ’at in pazdravl’ad ät- ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ < pozdravljat’ ‘id.’; MC posxiscalis' ‘Rus. восхищались’ < vosxiscälis’ ‘id.’; LC kvasn 'a ’I. dough; 2. dough-trough’ < kvasnjä ‘ 1 .-2. id.’, cf. LC kvasn ’a ‘id.’ (3.1.1.1b).

3.1.1.2a Rus. C’ä > MC, LC Ca (Ca) MC gulat ’* in gulat *,'ta- LC kulat* in kulatta- ‘to feast, to celebrate; to drink heavily’ < guljät ’ ‘id.’, cf. MC *giilät - kulät* and gülä-* ~ gulä-,* LC *kulät (3.1.1.1); MC cäs ~ cas ‘time, hour’ < cäs ‘id.’; MC näscasnyj ‘unhappy’ < nescästnyj ‘id.’.

564 Cf. 3.2.1.1 below. J6? Or serjanka, cf. 3.2.1.1a below. 214 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

3.1.2 Rus. C’o

3.1.2.1 Rus. C’o > MC, LC, Küä. Cö MC, Küä. möt, LC *möt 2b6 ‘honey’ < med ‘id.’, cf. MC mjot ‘id.’ (3.1.2.2); MC pörus ‘verst, a unit of length’ < verst, Gen.Pl. of verst a ‘id.’; MC Pötr, a male proper name < Petr, MC tötä ‘aunt’ < tetja ‘id.’;367 *369 MC tötka ‘aunt’ < tetka ‘id.’.

3.1.2.1a (?) Rus. C’o > Cul. Cä Cul. ülän ‘1. flax; 2. linen’ < len2b* ‘1.-2. id.’.

3.1.2.2 Rus. C’o > MC C(’)o MC äso - iso ‘ 1. yet, more; 2. else’ < esce ‘ 1 .-2. id.’; MC mjot ‘honey’ < med ‘id.’, cf. MC, Küä. möt, LC *möt ‘id.’ (3.1.2.1).

3.1.3 Rus. C’ü

3.1.3.1 Rus. C’ü > MC, LC Cii MC Lüsä, a female proper name < Ljusjaj69 LC kastrülä ‘saucepan’ < kastrjiilja ‘id.’;370 371 LC intärvü ‘interview, inquiry’ < intervjü ‘id.’.

3.1.3.1a (?) Rus. C’ü > MC Cü MC türmä ‘prison’ < Rus.dial. tjür* 'mam ‘id.’.

3.1.3.2 Rus. C’ü > MC, Cul. C’u MCpjuska ‘reel’, Cul. pjuska ‘id.’ < vjüska ‘id.’.

38,6 In mottiig ‘with honey’. 167 Cf. 3.2.1.1 below. ”’8 Or Rus.dial. *len ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of Cul. Ulan, see B.IV s.v. 369 Cf. 3.2.1.1 below. 370 Cf. 3.2.1.1 below. 371 Or Rus.st. tjur 'ma - Prep.Sg. tjur 'me, cf. 3.2.2.1 a below. 215 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

3.2 Russian unstressed back vowels after palatalized or soft consonants

3.2.1 Rus. post-tonic C’a

3.2.1.1 Rus. C’a > MC, LC Cä MC kulä- 'v.i. to move’ < Rus.dial. gulja(t’) ‘id.’; MC Liisa, a female proper name < Ljüsjaj1- MC Nadä ~ Nädä, a female proper name < Nadja, cf. MC Nad’ä (3.2.1.1b); MC tätä ‘father’ < Rus. colloq. tjdtja ‘id.’, cf. MC t’ät'ä ‘id.’ (3.2.1 .lb);373 MC iota ‘aunt’ < tetja ‘id.’;374 MC Välä ~ Vald, a female proper name < Valja', LC kastrülä ‘saucepan’ < kastrjulja ‘id.’;375 LC vrämä ‘time’ < vremja ‘id.’; LC. Katä, a female proper name < Katja', Cui. kirä ~ kirä ‘piece of metal or another substance of known weight used in weighing other articles’ < girja ‘id.’.

3.2.1.1a (?) Rus. C’a > Cui. Cä Cui. särärjkä ‘match’ < Rus.dial. serjanka™ ‘id.’.

3.2.1.1b Rus. C’a > MC, LC C’ä MC Nad’ä, a female proper name < Nadja, cf. MC Nadä ~ Nädä (3.2.1.1); MC t’ät'ä ‘father’ < Rus. colloq. tjdtja ‘id.’, cf. MC tätä ‘id.’ (3.2.1.1); LC familjä ‘surname’ < familija ‘id.’, cf. LC *familija orfamilijaj* ‘family’ (3.2.1.2).

3.2.1.2 Rus. C’a > MC C(’)a MC Tan ’a, a female proper name < Tanja', MC to spitänija ‘Goodbye’ < do sviddnija ‘id.’; MC tyssa ~ tysa ‘thousand’ < Rus.colloq. tysca ‘id.’; MC zavosna ‘building for keeping a horse harness’ < Rus.dial. zavdznja ‘id.’;

372 Cf. 3.1.3. 1 above. 37? Cf. 3.1.1. 1 above. 374 Cf. 3.1.2. 1 above. 375 Cf. 3.1.3. 1 above. 376 Or serjdnka, cf. 3.1. 1.1a above. 216 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

LC familija* or familijaj* ‘family’ < familija ‘id.’, cf. LC familja ‘surname’ (3.2.1.1b); LC kuca* in kucala- ‘to heap up’ < kuca ‘heap’.

3.2.2 Rus. C’u

3.2.2.1 Rus. pre-tonic C’u 3.2.2.1a (?) Rus. C’u > MC Cii MC tilrma ‘prison’ < tjur'ma ‘id.’ or tjur 'me, Prep.Sg. of tjur ’ma ‘id.’.377

3.2.2.1b Rus. C’u > LC Cu LC cudnoj ‘odd; strange’ < cudnoj ‘id.’.

3.2.2.2 Rus. post-tonic C’u 3.2.2.2a Rus. (d -) C’u > Cul. (a* -) Cii > *(d -) Cii > (d -) Cd Cul kapsal ‘cap, primer’ < kapsiil* < kapsiil* < Rus. kapsjul' ‘id.’.

4. Other qualitative changes of Russian stressed vowels

4.1 Changes due to vowel harmony

In the following loanwords, Russian stressed vowels have undergone changes which are best explained by Chulym vowel harmony. In all these cases, either the Russian etymon was disharmonic from the Turkic point of view or the word became disharmonic in the process of borrowing for second­ ary reasons. As a result, the process of harmonic readjustment had to apply.

4.1.1 Rus. u—y > MC u - u MC putulka ~putulya ‘bottle’ < butylka ‘id.’.

377 Or Rus.dial. *tjur ma; for remarks on the etymology of MC tiirma, see B.I s.v., cf. also 3.1.3.1a above. 217 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

4.1.2 Rus. a - i> MĆ a-y MĆ zanik™ ‘fiancé, bridegroom’ < Rus.dial. zanix™ ‘id.’.

4.1.3 Rus. i - à > LĆ i - a LĆ pirras ‘one time, once’ < pirras™* < LĆ pir ‘one’ + ras ‘once, one time’ < Rus. ràz ‘id.’.

4.1.4 (?) Rus. e -LA > MĆ, Cui. a MĆ istana, LĆ stand, Ćul. ¡stand ‘wall’ < stena™ ‘id.’; Cui. atiik ‘cock’

4.1.5 Rus. à - (C’)VA > Ćul. *)a( - Ve > a- a MĆ Nada, a female proper name < Nada™ < Rus. Nddja; Cui kapsal ‘cap, primer’ < kdpsiil* < *kapsül < Rus. kapsjul' ‘id.’.

4.1.5.1 (?) Rus. a - a > LĆ *a - à > à- a LĆ lapka ‘shop, store’ < * lapkà < làvka™ ‘small shop’.

4.1.6 Rus. м И > МС, Ćul. z/ И MĆ kiirsa ‘chicken; hen’ < kurica ‘id.’; MĆ küzndcà ‘smithy’ < kuźnica ‘id.’; MĆ üstüdan ‘Rus. студень’ < Istuddn* < Rus. stûden ’ ‘id.’; Cul.pwiÆâ ‘beads’ < bùsiki, dimin. of busy ‘id.’.

4.1.7 Rus. ó - -CC > LĆ *o - CiC > i- CiC LĆ miziy™ ‘brain’ < mozik* < mosik* < Rus. mózg [~sk] ‘id.’.

378 The actual realization of i in this word was most likely back; for details, see B.I s.v. MC izanik. 379 Or Rus.st. zenix ‘id.’; for remarks on the etymology of MC zanik, see B.I s.v. MC izanik. 380 Cf. MC pir ras ‘id.’. 381 Or stene, Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of stend or Rus.dial. *stena; for details, see B.I s.v. MC island. 382 For remarks on the etymology of Cui. atiik, see B.IV s.v. 383 Cf. 3.2.1.1 above. 384 Or Rus.dial. *lavke, Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. of *lavkcr, for remarks on the etymology of LC lapka, see B.II s.v. 385 On the probable misprint of the final voiced -y instead of the expected -k, see B.II s.v. 218 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

4.1.8 (?) Rus. ó - o > Ćul. a -a Ćul. krasna ‘loom’ < krosno360 ‘id.’.

4.2 Changes of Rus. ó in non-first syllables

Assuming - as scholars do at least in some cases386 387 388- that the etyma of the following loanwords featured ó in non-first syllables, one can give reasons for their subsequent evolution. One such factor might have been the well known tendency in Turkic languages to avoid o in non-first syllables, which would explain the changes that affected Rus. ó in the loanwords listed in 4.2.1. The loanwords under 4.2.2 are impeccable from the point of view of vow­ el harmony, although their Russian etyma were disharmonic. That is why it seems that vowel harmony had additional impact on the changes.

4.2.1 Changes of Rus. ó in non-first syllables not influenced by vowel harmony

4.2.1.1 Rus. ó > MĆ u MC turaba* in turabaśtar366 ‘1. How do you do?’; 2. cheers!’ < taruba* < *taroba389 < Rus.arch, zdorovo, a greeting used when meeting someone; MC sapuq390 ‘boot’ < sapóg39 ‘id.’, cf. MĆ sapoq ‘id.’.

4.2.1.2 Rus. ó > MC a MĆ qurzaq ‘ring-shaped bread or cake’ < qruźaq* < Rus kruźók391 392‘1. small ring; 2. dial, cake made by the bride for the groom’.

386 Or Prep.Sg. krósne ~ Rus.dial. *krosne, Prep.Sg. of * krosno ', for remarks on the etymology of Ćul. krasna, see B.1V s.v. 387 Cf. comments in B.I s.v. MĆ buramna and padra. We must stipulate that a borrowing of another Russian form in which o was unstressed (i.e. an inflectional form other than Nom.Sg., or a dialectal form with a different stress pattern) is also a possible explanation for most of these loanwords. 388 The length of u in the first syllable in this form is not clear; for details, and the denotation ‘cheers!’, see B.I s.v. MĆ *taroba. 389 In MĆ tardbastyr, a greeting used when meeting someone. 390 The additional reason for this change might be the labial p. 391 Or Rus.dial. *sapog; for details, see B.I s.v. MĆ sapoq. 392 Or Rus.dial. *kruzok', for remarks on the etymology of MĆ qurzaq, see B.I s.v. 219 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

4.2.2 Changes of Rus. o in non-first syllables influenced by vowel harmony

4.2.2.1 Rus. (e -) 6 > MC, LC a MC buramna ‘log, beam’ < brevno393 394‘id.’; MC padra ‘bucket’< vedro399 ‘id.’; LC kalasa ‘wheel’ < koleso395 396397398‘id.’; LC tilzak ~ tiiz ’ak ‘little birch bark container with a lid’ < Rus.dial. tuezdk or tuesoki9h ‘id.’.

4.2.2.2 Rus. o |e] - 6 - a > MC, Cul. a- a (- a) MCparata ~paratta ‘gate’ < vorota391 ‘id.’; Cul. qalatqa ‘fishing float’ < kolodka39* ‘id.’; Cul. salam ‘straw’ < soloma399 ‘id.’, but cf. MC solom ‘id.’; Cul. markap ‘carrot’< morkov' ‘id.’, but cf. Cul. morkop ‘id.’.

4.2.3 The final a in Cul. ayrat < ogorod ‘id.’ is probably a misprint,400 cf. MC ayrot ~ oyorot ‘vegetable garden’.

4.3 Other changes of Rus. stressed vowels

4.3.1 Rus. j/’> LC/7 LC kastil ‘crutch’ < *kastil < Rus. kostvl’ ‘id.’.

4.3.2 Rus. ej > Cul. i Cul. varabika ‘sparrow’ < Rus.dial. vorobejka ‘little sparrow’.

393 Or Prep.Sg. brevrte ~ Rus.dial. *brevno; for remarks on the etymology of MC biiramna, see B.I s.v. 394 Or. Prep.Sg. vedre ~ Rus.dial. *vedro; for remarks on the etymology of MC padra, B.I s.v. 395 Or Prep.Sg. kolese - Rus.dial. *koleso; for remarks on the etymology of LC kalasa, see B.ll s.v. 396 Or Rus.dial. *tuezok - *tuesok; for remarks on the etymology of LC tilzak, see B.ll s.v. 397 Or Rus.dial. vorota; for remarks on the etymology of MC parata, see B.I s.v. 398 Or Rus.dial. *kolodka; for remarks on the etymology of Cul. qalatqa, see B.IV s.v. 399 Or. Rus.dial. salama; for remarks on the etymology of Cul. salam, see B.IV s.v. 400 For details, see comments in B.IV s.v. 220 Chapter IV. Adaptation of Russian vowels

4.3.3 Rus. ó > LC ö401 LC mök ‘moss’ < mox ‘id.’.

4.3.4 Changes of ó in Rus. stol ‘table’ Rus. ó in stol ‘table’ has been adapted: [1] in Middle Chulym as a ~ a: istal - istäl -ystal - ustal - stäl; [2] in Küärik, as ä - о: istäl - ostoi; [3] in an unidentified Chulym dialect402 as ö: Ćul. üstöl. Undoubtedly, these changes occurred parallel to various attempts at resolving the st- cluster by means of various epenthetic vowels.

