DOCSLIB.ORG

Criticism and Civil Conversation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Criticism and Civil Conversation Criticism and Civil Conversation Learning from the Other, Living with Ambivalence { A Symposium { ow many of us are of two minds when it comes to Israeli Hpolicy? How often do we experience a shift in our own views and language, depending on whom we are talking to? Many readers will surely identify with Deborah Lipstadt, the distinguished historian of the Holocaust and fearless foe of its deniers, who writes in our Symposium: 4 | Winter 2012 Criticism and Civil Conversation /// A Symposium “If I am at a gathering where critics are from even when one’s assessment of the matsav – the left and they are unwilling to concede any the situation in Israel and its place among the wrongdoing on the Palestinians’ side, I end up nations – is less than fully optimistic, it is sounding like I am to the right of Menachem essential to maintain hope and the motivation Begin. Conversely, when I am invited to a home to make things better. which believes ‘Israel is simply the victim here Fitzgerald, as readers of “The Great "The Right will not and has done nothing wrong,’ I end up sounding Gatsby” are well aware, was not exactly an silence me – Peace like a character who is left of Peace Now or its advocate for the Jewish People. Yet his well- Now." International contemporary incarnation.” turned comments on intelligence, hope and Human Rights March, Tel Aviv, 2011. Photo by Lipstadt is in excellent company. It was F. determination are wholly in the spirit of our Oren Rozen. Scott Fitzgerald who wrote in 1936: "The test Engaging Israel project. As it is written in Pirke of a first-rate intelligence is the ability to hold Avot (4:1): “Who is wise? One who learns from two opposed ideas in the mind at the same every man.” time, and still retain the ability to function. The range of views represented in this One should, for example, be able to see that Symposium testifies to the possibility – and things are hopeless and yet be determined to necessity – of civil conversation on the thorniest make them otherwise.” aspects of Israeli and Jewish life. Havruta’s One may extend Fitzgerald’s observations to editors posed questions to our contributors, apply to the collective as well as the individual. who supplied their frank opinions in either A healthy Jewish community, to sustain its oral or written form. The results, we hope, will capacity to function, needs to accommodate lead readers to further discussion – and fertile the radically diverging opinions and emotions engagement with Israel. that Israel inevitably arouses. At the same time, HAVRUTA | 5 Steven Bayme Judicious Dissent Steven Bayme serves The Book of Numbers (11:26-29, 12:1-16) and future. Some dissent emanates from those as Director of the juxtaposes two strange incidents. In the first, who are most passionate in their concern for William Petschek two elders, Eldad and Medad, prophesy in the and engagement with Israel. Their dissent gives Contemporary Jewish Israelite camp without authority to do so. This voice only to how deeply they care about the Life Department of act provokes the ire of Joshua, who urges Moses future of Israel and the Jewish people. Dissent of the American Jewish to restrain them. Yet Moses rebukes Joshua, this nature, what the Mishnah deems a “dispute Committee and of the Koppelman Institute saying he wishes all of Israel could share in for the sake of heaven” (Pirke Avot 5:17), signals on American Jewish- the gift of divine prophecy. In the second shared commitment to the collective Jewish Israeli Relations. incident, Miriam and Aaron also speak out endeavor accompanied by disagreement as to He holds a PhD in against Moses and his leadership: "Has the Lord how best to realize common goals. Jewish history from indeed spoken only with Moses? Has He not Unfortunately, however, there is also dissent Columbia University, spoken also with us?" In this case, Miriam is which spills over into delegitimization of Israel and is a Visiting afflicted with leprosy, and compelled to leave as a Jewish state. Whether it is the late Tony Associate Professor of the campsite for seven days. Judt’s call for bi-nationalism, Stephen Walt History at the Jewish Let us first note that both narratives point and John Mearsheimer’s assault on American Theological Seminary. to how deeply dissent is rooted in Judaic Jewish pro-Israel activism, or President Jimmy He is the author heritage and tradition. The