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REVISTA INCLUSIONES ISSN 0719-4706 VOLUMEN 8 – NÚMERO 2 – ABRIL/JUNIO 2021
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BIBLIOTECA UNIVERSIDAD DE CONCEPCIÓN
PH. D. VALERIIA V. GARRIDO REVISTA INCLUSIONES ISSN 0719-4706 VOLUMEN 8 – NÚMERO 2 – ABRIL/JUNIO 2021
ISSN 0719-4706 - Volumen 8 / Número 2 / Abril – Junio 2021 pp. 571-584
CHINESE DRAGON: THE FORMATION OF THE SYMBOL OF IMPERIAL AUTHORITY
Ph. D. Valeriia V. Garrido Center for Comparative Studies of the Northeast Asian Civilization Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Russia ORCID: 0000-0002-6979-0034 [email protected]
Fecha de Recepción: 18 de noviembre de 2020 – Fecha Revisión: 05 de diciembre de 2020 Fecha de Aceptación: 11 de febrero de 2021 – Fecha de Publicación: 01 de abril de 2021
Abstract
This article aims to analyze the formation of the "imperial dragon" symbol in China. Thus, the article solves the following problems: firstly, it demonstrates how the mythological image of the dragon transformed from the heavenly sign into a sign of the will of Heaven, which was necessary for the legitimization of the Chinese emperor’s power. Secondly, it reveals how the ancient texts were using the image of dragon to strengthen the personal authority of the ruler. Thirdly, it examines how the ruling house was using religious cults, in particular, the worshiping of the Dragon King (long wang). The article concludes that the consolidation of the "imperial dragon" symbol was associated with political processes and the need to create a pan-Chinese pantheon of gods and ancestors and systematize various local beliefs and traditions.
Keywords
Chinese dragon – Omen – Imperial symbol
Para Citar este Artículo:
Garrido, Valerii V. Chinese Dragon: the formation of the symbol of Imperial Authority. Revista Inclusiones Vol: 8 num 2 (2021): 571-584.
Licencia Creative Commons Atributtion Nom-Comercial 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC 3.0) Licencia Internacional
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Introduction
The image of the dragon is one of the most influential mythological images in China. Since the end of the Cultural Revolution, the symbol of dragon has also been used in the formation of the national idea of the PRC (People's Republic of China): it is supposed to emphasize the unity and kinship of the entire Chinese nation. Chinese specialists and cultural figures claim that the image of the dragon has existed since the immemorial times and up until the present. At the same time, one can identify several stages of the evolution of the dragon’s image: the symbol of the ethnic group (dragon totem, early beliefs) – the symbol of the emperor – state symbol (the symbol of the country) – the symbol of the Chinese man (national symbol)1.
Moreover, almost all experts pay more attention to the genesis of the dragon’s image, focusing on identifying the origins of the Chinese civilization. Using the image of the dragon, they create a myth about the ancient history of Chinese civilization, continuity of its’ development and the original unity of Chinese people. Chinese researchers present the further development of the dragon’s image quite simply – as a natural, evolutionarily consistent and logical process. They almost do not study the periods of disruption in cultural memory, nor do they study "the specific mechanisms and contexts of interaction through time and space, or ask how the basic features of Chinese identity were transmitted"2. Chinese researchers ignore "the relation of the image of the dragon to social elements and its practice in daily life"3, without which it is impossible to understand, "how and why the dragon took its privileged place in early China"4. As far as I know, at the moment, there are no works that would show how the symbol of the dragon turns from the mythical representation and folk belief into the symbol of the emperor. While this is a very important issue, that, if solved, helps to trace the logic of development of the Chinese culture. Addressing this important issue would help to reveal the logic in the development of the Chinese culture.
Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze the causes and prerequisites for the formation of the imperial symbol of the dragon. The topic is revealed in the field of the memory studies that is currently very relevant: the image of the dragon is approached as an image of the past, consciously reproduced for political purposes by the cultural elite. In particular, this article describes the mechanism of applying ancient myths and popular beliefs to the process of legitimization the ruler's power, strengthening personal authority (the divine origin of the ruler) and gaining people’s support.
Methods
This article is an interdisciplinary work, based on using a comprehensive cultural- philosophical approach. The methodological foundation of this research was shaped by hermeneutics, cultural semiotics and historical psychology.
