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Unit 12 Mughal Theory of Sovereignty

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Unit 12 Mughal Theory of Sovereignty UNIT 12 MUGHAL THEORY OF SOVEREIGNTY I Structure Objectives Introduction The Background Nature of Cenval Asian Polity: Turco-Mongol Impact 12.3.1 Influence of Turah 12.3.2. Turco-Mongol Concept of Sovereignty 12.3.3 Nature of Political Structure 12.3.4 Custom of Succession 12.3.5 Centre-State Relationship 12.3.6 The Nobility The Mughal Theory of State: Its Development 12.4.1 Babur and Hurnayun q4.2 Akbar Let Us Sum Up Key Words Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises 1 12.0 OBJECTIVES I t This Unit deals with the evolution and nature of the Mughal theory of sovereignty. No polity or state organisation could ever develop in isolation. The study of the present Unit would enable you to see the varied shades of influences on and *aspects of Mughal i sovereignty in India. After reading this Unit you would be able to lkabout: :I the formative factors and the impact of Persian and Turco-Mongol traditibn; the concept of sovereignty and the nature of political structure in the ancestral kingdom of the Mughals; and the Mughal concept of divine theory of kingship and various remnants of Turco- Mongol administration. 12.1 INTRODUCTION !I The Indian political thought as well as the Persian and Tmo-Mongol traditions have attached much importance to the institution of sovereignty for preserving order and stability of society and for eradicating anarchy and lawlessness. Monarchy was considered to be the keystone of the medieval polity. Thus according to Abul Fa& "If royalty did not exist, the storm of strife would never subside, nor selfish ambition disappear. Mankind being under the burden of lawlessness and lust would sink into the pit of destruction ..." The nature of the state and complexion of administrative structure of an Empire were determined largely by the theory of sovereignty and the policies propounded and pursued by the king himself. A study of the Central Asian theory of state and its various aspects is, therefore, essential for comt understanding of Mughal polity. ( 12.1 THE BACKGROUND '6 t The Mughal rulers of India were not new to the art, of governance: they possessed an experience of almost two centuries of dynastic rule in Central Asia They brought with them a well-med and established principles of administration. The need to adapt in a new land had made them flexible enough to absorb the tradition of their surroundings. , Polltld m~~dInsUlutlom The general administrative structure and the policies of the Mughds in India, therefore, appear to be a conglomeration of Indo-Islamic trends. The rich Central Asian heritage and Turco-Mongol legacy in the form of practices, ir~stitutions,loan words and terms do appear occasionally. The remnants of the Chingizi and Timuri polity are often noticed in the Mughal structure in India. Babur took pride in calling himself a 'Turk' though he was a Turco-Mongol. Babur was related to Chingiz (on mother's side) and Timur (on father's side). Notwithstanding Babur's occasional outbursts against the Mongols, he held Chingiz Khan and his family in high esteem. Akbar's attitude towards his "ancestors" is appropriately reflected in the comments of Abul Fazl who called Chingiz a "great man". By thus elevating and glorifying the Mongols, the Mughals in India were adding prestige to their own dynasty. Extending their hereditary claims over the Indian territories by virtue of having the blood of Chingiz and Timur in their veins was, therefore. logical and expedient. Babur's dynasty in India was variously called 'Chaghatai', 'Mughal' and 'Qarawanah', disregarding the genealogical differences and their relationship to Chingiz through females. The significance of this relationship was not only fully realized but was equally utilized and emphasized by the Mughal rulers and their court chronicles in biographies, historical accounts, royal letters and other documents. 'lhis emphasis on kinship between the families of Chingiz and Timur brings to the surface the undercurrents of Mughal anxiety to claim a close relationship and quality with the ruling family of Chingiz Khan on the basis of their genealogy, whether d or fictitious. To a grtat extent they preserved their rich legacy even while ruling over in India - an alien and somewhat , different region. There arc a number of terms and institutions which are similar in nomenclature though different in connotation. A thorough adaptation of Central Asian terms and institutions in accordance with the needs or circumstances and the surroundings is also noticed. 