5. Vowel metathesis

Metathesis of the second consonant with an adjacent vowel is one of the methods of resolving Russian word-initial and medial consonants clusters in Chulym.403 In the following loanwords, the process applies to vowels:

Cul. qaqulya ‘doll’ < kukalga* 404 < Rus. kukolka ‘dolly’; MC türaba* in türabastar ‘1. How do you do?’; 2. cheers!’ < tarüba* < *taröbaWi < Rus.arch, zdorovo, a greeting used when meeting someone; Cul. ustiddn ‘Rus. студень’ < istudäri* wb < Rus. stiiden ’‘id.’.

6. Vowel epenthesis, prothesis and anaptyxis

6.1 For epenthetic vowels as a means of cluster resolution in word-initial and final position in Chulym, see С.1.7.1.2 and C.III.7.1.1, respectively.

401 Cf. also Rus. ô > Kirg. b (Chorolec 1953: 70). The change could have resulted from the specific realization of Rus. à (cf. Vinogradov 1960: 59), i.e. a quality intermediate between ô and o, which could be heard by the Chulyms as the former, but there is not enough data to permit a reliable conclusion. 402 Lower or Middle Chulym. 403 Cf. C.1.7.1.3 and C.II.7.1.2, respectively. 404 Cf. MC kukülga ‘id.’. 405 In MC tambastyr, a greeting used when meeting someone. 406 Cf. MÔ iistiidan ‘id.’. 221 Part C. Phonetic adaptation of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

6.2 For prothetic vowels as a means of cluster resolution in word-initial position in Chulym, see C.1.7.1.1.

6.3 For anaptyctic vowels as a means of cluster resolution in word-medial position in Chulym, see C.II.7.1.1.

7. Paragoge and apocope

7.1 For paragoge as a a possible method of cluster resolution in word­ final position in Chulym, see C.III.7.1.3.

7.2 For the phenomenon of apocope, see C.III.8. Part D Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes

Chapter I Semantic fields

t goes without saying that the primary reason for borrowing Russian words Iinto the Chulym Turkic dialects was to express new ideas or concepts in­ troduced by the Russian expansion onto Chulym territories' and by intensive mutual contacts which ensued. The most striking are changes which affected the Chulyms’ traditional way of life. Traditionally, the Chulym Turks, who lived, as we know, along the taiga rivers,1 2 obtained food by hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering.3 Agriculture and farming developed only after the arrival of the Russians,4 but some cereals had been known earlier.5 Considering these facts, it is not surprising that loanwords which refer to agriculture and farming, along with those referring to the farm, the house and the household, make up a relatively large group (cf. item 1 below). And on the other hand, loanwords in the do­ mains of fishing, hunting and gathering are very few (cf. item 3).6

1 Cf. Pan A. 2 The River and its tributaries the Kiya and the Yaya. ’ Cf. Alekseev 1991: 26ff. 4 Cf. Alekseev 1991: 57ff. 5 Dul’zon found barley grains in a copper pot in a 16,h-17'h-century burial (Alekseev 1991:57). 6 It is striking that Rus. oxotnik ‘hunter’ and rybak ‘fisherman’ were borrowed only to Middle Chulym, whereas in Lower Chulym only native expressions are to be found, cf. LC jazlytqan kizi ‘hunter’ (MDT 188) andpalyklvtkan kizi ‘fisherman’ (ibid. 191). 223 Part D. Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes

The introduction of Christianity and new customs by the incoming Rus­ sians7 brought about significant changes in the life of the Chulym Turks and resulted in an influx of religious vocabulary, including words for ‘church’ or ‘cross’ (cf. items 10 and 11). Another significant innovation was education, whence the presence of borrowings for ‘school’, ‘teacher’, or ‘lessons’ (cf. item 13).

Below is a list of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects ar­ ranged according to their semantic fields.

1. Agriculture and farming

1.1 Food crops MC ärys ‘rye’; cäsnok ‘garlic’; LC ärys ‘rye’; Küä. arys ‘rye, winter rye’; Cul. qapusta ‘cabbage’; kartopka ‘potato’; markap ‘carrot’; oyursa ‘cucum­ ber’; psäna ‘millet’; uluq ‘onion’; ülän ‘1. flax; 2. linen’.

1.2 Breeding and household animals MC koska ‘cat’; kürsä ‘chicken; hen’; tälnäk ‘young cow’; Cul. ätük ‘cock’.

1.3 Farm implements, vehicles and machinery MC bürämnä Tog, beam’; karyta ‘trough’; kolosa ‘well’; lapat ‘shovel’; litopka ‘scythe’; malatilka ‘threshing machine’; masina ‘machine’; panka ‘can, tin’;p’juska ‘reel’; pocka ‘barrel’; provolka ‘wire’; säp ‘chain’; särp* ‘sickle’; sänka ‘sledge, sleigh’; vyvod* ‘tube’; LC käläsä ‘wheel’; lapat ‘shovel’; masna ‘machine’; porna ‘harrow (tool)’; soya ‘ard (plough); tälägä ‘cart’; Cul. maska ‘lubrication, oiling’; soya ‘ard (plough)’; täpkä ‘hoe (tool)’; vilkä ‘fork’.

1.3.1 Horse equipment MC sädlo ‘saddle’; LC patqopqa ‘horseshoe’; Cul. qomut ‘horse collar’.

7 The available sources include a text describing a burial in logs (i.e. coffins), and two accounts of the ceremony of marriage after the Chulym Turks became familiar with Christianity. The first text was originally transcirbed by Dul’zon (1952), and its critical edition was recently published in Pomorska BL. The other two texts were transcribed in the early 1970s, but they remained in the archives until Lemskaja’s publication in L2015. 224 Chapter 1. Semantic fields

1.4 Farm buildings and workplaces MC küznäcä ‘smithy’; mälimzä ‘mill’; saplöt* ‘fence or a fenced area for farm animals’; zavosna ‘building for keeping a horse harness’; LC abin ‘building used for drying sheaves before threshing’; Cui. klämik ‘pigsty’.

1.5 Occupations MCpastuq ‘herder’; kazäin ‘owner, landlord’; LC pastuq ‘herder’.

1.6 Others MC ayrot ‘vegetable garden’; mästa ‘place’; smola ‘tar’; solom ‘straw’; Cui. qopna ‘haystack’.

2. House, household, kitchenwere, furniture

MC cuyun ‘cast iron pot’; istal ‘table’; istänä ’wa\V;jasik ‘box’; kirpis* ‘brick’; krovat’ ‘bed’; lampa ‘lamp’; parata ‘gate’; parok ‘threshold’; päc ‘oven, stove’;pädrä ‘bucket’; pocka ‘barrel’;panik ‘rod, twig; broom’; pol ‘floor’; pomoj ‘slops’; posuda ‘dishes’; provolka ‘wire’; putulka ‘bottle’; samok ‘lock’; skladnoj ‘foldable (knife)’; sajka ‘washbasin’; tarälka ‘plate’; tils ‘birch bark container with a lid’; ustul ‘chair’; LC kastrülä ‘saucepan’; kravat’ ‘bed’; kvasn’ä ‘dough-trough’; läsinca ‘staircase’;päc ‘oven’; stand ‘wall’; tapla- ‘to heat (an oven)’; tus ‘birch bark container with a lid’; tüzäk ‘little birch bark container with a lid’; Küä. istäl ‘table’; kilät ‘store-room’; sunduq 'bmjyspa ‘house, hut, cottage’; Cu\. jasla ‘manger, crib’; kirä ‘piece of metal or another substance of known weight used in weighing other ar­ ticles’; qoloqon ‘little bell’; kräsnä ‘loom’; särärjkä ‘match’.

3. Fishing and hunting

MC axotnik ‘hunter’; rybak ‘fisherman’; naboj ‘boat, big boat’; LC klanok ‘Siberian weasel’; kblämkä ‘trap (for a Siberian weasel)’; straya ‘fishing gaff’; Cui. qalatqa ‘fishing float’; käpsäl ‘cap, primer’; kipis ‘fishnet sinker’; uraq ‘small fish’.

225 Part D. Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes

4. Food, drinks, dishes

MC blin ‘pancake’; blim> ‘pancakes’; qalac ‘kalach (kind of traditional bread)’; kasa ‘porridge’; qurzaq ‘ring-shaped bread or cake’; mot ‘honey’; sakar ‘sugar’; tasta ‘dough’; *uka ‘fish soup’; LC kvasn’a ‘dough’; *mot 6 ‘honey’; syvyrtqa ‘whey’; tasta ‘dough’; Kiia. mot ‘honey’; saqar ‘sugar’; Cui. qurpa ‘grain, groats’; nastopka ‘tincture’.

5. Clothing and grooming

MC istyri* ’trousers’; jupka ‘skirt’; qartus ‘(peaked) hat’; landa ‘ribbon’;plat ‘scarf, headscarf’; plata* ‘dress’; sapoq ‘boot’; sarbp ‘scarf’; sinal ‘great­ coat’; LC *start ‘trousers’; Kiia. qalat ‘dressing gown’; Cui.piiska ‘beads’; kartus ‘(peaked) hat’; qopta ‘blouse’; palto ‘coat’; taplomat ‘kind of coat, pea coat’.

6. Personal belongings

MC atkrytka ‘postcard’; kalas ‘ring’; kartlna ‘picture’; ksdt ‘tobacco pouch’; kukiilga ‘doll’; mylo ‘soap’;padarak ‘gift’;pis’mo ‘letter’; sumka ‘bag’; LC gazata ‘newspaper’; kastil ‘crutch’; Cui. kalacka ‘ring’; kapsal ‘cap’; qrupqa ‘shag (tobacco)’; partrat ‘portrait’.

7. Body parts

LC miziy ‘brain’; Cui.paka ‘pastern’.

8. Medicine

MC doktar ‘doctor, physician’; lakstur ‘medicine’; makstur ‘medicine’; pornos ‘aid, help, assistance’; puls ‘pulse’; rany ‘wounds’; vrac ‘doctor, phy-

’ In mottiig ‘with honey’. ’ Inplataly; ‘having / with a dress’. 226 Chapter I. Semantic fields sician’; LC läcit’ät- ‘to cure’; masazirovat’ät- ‘to massage’; Cul.pärs-bl ‘medical assistant’; pospännik ‘vaccine’.

9. Emotions

MC obida ‘offence’; rados ‘joyful’.

10. Religion and belief

10.1 Christianity MC plaslovänjä ‘blessing’; särkop ‘church’; LC kräs* ‘cross’; Cul. ladan ‘incense’.

10.2 MC saman ‘shaman’; samanka ‘female shaman’.

11. Wedding

MC *gost ‘guest’; izänik ‘fiancé, bridegroom’; mänjät bol- ’v.i. to marry, to be wedded’ ~ mänjättä- ’v.t. to marry’; nävästä ‘bride, fiancée’; plaslovänjä ‘blessing’; podruzka ‘bridesmaid’; särkop ‘church’; sväqa ‘matchmaker’; svatat’ät- ‘to matchmake’; truzka ‘best man’.

12. Games

MC päka* ‘knucklebone(s) of animals like sheep, goats etc. used for playing the game babkï.

13. School

MC kläsa ‘grade (at school)’; qlass ‘id.’; kartina ‘picture’; kniga ‘book’; skol ‘school’; ucitäl ‘teacher’; ucitälnica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’; 227 Part D. Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes uroyy ‘homework, lessons’; LC kinägä ‘book’; knizka ‘book’; klas* ‘grade (at school)’; skol ‘school’.

14. Kinship and social relations

MC driiga ‘friend’; *gost ‘guest’; izanik ‘fiance, bridegroom’; mama ‘moth­ er; stepmother’; niicqa ‘granddaughter’; nucuq ‘grandson; granddaughter etc.’; plämännik ‘nephew’;podruzka ‘bridesmaid’; sämjä* ‘family’; tata ‘fa­ ther’; tätä ‘id.’; tötä ‘aunt’; tötka ‘id.’; truzka ‘best man’; LC baba ‘country woman; grandmother'; familjä ‘surname’ - familija* ‘family’; Küä. suras ‘illegitimate child’.

15. Polite expressions

MC spasiba ‘thanks’; taröbastyr, a greeting used when meeting someone - tiirabastar ‘1. How do you do?; 2. cheers!’; to spitanija ‘Goodbye!’; Cui. spasibo ‘thanks’.

