CHAPTER 2 The Vicissitudes of the New Afghan Capital: 1773–1879
The emergence in the middle of the eighteenth restore the citadel which had suffered from Nâder century of an independent Afghan political entity Shâh’s attack, and reinforce the defense works. under the authority of the Sadôzay Ahmad Khân Associated with these projects, which were carried of the Pôpalzay tribe created something new. It out over the course of four or five months during came on the heels of Nâder Shâh Afshâr’s occupa- 1752–53, is the name of another Pôpalzay, Sardâr tion of Kabul and Qandahâr, conquests which put Jân (for Jahân) Khân, commander-in-chief of the an end to two centuries of a certain equilibrium in army with the title Khân-e khânân. Sardâr Jân the area, during which Kabul was within the realm Khân reinforced the bridge over the Kabul River of Mughal power centered in India. Designated as in the Deh Mazang narrows and extended the line head of the grand confederation of Abdâli tribes— of parapets and bastions ascending Shêr Darwâza whose name was changed to Dorrâni—Ahmad Mountain opposite the bridge.4 Ahmad Shâh also Shâh (r. 1747–1772) built a Pashtun Afghan empire invited the khâns of his entourage to acquire land extending from Khorâsân to India, made up of in the city and to build on it, to restore existing men from the two great Pashtun tribal confedera- forts (qalʿas), and to buy up abandoned gardens.5 tions, the Dorrâni and the Ghelzay, established in The second Sadôzay sovereign, Timur Shâh southern Afghanistan, as well as a personal guard (r. 1772–1793), who succeeded his father on the recruited from the Qezelbâsh. He organized his latter’s death in October 1772, was the one who nascent state from Qandahâr which he made his transferred the capital from Qandahâr to Kabul. capital, close to the village of Shêr Sorkh where he On establishing himself in Kabul, the new shâh was crowned in 1747. On some land ceded by his achieved what Ahmad Shâh had perhaps intended own tribe, he built a large new city enclosed within and, to some degree, paved the way for. But Timur high walls.1 A plan of the city dated to that same Shâh had other motives for abandoning Qandahâr. year and reproduced by the historian Fôfalzay, To the arguments that the government of the king- indicates that the work was entrusted to Sardâr dom would be expedited by the regrouping of Morâd Khân, son of Hanzala Khân Qalandarzay, a political and military forces in Kabul, less out-of- Pôpalzay Dorrâni.2 the-way than Qandahâr and thus more easily and Although established at Qandahâr, Ahmad Shâh quickly accessible in all seasons by a large num- was attracted to Kabul. He enjoyed sojourning ber of subjects, and that as the capital, the city’s there in spring and summer when the temperature commercial role at the crossroads of routes linking was pleasant and had once considered installing India and Transoxiana, would be strengthened, himself there.3 But busy as he was with military campaigns, the idea never bore fruit. Nonetheless, he took pains to protect and renovate certain 4 Fôfalzay (1967), 626–630; Griffith (1971), 385; Kohzâd (1961), places in Kabul, construct a wall around the city, 6–8, 18; Masson (1844), I, 238; and II, 227, 249–250, 264; Nur Mohammad Kohgadâʾi (1931), 56–58; and Singh (1959), 335. At the time of the work it was called the Nâser Khân 1 Dupree (1977b), 279 ff.; Singh (1959), 270–272; and ST, Bridge, after the last governor of Kabul of the Mughal and 25–26. Afshâri eras. It then took the name Pol-e Sardâr Jân Khân 2 Fôfalzay (1967), 197, a foldout plan, between 199 and 200, (Sardâr Jân Khân Bridge) before becoming Pol-e Harten in redrawn by the author; also 656–657. the 1920s. 3 Ferrier (1859), 96; and Fôfalzay (1967), 194n. 5 Fôfalzay (1967), 194.