1 A. Shi, Long-century politics and the image of China 16-20 (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 2014), 219. (in Chinese). 2 G. Shelach-Lavi, Memory, amnesia and the formation of identity symbols in China. Memory and Agency in Ancient China: Shaping the Life History of Objects. 2018. 30. doi:10.1017/9781108560726.003. 3 H. Chen, The Metaphor of the Dragon in Chinese culture (Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2018), 230. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-13787-8_15. 4 H. Chen, The Metaphor of the Dragon in Chinese culture (Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2018), 230. doi:10.1007/978-3-658-13787-8_15.
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This article used the fragments of the ancient Chinese texts mentioning the image of the dragon, as well as archaeological sources with the image of the dragon. The article analyzes them within the context of the latest research on the structure of cultural (social, collective) memory. Taking the image of the dragon, central for Chinese society, as an example, this article demonstrates the dynamics of the cultural and historical memory in China, characterized by the connecting patterns that the society reproduces in particular historical periods. This work approaches the image of the dragon as such a connecting pattern, functioning as the concept of collective identity and shows the mechanism of formation of the "imperial dragon" symbol.
Transformation of the mythological image of the dragon from the heavenly sign into a sign of the will of heaven
Belief in omens has existed in China since the ancient times and stays alive up until the present days. It reflects the ancient Chinese concept of the unity of man and cosmos and their interdependence. They believed that if a man (gender, society) and nature are closely interconnected – they can influence each other, and the changes in one sphere are immediately reflected on another. The image of the Chinese dragon can be considered as such a heavenly sign. Depending on the circumstances, this sign was interpreted in ancient China differently: either as a sign of auspice or, on the contrary, as an omen of disaster5.
Over time, they started to give greater importance to the appearance of signs (including the sign of the dragon): historical and political processes were conceptualized with their help. In this regard, we should mention the ancient Chinese philosopher Zou Yan (336-280 BC), who supposedly systematized and described good and evil omens, and connected religious beliefs with political processes. Zou Yan believed that each element of the wu xing system (the system of five phases or five elements) corresponds to one ruling house, even more, the change of elements causes the change of one dynasty to another and is accompanied by the manifestation of different signs. Thus, the cyclic movement of the wu xing elements explained the sequential change of ruling houses (Table 1).
Dynasty Color Direction Icon / asterism Wu xing element / season Xia black North up Fist / Turtle Pegasus Water / winter Shang white East left Dragon / Scorpius Metal / autumn Zhou red South down Bird / Hydra Fire / Summer
Table 1 The correlation between dynasties and wu xing elements (Pankenier, 2013).
His ideas had great political importance and made a significant impact on some rulers, making it possible to legitimize claims for their dominance in the Middle Kingdom. In particular, his ideas were accepted by Qin Shi Huang (259-210 BC), who managed to unite disparate kingdoms and establish the Qin empire. Referring to the concept of Zou Yan, Qin Shi Huang proclaimed that the element of Water will protect the house of Qin, while it managed to defeat the element of Fire, protecting in the former Zhou dynasty. He also announced that the black dragon captured by Wen-gong was an omen of the rule of the new
5 H. Wang, “The Chinese totem of dragon and the Greek myth of Oedipus: a comparative psychoanalytic study”, International Communication of Chinese Culture num 2(3) (2015): 259-283. doi:10.1007/s40636-015-0025-y.
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Chinese Dragon: the formation of the symbol of Imperial Authority pág. 574 element of Water and, therefore, the beginning of the new empire of Qin. Thus, the image of the Chinese dragon for the first time becomes a legitimate omen, designating the will of Heaven.
During the Han dynasty, the idea of influence of the five elements wu xing on political processes became very widespread – thanks to the philosopher Dong Zhongshu (c. 179- 104 BC). That was, among other things, due to the activities of the Han philosopher Dong Zhongshu (c. 179-104 BC). He managed to systematize the ancient ideas of the interconnection of all things in the Middle Kingdom, and to integrate various beliefs into a unified system of rituals, that served the political goals of unification and stabilization of the dynasty.
Dong Zhongshu formulated the theory of the mutual resonance between Heaven and Man (tian ren ganying 天人感应). According to this theory, the ruler’s activity should be aligned with Heaven (Tian, 天) and regulated by natural forces. The sky was signaling with different omens – good and evil – either about the harmony prevailing in the Celestial Empire, or about the abnormalities happening in the ritual-administrative sphere. At the same time, the ruler was considered to be the messenger of Heaven on earth.
