TE AHI I TE AO MÄORI

Mäori use of fi re: Traditional use of fi re to inform current and future fi re management in New Zealand

Grace Aroha Stone* E. R. (Lisa) Langer†

Abstract

This paper is the result of a research study of historical knowledge on the use of fi re by Mäori gathered from published literature and körero with kaumätua. It also explores the effects of fi re on the landscape of Aotearoa New Zealand and traditional use of fi re by rural Mäori com- munities. Some of the oral history of Mäori was recorded by early European settlers who lived amongst iwi to document the people and life that once existed in early Aotearoa. These are important documents held in New Zealand as archival treasures. Körero with kaumätua in the eastern Bay of Plenty adds to this by drawing on their personal experiences. The events of the past, both written and oral, reveal pertinent background understanding. This will assist with and guide the design of some practical solutions to age- old issues regarding the use of fi re and to prevent further wildfi res in the future.

Keywords

te ahi, fi re, Mäori, traditional, rural

Introduction contributing to both. Fire was an essential part of everyday life for those living in early rural New Zealand’s landscape and history have New Zealand. Signifi cant Aotearoa literature, been shaped by fi re with Mäori and Europeans such as Te Ao Hou and the Journal of the

* Ngäti Tüwharetoa. Mäori intern student, Scion, Rotorua, New Zealand. † Senior Scientist, Scion, Christchurch, New Zealand. Email: [email protected] 16 G. A. STONE & E. R. LANGER

Polynesian Society, record details of a number one of the fi ve fi re children of Mahuika. Toiti, of important studies during the 19th century the surviving offspring, was personifi ed in the that have captured examples of how Mäori and form of the kaikömako (Pennantia corymbosa) Europeans used fi re in New Zealand. tree (Best, 1924a). This paper attempts to explore the relation- Mäori associated fi re with time and place ship between Mäori and te ahi, and their use as well as related concepts such as “ahi kä”, of fi re as a primary resource and tool. It draws which translates to “keeping the ancestral fi res together separate elements of historical knowl- burning” (“ahi kä”, n.d.). This was done by edge to give a better perspective on Mäori use proving a sustained relationship with the land of fi re and provides an introduction to under- through the use of whakapapa that connected standing traditional use of fi re by undertaking back to primary ancestors who lived on the three case studies with kaumätua. The rationale land in a specifi c location or area. The Mäori for this approach is based on the premise that word “ahiahi” is translated to mean “evening” mätauranga Mäori is a useful source of rel- as derived from the word “ahi”, since evening evant knowledge, information and data that was the time when fi res were lit (“ahiahi”, n.d.). can be used to inform scientifi c understand- The published works of Elsdon Best provide ing (Ripeka Mercier, Stevens, & Toia, 2012). detailed accounts of the cultural use of fi re, Retracing the past of our tipuna will aid in its purpose, and its relationship within te ao the understanding necessary to design strate- Mäori during the early 1900s. Best described gies to assist in reducing future wildfi res, and how Mäori had an utmost respect of fi re, and hence protect and conserve our future forests considered it as being the most tapu of all the and natural landscape. The aim of the paper is, four natural elements (others being water, air therefore, to provide background understand- and earth) in the natural world. Best (1924b, ing on the traditional use of fi re and some Mäori p. 155) determined that “Mäori had a great perspectives on Mäori use of fi re to assist in respect for fi re, and spoke of it as a parent of informing rural fi re authorities to undertake man as he did of a house”. This was described their responsibilities. by the old aphorism “He mata ahi, he mata tangata”, which means “that the fi re parent and human parent are equally useful to man”. Mäori fi re culture origins Many religious ceremonies involved the kin- dling of special ritual fi res. Each ritual required Mäori had an established fi re culture with asso- that a new fi re be generated. The area where a ciated belief systems and rules surrounding sacred fi re had been kindled was very tapu, until the sacredness of fi re and its uses before they it had been made tapu noa or “made common” arrived in Aotearoa. As part of Mäori culture, by a tohunga. Sacred fi res were associated with fi re was embedded in kawa and tikanga and the tohunga and the tapu of the tüähu, a sacred was paramount to the preservation of Mäori place for ritual practices by a tohunga. cultural practices and methods, as well as to safeguard the survival of an indigenous cul- ture. In Mäori mythology, the creation of fi re Effect of Mäori use of fi re on the stems from Au-ahi- turoa, one of the sons of landscape Tama- nui- te- Ra (sun god). Au- ahi- turoa came down from the heavens to earth and married Much of New Zealand was covered in native Mahuika (fi re conserver), the youngest sister of forest when the fi rst Mäori Polynesians arrived Hine- nui- i- te po (goddess of the underworld). around 1280 AD (Perry, Wilmshurst, & A legend describes how Maui destroyed all but McGlone, 2014). Tussock grasses dominated

MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 4, ISSUE 1, 2015 TE AHI I TE AO MÄORI 17 the fl atlands while damper districts were cov- (resulting in the expansion of grasslands ered with bracken fern (Pteridium esculentum) (Hobbs et al., 2006) and processes; for exam- and mänuka (Leptospermum scoparium) scrub. ple, the pastoral use of fire since European This densely vegetated terrain made travel dif- arrival (O’Connor, 1984). A recent review fi cult for both people and animals, and Mäori by Christianson (2014) has also noted simi- resorted to the simple device of “burning their lar effects in other countries colonised by way into and through the country” (Rollo, Europeans. 1994, p. 22). Burning areas to clear land for cultivation and residency was also necessary. In pre- European times, Mäori did not possess Mäori use of fi re as a tool adequate wood-cutting tools; therefore fire was their principal tool for clearing land. This Food collection, storage and cooking method was known as “häpai tü” and included the removal of all timber by fi re (Best, 1924b). Fire was used as a hunting tool to deprive wild There is debate in the international literature game of forest or scrub cover, or to drive them about the early human impacts on Aotearoa out. This also aided growth of new understo- (Perry et al., 2014), and ethnographical rey plants such as bracken fern and grasses accounts of fi re usage by various cultures are (Guild & Dudfield, 2009) as well as clear- growing (Huffman, 2013). Fires ignited by ing land for agricultural cultivation of crops lightning strikes were a key factor in shaping such as kümara (Ipomoea batatas) in mära kai the vegetation cover prior to human habitation (Simmons, 1969). The process for clearing land (Ogden, Basher, & McGlone, 1998). However, to grow kümara was known as “swiddening”. It once people arrived, the key agent in forest involved burning the forest edges and planting loss was the introduction of human- lit fi res. kümara in the ashes (Taylor & Smith, 1997). Many woody ecosystems were highly suscepti- Mäori also dug semi-subterranean rua ble to fi re as they had previously been exposed whakaahu to store kümara seed tubers (Tapsell, to few sources of ignition. Evidence of early 1941). In colder areas, to aid and stimulate human fi re activity indicates that forest loss growth, the shallow pits were hollowed out, was rapid and intense (McWethy et al., 2010; then warm fi re embers were added and cov- Perry, Wilmshurst, McGlone, McWethy, & ered over with soil. This took place before the Whitlock, 2012; Perry, Wilmshurst, McGlone, pits were lined with dry fern, layers of tubers, & Napier, 2012). Human actions also increased more fern, and fi nally covered with earth and the frequency of wildfi res. As Perry et al. (2014, left for three weeks or more. This process was p. 157) explained: necessary to ensure sprouting. The kümara had a pest, a large caterpillar, that Mäori called The greatly increased fi re activity that accompa- hötete. This pest appeared in great numbers nied human settlement resulted in widespread, on the kümara plants and Mäori collected and in some cases permanent, shifts in the and burned them. They also made smoulder- composition, structure and function of many ing fi res in their cultivations on which were terrestrial ecosystems. The combined effects of burned leaves of the kawakawa (Macropiper Mäori and European fi re have left long-lasting excelsum).The resulting smoke is said to have legacies in New Zealand’s landscapes with the destroyed the caterpillars (Best, 1941). most obvious being the reduction of forest The hängï is a traditional method of cooking cover from 85–90% to 25% of the land area. (Phillipps, 1956). To make a hängï, a pit is dug in the ground and large logs are stacked high These effects have fl owed on to other ecosystems and specially selected stones are placed on top