prophets, as the Carter’s admonitions about apartheid, this of Understanding German sociologist Max Weber put it, were dissent undermines Israel’s standing and Jewish History: Text and Commentaries, “political pamphleteers” who openly challenged legitimacy, and, by extension, her right to co-author of American state policy. In turn they often suffered the exist. Judt’s one-state solution, by his own Jewry’s Comfort wrath of both public opinion and governmental admission, “would not be easy . [and] is Level, and co-editor officialdom. an unpromising mix of realism and utopia.” of Continuity and Democratic societies protect the right to More importantly, given the bitter tensions, Change: A Festschrift dissent in order to ensure minority expression on the ground, between Arabs and Jews, Judt’s in Honor of Yitz and to serve as a check upon governmental binationalism likely would place at risk the lives Greenberg. excesses. To be effective, however, the right of of millions of Israelis while putting an end to dissent must be exercised judiciously, so that the Zionist enterprise. Walt and Mearsheimer the dissent may be heard rather than dismissed charge that American Jewry has hijacked as the rantings of disgruntled voices or the American foreign policy to serve Israel’s naïveté of well-meaning but inexperienced ends even as they concede that democracies idealists. at their finest provide considerable leeway for In this context, acknowledging the need the exercise of collective minority politics. for dissent and the caveat that it be exercised Moreover, they ignore the fact that 97% of wisely, guidelines for dissent within the Jewish pro-Israel support in this country comes not community are necessary. First, considerable from the Jewish community but from gentile distance exists between dissent emanating society, and that a tiny minority such as the from passionate and pro-Zionist voices and Jews can realize its agenda only to the extent dissent from those indifferent to Israel’s fate that its perspective is deemed compelling and 6 | Winter 2012 Criticism and Civil Conversation /// A Symposium persuasive by the majority society. Carter’s use expected as part of a vibrant democracy. Dissent of the term “apartheid”, even if meant only as in the U.S., by contrast, undermines the core a warning, blurs the sharp lines distinguishing message of American Jews that the Jewish Israel from pre-Mandela South Africa. At a time community advocates continued Washington when Israel’s legitimacy is under international support for Israel. For decades, American Jewry assault, these dissenters do Israel no favors by has labored to minimize the distance between Aaron and Miriam invoking discredited and false images of Israel Washington and Jerusalem and maintain criticizing Moses. and its American Jewish allies. the special relationship between those two Reproduction from The Second, differences abound between governments. In this context, publicly expressed Bible and Its Story Taught by One Thousand Picture dissent expressed within Israel and dissent criticism of Israeli policy may weaken Jewish Lessons, 1908. in the Diaspora. The obvious difference – lost political influence and attenuate the strategic upon such critics as Tony Judt who worry that triangle of the U.S., Israel, and American Jewry, Israel has become "bad for the Jews" – is that which has been so critical to Israel’s security Israeli lives are on the line and Israel faces real and survival. existential threats, unlike American Jewry. The Third, we must distinguish between less obvious and more profound difference is that individual dissent and institutional or communal American Jewish views, publicly expressed in dissent. That individuals will disagree and Washington, impact upon U.S.-Israel relations. express themselves on one or another aspect Dissent within Israel, as noted above, serves as of Israeli policy is both natural and healthy. a check upon governmental policy and is to be Leaders of Jewish institutions, however, are HAVRUTA | 7 confronted with a somewhat different question costs.” The venues for dissent and the arenas – not how one feels about a particular policy, where dissent can be most useful need to be but what is the wisest thing to do given the identified carefully. Most importantly, all must complexity of relations between Washington consider the implications and consequences of and Jerusalem. When publicly expressed dissent their language and expressions in a world of from American Jews carries with it implications global communications in which Israel has so for the future of Washington’s Middle East few friends. Or, in the words of the rabbinic policy – for example, ads signed by prominent sages, “scholars, be careful with your words.” American Jews calling upon the U.S. to suspend aid for Israel unless Israel halts her settlement How dissent is expressed policy – the risks and the price to be paid by such expressions are enormous. Conversely, however, and the intentions of the when the dissent concerns issues internal to the dissenters may make all Jewish people and has few if any implications for U.S.