Dong Zhongshu also mentioned the Yellow Dragon (huang long 黄龙) as an omen: it is his appearance that proves the protection of the Han house by the elements of the Earth. Interestingly enough, the sign of the Yellow Dragon appears later – in the times of the emperor Xuan-di (91-49 BC). The reign of Xuan-di is characterized with the increased prosperity of the blossoming country, expansion of the territory, stability of the political course, and the support of Confucianism by the state. The appearance of many good omens in this situation is logical. In particular, Han shu (汉书) reports: "Recently, phoenixes have been going down and sweet dew has been gathering, the Yellow Dragon has risen, sweet spring water has flown, dried-up [herbs] have bloomed, everywhere people have seen wonderful radiance, everywhere have they received good omens"6.
The sign of the Yellow Dragon did not always mean a favorable state of affairs in the country. Sometimes it was deliberately used by the emperors to legitimize power, even in the times of hardship. In particular, the appearance of the sign of the Yellow Dragon was reported twice during the reign of the emperor Chen-di (51-7 BC). At that time the Han dynasty was torn apart by internal contradictions. This, however, did not help to stabilize the situation. People said more and more often that There started rumors that the Han empire had lost the Mandate of Heaven (Tian ming, 天命), and its rulers could no longer have a right to rule.
These ideas inspired Wang Mang (45 BCE, 23 BC), who managed to depose the emperor Liu Ying in the 9th year and declare the foundation of the Xin empire. Relying on the comments of his mentor canonist Liu Xin, Wang Mang argued that the Han dynasty was ruling under the auspices of the Fire element, and after its overthrow the elements changed. He believed that the Earth element should correspond to his new dynasty, and that her color should be Yellow. He also claimed to be the descendant of Huang-di himself. Interestingly enough, the reign of Wang Mang was also marked by the sign of the Yellow Dragon. The dragon, however, appeared in a very unexpected way – he dropped dead in the middle of
6 G. Ban, Han Shu. History of Han Dynasty (Shanghai: 1964) (in Chinese).
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Chinese Dragon: the formation of the symbol of Imperial Authority pág. 575 the Huanshan Palace. It is likely that the supporters of the Han Dynasty, fighting against the new emperor, were expressing their protest in such a metaphorical way.
In general, by the end of the Han Dynasty, such a sign as the appearance of a dragon in the environs of the empire was interpreted differently. Firstly, it could be understood as a good sign during the transition from one dynasty to another. At the same time, the color of the dragon (black, yellow, white, red, azure) and the element that protects it were often mentioned. Secondly, the dragon could be the visible embodiment of harmony in the Celestial Empire, the response of Heaven to the efforts of the emperor. Thirdly, the appearance of the dragon could be interpreted as a confirmation of the legitimacy of the dynasty or the right for power, especially often used in the difficult times, accompanying changes. And, finally, the fight or death of the dragons could express a protest against the actions of the ruler and be a kind of hidden threat or warning.
Refraction of the image of the dragon as a water deity in folk beliefs and religious cults
There are different types of dragons in Chinese mythology (for example, earthly and heavenly), however, most often the dragon is mentioned in connection with the water element. The dragon personified such natural phenomena as river flooding, rain, thunderstorm, lightning, clouds. Of course, the image of the dragon was inextricably connected to the cult of fertility. There are numerous references to different rituals of causing or stopping rain with the help of the dragon’s image, worshiping the deity of the dragon/s, begging for a favorable weather or in attempts to gain a good harvest7.
After the consolidation of many kingdoms into a single Qin dynasty, and then the Han dynasty, there started a process of the unification of religious cults, which "demanded a superior god to integrate the different religions from different lands. Thus, the worship for dragon and emperor was combined"8. With the Han Dynasty, emperors began to position themselves as the embodiment of a dragon. "They thereby received belief and support from the people by borrowing power from the dragons"9: people believed that the emperor was not just a mortal man, but rather the divine son of the dragon. "Meanwhile, dragon also won a more honorable and noble reputation".
Later (during the Sui and Tang dynasties), the beliefs about The Dragon king (long wang 龙王), became widely spread among the people. Supposedly, at the beginning the image of the dragon king arose under the influence of Buddhism, and the term "long wang" itself was a translation of the word "naga" (king of snakes) from the Buddhist texts. Buddhism, which penetrated China in the Han dynasty, was adapted to the realities of Chinese life and mentality. The image of naga was partly similar to the Chinese dragon, however, nobody knew about the king of snakes, and the dragon was known and worshipped by people.