16. Occupations and professions

MC babuska ‘midwife’; brigadir* ‘team-leader’; doktar ‘doctor, physician’; kazäin ‘owner, landlord’; kiiznac ‘blacksmith’; pastuq ‘herder’; por ‘thief’; rybak ‘fisherman’; soldat ‘soldier’; saman ‘shaman’; samanka ‘female sha­ man’; ucitäl ‘teacher’; ucitälnica ‘schoolmistress, female teacher’; vrac ‘doc­ tor, physician’; LC pastuq ‘herder’; zavädusij ‘manager’; Cui. kinäs ‘the tribe elder’; pärsid ‘medical assistant’.

17. Social and political terms

Cui. polas ‘volost, an administrative-territorial unit in old Russia’; säläsovät ‘selsoviet, a rural council in the Soviet Union’.

228 Chapter 1. Semantic fields

18. Buildings and workplaces

MC kolxoz ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’; küznäcä ‘smithy’; lapka ‘shop, store’; masloprom ‘masloprom (= butter producing farm)’; most ‘bridge’; türmä ‘prison’; pyska ‘tower’; stolba ‘pillar’; LC izbuska ‘hut’; läpkä ‘shop, store’; kolxos ‘kolkhoz (collective farm)’; mastärskoj ‘workshop’; pazar ‘market, bazaar’; Küä. kilät ‘store-room’.

19. Vehicles

MC masyna ‘car’; naboj ‘boat, big boat’;paräqot ‘ship’;pöjäst ‘train’; sänka ‘sledge, sleigh’; LC tälägä ‘cart’.

20. Quantity, money, time

MC cäs ‘time, hour’; cislo ‘number’; kilo ‘kilogram’; kilogram ‘id.’; kvadrat- nyj mätr ‘square metre’; litra ‘litre’; mätr ‘metre’; mätra ‘id.’; milliart ‘bil­ lion’; milliardof'tä'', million ‘million’; millionof'tä.’', minüt ‘minute’; pörus ‘verst (unit of length)’; ras ‘once, one time’; sutqa ‘day (= 24 hours)’; tyssa ‘thousand’; LC arsin ‘arshin, an obsolete Russian length unit’; cälkovyj ‘rou­ ble’; cas ‘hour’; ras ‘once, one time’; vak* ‘lifetime’; vrämä ‘time’; Cui. kirä ‘piece of metal or another substance of known weight used in weighing other articles’; ustop ‘liter’.

21. Cardinal directions

MC juk ‘south’; pastok ‘east’; säpat ‘west’; säbär ‘north’.

22. Proper names

22.1 First names MC Äpim, Gäna', Lizaväta', Lüsä', Makäj', Masa', Mixajl', Mikalaj', Nadä', Ol ’ga; Pätr, Pötr; Tan ’a; Valä; Varvara', VasTlä', LC Ivan', Katä. 229 Part D. Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes

22.2 Patronymics MC Mixajlyc.

22.3 Demonyms MC Qazaq ‘Russian (man)’; LC Qazaq ‘id.’.10

22.4 Toponyms MC Rasija ‘Russia’; Tomsk ‘Tomsk’; Tomskaj ‘id.’.

24. Animals

24.1 Wild animals MC muravaj ‘ant’; syc ‘falcon’; LC klanok ‘Siberian weasel’; Cul. uraq ‘small fish’; varabika ‘sparrow’.

24.2 Breeding and household animals, see p. 1.2 above.

25. Plants

25.1 Wild plants MC cvatok 'flower'; jagoda ‘berry’; patun ‘spring onion, green onion’; LC mok ‘moss’; patun ‘wild garlic’.

25.2 Food crops, see p. 1.1. above.

26. Miscellaneous words

MC oqrana ‘guard, guarding’; osnova ‘base, basis, foundation’;pajna ‘war’; praznyk ‘holiday, feast’; sobranja ‘meeting’; vast’ ‘news’; LC intarvu ‘in­

10 It is possible that MC cigan ‘Rus. цыган’ (see B.I s.v.) is a demonym, but there is not enough material to determine the precise denotation of this word. 230 Chapter I. Semantic fields terview, inquiry’; skotka ‘meeting’; Kiia. istap ‘steppe’; pacat ‘stamp, seal’; Cui. kulup ‘club’; s-bdrbdj ‘1. lot; 2. fate, destiny’.

Chapter II Word classes

nsurprisingly," of all word classes of Russian loanwords in the Chulym UTurkic dialects, substantives constitute the largest group: over 80% in Middle Chulym, over 80% in Lower Chulym, over 90% in Küarik and over 95% among those whose affiliation to Lower or Middle Chulym cannot be determined. The second group are verbs which make up about 5% of the total number of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym; 9%, in Lower Chulym and 8%, in Küarik (cf. item 1 below). Adjectives constitute about 2% of the total number of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym and 3%, in Lower Chulym (cf. item 2). Adverbs and parti­ cles amount to about 4% of the total number of Russian loanwords in Middle Chulym and 1.5%, in Lower Chulym (cf. item 3). When it comes to numerals, only those for ‘thousand’, ‘million’ and ‘bil­ lion’ are copied from Russian (cf. item 4). The Turkic numeral for ‘thousand’ is attested in Lower Chulym and Küarik1211 while Middle Chulym uses a loan­ word from Russian.13 Conjunctions are a small group of loans: there are five in Middle Chulym and one in Lower Chulym (cf. item 5). Most probably, their presence is justi­ fied by the requirements of syntax which in both these dialects, in contrast to Küarik, is strongly influenced by Russian.14 Class shift occurs only in two cases: one is a substantive converted to an adjective (MC râdos ‘joyful’ < Rus. radost’ ‘joy, gladness’), and in the other

11 Cf. Haugen 1950: 224; Haspelmath & Tadmor 2009: passim. 12 Cf. Küä. miu] (R IV 2178) = LĆ myrj (ĆulT 147, ĆJa 466). Birjuković also cites myij (LĆJa 48) but its dialect affiliation is impossible to determine. 13 See tyisa in B.I. IJ Cf. Pomorska 2004: 26. 233 Part D. Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes the direction is the opposite (MC Tomskaj ‘Tomsk’ > Rus. tomskij'5 ’adj. Tomsk’).

Below is a list of Russian etyma other than substantives.

1. Verbs and defective verbs

1.1 Verbs Rus. guljdt ’ ’ 1. to walk; 2. dial, ‘to feast, to drink heavily; to go on a visit to’ > MC *gülä- ~ guld-* ‘ 1. to walk; v.i. to move; to blow (wind); 2. to feast, to celebrate’ ~ MC gülättä-* ~ gülätä-* ~ gulat’*ta- ~ kuldta- ‘2. id.; to drink heavily’ ~ MC kuld-'b ’v.i. to move’; LC kulatta- ~ kulatta- ‘to feast; to drink heavily’; Rus. katäj, Imp.2Sg. of katat’ ‘to roll out’ > MC qatajla- ‘id.’; Rus. lecit’ ‘to cure’ > LC lacit’ dt- ‘id.’; Rus. massazirovat”to massage’ > LC masazirovat’dt- ‘id.’; Rus. mozes’, Pres.2Sg. of moc’ ‘to be able to; may’ > MC mozds ‘you can, you may (Sg.)’; Rus.dial. nakladat”\.o put’ > LC *nakladat- or *naklad(a)- ‘id.’; Rus. pozdravljat ’ ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ > MC pazdravl’addt- ‘id.’; Rus. proscat’sja ‘to say goodbye to sb’ > MCpraslas- ~praslys- ‘id.’, Küä. praslas- ‘id.’; Rus. sosat’'1 ’v.i. to suckle’ > LC *sösat- or sös(a)-* ‘id.’; Rus. svdtat’ ‘to matchmake’ > MC svatat’dt- ‘id.’; Rus. topit”to heat (an oven)’ > MC tapla- ‘id.’;1815 1617 Rus. vencat’ ‘1. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’ > MC mdnydt bol- ’v.i. to marry, to be wedded’, mdnydttd- ’v.t. to marry’; Rus. vosxiscdlis ’ ‘id.’, Pst.Pl. of vosxiscat'sja ‘to admire, to be delighted’ > MCposxiscalis’ ‘Rus. восхищались’.

15 Or tomskoj; for remarks on the etymology of MC Tomskaj, see B.I s.v. 16 For remarks on the etymology of MÔ külà-, see B.I s.v. 17 Or Rus.dial. *sosat'; for remarks on the etymology of LC sôsat-*, see B.II s.v. 18 Contamination with Rus.dial. téplit ' ‘id.’ is not excluded; for remarks on the etymology of MC tapla-, see B.I s.v. 234 Chapter II. Word classes

1.2 Defective verbs Rus. możno ‘one can, one may’ > MĆ możno ‘id.’; Rus. nado ‘one should, must, ought’ > MĆ nada ‘id.’.

2. Adjectives

Rus. ćudnój ‘odd; strange’ > LĆ ćudnoj ‘id.’; Rus. kudrjavyj ‘curly’ > MC kudrjavaj ‘id.’; Rus. nesćastnyj ‘unhappy’ > MC ndscasnyj ‘id.’; Vms. presnyj ‘unleavened, tasteless’ > LC prasnyj ‘id.’; Rus. skladnój ‘foldable, folding’ > MC skladnoj ‘foldable (knife)’; Rus. tomskij'9 ’adj. Tomsk’ > MĆ Tomskaj ‘Tomsk’.

3. Adverbs and particles

Rus. bdlee ‘more’ > MC bold ‘id.’; Rus. bol’se dem ‘id.’ > LC bol’sa cam ‘more than’; Rus. eśće ’ 1. yet, more; 2. else’ > MĆ aśo ~ iśo ’ 1 .-2. id.’; Rus. lućśe ‘better’ > MĆ lućśd ~ lucds ‘id.’; Rus. pożałuj ‘perhaps’ > MĆ pożałuj ‘id.’; Rus.st. sródu = Rus.dial. sroda ‘never’ > MĆ srdda ‘id.’;19 20 Rus. tóże ‘also, as well, too’ > MĆ toża ‘id.’; Rus. uźe ‘already’ > MĆ uża ‘id.’; Rus. vot ‘here; there it is’ > MC pot ‘here you are’; Rus.arch, zdorovo, a greeting used when meeting someone > MC taroba* > tardbaśtyr ‘id.’.

4. Numerals

Rus. milliard ‘billion’ > MĆ milliart ‘id.’;21

19 Or tomskoj; for remarks on the etymology of MC Tomskaj, see B.I s.v. 20 Cf. comments in B.I s.v. 21 Cf. also MC milliardof (in B.I). Part D. Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects by semantic fields and word classes

Rus. million ‘million’ > MC million ‘id.’;22 Rus.colloq. tysca ‘thousand’ > MC tyssa ~ tysa ‘id.’.

5. Conjunctions

Rus. a ‘and, but’ > MC a ‘id.’; Rus. i ‘and’ > MC, LC z ‘id.’; Rus. ili ‘or’ > MC ili ‘id.’; Rus. kak ‘as, like’ > MC kak ‘id.’; Rus. ctoby ‘so that, in order that’ > MC stoby ‘id.’.

" Cf. also MC millionof(m B.I). 236 Part E Morphological integration of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

s it can be seen in the illustrative examples cited in the respective entries Ain Part B, Russian loanwords are morphologically well integrated into the Chulym dialects. It is not only that they receive the same inflectional and derivational suffixes as native words but the vowels and consonants of the suffixes undergo changes in accordance with Chulym morphophonology1 and, conversely, the addition of a Chulym suffix causes changes in the quality of a stem vowel or the last consonant.

1. Inflectional integration of Russian loanwords, e.g.2 *

MC pastuq-tar (pos/wt?4 herder’-pl), Tomskaj-dyn (Tomskaj'fomsk'-abl), kniga-ij (A?nga‘book’-Px2sG); giild-p-tdr-lar (guld-'\.o* walk’-cv-PRES-PL), gula-p (giild-* ‘to walk’-cv); pankozimuif < panka-zy-nytj* (pankcTcan, tin’-Px3sc-GEN), tatdzy4 < tata-zy (tala'father'-px3sg), pastuyyna < pas-* tuq-y-na 4 herder ’ - px3 sg- d at) ;

1 Consonant assimilation at the base-suffix boundary does not occur in MÔ kuznâc-nv (Zrwzwac'blacksmith’-Acc) for which *kuznac-ty or rather *kuznac-ti is expected; for adaptation of Rus. -c in Middle Chulym, see C.111.3.1. Violation of front harmony occurs quite often also in native words, cf. Pomorska 2001: 86ff. The disharmonic character of MC axotnik-tar-ga (a.roizi/Uhunter’-PL-DAT) and zanigvmga < *zanik-ym-ga (zam'7‘fiancé, bridegroom’-Pxlsc-DAT) is probably only apparent and the spelling of i follows the Russian orthography while its actual pronunciation is back. 2 For further examples see Part B. ’ For a > o in this word, see comments in B.I s.v. 4 For the length of a in this word, see comments in B.I s.v. 237 Part E. Morphological integration of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

LC kinägä-din (Ämägä’book’-abl), lapat-vala (/<7pa/‘shovel’-iNSTR/coM), mastärskoj-da (mastärskof workshop’-loc); vägitj < väk-ir/* or vak-irf* (yak* or vak* Tifetime’-px2sc); Küä. istäl-m (istäl ‘table’-ACc), ostol-dyij (o5fo/‘table’-ABL); qaladyn < *qalat- y-n (qalaV dressing gown’-Px3sG-ACc).