-Israeli relations, dissent by American the difference in whether Jewish leaders may be quite constructive, as particular dissent will be evidenced, for example, in the “who is a Jew” debate that recurs on a fairly regular basis.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Gender, Wasser Und Konflikt“
    Integration von Genderperspektiven in der technischen Zusammenarbeit in Konfliktgebieten – das Beispiel der Wasserversorgung im Ramallah Distrikt Natalie Mutlak Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Ingenieurwissenschaften - Dr. Ing. - Vorgelegt im Fachbereich 3 (Mathematik & Informatik) der Universität Bremen im September 2012 Gutachterinnen Prof. Dr. Ines Weller Artec-Forschungszentrum Nachhaltigkeit Universität Bremen Prof. Dr. Susanne Maaß Arbeitsgruppe "Soziotechnische Systemgestaltung und Gender" Fachbereich 3 (Mathematik & Informatik) Universität Bremen Prof. Dr. Christine Eifler Zentrum Gender Studies (ZGS) Universität Bremen Tag des Kollquiums: 1. Februar 2013 ii Danksagung Mein Dank gilt der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, die mich in den Genuss eines dreijährigen Promotionsstipendiums kommen ließ, den Leiterinnen des zweiten Gunda-Werner-Kollegs „Genderdynamiken in gewaltförmigen Konflikten“ Christine Eifler und Ruth Seifert sowie dem Zentrum Gender Studies (ZGS) an der Universität Bremen (ZGS), dessen Infrastruktur wir StipendiatInnen nutzen konnten. Mein besonderer Dank gilt meinen Betreuerinnen und Gutachterinnen Ines Weller und Christine Eifler für ihre wertvolle Unterstützung und Geduld. Ohne ihr offenes Ohr, das sie während der gesamten Zeit der Dissertation stets für mich hatten, ihre unzähligen inhaltlichen Anregungen und ihre unschätzbare Unterstützung in organisatorischen Angelegenheiten wäre diese Arbeit nicht möglich gewesen. Ebenso möchte ich meiner Gutachterin Susanne Maaß danken. Meinen Mit-Kollegiatinnen
    [Show full text]
  • Demographic Jihad by the Numbers
    Demographic Jihad by the Numbers: Getting a Handle on the True Scope 2 June 2007 ©Yoel Natan HTML PDF (<2 MB) Author of the book Moon-o-theism I. Introduction A. Countering the Inevitable Charge of Islamophobia ► Case #1: A Pew Research Poll in 2007 Says 26% of Young Adult Muslim-Americans Support Suicide Bombing ► Case #2: Infidels Supposedly Have Nothing to Fear from Muslims, Yet Muslims Inexplicably Fear Being Takfired, That Is, Being Declared Infidels B. Demographic Jihad Explained C. Why This Study Is Important ► The Size of the Minority of Muslims and the Quality of Life Index D. Arriving at Accurate Demographic Snapshots and Projections E. The Politics of Demographic Numbers II. Global Demographics and Projections Countries discussed in some detail (if a country is not listed here, it likely is mentioned in passing, and can be found using the browser Search function): Afghanistan Africa Albania Algeria Argentina Australia Austria Azerbaijan Bangladesh Belgium Belize Benin Bosnia-Herzegovina & the Republika Srpska Britain (United Kingdom) Canada Chechnya China Cote d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) Cyprus Czech Republic Denmark East Timor Egypt Eritrea Estonia Ethiopia Europe France French Guiana Germany Global Greece Greenland Guyana Horn of Africa/Somalia India Indonesia Iran Iraq Ireland & North Ireland (UK) Islamdom Israel Italy Japan Jordan Kosovo Lebanon Macedonia Malaysia Mexico Mideast Mongolia Montenegro Morocco Netherlands Nigeria North America Norway Oman Pakistan Palestine (West Bank and Gaza) Philippines Russia Saudi Arabia Serbia Singapore South Africa South America South Asia Spain Sri Lanka Sudan Suriname Sweden Switzerland Syria Tajikistan Thailand Tri-Border Region, aka Triple Frontier, Trinidad & Tobago Islands Turkey Ukraine United States Western Sahara Yemen Note: For maps and population information, see Yoel Natan’s “Christian and Muslim Demographics,” May 2007 PDF (>8MB).