7 Y. Liu, “Cultural differences of Chinese Loong and Western Dragon”, Studies in Literature and Language num 10(3) (2015): 40-43. P. 41. 8 C. Diao; W. Liu; N. Cai; C. Tian y L. Xue, “On two Different Fictional Connotations Between Heterogeneous Natural Languages”. Proceedings of the 2016 International Conference on Education, Management, Computer and Society (2016): 74-77. doi:10.2991/emcs-16.2016.18. 9 C. Diao; W. Liu; N. Cai; C. Tian y L. Xue, “On two Different Fictional Connotations Between Heterogeneous Natural Languages”. Proceedings of the 2016 International Conference on Education, Management, Computer and Society (2016): 74-77. doi:10.2991/emcs-16.2016.18.
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And even though the Buddhist concept of naga and the ancient Chinese beliefs in the dragon were different, the Buddhists borrowed and transformed the image of the Chinese dragon, adding a new layer of meanings to it, in order to popularize and spread their teaching in China. Thus, Buddhists believed that there were eight dragon kings: the dragon king Nanda, the dragon king Upananda, the dragon king Sagara, the dragon king Vasuki, the dragon king Takshaka, the dragon king Anavatapta, the dragon king Manasvin, the dragon king Utpalaka. There were also images of Longnü (龙女) – the daughter of the dragon king Sagara, who managed to achieve Enlightenment in the female incarnation. Probably, the Buddhist ideas about the daughter of the dragon king Sagar and traditions about female water deities related to Long-wang merged in her image. In the Buddhist temples, she was often portrayed as a helper of Guan Yin. Her image was transmitting the idea of the universality of the Buddhist teaching and the possibility of gaining enlightenment by everyone – regardless of gender and age. In the future, the worship of Longnü became widespread among common people.
The image of the Dragon King was refracting and transforming under the influence of the inner Chinese religious movements. Initially, Taoist cults did not have the notion of a dragon king. The dragon was presented as a creature capable of ascending into heaven, as a means of transport for celestial beings calles xian (仙). Supposedly, the one who would be able to go up to the clouds with the help of the dragon will step into the abode of deities, and no hostile power, no evil spirit will dare to stand in his way. And despite the fact that the early Taoists did not deny the importance of the dragon as a water deity, the lord of rains and clouds, they, however did not give it that much importance. Only after Buddhism became widespread in China did the adherents of Taoist cults began to claim their rights for the primary "ownership" of the idea of the Dragon King (Long wang) and started to worship the dragon as a separate deity (Long shen 龙神).
Political support was also an important factor in strengthening the positions of both Buddhist and Taoist schools, thus, there was an ongoing struggle among the adherents of both schools aimed at attracting both princes and the emperor on their side. In addition, religious schools were in competition for the sympathy of people and recognition among the masses. After the Buddhist image of the Dragon King found resonance among people and became widely spread in Chinese culture, the Taoists had to rethink the idea of a dragon. As a result, they put forward several classification schemes:
1) the idea of the dragon kings of the four seas: Ao Guang (敖 广) or, according to another version, Guang-de (广德) – the dragon king of the East Sea; Ao Run (敖闰) or Guang Run (广润) – Dragon King of the West Sea; Ao Qin (敖钦) or Guang-Li (广利) – Dragon King of the South Sea; Ao Shun (敖顺) or Guang-ze (广泽) – Dragon King of the North Sea.
2) the idea of five dragon kings (in accordance with each side of light and five colors): Qing-di (青 帝) or the Green Emperor – the dragon of the eastern side; Chi-di (赤帝) or the Red Emperor – dragon of the southern side; Bai-di (白帝) or the White Emperor – dragon of the western side; Hei-di (帝) or the Black Emperor – dragon of the northern side; Huang-di (黄帝) or the Yellow Emperor is the dragon of the center.
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3) the idea of 54 dragon kings (in accordance with the ancient Chinese cosmogony): the dragon king of the Sun and the Moon, the dragon king of the constellations, the dragon king of the Heavenly Palace, the dragon king of five sacred peaks, the dragon king of the mountains and the seas, the dragon king of the wells and the hearth, etc.
In addition to the above, there were other Taoist classifications of dragon kings. Despite the fact that in ancient times there were ideas about the divine essence of the dragon, it never happenned before that he was given so much attention. It was in Taoism that the dragon had a new function of protecting earth and heaven and became a deity everywhere – both in Heaven and on Earth: in four seas, in all reservoirs (rivers and lakes), on five sides of light, on 38 mountains. Finally, the Taoist classifications of the dragon kings were more widely used than the Buddhist ones, since they corresponded to ancient Chinese ideas and were in harmony with the aspirations of the Chinese people.