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and a fi re is lit. These stones can reach tem- fi re, thereby hardening or assisting it to bend peratures of up to 1,100 °C and are ready for (Bennett, 1956; Downes, 1928). use when they turn “white hot”. These stones (andesite boulders; Flowers, 2012), which will Production and handling of fi re not easily crack with heat, were referred to as taikowhatu. The wood ashes are removed “Te hika ahi”, or the fire plough as known and the rocks are left to form the basis of the by ethnographers (Best, 1924a), was a tool hängï. Food is then placed on top of the rocks in used by Mäori for rubbing two pieces of wood rourou. Water is poured onto the rocks to form together to produce fire. Te hika or kaiko- steam and the entire rourou is then covered with hure was rubbed in a groove formed in a lower cloth and leaves. The entire cooking process piece of wood (kauahi or kaunoti) until smoke, takes about three hours. The umu differed from red embers and then fi re would appear. Dried the hängï in that no stones were used to cook bracken fungus (Polyporus spp.) was the cus- the food. The food was cooked in cast iron pots tomary material used to help ignite the friction. and placed directly on the hot embers. The woods most suitable for this purpose were kaikömako, makomako (Aristotelia serrata) Maori– transport/weapons and mähoe (Melicytus ramifl orus) (Phillipps, 1956). Kaikömako, mähoe, tötara, patatë The traditional process of making a waka (Schefflera digitata) and pukatea (Laurelia included the selection, access and removal of a novae-zelandiae ) were seen as the guardian suitable tree trunk, which required the obser- trees of fi re (Best, 1924a). vance of rituals and ceremonies. A tötara tree Mäori not only carried fi re- generating appa- (Podocarpus totara) would have been selected ratus when travelling, but they often carried and prepared years before felling. Tötara was live fire by procuring some dry material of the preferred wood, due to its high oil con- slow combustion that would smoulder but not tent and light weight (Best, 1925). Karakia burst into flame. The most commonly used and incantations would be said, and felling were harakeke (Phormium tenax) and bracken would take place through a combination of fungus (Best, 1927). Mäori also made rama fi res around the base of the tree and chopping from amoka of the tötara tree, dried leaves with handheld adzes. When the fi re had charred of cabbage trees (Cordyline australis), or res- the wood to the depth of 2 to 3 cm or less, it inous wood such as mäpara from kahikatea was removed and the charred surface chipped (Dacrycarpus dacrydioides) trees and titaki. off with adzes, and this process continued until The form was a “cigar shaped” torch that was the trunk was severed. The hollowing out of a saturated with piro or kato, the fat from young dugout canoe hull was a similar process to the mutton birds. The rama was used for night felling, except done using rows of small fi res hunting, setting fi re to vegetation and agricul- that were kindled along the trunk as far as the tural purposes (Phillipps, 1953). riu was to extend. After the burning, fi re was removed and the charred wood chipped away with stone adzes, the fire rekindled and the Effect of European use of fi re on the process repeated. environment Fire was also used to harden and aid the bending of wood; for example, in the case of The arrival of the first European settlers in making taiaha and patu or in shaping bark the 1800s accelerated the use of fi re to clear pätua for carrying water or preserving food. native forest in New Zealand. Kauri (Agathis The wood or bark was heated with a glowing australis) gum diggers alone burned large areas

MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 4, ISSUE 1, 2015 TE AHI I TE AO MÄORI 19 of kauri forest to clear land (Colenso, 1868; under controlled circumstances) in most areas Lloyd, 1979, in Steward & Beveridge, 2010; of New Zealand. It is used for farming prac- von Hochstetter, 1867), which led to an esti- tices, such as the clearance of crop residues mated 70% reduction in the kauri resource and woody weed vegetation and stimulating by 1873 (Masters et al., 1955, in Steward & pasture growth (Aspinall, 2001), as it is one of Beveridge, 2010). the most cost- effective tools available to land- Mäori customs and practices were affected owners. However, escaped land-clearing burns by the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. were the most common cause of wildfi res with Subsequent government legislation (Forests Act known causes, accounting for 20% of the total 1874–1949, followed by the Forest and Rural number of rural fi res and almost half the area Fires Act 1947 and its revisions of 1955 and burned from 1991 to 2007 (Anderson, Doherty, 1977) has had a crucial impact on the regulation & Pearce, 2008). In general, the use of fi re to of fi re use. In addition, fi re regulation is cov- clear land is considered a high risk and can be ered by other legislation such as the Resource costly to extinguish if it gets out of control. For Management Act 1991 (hazard identifi cation example, fi re is no longer considered an accept- and smoke discharge; sections 5 and 15); Local able management option on Department of Government Act 2002 (removal of scrub and Conservation-administered land because of risk so forth likely to constitute a fi re hazard; sec- concerns (Gous, Raal, & Watt, 2014). There tion 183); and the Conservation Act 1987 (the are numerous examples of wildfi res damaging Department of Conservation must perform rural land, and sometimes forest and dwellings, the functions conferred on it by the Forest and every year. Therefore rural fi re authorities rou- Rural Fires Act; section 6[g]). tinely impose restrictions and bans to reduce Significant fires occurred following the the risk of uncontrolled fi res, and attempt to arrival of European settlers. Up until 1987, at communicate messages to landowners and rec- least one major forest fi re (> 500 ha) occurred reational users to use fi re carefully to limit the nationally each decade within exotic and indig- number of wildfi res. enous forest, with a loss of 40,000 ha of exotic Rural fi re authorities will benefi t from an forest plantations since 1946 (Pearce, Cameron, increased understanding of past and present Anderson, & Dudfi eld, 2008). The Department use of fi re by Mäori. This will aid their work of Conservation has estimated that between with rural communities to increase awareness 1965 and 1985 a total of 1,629 fi res burned a of the risk of wildfi res and to design strategies total of 80,000 ha of indigenous forest (Forest to communicate safe controlled use of fi re more and Rural Fires Association of New Zealand, effectively, thereby minimising the chances of 2012). future wildfi re events. Signifi cant areas of rural Today the National Rural Fire Authority land are in Mäori ownership or management, has the responsibility for coordinating fire and this area is increasing as a result of Treaty control in New Zealand’s forest and rural settlements and Mäori economic development. areas as determined by the Forest and Rural It is important that rural fi re authorities appre- Fire Act 1977. Rural fire authorities carry ciate Mäori perspectives on land management, out operational fire control and other rural and the role of fi re in this, so that they can work fire management activities throughout New effectively with Mäori landowners to protect Zealand, including mitigation of human-caused the rural environment, forest and other assets, fi res and education of communities in the safe and continue to maintain the use of fi re as an use of fi re and preparedness in case they are effective tool. threatened by wildfi res in the future. Fire is still used as a land management tool (but only