12.3 NATURE OF CENTRAL ASIAN POLITY: TURCO-MONGOL IMPACT .As we have already read, the Central Asian polity was adopted by the Mughals in many ways, bearing .Turkish and Mongol traits. But controversy exists about the magnitude of Turkish and Mongol influences. Some scholars hold that Mongol traditions wm predominant, while others suggest that Turkish influence was so strong that the Mongol system had really been converted into whpt can onlx be designated as Turco-Mongol. When Chingiz came to Cenval Asia, his army mainly comprised Turks, albeit with only a nucleus of Mongol. It is supported by several sources that the prescribed norms and Mughal customs and practices were often being followed "in the fashion of Chingiz Khan". The Empire of Timur was also a "unique combination'of Turco-Mongolh political and military system". The Barlas tribe to which Timur himself belonged was actually a Turco-Mongol tribe. 12.3.1 Influence of Turah Besides having Turkish traditions, the Central Asian administration was considerably influenced by the turah, that is the laws formulated by Chingiz after his ascendancy (other terms were yasa, yusun, yasaq). The turah did not contain any religious element and dealt mainly with political principles and the organisation of government and civil and military administration. The turah was considered to be an immutable code. Akbar was proud of Central Asian connections and traditions. A fine blend of Cenral Asian and Indian traditions with a veneer of Perso-Islamic principles is, therefore: noticed in various spheres of Mughal politics and administraiton under Akh. The turah figures in Jahangir's autobiography and flickers through some of his measures. The references to turah, however, start fading and dwindle gradually in the reign of shah Jahan and is finally engulfed by the "religious revivalism" during he reign of Aurangzcb. Nevertheless, the principles of turah and the Chaghatai traditions had limited utility in Indian context. A survey of the Mughal sources shows that the emphasis on turslh was motivated by a real politik of the Mughal Emperors who wanted to highlight their links with the two formv conquerors of India and to the great Empire builders namely Chingiz and Timur. It may, however, be pointed out that the I turah was preserved and at best its traditions continued to linger in the Mughal Emph Mughd Theory of mainly in the sphere of the laws of ceremonies and etiquettes. Nevertheless, the Swerelgnty occasibnal references to the 'Chaghatai traditions' found in early Mughal sources are conspicuously mhsing in the later period. I 12.3.2 Turco-Mongol Concept of Sovereignty Although it is said that Chingiz had borrowed his divine theory of sovereignty from the Uighlurs, the Mongols themselves seem to believe in absolute power of the Khan which is evident from the following words of a Mongol Khan: "In the sky there can only be one sun or one moon; how can there be two masters on earth". Nonetheless, division of the Empire among the ruler's sons for facilitating administration with all its rigours and satiating the desires of governance among princes was the cardinal principle of Mongol concept of sovereignty. But Timur followed the concept of absolute sovereignty who pronounced that "the whole expanse of the inhabited part of the world is not worthy of two kings: since God is one, therefore, the vicegerent of God on earth should also be one." Babur also confms that "partnership in rule is a thing unheard of'. Despite these assertions, a controversy has existed among the historians about the tradition of absolute monarchy entertained by Timur who had accepted the nominal overlordship of a descendant of Chingiz Khan. Timur himself never used any title higher I than amir. Though Timur's successor Shahrukh assumed the title Padshah and Sultan-ul Azam, the idea of the nominal overlordship of the Khan remained alive down to the time of Abu Saeed Mina. However, the existence of puppet Khans was a political necessity for Timur. Timur did not belong to the royal family of Chingiz md in the given situation "only men of the tribe of Chingiz could claim the title Khan". nus, Timur's right to accession was likely to be challenged by the Mongols. These Khans were kept confined lo a particular locality and the only royal prerogative enjoyed by them was the manshurs (orders) and certain coins of Timur carried the names of these "prisoners". Nevertheless, Timur continued to maintain his supremacy over the Khans. No sooner had he acquired necessary power and secured enough support from the Chaghatai nobles than he proclaimed himself sovereign in 1370 with the title of sahib-i qiran (a title given to a ruler who had ruled for forty years). ?he coronation ceremony was held with all royal grandeur for Timur alone. Timur never "rendered honours to the Khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings. Honours due to the monarch were always personally received by Timur". Being a fm believer in absolutism, Timur never attached undue importance to the consultative assembly (qwltai). Besides, he considered himself to be the temporal as well as spiritual leader. Concept of sovereignty was stretched by him to its logical end.
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