In general, as a result of the rivalry between the schools of Buddhism and Taoism, the traditional image of the dragon was refracted, went through transformations and acquired new meanings and dimensions. Various popularizations of Long-wang by Buddhists and Taoists contributed to the establishment of this image in popular beliefs and led to the widespread cult of the dragon king. According to popular beliefs, the dragon became the lord of all elements, to whom the gods of thunder, lightning, rain and wind obeyed, while the dragon was not only able to send the long-awaited rain and withdraw the drought, but also extinguish fire, relieve disease, promote at work, award with long living and even make a person immortal.
The image of Long-wang in folk beliefs intersected with the image of the emperor: people worshiped the dragon as a deity of water and heaven, and the emperor was respected equally. People believed that the emperor was the embodiment of a dragon. "The emperor's children were called the offspring of the dragon. The emperor's clothes were called dragon robes. The palace where the emperor lived was called the dragon palace"10. Such popular beliefs were beneficial to the imperial house and were often used by the ruling house to legitimize their power. Often, the emperor performed rituals and prayers to the dragon personally so that he would send rain in dry seasons. During the Tang dynasty there was established a whole system of worship and sacrifice to five dragon kings.
Remythologization of ancient times and the use of the dragon’s image for political purposes
During the Han Dynasty the emperor started to be perceived (and positioned himself as well) not just as a mortal man, but rather as a creature endowed with magical powers, the son of Heaven and the true dragon (zhenlong tianzi, 真龙天子). It is not surprising, therefore, that unusual details of the appearance, stories about miraculous conception or birth were found in the description of the emperors.
Such descriptions started to appear at the very beginning of the Han Dynasty. Sima Qian talks about the conception of Liu Ban (256 or 247-195 BC), the founder of the Han Empire, in the following way: "At some point Liu Ao was having a rest on the slope near the big lake and saw a dream that she met the spirit. At this time, thunder roared, lightning flashed and it got dark. When Tai-gong went out to look where his wife was, he saw a scaly
10 T. Shen, Recognition of symbols in different cultures: Chinese culture vs. non-Chinese culture. Iowa State University. 2017. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/15420 (in Chinese).
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Chinese Dragon: the formation of the symbol of Imperial Authority pág. 578 dragon above her. After a while, she got pregnant, and then gave birth to the [future] Gao- zu"11. In addition to that, Sima Qian reports that Liu Ban himself was “a man with a large nose and a dragon-like face, with a long mustache and beard, on his left thigh he had seventy-two birthmarks”12.
This story intersects with stories about the unusual appearance and wonderful birth of the legendary rulers of the ancient times. In this way, Sima Qian "tried to keep the legend to convey the supernatural character of the son of Heaven"13. It was necessary for Sima Qiang to show that Heaven itself protected the rise of the Han ruler: in case of Liu Ban, who came from a peasant family, the myth about his divine birth gave him the right and legitimacy for power.
Sima Qian gives a lot of other evidence in favor of the Heaven’s "sympathy" to the future emperor Liu Ban. So, when he was still an official of Si shui region, he often screwed around and drank, and after he got drunk and was falling asleep, people saw a dragon above him14. In addition to that, people often saw evaporations over him that were only typical for the Son of Heaven, and were also a good omen, indicating the exclusivity of the future emperor15.
Sima Qian16 also writes that once, after drinking, Liu Bang cut down a large snake that blocked his way. It turned out that the big snake was the son of the White Emperor (Bai- di). And Liu Bang, who stabbed her, was called the son of the Red Emperor (Chi-di). A contemporary researcher of the Chinese dragon culture Wang Liquan comments on this as follows: "This is a story made up by Liu Bang. Its goal was to influence the public opinion and show to the people that Liu Bang will be the emperor"17.
At that time, the theory of the interchangeable overcoming of the five elements was popular, according to which fire (red) defeats metal, metal (white) defeats wood, wood (green/azure) defeats earth, earth (yellow) defeats water, and water (black) defeats fire, and this circle is endless (Figure 1).
By analogy, this theory justified the rise and decline of the dynasties. "Qin Xian-gong believed that the prince of Qin was protected by the element of metal, and therefore worshiped the White Emperor. It was only the son of the Red Emperor, protected by the fire element, who could defeat Qin and become an emperor"18.