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenges of Political Terrorism: a Cross-National Analysis of the Downward Spiral of Terrorist Violence and Socio-Political Crisis
    THE CHALLENGES OF POLITICAL TERRORISM: A CROSS-NATIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE DOWNWARD SPIRAL OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE AND SOCIO-POLITICAL CRISIS DISSERTATION: Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Kristopher K. Robison, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Edward M. Crenshaw, Adviser Professor J. Craig Jenkins ____________________________ Adviser Professor Pamela M. Paxton Graduate Program in Sociology ABSTRACT Since September the 11th, 2001, terrorism has received renewed attention and study from the media, publics and scholars alike. While voluminous journalistic writings and some empirical research exists on the causes and structures of terrorism, comparatively little research has thoroughly explored the political and social impacts of terrorism and the responses societies and states have to terrorism. Conventional wisdom suggests that terrorism is born of political and economic grievance in poor, quasi- authoritarian states. Indeed, a large number of terrorist attacks are within developing nations. However, the relationship between structural conditions and terror may be more complicated. What if terrorism contributes to political and social disruption, which in turn leads to even more grievances that inspire further campaigns of political violence? In other words, does terrorism breed the very conditions that encourage insurgency in the first place, leading to a downward spiral of conflict and grievance thereby worsening the plight developing nations find themselves in? This dissertation project argues that a major period of terrorism within the developing world stimulates a series of important political and social crises that under certain specific conditions spawn broader and more intense forms of political conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Hausarbeit Gaza Für Korrespektiv
    Goethe-Universität Frankfurt – FB 03 Politikwissenschaft Veranstaltung: Der Arabisch-Israelische Konflikt, WiSe 2017/18 Israel, West Bank und Gaza „West Bank First“ – inwiefern hat die Fatah orientierte Verhandlungsposition Israels und der internationalen Gemeinschaft während und nach der zweiten Intifada (2000-2005) zu einer politischen Spaltung und Eskalation zwischen West Bank und Gaza geführt? LUKE BLIEDTNER 19.4.18 ISRAEL, WEST BANK UND GAZA Inhalt 1. Einführung Seite 3 2. Historischer Kontext Seite 4 2.1 Die al-Aqsa Intifada Seite 5 2.2 Der 11. September 2001 Seite 6 2.3 Umsetzung der „Roadmap“ Seite 7 2.4 Unilateraler Rückzug aus Gaza Seite 8 2.5 Arafats Tod und das Ende der al-Aqsa Intifada Seite 9 2.6 Sharons Rücktritt und palästinensische Wahlen 2006 Seite 11 2.7 Die Folgen der palästinensischen Wahlen Seite 11 3. Methode und Herangehensweise Seite 12 4. Analyse Seite 13 4.1 Die Diplomatie der USA unter George W. Bush jr. Seite 13 4.2 Das Quartett Seite 14 4.3 Die israelische Regierung Seite 15 5. Vergleich und historische Einordnung Seite 17 6. Fazit Seite 18 Literaturverzeichnis Seite 21 S e i t e 2 | 23 LUKE BLIEDTNER 19.4.18 ISRAEL, WEST BANK UND GAZA 1. Einführung Im Laufe der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts gab es diverse politische sowie gesellschaft- liche Akteure, die versucht haben, den arabisch-israelische Konflikt im Sinne aller Beteiligten Konfliktparteien zu schlichten. Dabei wurde immer wieder das Existenzrecht Israels sowie die Rückkehr zu den Grenzen von 1967 als essentieller Part der Verhandlungen betont und als Grundbedingung für jedwede Schlichtung der internationalen Gemeinschaft (z.