2. Derivational integration of Russian loanwords

In the available sources, there are a number of derivatives formed from Russian bases, occasionally with the bases themselves not attested in isola­ tion. Among the suffixes found in such derivatives are the noun-forming -ca (cf. 2.1), -LIg (cf. 2.2) and the verb-forming -LA, -LAn, and -LAs (cf. 2.3).65 7 Another group are compound verbs based on a Russian substantive or infini­ tive and one of Chulym auxiliary verbs: at- ‘to make’, al- ‘to take’ and pol- ‘to be’ (cf. 2.4).

2.1 Derivatives in -ca1 Only one derivative with this suffix is attested in the sources. It is an ad­ verb used in the sense ‘in the X language’:

MC kazakca ‘in the ’ < Kazak ‘Russian (man)’ < Rus. kazàk ‘Cossack’.

2.2 Derivatives in -LIg As in other Tkc. languages, -LIg is productive in Chulym in forming dé­ nommai adjectives denoting ‘having X / with X’.8 Three derivatives with this suffix are formed from Russian bases:

MCplatälyy ‘having / with a dress’ < platd* < Rus. plât’e ‘dress’; LC möttüg ‘with honey’ < möt* < Rus. mëd ‘id.’;

5 Cf. comments in B.II s.v. 6 For derivatives produced from Russian loanwords by the same suffixes in Karachay-Balkar, see Siemieniec-Golas 2005: 189ff. 7 For the derivational functions of MC -Ca, see Pomorska 2004: 43ff. 8 For Middle Chulym derivatives in -LIg, see Pomorska 2004: 66ff. 238 Part E. Morphological integration of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

Küa. yspalyy ‘having a house, having a hut’ < yspa ‘house, hut, cottage’ < Rus. izbà ‘id.’.

2.3 Derivatives in -LA, -LAn, -LAs As in other Tkc. languages, Chulym verb-forming -LA is productive and combines with nouns to form verbs, cf. MC qursaqta- ‘to become pragnant’ (MChD 158), kuyasta-9 ‘to decorate’ (ZS 86), iśta- ‘to work’ (MCS 49) = LC asta-'° ‘id.’ (ĆJa 456) = Küa. istd- ‘id.’ (R I 1561); LC yrla- ‘to sing a song’ (ĆulT 173), Küa. àzàrlâ- ‘to saddle (a horse)’ (RPro 6№),jükta- ‘to load’ (ibid. 693). When it comes to verbs formed in this way from bases copied from Rus­ sian, they are not only derived from substantives (cf. 2.3.1) but also from verbs, typically from infinitives (cf. 2.3.2.1), and in one case, a second person singular imperative form (cf. 2.3.2.2). In two other examples, the interpreta­ tion is not easy and the material is too scanty to draw conclusions (cf. 2.3.2.3).

2.3.1 Derivatives in -LA, -LAn from Russian substantives

2.3.1.1 Rus. substantive + Ćul. -LA MCpastuqta- ‘to pasture’

2.3.1.2 Rus. substantive + Ćul. -LAn MĆporlan- ‘to steal’

4 < kuyas ‘beautiful’ (MChD 157); for remarks on the etymology of this word, see Pomorska 2012: 301 f. 111 < *ista- > istan- ‘to work’ (CulT 158). 11 In tatozilap ‘fatherly, Rus. по-отчески’, see B.I s.v. MC tdtd. 239 Part E. Morphological integration of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.3.2 Derivatives in -LA from Russian verbs

2.3.2.1 Rus. infinitive + Cui. -LA MC gülättä-* ~ gulat'ta-* ~ gülätä-'* 2 ~ kuldta-'2 ‘to feast, to celebrate; to drink heavily’ < gülät* ~ gulat* ’ ~ kulät* < Rus. guljdt ’ 'dial, ‘to feast, to drink heavily; to go on a visit to’; LC kulättä- ~ kulattd- ‘to feast; to drink heavily’ < kuldt* ~ kulat* < Rus. guljdt’ 'dial. 1. to feast, to drink heavily; 2. to go on a visit to’; MC mänyättä- 'v.t. to marry’ < * man jät < Rus. vencat’ ‘1. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’.

2.3.2.2 Rus. 2Sg. imperative form + Cui. -LA MC qatajla- ‘to roll out’ < qataj* < Rus. katdj, Imp.2Sg. of katat' ‘id.’.

2.3.2.3 Special cases The following verbs were created with Cui. -LA(s), but because of further changes that affected the Chulym formations, it is difficult to decide which Russian form acted as the base. Since derivation from the second person sin­ gular imperative forms is attested in Chulym (cf. 2.3.2.2), it is a possibility here, too, but Russian verbal stems1412 * which are phonetically close or even identical to these imperative forms might as well have served as the bases:

MC praslas-'5, Küä. praslas- ‘to say goodbye to sb’ < [1] *prasa-la-s- < *prasca < Rus. prosc-d- ‘id.’ or < [2] prasaj-la-s-* < prascaj* < Rus. proscaj, Imp.2Sg. ofproscat’sja ‘id.’; MC tapla- ‘to heat (an oven)’ < *tapi-la- < tapi* < [1] Rus. top-i- ‘id.’ or [2] Rus. topi, Imp.2Sg. of topit’ ‘to heat (an oven)’.16

12 < *giildt-td-. 11 < *kulat-ta-. 14 With a conjugational suffix. 15 - praslys- < praslas-. 16 In this case, the interpretation is additionally complicated by the possibility of contamination with Rus.dial. teplit', for details, see B.I s.v. 240 Part E. Morphological integration of Russian loanwords in the Chulym Turkic dialects

2.4 Compound verbs

2.4.1 Russian substantive + ¿ul. al- ‘to take’ MC osnova al-'1 ‘to be founded’ < osnova ‘base, basis, foundation’ < Rus. osnova ‘id.’.

2.4.2 Russian infinitive + Cul. at- ‘to make’ MCpazdravl’adat- ‘to congratulate sb on sth’ < pazdravl* ’at < Rus. pozdrav- Ijat' ‘id.’; MC svatat’at- ‘to matchmake’ < svatat* ’ < Rus. svatat’ ‘id.’; LC lacit’ at- ‘to cure’ < lacit* ’< Rus. lecit’ ‘id.’; LC masazirovat’at- ‘to massage’ < * masazirovat’ < Rus. massazirovat’ ‘id.’.

2.4.3 Russian infinitive + Cul.po/- MC manyat *bo!-' ‘v.z. to marry, to be wedded’ < manyat* < Rus. vencat’ T. to marry (in church); 2. to crown (with a wreath)’.

17 This verb is generally attested in Middle Chulym as al- (e.g. ZS 21,24). 18 pol- is expected here, cf. comments in B.I s.v. mdnjat.* 241

Part F Abbreviations, sources and literature

1. Grammatical terms

A = morphophonemic notation Inter. = interrogative particle of a non high vowel L = morphophonemic Abl. = ablative notation for I, n, dor t Acc. = accusative Loc. = locative Adj. = adjective Masc. = masculine Aor. = aorist N. = noun Approx. = approximative numeral Neg. = negation Aux. = Norn. = nominative C = consonant Opt. = optative Caus. = causative Part. = participle Com. = comitative Pl. = plural Cond. = conditional Prep. = prepositional Conj. = conjunction Pres. = present tense Cv. = converb Prol. = prolative Dat. = dative Pst. = past tense Der. = derivative Px = possessive suffix Dimin. = diminutive R = voiced consonant Fem. = feminine Rec. = reciprocal Fut. = future sg. = singular G = morphophonemic T = voiceless consonant notation for g, y, A or q Unacc. = unaccomplished action Gen. = genitive V = vowel I = morphophonemic notation VA = back vowel for a high vowel Ve = front vowel Imp. = imperative v.i. = intransitive verb Instr. = instrumental v.t. = transitive verb

243 Part F. Abbreviations, sources and literature. Languages, dialects and authors

2. Languages, dialects and authors arch. = archaic Leb. = Lebed colloq. = colloquial LYS = Li Yong-Sóng et alii dial. = dialectal (= MChD) lit. = literary MA = M.A. Abdrachmanov non-att. = non-attested MĆ = Middle Chulym st. = standard MK = Mahmud al-Kaśgari MOb = Middle Ob (Russian dialect) AD = Andrej P. Dul’zon MP = Marzanna Pomorska Alt. = Altay (= Oyrot) Novos. = Novosibirsk Ar. = Arabic (Russian dialect) Bar. = Baraba OT = Bal.-Fi. = Balto-Finnic Pek. = Edward Piekarski Belt. = Beltir (Eduard K. Piekarskij) Bśk. = Bashkir Pers. = Persian Ćul. = Chulym Turkic PT = Proto-Turkic Cyr. = Cyrillic RA = R.A. Boni Dolg. = Dolgan RB = Rimma M. Birjukovic Fin. = Finnish Rus. = Russian Germ. = German Sag. = Sagay Kać. = Kacha Sib.-Tat. = Siberian Tatar Kar. = Karaim (H - Halych; K Śr. = Shor - Crimean; T - Trakai) Tat. = Tatar Kar.-Balk. = Karachay-Balkar Tel. = Teleut Khak. = Khakas Tkc. = Turkic Kirg. = Kirghiz Tob. = Tobol Koib. = Koybal Tof. = Korn. = Koman Tuv. = Tuvinian Küä. = Küärik VL = Valerija M. Lemskaja Kzk. = Kazakh Yak. = Yakut LĆ = Lower Chulym Yenis. = (Russian dialect)

244 Part F. Abbreviations, sources and literature. Sources of Chulym Turkic lexical material

3. References

3.1 Sources of Chulym Turkic lexical material

CJa = Dul’zon A.P. Culymsko-tjurkskij jazyk. - Baskakov N.A. (ed.). Jazyki Narodov SSSR. Vol. 2. Moskva 1966: 446-466. CulT = Dul’zon A.P. Culymskie tatary i ich jazyk. - Ucenye Zapiski Tomskogo Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogiceskogo Instituía. Vol. 9. 1952: 76-210. DGC = Dul’zon A.P. Dialekty i govory tjurkov Culyma. - Sovetskaja Turkolo- gija. Vol. 1973/2: 16-29. FCG = Dul’zon A.P. Licno-vremennye formy èulymsko-tjurkskogo glagola. - Ucenye Zapiski Chakasskogo Naucno-Issledovatel’skogo Instituía Jazy- ka, Literatury i Istorii. Vol. 8. 1960: 101-145. IRP = Serebrennikov B.A., Birjukoviô R.M. Nekotorye osobennosti istoriéeskogo razvitija perfekta v razliànych jazykach. - Sovetskaja Tjurkologija. Vol. 1981/2: 3-12. L2010 = Lemskaja V.M. Culymsko-tjurkskie teksty. “Mangus»”1. Chulym Turkic texts. “Mongush” (Hero). - Fil’cenko A.Ju. et alii (eds). Annotirovannye fol’klornye teksty obsko-enisejskogo jazykovogo area la. Annotated folk­ lore prose texts of Ob-Yenissey language area. Tomsk: 263-314. L2010a = Lemskaja V.M. Glagol’nye sistemy èulymsko-tjurkskich dialektov: vre- mennye formy. - Uralo-Altajskie Issledovanija. Vol. 2 (3): 19-35. L2010b = Lemskaja V. Middle Chulym: the state of the art. [Review of MChD; in English], Turkic Languages. Vol. 14: 113-126. L2011 = Lemskaja V.M. Grammatikalizacija poliverbal'nych konstrukcij v culymsko-tjurkskich govorach (v sopostavitel'nom aspekte). Unpu­ blished candidate’s dissertation. Tomsk State Pedagogical University. Novosibirsk. L2012 = Lemskaja V.M. Culymsko-tjurkskij tekst. “Zili tri brata”. Chulym Turkic text. “There were three brothers”. - Fil’óenko A.Ju. et alii (eds). Sbor- nik annotirovannych fol'klornych i bytovych tekstov obsko-enisejskogo jazykovogo areala. Annotatedfolk and daily prose texts in the languages of Ob-Yenissei linguistic area. Vol. 2. Tomsk: 184-237. L2012a = Lemskaja V.M. Grammatikalizacija poliverbal’nych konstrukcij v èulymsko-tjurkskom jazyke. - Vestnik TGPU (TSPU Bulletin). Vol. 1 (116): 60-63. L2013 = Lemskaja V.M. Culymsko-tjurkskij tekst. “Krasivyj-koricnevyj”. A Chu­ lym Turkic Text. “Handsome-Brown”. - Fil’èenko A.Ju. et alii (eds). Sbornik annotirovannych fol’klornych i bytovych tekstov obsko-enisej-