11 S. Qian, Historical records (Shi ji) (Moscow: Eastern Literature, 2003), 157. 12 S. Qian, Historical records (Shi ji) (Moscow: Eastern Literature, 2003), 157. 13 Y. Wong, “Humanism in traditional Chinese historiography - with special reference to the Grand Historian Sima Qian”, Taiwan Journal of East Asian Studies num 11(2) (2014): 1-24. 14 S. Qian, Historical records (Shi ji) (Moscow: Eastern Literature, 2003), 157. 15 S. Qian, Historical records (Shi ji) (Moscow: Eastern Literature, 2003), 161. 16 S. Qian, Historical records (Shi ji) (Moscow: Eastern Literature, 2003), 161. 17 L. Wang, Zhong hua long wen hua de qi yuan yu yan bian (Beijing: Qi xiang chu ban she, 2010), 153. (in Chinese). 18 L. Wang, Zhong hua long wen hua de qi yuan yu yan bian (Beijing: Qi xiang chu ban she, 2010, 153. (in Chinese).
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Figure 1 The relationships of mutual generation and mutual restraint among the Five Elements19.
It is interesting to note that after this theory spread among people, the image of the red snake (dragon) has become an extremely popular symbol of well-being. On the monuments of material culture of the Western Han dynasty one can often see the image of a serpentine dragon: "Based on the body of a snake, added to it the features of animals, such as the claws of tiger, the tail of lizard, the wings of phoenix and the scale of fish, a realistic as well as visional figure was created. And the combination of cloud and waves made it even more heroic and bold"20. In general, all the magical stories associated with Liu Ban were called to deify him, to show him as "the son of a real dragon", a ruler with unconditional (divine) rights for power.
Since the myth of the miraculous birth of Liu Bang turned out to be an excellent way to legitimize his power and became widespread and popular among people – many rulers began to turn to this story and created new legends about their own miraculous birth on its basis. For example, Sima Qian talks about the concubine Bo: after meeting with Gao Zu she had a dream in which the Blue Dragon was placed near to her body. The result was the birth of a boy, Liu Heng, who first became the ruler of the Dai state, and later the Han emperor, known as Xiaowen-di or briefly Wen-di (202-157 BC)21.
The birth of Emperor Wu-di was also unusual (Wu-di, personal name of Liu Che, 156-87 BC). According to "Han Wu-di Nei Zhuan", before Wu-di was born, his father had a dream that a red dragon descended from the clouds. "The sovereign woke up and sat straight on his bed – indeed, there was a red dragon at the steps of the chambers, and the dense clouds surrounding him, covered the doors and windows of the palace like fog"22. The wives of the emperor also saw "as if the red dawn begun" over the chambers and "as soon as the glow of light had dissipated, they saw the Red Dragon that circled among the
19 X. L. Zhu, “The evolvement and development of Chinese Dragon”, Cross-Cultural Communication num 11(3) (2015): 95-100. 20 X. L. Zhu, “The evolvement and development of Chinese Dragon”. Cross-Cultural Communication num 11(3) (2015): 95-100. 21 S. Qian, Historical records (Shi ji) (Moscow: Eastern Literature, 1992). 22 K. I. Golygina, Unofficial biography of the Han Wu-di, the sovereign of the Warlike (Han Wu-di nei zhuan) (Moscow: Oriental literature, 1994), 331.
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Chinese Dragon: the formation of the symbol of Imperial Authority pág. 580 beams"23. This was interpreted as a happy omen, that promised the birth of a great man. And indeed, after some time, Wu-di was born. Interestingly, the birth of the Han emperor, Guang Wu-di (5 BC-57 AD), is also described in a similar way: at the moment of his birth the red light illuminated the chambers24.
In the later periods, the image of the dragon was still used by the emperors. For example, the appearance of Emperor Wen-di (personal name Yang Jian, 541-604), the founder of the Sui dynasty, is described unusually. He looked like a dragon, there were horns on his head, his whole body was covered with scales. In "Sui shu" (隋书) it is said that in 588, the emperor Wen-di appointed his son as a commander-in-chief and sent a large army with a punitive expedition against the Chen Dynasty across the sea. When the boats with the troops went east, dozens of sacred dragons appeared immediately, jumping out of the water and showing the boats the way to the city of Jiankang (Nanjing) the capital of the Chen Dynasty. When the boats anchored, the dragons also stopped; when the boats started to move again, the dragons raced alongside. And so it went on for three days, and all the troops saw this25. Thus, the historical event of the fall of the Chen dynasty and the transfer of power to the Sui dynasty was accompanied by the heavenly sign – the appearance of dragons, and this certainly indicated the will of Heaven, and gave Emperor Wen-di the right for power. The image of the dragon was functioning as a way to legitimize imperial power.