    [Show full text]
  • The Working Definition of Antisemitism – Six Years After
    The Lester and Sally Entin Faculty of Humanities The Stephen Roth Institute for the Study of Contemporary Anti-Semitism and Racism The Working Definition of Antisemitism – Six Years After Unedited Proceedings of the 10th Biennial TAU Stephen Roth Institute's Seminar on Antisemitism August 30 – September 2, 2010 Mémorial de la Shoah, Paris Contents Introduction The EUMC 2005 Working Definition of Antisemitism Opening Remarks: Simone Veil, Yves Repiquet Rifat Bali, "Antisemitism in Turkey: From Denial to Acknowledgement – From Acknowledgement to Discussions of Its Definition" Carole Nuriel, "History and Theoretical Aspects" Michael Whine, "Short History of the Definition" Ken Stern, "The Working Definition – A Reappraisal" David Matas, "Assessing Criticism of the EU Definition of Antisemitism" Dave Rich, "Reactions, Uses and Abuses of the EUMC Definition" Esther Webman, "Arab Reactions to Combating Antisemitism" Joel Kotek, "Pragmatic Antisemitism: Anti-Zionism as a New Civic Religion: The Belgium Case" Michal Navot, "Redux: Legal Aspects of Antisemitism, Holocaust Denial and Racism in Greece Today" Karl Pfeifer, "Antisemitic Activities of the Austrian 'Anti-Imperialists Coordination' (AIK)" Raphael Vago, "(Re)Defining the Jew: Antisemitism in Post-Communist Europe-the Balance of Two Decades" Marcis Skadmanis, "The Achievements of Latvian NGOs in Promoting Tolerance and Combating Intolerance" Yuri Tabak, "Antisemitic Manifestations in the Russian Federation 2009-2010" Irena Cantorovich, "Belarus as a Case Study of Contemporary Antisemitism"
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae
    Curriculum Vitae NAOMI B. SOKOLOFF Department of Near Eastern Languages & Civilization 229A Denny Hall (Box 353120) University of Washington Seattle, WA 98195 206-543-7145 EDUCATION 1975 B.A. in Spanish Language and Literature Swarthmore College 1977-78 Visiting Graduate Student, Hebrew Literature Hebrew University of Jerusalem 1979 M.A. in Comparative Literature Princeton University 1980 Ph.D. in Comparative Literature Princeton University Dissertation: "Spatial Form in the Social Novel: John Dos Passos, Alejo Carpentier, and S.Y. Agnon" Directors: Professors Joseph Frank and Ralph Freedman Readers: Professors James Irby, Princeton University and Gershon Shaked, Hebrew University of Jerusalem LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY Hebrew: near native fluency Other languages studied: Spanish, French, German, Yiddish, Italian, Latin, Portuguese, AMESLAN, Chinese 1 PROFESSIONAL APPOINTMENTS 1976 Assistant in Instruction, English Composition Princeton University 1978-1980 Assistant in Instruction, Spanish Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 1980-1981 Visiting Assistant Professor, Hebrew Department of Oriental Studies University of Arizona, Tucson AZ 1981-1984 Assistant Professor, Hebrew Department of Oriental Studies University of Arizona 1984 Course Consultant, University College University of Maryland, College Park, MD 1984-1985 Faculty Fellow Jewish Theological Seminary of America, New York, NY 1986-1987 Consultant, Hebrew Language Programs Jewish Education Council of Greater Seattle 1985-1992 Assistant Professor, Hebrew University of Washington, Seattle,
    [Show full text]
  • The Dynamics of Protracted Terror Campaigns: Domestic Politics, Terrorist Violence, and Counterterror Responses
    The Dynamics of Protracted Terror Campaigns: Domestic Politics, Terrorist Violence, and Counterterror Responses by Jennifer E. Kavanagh A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Public Policy and Political Science) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor James D. Morrow, Co-Chair Clinical Professor Melvyn Levitsky, Co-Chair Professor Robert J. Franzese, Jr. Professor Allan C. Stam © Jennifer E. Kavanagh 2011 To my Mom and Dad. They know why. ii Acknowledgements The author thanks Jim Morrow, Mel Levitsky, Allan Stam, and Rob Franzese for their guidance, feedback, and support throughout the research and writing of this dissertation. The author also thanks all those whose comments and encouragement made the completion of this dissertation possible, including Mary Corcoran, John Ciorciari, Bill Clark, Mary Corcoran, John Jackson, Barb Koremenos, Phil Potter, Bill Kelly, Michelle Spornhauer, Alex Von Hagen-Jammar, Paul Poast, Johannes Urpelainen, Bill MacMillian, Elias Walsh, Heather Larue, Melissa Forbes, Nick Montgomery, Cassie Grafstrom, Shanna Kirschner, Michelle Allendoerfer, and Bogdan Savych. iii Table of Contents Dedication………………………………………………………………………………...ii Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………iii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………….vi List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………viii List of Appendices.……………………………………………………………………......x Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………...xi Chapter 1 Introduction and Motivation: When and