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Case study kaupapa Mäori theory websites was undertaken as part of the meth- approach odology adopted. Kanohi ki te kanohi was the preferred method for the interviews with Three case studies with kaumätua körero were kaumätua. conducted to gather relevant information on Traditionally, knowledge is not universally the historical knowledge of Mäori fi re use in available; rather, it is entrusted to chosen indi- rural communities. viduals who ensure its accurate transmission The theoretical approach of kaupapa Mäori and appropriate use for the good of the people was considered appropriate in the case studies as (Makareti, 1986; Mead, 2003; Smith, 1999). it is aligned within te ao Mäori me ngä tikanga. A Hence, three kaumätua living in surround- key element in the discussion of kaupapa Mäori ing areas of the eastern Bay of Plenty were is the centrality of “te reo me ona tikanga” and approached to partake in this research to initi- kaupapa Mäori ethics demand that the mana ate the understanding of Mäori use of fi re. The of the relationship is maintained. Relationships kaumätua were offered to sign a written consent involve research or consultation and extend form to participate in the research (although beyond the individual researchers or facilitators one kaumätua did not want to sign the form, and participants. This process includes taking he did agree to the interview). The interviews the time to allow prospective participants to were conducted in the chosen surroundings of explore the ähua of the research or facilitator, each kaumätua, refl ecting their life experiences being fl exible, and allowing individuals and and knowledge passed down from their tipuna. groups to choose or select their own partici- A tono was prepared indicating where they pants in the process. In addition, it follows the felt most comfortable. The intention, purpose appropriate protocols, including acceptance of and sponsors of the project were explained to manaakitanga and being prepared to be ques- each kaumätua. Part of each interview was tioned and challenged at times. Researchers and conducted by providing 10 structured questions facilitators need to follow the kawa of the “home that were designed to generate open discussion people”; that is, the participants (Milne, 2005). about their knowledge and experience with Nepe (1991) described the “conceptualisa- fi re from a personal and whänau perspective. tion of Mäori knowledge” as being developed The kaumätua who participated considered it through oral tradition. It is the process by which a privilege and great opportunity to be asked the Mäori mind receives, internalises, differ- to share their knowledge and experiences with entiates and formulates ideas and knowledge others. They gave körero in both te reo Mäori exclusively through te reo Mäori and is “tüturu and English to best express and give true con- Mäori”. It is knowledge that validates a Mäori text to the meaning of their körero. worldview, and is owned and controlled by Mäori. Underpinning these guiding principles, there is an unwritten lore where discretion is Case study results given to those who seek knowledge by those who give the knowledge. Three case studies were conducted with kaumä- tua from the areas of Te Urewera and Tarawera Forest, located in the eastern Bay of Plenty. Case study methodology—kanohi ki These areas have signifi cant historical meaning te kanohi to iwi and were aptly named due to historical events that occurred (each place name ends in A detailed examination of existing documented “wera”). The kaumätua expressed historical material in books, published journals and knowledge and traditional use of fire from

MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 4, ISSUE 1, 2015 TE AHI I TE AO MÄORI 21 their life experiences growing up in rural Mäori threaten the forest, if a fi re were to be caused communities. Their contribution was a primary by human activity. When asked what would be input into this research and the information his fi rst point of contact or action if there was they provided was invaluable. The three kaumä- a fi re, wild or out of control, his response was: tua shared a common knowledge of kaupapa Mäori and understood the holistic approach Due to the area’s location and isolation, it is in alignment with te ao Mäori me ngä tikanga. better to put in place preventative measures by monitoring people traffi c such as who is enter- – – Case study 1: Te Urewera, Ruatoki ing the bush, for what purpose and for how long, especially during the summer season. The location of the fi rst case study was in the north-east boundary of Te Urewera National Matua considered that it was necessary to know Park, in the small rural community of Rüätoki. what is going on in the local community, marae, This is the home of the Ngäi Tühoe iwi. and with neighbours, and any activity that “Matua” (to retain anonymity) has lived here may be of concern such as burning of vegeta- most of his life, is well-known and respected tion or rubbish. He emphasised that teaching amongst his iwi, and holds much knowledge others about fi re safety and explaining why of the area and its history. As a kaitiaki of the they need to know about fire is important. ngahere, he believes it is his duty to preserve and Sharing responsibility within a wider com- protect this environment. In his own words, he munity rather than concentrating it in just a described Te Urewera as “te pätaka kai”. It has few individuals made sense to him when living long provided food, sustenance and a wonderful out in rural areas as there is more reliance on lifestyle for whänau and iwi. The use of fi re is your neighbour, in times of dire need, rather long embedded in Tühoe history relating to its than waiting for authority services to arrive. people and landscape. The name Te Urewera However, he also said it is essential to know derives from a tawhito körero of a chief’s son who the “key” people are in the community who burnt his genital area whilst sleeping too to contact in emergency situations. He added close to a fi re, hence ure and wera. that modern technology, such as cell phones Matua described how his tipuna carried fi re and handheld radios, has helped to improve while travelling or preserved it for future use. communication and can save time and costs. They learnt how to cover the warm embers and Teachings of kaitiakitanga, käinga tüturu and ashes in the earth and then reignite by blow- leaving behind a future legacy for mokopuna ing on them. He said this method was known were good reasons Matua considered for why as “tamou” (this is a term used only by Ngäi you should care for your natural environment, Tühoe). He also recalled his tipuna talking including preventing fi res. of the benefi t from burning mänuka to pro- duce smoke, which helped to pacify the honey Case study 2: Tarawera Forest bee while gathering honey. This practice was known as “te nanao mïere”. The preferred trees The small forestry mill town of Kawerau is the honeybees would pollinate were the mänuka, entrance into the Tarawera Forest. “Uncle” rewarewa (Knightia excelsa) and tawhero grew up in and around the Tarawera Forest. (Weinmannia silvicola). He remembered it as being a popular hunting The dense native forest of Te Urewera is lush area and workplace for many of the local timber and green; therefore the threat of fi re was not mill and forestry workers. of great concern. However, in the summer sea- In the literature, the common translation son, the undergrowth can become very dry and of Tarawera is “burning spears”. When asked