Misprint for “MonguS”. 245 Part F. Abbreviations, sources and literature. Sources of Chulym Turkic lexical material

skogo jazykovogo areala. Annotated folk and daily prose texts in the languages of Ob-Yenissei linguistic area. Vol. 3. Tomsk: 295-345. L2015 = Lemskaja V.M. Ćulymsko-tjurkskie teksty. Chulym Turkic texts. - Fil’öenko A.Ju. et alii (eds). Sbornik annotirovannych fol'klornych i bytovych tekstov obsko-enisejskogo jazykovogo areala. Annotated folk and daily prose texts in the languages of Ob-Yenissei linguistic area. Vol. 4. Tomsk: 217-291. LĞJa = Birjukovic R.M. Leksika ćulymsko-tjurkskogo jazyka. Posobie k speckur- su. Saratov 1984. Lİ2011 = Li Yong-Söng. Some newly identified words in Middle Chulym. - De­ veli H. et alii (eds). Mahmud al-Kâşğarî’nin 1000. Doğum Yddönümü Dolayısıyla Uluslar Arası Dîvânu Luğâti’t-Turk Sempozyumu. The Dîvânu Luğâti’t-Turk International Sympozium: In Commemoration of Mahrnûdal-Kâşğarî's 100(F Birthday. İstanbul: 123-133. MChD = Li Yong-Söng et alii (eds). A study of the Middle Chulym dialect of the Chulym language. Seoul 2008. MĆJa = Birjukovic R.M. Morfologija ćulymsko-tjurkskogo jazyka. Vol. 1. Kate- gorija imeni suscestvitel 'nogo. Ućebno-metodićeskie materiały. Moskva 1979. MĞS = Birjukoviö R.M. Morfologija ćulymsko-tjurkskogo jazyka. Vol. 2. Saratov 1981. MDT = Dul’zon A.P. Materiały po dialektologii tjurkskich narećij Zapadnoj Si- biri. - Ućenye Zapiski Chakasskogo Naucno-Issledovatel 'skogo Instituía Literatury i Istorii. Serija Filologićeskaja.Vo\. 18/2. 1973: 187-207. Pritsak = Pritsak O. Das Abakan- und Ğulymtürkische und das Schorische. - Phi- lologiae Turcicae Fundamenta. Vol. 1. Wiesbaden 1959: 598-640. R = Radloff W. Versuch eines IVörterbuches der Tiirk-Dialecte. Vol. I-IV. St.-Peterburg 1893-1911. RPro = Radloff W. Proben der Volksliteratur der türkischen Stamme Siid-Sibi- riens. Vol. 11. S. Peterburg 1868: 689-705. ShB = Anderson G.D.S. & Harrison K..D. Shaman and bear. Siberian prehistory in two Middle Chulym texts. - Vajda. E.J. (ed.). Languages and prehis­ tory of Central Siberia. (= Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science IV/262). Amsterdam/Philadelphia 2004: 179-197. TRS = Dul’zon A.P. Terminy rodstva i svojstva v jazykach Narymskogo kraja i Priöulym’ja. - Ućenye Zapiski Tomskogo Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogićeskogo Instituía. Vol. 11. 1954: 59-94. VSĞ = Birjukoviö R.M. K voprosu semantiki ćisla v ćulymsko-tjurkskom ja- zyke. -Jazyki Narodov Sibiri. Kemerovo 1978: 115-118. ZS = Birjukoviö R.M. Zvukovoj strój ćulymsko-tjurkskogo jazyka (metodićeskoe posobie). Moskva 1979.

246 Part F. Abbreviations, sources and literature. Literature

3.2 Literature

Alekseev V.P. (ed.). 1991. Tjurki taeźnogo Prićulymja. Populjacija i ètnos. Tomsk. Anderson G.D.S. 2004. Auxiliary verb constructions in Altai-Sayan Turkic. Wiesbaden. Anderson G.D.S. & Harrison D.K. 2003. Middle Chulym: theoretical apects, recent fieldwork and current state. - Turkic Languages. Vol. 7: 245-256. ------2004 - see “ShB” above. ------2006. Ös till: towards a comprehensive documentation of Middle and Upper Chulym dialects. - Turkic Languages. Vol. 10: 47-72. Anikin A.E. 2000. Etimologiceskij slovar’ russkich dialektov Sibiri. Zaimstvovanija iz ural skich, ałtajskich i paleoazjatskich jazykov. Moskva. ------2000a. Zametki po jakutskoj i dolganskoj leksike (na materiale “Dol- ganskogo slovaija” M. Stachowskogo i slovarej jakutskogo jazyka). Folia Orien- talia. Vol. 36: 17-23. ------2003. Etimologiceskij slovar 'russkich zaimstvovanij v jazykach Sibiri. Novosibirsk. ------2008. Russkij etimilogićeskij slovar ’. Vol. 2. Moskva. ATS = Gürsoy-Naskali E., Duranli M. N.A. Baskakov ile TM. Toşçakova 'nin Oyrots- ko-russkiy slovar indan genişletilmiş Altayca-Türkçe sözlük. Ankara 1999. Avanesov R.I. 1956. Fonetika sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo jazyka. Moskva. ------(ed.). 1957. Atlas russkich narodnych govorov central’nych oblastej k vostoku ot Moskvy. Vstupitel’nye stat'i, spravocnye materiały i komentarii k kartam. Moskva. ------1974. Russkaja literaturnaja i dialektnaja fonetika. Moskva. ------(ed.). 1988. Orfoèpiceskij slovar ’russkogo jazyka. Proiznośenie, uda- renie, grammatićeskie formy. Moskva. Baskakov N.A. 1966. Dialekt èernevych tatar (tuba-kiżi). Grammatićeskij oćerk i slovar ’. Moskva. ------1972. Dialekt kumandincev (kumandy-kiźi). Grammatićeskij oćerk, teksty, perevody i slovar ’. Moskva. ------1988. lstoriko-tipologićeskaja fonologija tjurkskich jazykov. Moskva. Berta À. 1983. Die russischen Lehnwörter in der Mundart der getauften Tataren. (= Studia Uralo-Altaica 21. Tatarische Etymologische Studien 1). Szeged. Bondarko L.V. 1977. Zvukovoj stroj sovremennogo russkogo jazyka. Moskva. Borgojakov M.I. 1966. Ob obrazovanii i razvitii nekotorych dolgich glasnych v cha- kasskom jazyke. - Ućenye Zapiski Chakasskogo Naucno-lssledovatel 'skogo Insti- tuta Jazyka, Literatury i Istorii. Vol. 12: 81-98. BTS = Kuznecov S. A. Bol’soj tol’kovyj slovar’ russkogo jazyka. Available: http:// www.gramota.ru/slovari/info/bts/ (accessed August 08, 2017).

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Ćemych P.Ja. 1995. Istoriko-etimologićeskij slovar’sovremennogo ruskogo jazvka. Vol. 1-2. Moskva. Chorolec G.I. 1953. Fonetićeskoe osvoenie russkoj leksiki v kirgizskom jazyke. Frunze. CKED = Aqtay G., Jankowski H. A Crimean Karaim-English dictionary. Poznań 2015. Clauson = Clauson G. An etymological dictionary of pre-thirteenth century Turkish. Oxford 1972. Crosswhite K.M. 2000. Vowel reduction in Russian: a unified account of standard, dialectal, and “dissimilative” patterns. - University’ of Rochester Working Papers in the Language Sciences. Vol. Spring/1: 107-171. Dal’ = Dal’ V. Tolkovyj slovar '¿ivago velikoruskago jazyka. Available: http://slovar dalja.net/ (accessed July 25, 2017). Dilmaç E. 1998. Die Konsonantenadaptationen der Russ ismen im Baraba-Tataris- chen und im Śorischen: Versuch einer kontrastiven Untersuchung, samt einigen Bemerkungen zu Kriterien für eine chronologische Schichtung o.g. Lehnwörter. Unpublished M.A. dissertation. Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Kraków. D’jaćkovskij N.D. 1962. O fonetićeskom osvoenii zaimstvovannych slov v jakutskom jazyke. Jakutsk. DTS = Nadeljaev V.M. (ed.). Drevnetjurkskij slovar ’. Leningrad 1969. DW = Stachowski M. Dolganischer Wortschatz. Kraków 1993. DWS = Stachowski M. Dolganischer Wortschatz. Supplementband. Kraków 1998. Erdal M. 2004. A grammar of Old Turkic. Leiden. ESTJa = Sevortjan E.V. (ed.). Etimologićeskij slovar’ tjurkskich jazykov. Moskva. Vol. 1 (“vowels”). 1974; Vol. 2 (“b”). 1978; Vol. 4 (“dź, z, j”). 1980; Vol. 5 (“k”, “q”) [Blagova F.G. (ed.)]. 1997; Vol. 7 (“1”, “m”, “n”, “p”, “s”) [Dybo A.V. (ed.)]. 2003. Filin = Filin F.P. et alii (eds). Slovar ’russkich narodnych govorov. Vol. 1 -48. Moskva - Leningrad (Sankt-Peterburg) 1965-2015. Filin F.P. (ed.). 1983. Slovar’russkich govorov Priamur’ja. Moskva. Haspelmath M. & Tadmor U. (eds). 2009. Loanwords in the World's languages. A comparative handbuch. Berlin. Haugen E. 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing. - Language. Vol. 26: 210-231. Kasatkin L.L. (ed.). 2005. Russkaja dialektologija. Moskva. KhRS = Baskakov N.A. (ed.). Chakassko-russkij slovar ’. Moskva 1953. KirgRS = Judachin K.K. (ed.). Kirgizsko-russkij slovar ’. Kyrgizća-orusća sözdük. Frunze 1985. Krivonogov V.P. 1998. Etnićeskie processy u maloćislennych narodov Srednej Sibiri. Krasnojarsk. KRPS = Baskakov N.A. et alii (eds). Karaimsko-russko-polskij slovar'. Słownik karaimsko-rosyjsko-polski. Moskva 1974.

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KzkRS = Kazachsko-russkij slovar' online. Available https://sozdik.kz/ (accessed July 07, 2017). Lemskaja V. 2013. Çulım Türk ağızları: yok olma tehlikesinde olan bir dilin saha araştırmaları. - Erdal M. et alii (eds). Dilleri ve kültürleri yok olma tehlikesine maruz Türk toplulukları. 4. Ululararası Türkiyat Araştırmaları Sempozyumu bil­ dirileri. Ankara: 349-352. Li Yong-Söng. 1999. Türk dillerinde akrabalık adları (= Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları Dizisi. 15). İstanbul. ------2004. Türk dillerinde sontakılar (= Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları Dizisi. 40). İstanbul. ------2007. An index to A. P. Dul’zon’s “Ćulymskie tatary i ix jazyk”. Sibi­ rische Studien. Sibirya İncemeleri. Vol. 2.2: 167-244. Medvedeva A.A. 2009. Slovar ’ trudnostej sovremennogo russkogo jazyka. Moskva. Menges K.H. 1978. Etymologika: einige slavische und andere westliche Lehnbezie­ hungen des Türkischen. - Rocznik Orientalistyczny. Vol. 40/1: 9-19. Ölmez M. 2007. Tuwinischer Wortschatz mit alttürkischen und mongolischen Paral­ lelen. Tuvacanın Sözvarlığı. Eski Türkçe ve Moğolca Denkleriyle. Wiesbaden. Panin L.G. (ed.). 1991. Slovar’russkoj narodoj reci v SibiriXVII - pervojpoloviny XVIII v. Novosibirsk. Panov M.V. 1967. Russkaj a fonetika. Moskva. ------(ed.). 1968. Fonetika sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo jazyka. Narodnye govory. Moskva. Pomorska M. 1995. On the phonetical adaptation of some Russian loanwords in Tuvi­ nian. - Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Prace Językoznawcze. Vol. 117: 94-102. ------2000. Consonant alternations in Ćulym. 1. - Folia Orientalia. Vol. 36: 247-257. ------2001. The Chulyms and their language. An attempt at a description of Chulym phonetics and nominal morphology. - Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları. Vol. 11: 75-123. ------2001a. Consonant alternations in Ćulym. 2. - Folia Orientalia. Vol. 37: 151-158. ------2004. Middle Chulym noun formation (= Studia Turcologica Cracovien- sia 9). Kraków. ------2005. Arabic loanwords in Chulym. - Rocznik Orientalistyczny. Vol. 58/1: 141-147. ------2010. Kilka uwag o nowych źródłach słownictwa czułymskiego [= Some remarks on the new sources of the Chulym lexis; in Polish]. - Siemieniec-Gołaś E., Georgiewa-Okoń J. Od Anatolii po Syberię. Świat turecki w oczach badaczy. Kraków: 171-177.