Starting with the Han Dynasty, the image of the dragon was also present in the reigning motto nian hao (年号) – a symbolic expression indicating the period of the emperor's reign. Initially, the Chinese emperor could change his reigning motto according to his will. Most often this was due to the appearance of the good signs (for example, dragons and phoenixes) confirming the harmonious development of society, or, on the opposite, during social and natural disasters in order to obtain a heavenly response. Later on (starting with the Ming dynasty), the emperor could only choose one motto of the reign, which should have indicated the stability of his rule and resistance to various disasters.
It is interesting to consider several cases of adoption or change of the motto of government associated with the image of the dragon. The emperor of Western Han dynasty Xuan-di (49 BC. e.) in relation to the appearance of the dragons adopted the motto "Yellow dragon" (Huang long)26. Sun Quan, the ruler of the Wu kingdom during the period of the Three Kingdoms, also adopted the "Yellow Dragon" as the motto of the reign in connection with the appearance of this good omen. Cao Rui, the second ruler of the Wei state of the Three Kingdoms era, chose the motto "Azure Dragon" (Qing long). Interestingly, the same motto was chosen by Shi Jian, the ruler of the Later Zhao state, who came to power after the death of his father, Shi Hu, as a result of the struggle for the throne between brothers.
At the beginning of his reign, Lu Guang, the founder of the Later Liang kingdom, adopted the motto "Great Calm" (太安). Then, in connection with the appearance of qilin
23 K. I. Golygina, Unofficial biography of the Han Wu-di, the sovereign of the Warlike (Han Wu-di nei zhuan) (Moscow: Oriental literature, 1994), 331. 24 Chinese Text Project. Guangwu-di ji [Annaly pravleniya (letopis' deyanij) imperatora Guangwu-di]. 2006. https://ctext.org/hou-han-shu/guang-wu-di-ji-xia (in Chinese). 25 L. Wang, Zhong hua long wen hua de qi yuan yu yan bian (Beijing: Qi xiang chu ban she, 2010), 154. (in Chinese). 26 L. Wang, Zhong hua long wen hua de qi yuan yu yan bian (Beijing: Qi xiang chu ban she, 2010), 155. (in Chinese).
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(unicorn) in the kingdom, he changed the motto to "A happy harbinger of qilin", and seven years later he changed the motto of rule to the "Dragon's Take Off" (龙飞), and began to call himself the Heavenly Ruler (天王)27. Helian Bobo, a ruler of the Xia kingdom, called himself the Heavenly Ruler and the Great Khan (天王大单于). For the motto of his reign, he chose the phrase "Exaltation of the Dragon" (龙升). The image of a flying dragon symbolically meant the ascension of the ruler to the throne. Emperor Gao-zong of the Tang dynasty changed the motto of his reign 14 times; and on the third time he chose "The Appearance of the Dragon" (龙朔), because many people claimed to have seen the dragon. His wife Wu Zetian, having become a ruler, also changed the motto of the reign many times. In 705, she chose the motto "Sacred Dragon" (神龙), which turned out to be her last one; in the same year, the empress died. After her death, her son Zhong-zong became the emperor, who reigned in 705-707 under the former motto "Sacred Dragon", and in 707-710 under the motto "Annunciation Dragon" (景龙).
In 907, the Chinese general Zhu Wen overthrew the last emperor of the Tang Dynasty and founded the new dynasty of the Later Liang, which marked the beginning of the era of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. The last emperor of this dynasty was Mo-di (921-923), who ruled under the motto "De (virtue) of the Dragon" (龙德). “Dragon and Phoenix,” two Chinese characters, became the motto of Han Lin'er, head of the insurgent state of Song (大宋), that emerged as a result of the anti-Mongol uprising (1351- 1363)28. One can already see from the examples that the image of the dragon was used by many emperors during the selection and establishment of the motto of their reign. Moreover, the meaning and significance of the image varied. First of all, this could be interpreted as a good sign that appeared in the vicinity of an empire or kingdom; as a sign of the will and help of Heaven during the ascension of the emperor to the throne; as the deification of the emperor (in the case, for example, with the mottos of the Yellow, Sacred or Annunciation dragon) or the praise of his merits (as in the case of the motto "Dragon Virtue").