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to give his interpretation of Tarawera, he Case study 3: Onepu– District explained: “There were three peaks before the explosion of the Mount Tarawera in 1886. The small settlement of Onepü is just behind They were known as Ruawähia [highest peak], the Norske Skog paper mill located between Tarawera and Te Umanga. After the eruption, Kawerau and Te Teko. This is the papakäinga the only peak that remained was Tarawera.” of “Nan” who grew up in a small rural com- Uncle’s recollection of growing up in this area munity during the 1950s and 1960s. She shared and the use of fi re remains strong. His early fond memories of how fi re was an important years as a hunter were good years. The Tarawera part of rural living, used in the home, at school Forest provided a supply of fresh meat such as and on the marae, as well as for seasonal burn- pig and deer. The bush was dense with native ing of vegetation. Nan recalled that there was trees, particularly mänuka, känuka (Kunzea no electricity supplied to this area at the time, ericoides) and kahikatea. He remembered that therefore kerosene lanterns or handmade can- fi res would sometimes be lit to clear the way dles were the only means of light to see in the so travel through vegetation was easier. Areas dark. Candle wicks made from plaited cloth chosen were generally small, and each hunter were saturated in pig or cow fat, as this was usually carried a “sugar bag” sack to put out the slow burning. The wood fire had a multi- fi re, once it had burnt off enough scrub. They purpose function as it was used for cooking knew never to light fi res on windy days or dur- and for heating the home. The cooking was ing the summer season, although he admitted it done inside and outside, when occasions such was sometimes just “luck” that these fi res did as whänau or community gatherings took place. not get out of control. Nan referred to umu rather than hängï-style One incident of a forest fi re, which Uncle fi re to cook kai as no stones were used (though described as being the biggest fire he had they were plentiful due to the topography of the ever seen in the forest, was caused by care- area). Food was put in cast iron pots and placed less human activity. The fi re service had very directly on the hot embers, then partially cov- limited resources at the time, which meant the ered with earth and left to cook. According to Tarawera community helped to put out the tradition, the hängï was only dug on the marae fi re. Luckily, the Tarawera River runs directly and the customary practice of making, laying through the forest and water was easily acces- and upheaving the hängï was handled only by sible. There have been many reported minor men. The task of preparing the food was done fire incidences over the years. However, he by women. Mänuka and känuka woods were considered that these became more frequent plentiful in the area and used as the main source and threatening when the Tarawera Forest was of fuel to heat hängï stones. planted in radiata pine (Pinus radiata), replac- Nan explained that the old outside “copper” ing the native fl ora, which was primarily to was lit for heating water to bathe and wash promote and provide timber for domestic and clothes. An open fi replace provided warmth subsequently for export revenue. In the area of inside and lighting to read. Other domestic uses Maungawhakamana, located at the southern of fi re, such as heating tools for ironing clothes, end of the Rotomä Ranges in the eastern Bay soldering and horse-shoeing, were common. of Plenty, he spoke of an old kauri tree still The old mission school house had a huge open standing that is partially burnt around the entire fireplace, which was lit nearly every day to mid- section of the trunk. It has old burn mark- provide light and warmth. It was a job for the ings of about 2.5 cm in depth, which suggest boys to keep it well stacked and stoked. The an unsuccessful felling attempt using fi re (as only air ventilation was a window or the door. reported above). Land was cleared by burning in preparation

MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 4, ISSUE 1, 2015 TE AHI I TE AO MÄORI 23 for planting new crops, as this method was grew up and lived amongst those of the past era. both fast and clean. Water-soaked sugar bags The perception of fi re compared with past and were always on the side, ready in case the fi re present generations has changed dramatically got out of control. The burning of rubbish and over time. Older generations described fi re as greenery was done seasonally. Nan also recalled being part of their everyday basic necessity for that, as a child, fi re was not something to fear. domestic use. Tamariki were taught by elders to Remembering the nights sleeping under the respect fi re, and they knew it provided warmth, stars, the campfi re was like a welcomed friend. food and comfort. Kaumätua talked about dif- To help pass time, the fi re provided entertain- fering cultural attitudes they had experienced ment, protection and comfort. She was always over their lifetime and refl ected that now the told never to play with matches and to be cau- younger generation considers fi re as more a tious with fi re. threat than as a tool. The knowledge presented here provides a positive step towards gaining a better under- Discussion standing of Mäori perspectives on Mäori use of fi re in the past to assist in informing rural fi re The research summarised in this paper provides authorities to undertake their rural fi re manage- initial research on the historic use of fi re by ment and fi re risk mitigation responsibilities for Mäori and background on the relationship of Mäori within New Zealand communities. An te ahi as a natural element of te taiao Mäori increased understanding of past and present use and Mäori people. Traditional Mäori belief is of fi re by Mäori will aid rural fi re authorities in that fi res are an intrinsic part of their natural their work with rural communities to increase environment and connect through whakapapa awareness of the risk of wildfi res and to design to their tipuna, Ranginui (sky father) and strategies to communicate safe, controlled use Papatüänuku (earth mother). Mäori brought of fi re more effectively, thereby minimising the fire to Aotearoa when they migrated from chances of future wildfi re events. A signifi cant Hawaiki. Fire became an important and useful proportion of New Zealand’s rural land is in tool and resource. Throughout Mäori history, Mäori ownership or management, and this fi re has contributed to changing and reshaping area is increasing as a result of Treaty settle- the native forest landscape of Aotearoa. The ments and Mäori economic development. The use of fi re by Mäori has played a signifi cant use of fi re as a land management tool remains role in their culture, land and people. The case for all land managers despite its inherent risk studies with kaumätua provide a further histori- of uncontrolled wildfi res. It is therefore impor- cal perspective and a greater understanding of tant that rural fi re authorities appreciate Mäori Mäori use of fi re to guide current and future fi re perspectives on land management, and the role management. Although, to date, no specifi c fi res of fi re in this, so that they can work effectively have been attributed to Mäori, New Zealand with Mäori landowners to protect the rural human activity is responsible for the vast major- environment, forest and other assets, and con- ity of wildfi res and can therefore arguably be tinue to maintain the use of fi re as an effective largely prevented. tool. More knowledge is required to understand Those who participated in this research Mäori and their present use of fi re, their current study developed an interest and raised aware- fi re risk and preparedness levels. It is impor- ness of fi re and were surprised by how much tant for rural fi re authorities, as well as Mäori they knew or did not know about fi re and its themselves, to ensure Mäori are adequately use. The historical use and knowledge of fi re prepared if wildfi res occur near their homes, by Mäori was more relevant to kaumätua who and to develop appropriate fi re risk mitigation