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------2011. Month names in the Chulym Turkic dialects - their origin and meaning. - Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis. Vol. 128: 127-144. ------2012. Notes on Persian loan words in the Chulym Turkic dialects. - Hyytiâinen T. et alii (eds). Per Urales ad Orientem. Iter polyphonicum multi­ lingue (= Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 264 = FS Juha Janhunen): 299-308. ------2017. “How do they make bread?” - a philological commentary to a Lower Chulym text recorded by A.P. Dul’zon. - Németh M., Podolak B., Urban M. (eds). Essays in the history of languages and linguistics. Dedicated to Marek Stachowski on the occasion of his 6O'h birthday. Kraków: 525-543. Pomorska BL = Pomorska M. “Burying in logs” - a philological commentary to a Lower Chulym text recorded by A.P. Dul’zon. - In print in Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları. RadloffW. 1893. Aus Sibirien. Lose Blatter aus meinem Tagebuche. Leipzig. Rajkova V.E. 1980. K probleme fonetićeskogo oformlenija anlauta starych rusizmov v chakasskom jazyke. - Sovetskaja Tjurkologija. No. 1: 28-31. Râsânen M. [= Rjasjanen M.]. 1955. Materiały po istorićeskoj fonetike tjurkskich jazykov. Moskva. Rassadin V.I. 1980. Mongolo-burjatskie zaimstvovanija v sibirskich tjurkskich jazy- kach. Moskva. RBśkS = Achmerov K.Z. (ed.). Russko-baśkirskij slovar ’. Moskva 1964. Rozental’ D.E., Telenkova M.A. 2003. Slovar’trudnostej russkogojazyka. Moskva. RTuvS = Monguś D.A. (ed.). Russko-tuvinskij slovar'. Moskva 1960. Śćerbak A.M. 1970. Sravnitel’naja fonetika tjurkskichjazykov. Leningrad. Schönig C. 1998. South Siberian Turkic. - Johanson L., Csató É.A. The Turkic lan­ guages. London & New York: 403-416. Siemieniec-Gołaś E. 2002. Foreign elements in Karachay-Balkar. Turkic Languages. Vol. 6/2: 192-198. ------2003. Fonetyczne adaptacje rosyjskich zapożyczeń w języku kara- czajsko-bałkarskim [= Fonetical adaptation of Russian loanwords in Karachay- -Balkar; in Polish]. - Sprawozdania z Posiedzeń Komisji Naukowych. Polska Akademia Nauk Oddział w Krakowie. Vol. 46/1. Styczeń-Czerwiec 2002: 85-87. ------2005. Loanwords and their derivational activity in Karachay-Balkar. - Rocznik Orientalistyczny. Vol. 58/1: 188-193. Slepcov P.A. 1964. Russkie leksiceskie zaimstvovanija v jakutskom jazyke (dorevolju- cionnyjperiod). Jakutsk. ------1975. Russkie leksiceskie zaimstvovanija v jakutskom jazyke (poslere- voljucionnyjperiod). Moskva. ŞorS = Kurpeşko-Tannagaşeva N., Akalın H.Ş. Şor sözlüğü (= Türkoloji Araştırmaları 2. Sözlük Dizisi 1.). Adana 1995. 250 Part F. Abbreviations, sources and literature. Literature

SRLI = Petrovskij N.A. Slovar 'russkich lićnych imen. Available: http://www.gramota. ru/slovari/info/petr/ (accessed August 09, 2017). SSA = Slovar' sokraśćenij i abbreviatur. Available http://sokrasheniya.academic.ru/ (accessed August 08, 2017). Stachowski K. 2008. Names of cereals in the Turkic languages (= Studia Turcologica Cracoviensia 11). Kraków. ------2010. Quantifying phonetic adaptations of Russian Loanwords in Dol- gan. - Studia Lingüistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis. Vol. 127: 101-177. ------2012. Word-final consonant clusters in Russian loanwords in Dolgan. - Gül B. Türk Moğol araştırmaları. Prof. Dr. Tuncer Gülensoy armağanı. Ankara: 283-294. ------2013. On Russ, most ‘1. bridge; 2. floor’ in the languages of Siberia. - Gül B. et alii (eds). Bengü Bitig. Dursun Yıldırım armağanı. Ankara: 541-549. Stachowski M. 1992-93. Beiträge zur Kennnis der arabischen und persischen Lehn­ wörter in den Südsibirischen Türksprachen. - Folia Orientalia. Vol. 29: 247-259. ------1995. Arabische Etymologien in der Geschichte der jakutischen Wort­ forschung. - Zeszyty Naukowe UJ. Prace Językoznawcze. Vol. 117: 125-138. ------1996. Einige chakassische Etymologien. - Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher. Neue Folge. Vol. 14: 218-230. ------1997. Notizen zur Etymologie der tschulymischen Gerätenamen. - Jour­ nal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Vol. 87: 243-248. ------1998. Schorische und tschulymische Etymologien. - Studia Turcologica Cracoviensia. Vol. 3: 107-123. ------1999. Konsonantenadaptation russischer Lehnwörter im Dolganischen (= Studia Turcologica Cracoviensia 6). Kraków. ------2002. Zaimstvovannye slova v dolganskom jazyke (obzor problem). - Kyoto University Linguistic Research. Vol. 21: 1-24. ------2012. Some features of the vowel adaptation of Arabic loan-words (along with a few remarks on their consonants) in an dictionary by Arcangelo Carradori. - Folia Orientalia. Vol. 49: 491-502. Tatarincev V.I. 1974. Russkie leksićeskie zaimstvovanija v sovremennom tuvinskom jazyke. Kyzyl. Tekin T. 1991. A new classification of the Turkic languages. - Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları. Vol. 1: 5-18. ------1995. Türk dillerinde birincil uzun ünlüler (= Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları Dizisi 13). Ankara. Tichonov A.N. (ed.). Bol’soj grammatićeskij slovar ’. Vol. 1-2. Moskva 2006. Timberlake A. 2004. A reference grammar of Russian. New York. TofRS = Rassadin V.I. Tofalarsko-russkij, russko-tofalarskij slovar'. Irkutsk 1995.

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TSE = Efremova T.F. Novyj tol 'kovo-slovoobrazovatel 'nyj slovar’ russkogo jazyka. Available: http://efremova.slovaronline.com/ (accessed July 21,2017), http://dic. academic.ru/contents.nsf/efremova/ (accessed July 21,2017). TSU = Usakov D.N. 7o/ ’kovyj slovar 'russkogo jazyka. Available: http://ushakov.slovar online.com/ (accessed September 22, 2016), http://dic.academic.ru/contents.nsf/ ushakov/ (accessed July 22, 2017). Uffmann Ch. 2007. Vowel epenthesis in loanword adaptation. Tübingen. Vasil’eva N.M. 2015. O novych konsonantnych svjazach v zaimstvovannych slo- vach (po materialam orfograficeskogo slovarja jakutskogo jazyka 2002 g.). - Filologiceskie nauki. Voprosy teorii i praktiki. No. 7 (49). Part 1: 19-21. Vasmer = Fasmer M. Etimologiceskij slovar 'russkogo jazyka. [Translated and com­ plemented by O.N. Trubacev], Vol. 1-4. Moskva 1986-87. VEWT = Räsänen M. Versuch eines etymologischen Wörterbuchs der Turksprachen. Helsinki 1969. Vinogradov V.V. (ed.). 1960. Grammatika russkogo jazyka. Vol. 1. Fonetika i morfo- loogija. Moskva. Zarva M.V. 2001. Russkoe slovesnoe udarenie. Slovar ’. Moskva. Part G Index of Russian etyma

a MC a (15, 236) arsin —► LC arsin (77, 146, 154, 166, 199, 201, 229) *aryz (dial., non-att.) MC arys (16, 154, 182, 224); LC arys (77, 154, 182, 224); Küä. arys (91, 154, 182, 224) baba -+ LC baba (77, 109, 228) bábka ~ bábki (Pl. < bábka) —> MC päka* (48, 108, 135, 160, 227) ~*päki (48, 108, 135, 160); Cul. paka(\Q\, 109, 135, 160, 226) bábuska —»• MC babuska (17, 167, 212, 228) bánka -+ MCpanka (48, 108, 156, 165, 195, 202, 224, 237) batán (dial.) ~ botón (dial.) —> MC patun (51, 108, 230); LC pátun (86, 109, 230) *bátun (dial., non-att.) —> LC pátun (f) bazar —> LC pazar (86, 109, 185, 229) ~ *bazar (86, 109, 185) blaslovén 'e (dial.) —> MC plaslovänjä (52, 109, 126, 143, 149, 153, 166, 201, 227) blin MC blin(\l, 109, 127, 226) bliny (Pl. < blin) MC blin-b (17, 127, 208, 226) bócka -> MC pocka (54, 109, 133, 152, 163, 197, 202, 224, 225) - bócka (54, 109, 133, 152, 163, 197, 202); Cul. pockä (101, 109, 203) bócke (Prep.Sg. < bócka) —> Cul. pockä (f) bolee MC bolá (18, 109, 157, 235) ból’se cém —► LC bol’säcäm (78, 109, 119, 146, 165, 186, 207, 235)

253 Part G. Index of Russian etyma borona —> LĞ poma (87, 109, 170, 205, 224); Ğul. pon na (102, 109, 170, 205) botún - see batún (î) brevnó ~ brevné (Prep.Sg. < brevnó) - brévno* (dial., non-att.) —> MĞ büram- «ö(18, 125, 148, 162,220, 224) brigadir -> MĞ *brigadir (18, 109, 127, 140, 185, 209, 228); Ğul. prigadir (102, 109, 126, 138, 140, 185) busiki (dimin. < busy) —>• Ğul. püska (102, 109, 170,210,218,226) butylka —»MĞ putulka (58, 109, 154, 164, 217, 225)-putulya (58, 109, 132, 154, 160,217) celkóvyj -> LĞ calkovyj (78, 118, 154, 164, 207, 213, 229) cép’—> MĞ sap (62, 118, 175, 224) cérkov’—> MĞ sarkop (62, 118, 133, 165, 180, 206, 227) cvetók — MĞ cvdtok (19, 118, 127, 230) cás câs (V), 119, 181, 195,214, 229) ~ cas (19, 119, 181, 195, 214) - cas* (\9, 181); LĞ cas (78, 119, 181,229) cém —> LĞ cam* in bol'sa cam (î) cesnók —> MĞ casnok (20, 119, 143, 166, 207, 224) cigan (dial.) —> MĞ cigan (20, 230) cisló MĞ cislo (20, 119, 166, 229) ctóby —> MĞ stoby (67, 127, 213, 236) cudnój LĞ cudnoj (78, 119, 139, 156, 163, 211, 217, 235) cugún —> MĞ cuyun (20, 139, 186, 211) ~ cugun (20, 119) doktor -> MĞ doklar (21, 110, 164, 206, 226, 228) do svidánija —> MĞ to spitânija (70, 110, 127, 138, 149, 195, 209, 216, 228) drúga (Acc.Sg. or Gen.Sg. < drug) —> MĞ drûga (21, 110, 127, 140, 198, 228) -druga (21, 110, 127, 198) druzka MĞ truzka (71, 109, 126, 146, 168, 198, 202, 227, 228) ~ trüska (71, 109, 126, 146, 168, 198,202) Efım MĞ Âpim (21, 122, 140, 186, 197, 229) esçe MĞ aso ~ iso (21, 122, 147, 171, 215, 235)

254 Part G. Index of Russian etyma familija LCfamiljä (18, 113, 153, 155, 201, 216, 228)-familija* (78, 113, 217, 228) -familijaj* (78, 217) fel’dser-fersal (dial.) —> Cul.pärsbl (101, 113, 153, 160, 162, 166, 185, 186, 203, 208, 227, 228) gazeta —» LC gazäta (79, 110, 136, 144, 226) Gena (dimin. < Gennadij) —> MC Gäna (22, 110, 229) girja -+ Cul. kirä (98, 110, 196, 216, 225, 229) ~ kirä (98, 110, 197, 216) gost’—* MC *gost (22, HO, 176, 190, 227, 228) -gost’* (22, 110, 176, 190) -qost’ (22, HO, 176, 190) gösti (Acc.Pl. < gost ’) —> LC gosti* in v gosti (J.) guljä(t’) MC gülä-* (22, 110, 211, 213, 234, 237) - gulä-* (22, HO, 213, 234); MC *gülät *'mgülättä- (23, 110, 211, 213, 234, 240) - giilätä-* (23, 110,211,213,234, 240) ~ *gulat ’* in gulat’ta-* (23, 110,214, 234, 240) ~ kulät* in kuläta- (23, 110, 213, 234, 240); LC kulät* - kulat* in kulättä- (82, 213, HO, 234, 240) ~ kulattä- (82, 214, 234, 240) gülja(t) (dial.) -> MC külä- (35, 110, 198, 216, 234) xoZdf^Küä. qalat (91, 115, 153, 176, 177, 201,226, 238) xlevik (dimin. < xlev) —> Cul. klämik (98, 115, 126, 149, 196, 225) xomüt —> Cul. qomut (99, 115, 155, 205, 224) xozjäin -+ MC kazäin (30, 115, 144, 186, 204, 214, 225, 228) i MC (24, 236); LC i (79, 236) ili -+ MC ili (24, 236) intervjü —► LC intärvü (79, 136, 149, 165, 166, 215, 230) Ivan —>• LC Ivan (79, 229) izbä -+ Küä.yspa (93, 137, 144, 163, 168, 195, 209, 225), yspalyy (93, 239) izbüska (dimin. < izbä) —> LC izbuska (79, 138, 144, 167, 168, 198, 209, 229) jägoda -> MC jagoda (27, 122, 195, 202, 230) ~ jägada (27, 122, 195, 202) jäsli Cul. jasla (96, 122, 143, 166, 210, 225) jäscik -+ MC jasik (27, 122, 147, 178, 209, 225) jübka -+ MC jupka (27, 122, 163, 226) jüg -+ MC juk (27, 122, 177, 229) käk MC kak (28, 236)