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/9789004325326_004 24 CHAPTER 2 to these a political reason was added, arising sud- reigns of Timur Shâh and his son Shâh Zamân denly with the change of leadership. In Qandahâr, (r. 1793–1800). It is during the reign of Shâh Zamân the succession to Ahmad Shâh opened a period of that, under the pressure of strong rivalries emerg- considerable tension within the tribal group and ing around the throne, the Sadôzay dynasty began among his kinfolk and there was strong opposition to totter. Subsequently, Afghanistan sank into to Timur Shâh, despite the fact that he was Ahmad disarray and fratricidal struggles which lasted for Shâh’s designated heir. the entire first quarter of the nineteenth century. Conscious of the risk that the exclusive support Ahmad Shâh’s empire split up into independent of the Dorrâni tribes and their chiefs represented principalities, the authority of Kabul was consider- for his exercise of power, the new king preferred to ably reduced, and another Dorrâni clan emerged, distance himself and to reserve to himself the dis- the Mohammadzay, part of the large and powerful cretion to choose new people, outside the ranks of Bârakzay tribe. In the course of the interminable the Dorrânis, who did not constitute a threat to his political rivalries of the last Sadôzays, the city of rule. The ethnic composition of Kabul was diverse, Kabul remained as Timur Shâh and Shâh Zamân largely Persian-speaking with a largely Tajik pop- had shaped it, without significant change. ulation and a Qezelbâsh minority. To counter- When Dôst Mohammad Khân (r. 1826–1839 balance Qandahâri forces, Timur Shâh began to and 1843–1863), the son of Pâyanda Khân reinforce his personal bodyguard by recruiting Mohammadzay, succeeded in seizing Kabul, he from among both groups and to surround himself inaugurated a dynasty which, except for the brief with a different mixture of people than had his return of the Sadôzay Shâh Shujâʿ (r. 1803–1809 father.6 A certain uncertainty surrounds the date and 1839–1842) in 1839 and a Tajik interlude in of the transfer of the capital from Qandahâr to 1929, would reign for almost a century and a half, Kabul. Fôfalzay resolves the question by provid- until 1973. Dominated by a series of internal rival- ing a definitive answer which justifies two dates ries, both family and tribal, the reigns of the first being considered. “The first year” of the reign of Mohammadzay emirs were also marked by the Timur Shâh, that is 1186 ah, or 1772–73 and more entry into the game of powerful foreign neighbors, precisely, “the end of the first year,” i.e. the begin- themselves rivals, Great Britain and Russia, for ning of 1773, a date preferred by some,7 would be, whom the position of Kabul on the trade routes according to him, not the moment of the move but connecting Iran, Central Asia, and India was rather the time the decision was made to make the of great importance. As the object of an Anglo- move with 1189 ah/1775–76 being the date when Russian “Great Game” in the region, Kabul not it was “officially announced” and carried out. only lost its scope of freedom. Twice British armies Fôfalzay explains this delay as due to the difficult ventured onto Afghan soil, both times suffering political circumstances of the first three years of catastrophes (1839–42 and 1879–80) but although Timur Shâh’s reign.8 Afghanistan ultimately triumphed, it emerged The construction of Kabul as capital began from both conflicts considerably destabilized. and continued during the relative stability of the In the capital which he inherited, Dôst last two decades of the eighteenth century, the Mohammad devoted himself to consolidating his power. He strove to assert his authority; to recon- quer the territories around the cities of Qandahâr, 6 Bosworth (1978), 372–373; Elphinstone (1839), II, 301; Balkh, and Herât, which roughly provided the Ferrier (1858), 98; Fôfalzay (1967), 195; and Kohzâd (1961), 11–12. country with its present-day borders; and to con- 7 Ghobâr (1980), 374; Kohzâd (1961), 12; and Noelle (1997), 24. clude a treaty with his British neighbor. The city 8 Balland (1983), 548; Dupree (1973), 340; Fôfalzay (1967), 195; of Kabul remained far outside his concerns. In any and Nur Mohammad Kohgadâʾi (1931), 58. event, as noted by all those who approached him,