    [Show full text]
  • THE FABRICATION of ISRAEL
    Kassem Egbaria Yad Ishaac Viktoria Waltz (Editors) THE FABRICATION of ISRAEL A (PLANNING) THRILLER Dedication This book is dedicated to all the people who lost their homes for the Israel Project. You will meet them all over the world and some of them we met here and there - listen to some of them. 'I am Omar, born in Irbid/Jordan, living in Germany, married to a German and working as a doctor. My family is from Jaffa. When Jaffa was threatened by Zionist militia my grandmother fled by boat like many others in 1948. The boat was supposed to go to Egypt, but had to change direction and landed in Beirut. She and her five children, one of them my father, were put into one of the many refugee camps. My uncle, brother of my mother - her husband already died - had fled to Jordan and landed in Irbid. He searched for his sister and finally found her in Beirut. He brought the whole family to Irbid. I am born in Irbid, however, I am Palestinian.' 'I am Khalid, born in Um El Fahem/Israel, living there with my family, working as an engineer. My origin family is from Hebron-Al Khalil, today West Bank. 1947 after UN Resolution 181 my grand father sent his sun, my father, and 18 years old to the area of Um El Fahem, where the family had land to look at it and to preserve the rights and documents for any case. He went there, stayed for a while and when he wanted to come back Israel was proclaimed and he could not return.
    [Show full text]
  • 2. Major Armed Conflicts
    2. Major armed conflicts RENATA DWAN and CAROLINE HOLMQVIST I. Introduction The discussion of major armed conflicts in the SIPRI Yearbook 2004 focused on the dominance of intra-state armed conflict in the contemporary inter- national system.1 This trend was even more apparent in 2004, when every one of the 19 major armed conflicts that were active during the year was classified as intra-state. Only three of these—the conflict against al-Qaeda, the conflict in Iraq and the conflict in Darfur, Sudan—are less than 10 years old. These figures may appear at odds with a contemporary international security climate that is preoccupied with perceived ‘new’ security threats such as international terrorism and the spread of weapons of mass destruction. However, in a globalized world, intra-state conflicts are increasingly becoming international in nature and in effects. The complexity and diversity of these conflicts make the distinction between the ‘internal’ and the ‘external’ particularly com- plicated and call into question the basis on which conflicts are classified and addressed. This chapter therefore concentrates for the second year running on intra- state conflict. Section II looks at the internationalization of these conflicts and how this affects the perceptions as well as the handling of conflict. Section III addresses a number of contemporary features of intra-state conflict that complicate traditional approaches to their analysis and management: the diversity of warring parties and multiple grievances; the evolving tactics in conflict and their consequences for civilians; and the shifting location and containment of intra-state conflict. These themes are illustrated by synopses of a number of the major armed conflicts that were active in 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • Central European Journal of International & Security Studies, Vol
    Metropolitan University Prague Volume 2 / Issue 1 / May 2008 Central European Journal of International & Security Studies Volume 2 Issue 1 May 2008 Contents Editor’s Note. .5 Research Articles Yulia Zemlinskaya / Between Militarism and Pacifi sm: Conscientious Objection and Draft Resistance in Israel . .9 Atsushi Yasutomi / Linking DDR and SSR in Post-confl ict States: Agendas for Effective Security Sector Reintegration . 36 Miloš Balabán / The Confl icting Rebirth of Multipolarity in International Relations . 58 Ibrahim A. El-Hussari / President Bush’s Address to the Nation on U.S. Policy in Iraq: A Critical Discourse Analysis Approach . 79 Jana Hynková-Dvoranová / The Lisbon Treaty and the Future of EU Enlargement . 