255 Part G. Index of Russian etyma kalać —> MĆ qalać (28, 111, 184, 226) kapsjul’^» Cul. kapsâl (97, 134, 165, 185, 217, 218, 225, 226) kapusta —> Ćul. qapusta (97, 134, 136, 167, 224), qopusta (97) kartina —> MĆ kartına (28, 136, 154, 166, 196, 202, 226, 227) kartovka (dial.) ~ kartófka (dial.) —> Ćul. kartopka (97, 136, 161, 166, 201, 202, 224) ~ qartopqa (97, 136, 161, 166) kartuz —► MĆ qartus (29, 166, 180, 226); Ćul. kartuş (97, 166, 180, 226) kastrjülja —> LĆ kastrülâ (80, 153, 154, 169, 201, 215, 216, 225) kasa —> MĆ kasa (29, 146, 226) kaśi (Gen.Sg. < kasa) —> MĆ qaźi (30, 146) ~kaz’i (30) katâj (Imp.2Sg. < katât’) MĆ qataj* in qatajla- (29, 234, 240) Kâtja (dimin. < Ekaterina) —> LĆ Kata (80, 136, 216, 229) kazak —♦ MĆ Qazaq (29, 144, 230) ~ Kazak (29), kazakća (29, 238); LĆ Qazaq (80, 144, 230) kilo MĆ kilo (30, 229) kilogramın —> MĆ kilogram (30, 140, 164, 229) kirpić -+ MĆ kirpiś* (30, 111, 134, 166, 184, 197, 209, 225) ~ kirpić* (30, 111, 134, 166, 197, 209) kiset MĆ ksat (33, 129, 176, 177, 209, 226) kives (dial.) ~ kibas (dial.) Ćul. kipis (98, 137, 149, 181, 196, 204, 208, 225) klass—>WĆ qlass (31, 111, 127, 181,227); LĆ *klas (81, 127, 181, 182, 199, 228)-klas* (81, 127, 181, 182, 199) klâssa (Gen.Sg. < klâss) MĆ klasa (31, 127, 144, 171, 195, 227) klet’ Küâ. kildt (92, 111, 124, 176, 196, 225, 229) klub Ćul. kulup (99, 124, 175, 231) kniga -+ MĆ kniga (32, 127, 197, 202, 227, 237) - kniga (32, 127, 196, 202); LĆ kinaga (80; 124, 197, 203); Ćul. kniga (98, 127, 197, 203) kniżka (dimin. < kniga) —> LĆ kniźka (81, 127, 146, 168, 202, 228) knjaz’—> Ćul. kinds (14, 97, 124, 181,214, 228) kófta Ćul. qopta (99, 140, 161, 197, 202, 226)

256 Part G. Index of Russian etyma kolec (Gen.Pl. < kol’cö) MC kaläs (28, 183, 205, 226) ~ koläs (28, 183, 205) kolecko (dimin, of kol’cö) —> Cul. käläckä (97, 152, 163, 205, 226) kolesö ~ kölese (Prep.Sg. < kolesö) ~ *koleso (dial., non-att.) —» LĞ käläsä (80, 205, 220, 224) kolxoz —> MC kolxoz (32, 142, 164, 181,229) ~ qolxos (32, 142, 164, 180) ~ qolqos (32, 141, 161, 180, 205); LC kolxoz (81, 142, 164, \8\)~kolxos (81, 142, 164, 180, 205,229) kolödca (Gen.Sg. < kolödec) —> MC kolosa (33, 111, 151, 153, 224) ~ qalotca (33, 111, 153) kolodka ~ *kolodka (dial., non-att.) —♦ Cul. qalatqa (96, 162, 220, 225) kölokol —> Cul. qoloqon (98, 133, 185, 206, 225) kolonok —> LC klanok (80, 129, 177, 205, 225, 230) ~ kolonok (80, 177,205) kopnä —» Cul. qopna (99, 134, 165, 225) koryto —> MC karyta (29, 199, 206, 224) kostyl’LC kästil (80, 111, 167, 185,205,220, 226) köska —»• MC koska (33, 167, 224) krest -> LC *kras (82, 127, 176, 189, 200, 227) ~ *kräs (82, 127, 176, 189, 200) krösno ~ krösne (Prep.Sg.) ~ *krosne (Prep.Sg. < krosnö,* dial., non-att.) —> Cul. kräsnä (99, 166, 219, 225) krovät’—► MĞ krovat’ (33, 111, 127, 176, 225); LC kravat’ (81, 111, 127, 176,225) krupä —> Cul. qurpa (100, 125, 169, 211, 226) ~ kurpa (100) krupka (dial.) —> Cul. qrupqa (99, 127, 134, 162, 226) kruzök ~ krûzok* (dial., non-att., dimin. < krûg) —> MC qurzaq (34, 125, 169, 219, 226) küca —> LC *kuca in kucala- (82, 152, 217, 239) kudrjävyj —> MC kudrjavaj (34, 163, 213, 214, 235) kûkolka (dimin. < kukla) —> MC kukülga (34, 132, 160, 207, 226); Cul. qaqulya (11, 34, 132,160, 221) kulemka (dial.) —♦ LĞ kblämkä (83, 133, 155, 165, 196, 203, 211, 225) ~ kblamkä (83, 133, 155, 165, 196, 203,211)

257 Part G. Index of Russian etyma kurica MC kilrsd (35, 151, 170, 203,210,218, 224) kuznec —> MĆ kiizndc(35, 144, 156, 168, 183, 211,228) - kuznac (35, 144, 156, 168, 183,211,237) kuźnica —> MĆ kiiznaćd (36, 151, 168, 203, 210, 218, 225, 229) kvadratnyj metr —> MĆ kvadratnyj rndtr (36, 128, 163, 167, 190, 213, 229) kvasnja —► LĆ kvasn ’a (82, 128, 167, 214, 225, 226) ~ kvasn ’a (82, 128, 167, 214) ladan —> Cui. ladan (100, 227) lampa —> MĆ lampa (36, 134, 155, 165, 225) lavka MĆ lapka (36, 140, 161, 202, 229) - lafka (36, 141, 168, 202) - lavka (36, 141, 168, 202) - lafka (36, 168, 203); LĆ lapka (84, 161,218, 229) lavke (Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. < lavka) —» MĆ lafka (f); LĆ lapka (j) *lavke (dial., non-att., Dat.Sg. or Prep. Sg. < *lavka) —> LC lapka (j) len ~ *len (dial., non-att.) —+ Cui. iilan (105, 119, 215, 224) lećit’^ LC lacit* ’ in lacit’at- (84, 177, 227, 234, 241) lekarstvo —> MĆ lakstur (| s.v. mikstura) lenta ^MĆ landa (37, 119, 136, 160, 196, 226) ~ lanta (37, 119, 165, 196) lestnica LĆ lasinca (84, 120, 151, 159, 169, 196, 202, 209, 225) litovka MĆ litopka (38, 120, 136, 161, 209, 224); Cul. Idtopka (100, 120, 136, 161,209) litra (Gen.Sg. < litr) or litr —> MĆ litra (38, 167, 189, 229) Lizaveta (colloq. < Elizaveta) —► MĆ Lizavata (38, 229) Ljusja (dimin. < Ljudmila) —> MĆ Liisa (39, 120, 143, 215, 216, 229) łopata MĆ lapat (36, 119, 134, 191,205, 224) - łopat (36, 134, 191,205); LĆ/apaf(83, 119, 134, 191,205,224, 238) ~ łopat (83, 134, 191,205) lućśe MĆ lućśd (39, 120, 163, 198, 235) ~ liićds (39, 120, 159, 182, 198, 208, 235) luk -> Cul. uluq (104, 119, 198, 224) Makej (dimin. < Makeddnij) —► MĆ Makdj (39, 132, 229) mama (colloq.) —► MĆ mama (39, 228) masloprom —> MĆ masloprom (39, 165, 166, 186, 229)

258 Part G. Index of Russian etyma massazirovat' —> LC masazirovat* ’ in masazirovat’at- (84, 144, 147, 176, 199, 206, 227, 234, 241) masterskôj (Gen.Sg. or Prep.Sg. < masterskaja) —> LC mastärskoj (84, 167, 168, 229) Màsa (dimin. < Marija or Marina) —► MC Masa (40, 146, 229) masina —> MC masÿna (40, 121, 146, 198, 229) ~ masina (40, 146, 199, 224); LC masna (84, 121, 170, 224) mëd^ MC möt (44, 121, 175, 215, 226) ~ mjot (44, 175, 215); LC möt* in möttüg (Z5, 121, 175,215,226, 238); Küä. möt (92, 121, 175,215,226) mél’nica -> MC mälimzä (40, 151, 156, 159, 161, 169, 196, 203, 209, 225) mésto —> MC mästa (41, 121, 166, 196, 206, 225); Cul. mästä ( 100, 121, 196, 206) méste (Prep.Sg. < mésto) —► Cul. mästä (î) métr —> MC mätr in kvadratnyj mätr (f), MC mätra (41, 167, 189, 229) ~ mö7ra(41, 167, 189) métra (Gen.Sg. < mätr) —> MC mätra ~ mäträ (j1) Mixail -+ MC Mixajl (42, 142, 184, 229) Mixäjlovic —> MC Mixajlyc (42, 142, 149, 158, 164, 210, 230) Mikoläj (dial.) -> MC Mikalaj (42, 132, 229) mikstüra —> MC mäkstur (40, 168, 191, 209, 226) ~ läkstur (37, 191, 226) milliard —> MC milliart (43, 154, 175, 190, 229, 235) milliärdov (Gen.PI. < milliard) —► MC milliardof (42, 154, 165, 180, 229, 235) million —► MC million (43, 154, 229, 236) milliônov (Gen.Pl. < million) —> MC millionof (4,3, 154, 180, 229, 236) minût (Gen.Pl. < minuta) —> MC minüt (43, 121, 195, 198, 229) môx LC mök (85, 121, 179, 221, 230) molotilka —> MC malatilka (39, 164, 204, 224) morkov’^> Cul. markap (100, 165, 180, 205, 220, 224) ~ morkop (100, 165, 180,205) most -+ MC möst (44, 121, 190, 195, 197, 229) ~ mös (44, 121, 182, 188, 195, 197) ~ most (44, 121, 190, 197) mozg LC miziy (84, 177, 188, 218, 226) 259 Part G. Index of Russian etyma móżeś ’(Pres.2Sg. < móćj —> MĆ możaś (44, 182, 234) możno —» MĆ możno (44, 147, 168, 235) muravej —> MĆ muravâj (45, 211, 230) myło —> MĆ myło (45, 153, 226) nabój (dial.) —> MĆ nabój (45, 187, 225, 229) Nâdja (dimin. < Nadeżda) —> MĆ Nada (45, 216, 229) ~ Nad’d (45, 216) — Nada (45, 216, 218) nâdo -> MĆ nada (45, 121, 138, 195, 235) naklad(ât’) (dial.) —> LĆ *nakładał- ~ *naklad(a)- (85, 122, 164, 234) nastójka —> Ćul. nastopka (100, 226) nesćóstnyj —► MĆ nasćasnyj (46, 122, 147, 167, 187, 213, 214, 235) nevesta —> MĆ nâvâstâ (46, 122, 149, 167, 203, 227) ~ nâvâsta (46, 122, 167, 202) ~ navastb (46, 122, 167, 203) obida —> MĆ obida (47, 137, 227) ogoród —> MĆ ayrot (15, 139, 170, 175, 205, 225) - oyorot (15, 139, 175, 205); Ćul. ayrat (95, 139, 220) ogurcâ (Gen.Sg. < ogurec) —► Ćul. oyursa (101, 139, 151, 162, 224) ~ ogursa (101, 162) oxótnik—> MC axotnik(\6, 142, 167, 205,210, 225) ~akotnik (16, 141, 167, 205, 210) ~ aqotnik (16, 141, 167) ~ oxotnik (16, 142, 167, 205, 210) ~ oqotniq (16, 141, 167, 205, 210) oxrana MĆ oqrana (47, 142, 156, 161, 205, 230) Olga MĆ Olga (47, 164, 229) ~ 01’ya (47, 140, 162) osnóva —> MĆ osnova (47, 166, 230), osnova âl- (47, 241) otkrytka —* MĆ atktytka (17, 167, 169, 226) ovin LĆ abin (77, 148, 186, 197, 204, 225) pal ’tó —► Ćul. palto (101, 226) paroxod —> MĆparaqot (49, 111, 141, 154, 175,229) pastux — MĆ pastuq (49, 111,112,167,178,179, 225, 228, 237, 239) ~ pastuk (49, 167, 179) -pastuqta- (49, 239); LĆpastuq (85, 111, 167, 179, 225,228) Petr MĆ Pötr (56, 111, 185, 190, 215, 229)

260 Part G. Index of Russian etyma pec ’^MC päc (51, 111, 184, 225) ~ päs* (51, 184); LC päc (86, 111, 112, 184,225) pecät’ —> Küä.päcät (92, 111, 152, 176, 207,214, 231) Petr -+ MC Pair (14, 52, 190, 229) petüx Cui. ätük (95, 111, 179, 218, 224) pis’mö —> MC pis’mo (52, 143, 155, 166, 226) plat MC plat (53, 128, 176, 226) ~pulat (53, 125, \T6),pulaty- (53, 239) plät’e —* MC platä* inplatalyy (53, 128, 226, 238) plemermik (dial.) —> MC plämännik (54, 128, 156, 171, 178, 209, 228) podärok —> MC padärak (48, 195, 226) podkövka (dimin. oi podköva) —> LCpatqopqa (86, 111, 136, 140, 161, 162, 163,202, 224) podrüzka —> MC podruzka (54, 138, 164, 168, 227, 228) pöezd^ MC pöjäst (54, 175, 190, 197, 229) pöl -+MC pol (55, 184, 225) pomöi —> MC pomoj (55, 225) pömosc’ —> MCpornos (55, 111, 155, 182, 197, 226) ~pömoc (55, 111, 155, 182, 197) porög —> MC parok (49, 177, 178, 225) portret —> Cui. pärträt (101, 136, 169, 205, 226) posüda —> MC posuda (56, 138, 143, 225) pozdravljät’ MC *pazdravl ’at inpazdravl’adät- (51, 150, 168, 169, 177, 214, 234, 241) pozäluj —> MC pozaluj (56, 212, 235) präzdnik —> MC praznyk (57, 128, 144, 168, 210, 230) ~praznyq (57, 128, 168, 210) ~ praznik (57, 128, 168) presnyj —> LC präsnyj (87, 128, 143, 156, 166, 187, 213, 235) proscä(tsja)’ —> MCpraslas- (56, 128, 147, 234, 240) ~praslys- (56, 128, 147, 234); Küä. praslas- (92, 128, 147, 234, 240) prövoloka —> MC provolka (57, 128, 170, 207, 224, 225) psenä (dial.) = psenö (st.) —> Cul. psäna (102, 128, 224) puls MC puls (58, 181, 189, 226)