Conclusion
Starting from the Han Empire, the image of the dragon was adopted as a symbol of the emperor more and more often. In particular, it was used to describe the unusual conception, birth or appearance of the ruler. Of course, this technique was used to legitimize power and gain popular support, in order to show that the rulers were not mere mortals, but rather semi-divine beings, who were different from people with their wonderful origin, appearance and powers that heaven itself endowed them with. Such ideas about emperors were based on the ancient beliefs and myths about the perfect wise rulers of the ancient times. "Five Emperors in the antediluvian period – the Emperor Huang, Zhuan Xu, Di Ku, Tang Yao and Yu Shun all had links with dragon"29. So, during the reign of Huang-di, everything was in harmony, the phoenixes were going down to the ground, unicorns roamed
27 L. Wang, Zhong hua long wen hua de qi yuan yu yan bian (Beijing: Qi xiang chu ban she, 2010), 155. (in Chinese). 28 L. Wang, Zhong hua long wen hua de qi yuan yu yan bian (Beijing: Qi xiang chu ban she, 2010), 156. (in Chinese). 29 H. Yan; X. Chen y W. Chen, “Chinese and American cultural differences reflected by their totems: Chinese Dragon and American Eagle”, Creative Education num 9(13) (2018): 1945-1956. doi:10.4236/ce.2018.913142.
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Chinese Dragon: the formation of the symbol of Imperial Authority pág. 582 in the suburbs, and the blue dragon was harnessed to the yoke. During the reign of Yao, the dragon lived in the imperial pond, which was one of ten lucky omens, and during the reign of Shun, dragons were carefully reared. Gradually, the dragon and the phoenix, which supposedly appeared during the reign of the legendary ancient rulers, started to be considered as the good omens manifesting the will of Heaven. Moreover, the image of the dragon was used more and more often for political purposes to justify the legality of the emperor’s actions.
It is worthwhile to mention that a distinctive feature of the Han era is the remythologization of the ancient times. The Han emperor thought of himself and presented himself as the perfect wise ancient ruler, which was manifested not only in the description of the unusual conception, birth or appearance of the emperor, but was also reflected in the imperial costume: the emperor’s clothes were replicating the robes of rulers of the earlier epochs. In particular, in Eastern Han dynasty, Emperor Min-di, influenced by the ideas of Confucius about the proper government, decided to restore the clothing based on the model of the Zhou dynasty30. Moreover, in the Han era, many emperors began to collect ancient artifacts – jade objects that quickly became the symbols of imperial power31.
Turning to the ancient times was probably natural for all periods of the ancient Chinese history, however, it was from the Han time that ancient myths were actively systematized, studied and canonized, and began to be used to understand what was happening in the present, and became the starting point for the legitimization of certain political processes. The myths themselves and mythological images (in particular, the image of the dragon) did not just appear in the text, but they were rather modified and adjusted to the realities of modernity: their goal was to identify an important event in the past and repeat or imitate it in the present.
The mythological image of the dragon was refracted not only in the political, but also in the religious sphere of the ancient China. So, for example, the image of the Dragon King, being initially only a translation of the Buddhist concept of "Naga", was developed in Buddhist and Taoist schools, adopted new meanings and as a result became extremely popular among the people. The cult of Long-wang resulted in the spread of construction of the local temples of dragon kings, prayer places for the god of the seas (long-wang miao 龙 王庙). During the long drought, the peasants went to the dragon king temple, worshiped him, prayed for rain and made sacrifices. If the dragon did not show kindness and did not respond to the requests of people, then its image or statue was taken out to the street, as if showing Long-wang the scope of the disaster it inflicted, and was left under the scorching rays of the sun until it was raining. Conversely, when the rivers flooded and the rains did not stop, the statue of the Dragon King was drowned in a pond. To win the favor of the dragon, to thank him or to pray for a rich harvest, there were special rituals involving the emperor, who was considered to be the son of Heaven and the embodiment of the divine dragon. The cult of Long-wang, thus, turned out to be beneficial for the ruling house, that contributed to an even greater approval of this image in folk beliefs and in folklore.
30 L. Wang, Zhong hua long wen hua de qi yuan yu yan bian (Beijing: Qi xiang chu ban she, 2010), 160. (in Chinese). 31 R. O. Lopes, “Securing the harmony between the High and the Low: power animals and symbols of political authority in ancient Chinese jades and bronzes”, Asian Perspectives num 53(2) (2014): 195-225. doi:10.1353/asi.2014.0019.
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In general, it was during the imperial period (the Qin and Han dynasties) that the mythological image of the dragon was unified and transformed, and its image became canonical. This was due to political processes, the need to create a pan-Chinese pantheon of gods and ancestors, the systematization of various local beliefs and traditions. From the end of the Han Dynasty, the image of the dragon begins to be associated with the emperor and later on establishes itself as the main imperial symbol, while faith in the dragon does not only stay alive, but also becomes one of the most important elements of state policy and ideology.
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PH. D. VALERIIA V. GARRIDO