91 Gautam Acharya / The Adequacy of Aviation Security Laws and Airport Security. 107 Comment & Analysis Petr Just / 2008 Czech Presidential Elections: A Commentary . 127 Jeremy Zorby / Can Any Candidate End the Persistence of America’s Tragic Diplomacy? . 133 Marie Homerová / An International Conspiracy Against the Republic: The First Post-War Political Show Trials in Czechoslovakia . 136 Michaela Radouchová / A Comment on Energy Security in the EU . 144 Jana Přehnalová and Vendula Nedvědická / Another European Cross-Road? Kosovo on the Brink of Recognition and Chaos . 146 Notes on Contributors . 149 CEJISS Contact Information. 151 5 Editor’s Note: CE JISS It is a pleasure to welcome you to CEJISS 2:1. Before turning to the editorial of this issue, I would like to take the opportunity to inform you of some recent developments
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli Women and Protest in West Bank Checkpoints
    International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 13, Number 1, Spring/Summer 2008 RESISTING OCCUPATION OR INSTITUTIONALIZING CONTROL? ISRAELI WOMEN AND PROTEST IN WEST BANK CHECKPOINTS Ilana Kaufman Abstract Through a case study of Machsom Watch—a group of Israeli women activists who protest against the current national security policy in the West Bank by interposing themselves between their own army and the civilian Palestinian population living under military occupation there—the article assesses the extent to which civilian women who challenge military judgments in the midst of a bitter and prolonged national conflict can influence security policymaking. The paper demonstrates how the effectiveness of such a group is constrained by the national consensus that accords the army expert status on national security, and by the structure of political opportunity. Introduction The Napoleonic wars initiated the modern republican order in which citizens, in return for security, participate in the political and military ambitions of the nation-state, and in defense of country and nation (Clausewitz, 1993). In consequence, in national conflicts the divide between “us” and “them”—the enemy—is drawn in the boldest terms. In situations of protracted national conflict, this division is heightened, leading to accentuated patriotism, jingoism, and to militarization of various aspects of civilian life and culture. Indeed Enloe (2000) argues that almost all modern democratic societies are structurally and culturally militarized to one degree or another. This means that military values, needs, and presumptions are pervasive and integrated into routine daily lives. Despite the cultural blurring of the lines between “government,” “army,” and “people,” however, in the age of mass democracy, directing foreign and national defense is still normally, perhaps necessarily, the responsibility of political elites and military professionals.
    [Show full text]
  • The Colonial Production of Space of Israel/Palestine
    HOUSING POLICY, DESIGN, AND STRUGGLE: THE COLONIAL PRODUCTION OF SPACE OF ISRAEL/PALESTINE, ONE NEW CITY AT A TIME Oded Haas A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO February 2021 © Oded Haas, 2021 ABSTRACT Housing policy and housing design have a long history as instruments of colonial domination in Israel and as strategies for shaping the Jewish state as such. This thesis examines how a ‘housing crisis’ framework, including local struggles for the right to housing, may be utilised by the Israeli Zionist regime to counter insurgent practices of Palestinians in the country and simultaneously appropriated for the Palestinian national struggle. The thesis originally compares state planning by Israel and by the Palestinian Authority: a state-initiated plan for an ‘Arab city’ in Israel, Tantour, and a privatised Palestinian housing development in the West Bank, Rawabi. This comparison enables me to explore how local ‘solutions’ to the housing crisis shape and recast colonial relations in Israel/Palestine, seen from the perspective of the colonised. The study focuses on a struggle by a group of Palestinian activists in the Tantour case who are fighting to shape the new ‘Arab city’ according to local housing needs and to incorporate it in their town’s jurisdiction. Their struggle is examined in comparison to a small group of Palestinian citizens of Israel who chose to obtain homeownership in Rawabi in the West Bank. I deploy mixed methods designed to explore urban space as co-produced by state power and inhabitants.
    [Show full text]