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strategies to ensure wildfi re ignitions do not and fi re use still have an important role in the occur from Mäori use of fi re in the future. conservation and protection of the natural envi- A cooperative and meaningful working ronment of Aotearoa. Further study is needed to relationship between Mäori and all relevant understand the differences and commonalities stakeholders in government, public and private of learning between the Mäori perspective and sectors needs to be developed to enable part- the Western science approach. Mäori indig- nerships that can assist, educate and inform on enous knowledge and skills are key components both rural and urban fi re issues. This needs to for providing a greater understanding of present include focus on how to increase awareness, day use of fi re by Mäori in the rural landscape, decrease careless use of fi re and increase pre- whilst retaining traditional and cultural prac- paredness for wildfi res. There are opportunities tices of fire use. Further knowledge will be to better integrate and “piggy- back” rural fi re required to gain an in-depth understanding of messages and education onto urban messages, Mäori and their use of fi re, and the risks relat- particularly for household fi re prevention and ing to fire in the landscape and home. This protection within buildings, including homes improved understanding can then be used to and marae. Mäori need to be active participants guide the design of effective strategies to com- in determining appropriate communication municate these fi re risks, as well the continued messages and strategies to ensure careful use of use of fi re as a tool in appropriate circumstances fi re in their communities. Community participa- in the future. tion using indigenous knowledge and natural resources should guide the development of strategies to improve dialogue between Mäori Acknowledgements and fi re managers in planning more effective communication of fi re risk and use of fi re for The authors acknowledge all those who con- rural communities. It is important that each tributed their knowledge, körero and sharing of stakeholder actively partners with Mäori to their life experiences in terms of this kaupapa. nurture these processes and to work with rural This research would not have been possible and urban fi re authorities to reduce fi re risk and without the contribution of information and better prepare rural areas and rural communi- invaluable knowledge given by kaumätua, ties to minimise wildfi re events. whänau and friends. The study was under- taken as a summer student internship funded by Scion, with writing support from Dr Ruth Conclusions Falshaw and guidance from Grant Pearce. This support was greatly appreciated. A common shared understanding by those who participated in this research was the impor- tance of fi re within te ao Mäori, in terms of Glossary whakapapa, land, history and iwi. Government legislation has been a key mechanism that has put ahi fi re/burn restrictions on land use, resulting in the decline ahi kä keeping ancestral fi res of traditional Mäori practices and methods of burning fi re use. Similarly, today’s societal values and ahiahi evening perspectives of fi re have changed with respect ähua appearance, character to fi re being seen as more of a managed activity amoka thick bark of tötara tree rather than a customary practice or method. (Mäori Stewart Island Indigenous knowledge and skills of Mäori term)

MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 4, ISSUE 1, 2015 TE AHI I TE AO MÄORI 25 ao world, domain marae physical, communal hängï earthen oven meeting place of häpai tü land clearing by fi re signifi cance harakeke New Zealand fl ax mätauranga knowledge/wisdom (Phormium tenax) me ngä tikanga Mäori worldview and hika pointed stick rubbed customs on grove in kauahi or mïere honey kaunoti to create fi re mokopuna grandchild hötete a large caterpillar (Agrius nanao to feel or lay hold of convolvuli) ngahere forest iwi tribe/tribal papakäinga homestead kahikatea white pine (Dacrycarpus pätaka kai food cupboard dacrydioides) patu Mäori weapon kaikohure pointed stick rubbed pätua vessel or basket on grove in kauahi or piro muttonbird fat kaunoti to create fi re pukatea Laurelia novae-zelandiae kaikömako Pennantia corymbosa rama torches käinga tüturu home of origin, the riu hold of a canoe homeland rourou baskets kaitiaki guardian/caretaker rua whakaahu store pit for seed tubers kaitiakitanga guardianship taiaha Mäori weapon kanohi ki te kanohi face to face taikowhatu hängï stones, which do känuka white teatree (Kunzea not easily crack with ericoides) heat karakia prayers tamariki children kato muttonbird fat tamou reigniting embers kauahi or kaunoti wood rubbed by a stick to tapu sacred create fi re tapu noa free from tapu or “made kaumätua elders common” by a tohunga kaupapa subject, matter tawhero Weinmannia silvicola kawa Mäori lore tawhito körero ancient story kawakawa pepper tree (Macropiper te hika ahi the fi re plough excelsum) te reo the Mäori language körero discussion te reo me ona the Mäori language and kümara sweet potato tikanga philosophies mähoe whiteywood (Melicytus te taiao natural environment ramifl orus) tikanga Mäori custom/ makomako wineberry (Aristotelia philosophies serrata) tipuna ancestors mana integrity titaki dried grass (Mäori manaakitanga hospitality, kindness Stewart Island term) mänuka tea tree (Leptospermum tohunga skilled person scoparium) tono to ask or request mäpara heartwood—especially of tötara Podocarpus totara kahikatea and rimu tüähu sacred place for ritual mära kai food garden practices by a tohunga

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