261 Part G. Index of Russian etyma ràdost MĞ rädos (58, 120, 189, 195, 206, 227, 233) rany (Pl. < râna) —> MC rany (58, 120, 213, 226) raz MC ras (58, 120, 180, 229); LC ras (87, 120, 180, 218, 229) Rossija MC Raslja (59, 120, 158, 196, 230) rybàk^MC rybak (59, 120, 137,212, 225, 228) ~ rybaq (59, 120, 137,212) säxar —>■ MC säqar (59, 141, 195) ~ sakar (59, 141, 226); Küä. saqar (93, 141, 195, 226); Cul. saqbr()02, 203, 210) säxir (dial.) —> Ğul. saqtr (|) salama (dial.) —> Ğul. salam (| s.v. soloma) sànki -» MĞ sânka (60, 133, 165, 195, 210, 224, 229) sapog ~ sâpog* (dial., non-att.) —> MĞ sâpoq (61, 177, 226) ~ säpuq (61, 177,219) sedlô MĞ *südlö (61, 199) ~ sâdlo (61, 116, 138, 154, 163, 199, 207, 224) sel'sovét —» Ğul. säläsovät (103, 159, 228) semjà —> MĞ sämjä* (62, 155, 199) ~ *sämjä (62, 155, 199, 228) sérjcmka (dial.) —> Ğul. säräijkä (103, 154, 155, 161,203,214,216, 225) sérp —> MĞ sarp-b* (62, 175, 189) ~ särp* (62, 175) ~ särp* (62, 175, 224) sever—> MĞ säbär (ß\, 116, 148, 185, 196, 207, 229) sxodka LĞ skotka (87, 126, 133, 163, 197,202,231) skladnöj —> MĞ skladnoj (63, 129, 163, 225, 235) smäzka —+ Ğul. maska (100, 116, 125, 168) smolà —> MĞ smola (63, 116, 128, 225) sobrânie —> MĞ sobranjâ (63, 138, 156, 163, 230) soxä —> LĞ soya (87, 116, 142, 224); Ğul. soya (103, 224) soldât —> MĞ soldat (63, 139, 164, 228) soloma -> MĞ solom (63, 191, 205, 225); Ğul. salam (102, 191, 205, 220) sos(ât) ~ sâs(at* ’) (dial., non-att.) —> LĞ sösat-* ~ sös(a)-* (88, 234) spasibo —> MĞ spasîba (64, 128, 143, 196, 228); Ğul. spasibo (103, 143, 197, 228) srâdu (st.) = srodâ (dial.) —► MĞ sröda (64, 128, 235)

262 Part G. Index of Russian etyma stend ~ stene (Dat.Sg. or Prep.Sg. < stend) - stena* (dial., non-att.) —> MC istänä (25, 124, 218, 225); LC stand (88, 128, 218, 225); Cul. ¡stand (96,218) step Küä. istdp (91, 124, 175, 196,231) stöl -+ MC istal (24, 124, 184, 221, 225) ~ istäl (24, 124, 184, 221) ~ ystdl (24, 124, 221) ~ ustal (24, 124, 221) - stdl (24, 128, 221) ~ stol (24, 128) ; Küä. istäl (91, 124, 184, 221, 225, 238) ~ ostol (91, 124, 184, 221, 238); Cul. üstöl (105, 124, 184, 221) stölb ~ stolbä (Gen.Sg. < stölb) —> MC stolba (64, 128, 189, 229) stöpka —> Cul. nastopka (100, 226) strogd (dial.) —> LC straya (88, 129, 139, 195, 204, 225) stüden'^r MC üstüdän (74, 124, 186, 218); Cul. ustiddn (105, 124, 186, 221) MC zm7w/(73, 124, 184, 198, 225); Cul. ustul (105, 184) sümka —> MC sumka (65, 165, 226) sundük —> Küä. sunduq (93, 139, 156, 165, 177, 198,211,225) suraz (dial.) —► Küä. suras (93, 116, 154, 180, 228) sütki —> MC sutqa (65, 162, 210, 229) sväxa —> MC sväqa (65, 129, 141, 149, 195, 227) svätat’ —> MC *svatat’ in svatat'ät- (66, 129, 149, 177, 227, 234, 241) svidänija —> MC spitänija* in to spitänija (f s.v. do svidänijd) syc —> MC syc (66, 184, 230) syvorotka —> LC syvyrtqa (88, 170, 199, 207, 226) säjka —► MC sajka (66, 158, 164, 225) samän —> MC saman (66, 117, 227, 228) samänka —> MC samanka (66, 165, 227, 228) särf —> MC san>p (66, 117, 179, 188, 226) sinel ’ —> MC sinäl (66, 117, 185,212, 226) skol (Gen.Sg. < sköla) —* MC skol (j) sköla—> MC skol (67, 117, 129, 227); LC skol (88, 117, 129, 191,228) stany —> MC istyn* (25, 124, 201,226) ~ istyn* (25, 124, 201) ~ *istyny (25, 124, 201) -stan (25, 117, 191); LC stän* (89, 129, 226) ~ *stan (89, 129) ~s7ö«y* (89, 129)

263 Part G. Index of Russian etyma stôf —» Ğul. ustop (105, 124, 197, 229) Tanja (dimin. < Tatjana) —» MĞ Tan'a (67, 216, 229) tarélka —> MĞ tarälka (68, 112, 133, 164, 225) tâta (colloq.) —> MĞ tata (69, 228) tëtja -+ MĞ tötä (71, 112, 215, 216, 228) tëtka -+ MĞ tötka (71, 167, 215, 228) telënok ~ télenok* (dial., non-att.) —> MĞ tälnäk (69, 170, 206, 224) ~ tälnäk (69, 170); Ğul. täjnäk(\M, 153, 170, 206) teléga -+ LĞ tälägä (89, 140, 153, 203, 207, 224, 229) tépli(t') —> MĞ tapla- (j s.v. topi(tj) teplomàt (dial.) —> Ğul. täplomat (104, 165, 226) tésto —> MĞ tästä (69, 112, 136, 144, 167, 206, 226); LĞ tästä (89, 112, 136, 144, 167, 206, 226) tjàpka -> Ğul. täpkä (104, 112, 134, 165, 203, 214, 224) tjâtja (colloq.) —> MĞ tätä (69, 112, 214, 216, 228, 237, 239) ~ t’ät’ä (69, 112,214,216) tjur ’mâ ~ tjur 'mé (Prep.Sg. < tjur ’ma) ~ tjûr* ’ma (dial., non-att.) —> MĞ türmä(l\, 154,215,217, 229) togdà —> (?) MĞ tagda (21 ) Tomsk —> MĞ Tomsk (70, 190, 230) tômskij ~ tômskoj (Prep.Sg. of fem. tômskaja) MĞ Tomskaj (70, 168, 210, 230, 234, 235, 237) topi(t’) MĞ tapla- (67, 225, 234, 240) tôze MĞ tozâ (70, 147, 235) tués (dial.) ~ tuez (dial.) ~ tùjaz (dial.) —► MĞ tüs (71, 112, 157, 225) ~ tus (71, 157); LĞ tüs (89, 157, 225) ~ tüüs (89, 157) tuezôk (dial.) ~ tuesôk (dial.) ~ *tuézok ~ *tuésok (dial., non-att.), dimin. < tués ~ tùez ~ tùjaz (dial.) —♦ LĞ tüzâk (89, 143, 157, 220, 225) ~ tüz 'àk (89, 157, 220) tysca (colloq.) -> MĞ tyssa (72, 147, 199, 216, 229, 236) ~ tysa (72, 147, 199, 216, 236) uciteT^ MĞ ucitdl (72, 152, 185, 196, 227, 228) ~ ucitdT (72, 185, 197)

264 Part G. Index of Russian etyma ucitel'nica —> MC ucîtdlnica (72, 151, 152, 154, 164, 196, 227, 228) ~ ucitdl’nica (72, 154, 164, 197) uxd —> MĞ ukä* (73, 141, 199, 226) ~ uka* (73, 141, 199) urdk (dial.) —► MĞ uraq (104); Cui. uraq (104, 225, 230) uröki (Pl. < urok) —>■ MĞ uröyy (73, 132, 197, 210, 228) uze —> MĞ uzä (74, 147, 235) Välja (dimin. < Valerija) -+ MĞ Void (74, 195, 216, 229) ~ Välä (74, 195, 216) Varvâra —> MĞ Varvara (74, 149, 166, 229) Vasilij (st.) ~ Vasilej (arch.) —» MĞ Vasıla (14, 75, 187, 210, 229) verst (Gen.Pl. < verstä) —> MĞ pörus (56, 114, 176, 188, 189, 215, 229) vedrö ~ vedre (Prep.Sg. < vedrö) - vedro* (dial., non-att.) —> MĞ pädrä (51, 113, 164,220,225) vek^VCvdk* (90, 115, 178,200, 229, 238) *-väk (90, 115, 178, 200, 238) vencât’MĞ * manyat in manyat bol- (41, 114, 152, 160, 176, 214, 227, 234, 241) ~ manyatta- (41, 114, 152, 160, 214, 227, 234, 240) venik MĞ pdnik (52, 114, 156, 196, 209, 225) ~ *banik (52, 114, 196, 209) vest'—> MĞ vast’ (75, 176, 190, 230) v gösti —> LĞ v gosti (90, 167) vilka -> Ğul. vilkd (105, 115, 164, 203, 224) v’jüska —> MĞp’juska (52, 114, 146, 167, 215, 224); Ğul.pjuska (101, 114, 146, 167,215) vnûcek —> MĞ nucuq (46, 115, 126, 152, 177, 178, 198, 208, 228) ~ nücuq (46, 126, 152, 177, 198, 208) ~ nücdk (46, 126, 152, 177, 178, 198, 207) -nucdk (46, 126, 152, 177, 178, 198,207) vnitcka -> MĞ nücqa (46, 115, 126, 152, 162, 198, 228) vojnd —>• MĞ pajna (48, 113, 156, 164, 230) ~ vajna (48, 115, 156, 164) völost’—> Ğul. polas (\4, 102, 114, 176, 189, 206, 228) vör MĞ por (55, 114, 185, 228, 239), porlan- (55,239) vorobejka (dial., dimin. < vorobej) —> Ğul. varabikd (105, 115, 137, 157, 160, 203, 220, 230) voröta - vorotâ (dial.) —> MĞ parata (49, 113, 205, 220, 225) ~ paratta (49, 113, 136, 171,205, 220); Ğul. porota ( 102, 113,205) 265 Part G. Index of Russian etyma vosxiscàlis ’(Past.PL < vosxiscàt sja) —> MC posxiscalis’ (55, 114, 142, 144, 147, 166, 181,214, 234) vôspennik (dial.) —> Cui. pospännik (102, 114, 134, 144, 156, 166, 171, 208, 227) vostôkMC pastok(49, 113, 136, 144, 167, 177, 229) ~ bastok (49, 114) vôt —> MC pot (56, 114, 176, 235) vrac MC vrac (75, 115, 129, 184, 226, 228) vrémja —> LC vrämä (90, 129, 216, 229) vÿska MC pyska (58, 146, 167, 199, 229) vyvod MC *vyvod (75, 176, 224) ~ vyvot* (75, 176) zamôk —> MC samok (60, 116, 177, 201, 225) ~ samoq (60, 177) zäpad —> MC säpat (60, 116, 134, 176, 195,229) zaplôt (dial.) -> MC saplöt* (60, 116, 134, 165, 199, 225) ~ saplot* (60, 116, 134, 165,199) zavédujuscij —> LC zavädusij (90, 116, 138, 147, 149, 157, 171, 187, 212, 228) zavôznja (dial.) —► MC zavosna (76, 116, 144, 161, 216, 225) zdorôvo (arch.) —> MC taröba* ~ türaba* in taröbastyr (14, 68, 126, 148, 197, 204, 206, 228, 235) ~ turabastar (68, 126, 148, 219, 221, 228) zenix ~ zanix (dial.) —► MC izanik (26, 117, 179, 227, 228) ~ izanik (26, 179) ~ zanik (26, 117, 178, 179,218) zrébij ~ zérebej ~ zérbij (dial.) ~ zerebej (arch.) —> Cui. sbärbäj (14, 104, 117, 125, 169,210, 231)