The Origins of Macao's Community in Shanghai

Home , History of Hong Kong, Macanese people

Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies ISSN: 0874-8438 [email protected] Universidade Nova de Lisboa Portugal

Gomes Dias, Alfredo THE ORIGINS OF MACAO'S COMMUNITY IN SHANGHAI. HONG KONG'S EMIGRATION (1850- 1909) Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies, vol. 17, 2008, pp. 197-224 Universidade Nova de Lisboa Lisboa, Portugal

Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=36122836008

How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative BPJS, 2008, 17, 197-224

THE ORIGINS OF MACAO’S COMMUNITY IN SHANGHAI HONG KONG’S EMIGRATION (1850-1909) *

Alfredo Gomes Dias Polytechnic Institute of Setúbal

Abstract

After the first Opium War, an economic and political process is initiated leading China to participate in the world-wide market. Besides the circulation of merchandises and capitals, we also watched the important migratory phenomenon. The Macanese participate in this population movement, with a migration from Macao to a new city (Hong Kong) and to the International Settlement at Shanghai. Thus, from 1850 onwards, among these three cities, the different Macanese emigrant communities created lasting bonds with the different destinations (Hong Kong and Shanghai) and with their own place of origin (Macao). These bonds that sustained the first stage of the Macanese Diaspora within the neighbouring region on the Chinese coast, are confirmed by the assessment of three essential vectors: (i) Macao’s role in the foundation of a new city on the island of Hong Kong; (ii) the place of the Macanese community in Shanghai’s foreign concessions; (iii) the features of Shanghai’s Macanese from Hong Kong; (iv) the itineraries of Macanese emigrants in the first stage of the Diaspora. The assessment of these vectors enables us to present this first essay on the role of the Macanese communities in the “refoundation” of Hong Kong and Shanghai, and, also, on the main traits of the emigrants who left Hong Kong for Shanghai in the second half of the nineteenth century.

Resumo

A partir da I Guerra do Ópio inicia-se o processo político e económico que condu- ziu à abertura da China ao mercado mundial. Para além da circulação de mercadorias e capitais, assistimos também a importantes fenómenos migratórios. Os Macaenses participam neste movimento de populações que se fixam numa nova cidade, Hong Kong, e nas concessões estrangeiras de Xangai. Assim, a partir de 1850, entre estas três

* This paper is part of an on-going research project being developed in the Geography Department of the Faculty of Letters – Lisbon University. It is also part of a PhD dissertation on Macanese Diaspora (1850-1952). 198 Alfredo Gomes Dias

cidades, as diferentes comunidades de emigrantes macaenses foram criando laços que mantiveram vivos os contactos entre os diferentes territórios de destino (Hong Kong e Xangai) e entre estes e o seu território de origem (Macau). A existência destes laços que sustentaram a primeira fase da diáspora macaense, circunscrita à região próxima do litoral chinês, confirma-se pela análise de quatro vectores essenciais: (i) o papel de Macau na fundação de uma nova cidade na ilha de Hong Kong; (ii) o lugar ocupado pela comunidade macaense nas concessões estrangeiras de Xangai; (iii) as características dos macaenses de Xangai, naturais de Hong Kong; (iv) os itinerários dos emigrantes macaenses na primeira fase da diáspora. A análise destes vectores permite-nos apresentar este primeiro ensaio sobre a participação das comunidades macaenses nos processos de “refundação” de Hong Kong e Xangai e, ainda, sobre as principais características dos emigrantes que deixaram Hong Kong a caminho de Xangai, na segunda metade do século XIX.

要約

第一次アヘン戦争以後、中国の経済・政治状況は世界市場の動向に連動するものとなった。商品や資本の流通とともに、移民をめぐっても重要な現象が生じた。マカオから新しい都市（香港）や上海の租界などへの移動現象が生じたが、マカオ人もまたこの人的資源の移動に無関係ではなかった。かくして1850年以後、これらの三つの都市（マカオ、香港、上海）の、マカオ人移民で形成されるそれぞれのコミュニティ間に、相互に持続的な紐帯が形成された。このような中国沿岸の、「近隣地域内マカオ人ディアスポラ」の第一段階を形成した紐帯の存在は、四種類の重要な要素の分析によって確認されうる。すなわち（1）香港島の新都市形成におけるマカオの役割；(2）上海の外国人租界におけるマカオ人コミュニティの位置づけ；(3）上海のマカオ人と香港のマカオ人の相違；（4）ディアスポラの第一段階におけるマカオ人移民の移動経路。本稿はこれらの要素の分析を通じて、香港や上海の都市の“再形成”におけるマカオ人コミュニティの役割を明らかにするとともに、19世紀後半に香港から上海へ移動した移民の足跡をたどるよう試みるものである。

Keywords:

Migration – Diaspora – Macanese – Hong Kong – Shanghai

Migração – Diáspora – Macaense – Hong Kong – Xangai

移民問題,ディアスポラ,マカオ人,香港,上海 The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 199

Introduction

The British colony of Hong Kong was born in the aftermath of the First Opium War (1839-1842) and the city of Shanghai yielded under British and French pressure, opening up to foreigners and to international trade. Hong Kong gave birth to a new city, starring in a process of economic development that will mark the future of the region of the Pearl River Delta. The foreign concessions were set in Shanghai, giving it a new central role in China’s urban map, the first in demographics, and one of the main economic centres of the Empire. One of the many repercussions of the war between China and Great Britain over Macao was that it launched the emigration of the Macanese people, in what is now known as the “Macanese Diaspora”. The first stage ended with World War I, the main destinations being Hong Kong and Shanghai, where they achieved a significant presence in quantitative, social and economical terms. Concerning Shanghai, Macanese emigration gave birth to a new community, which became a relevant centre for new emigrants, mostly from Macao, although many, about 15%, were from Hong Kong. Thus, from 1850 onwards, among these three cities, the different Macanese emigrant communities created lasting bonds with the different destinations (Hong Kong and Shanghai) and with their own place of origin (Macao). These bonds that sustained the first stage of the Macanese Diaspora within the neighbouring region on the Chinese coast, are confirmed by the assessment of three essential vectors: (i) Macao’s role in the foundation of a new city on the island of Hong Kong; (ii) the place of the Macanese community in Shanghai’s foreign concessions; (iii) the features of Shanghai’s Macanese from Hong Kong; (iv) the itineraries of Macanese emigrants in the first stage of the Diaspora. The assessment of these vectors enables us to present this first essay on the role of the Macanese communities inthe “refoundation” of Hong Kong and Shanghai, and, also, on the main traits of the emigrants who left Hong Kong for Shanghai in the second half of the nineteenth century.

1. Hong Kong, Shanghai, and migration

We can consider the possibility that the “refoundation” of Hong Kong and Shanghai resulted from the sum of a social capital generated from the interaction between the three communities present (British, Chinese and Portuguese/Macanese) and the networks they established with their cities 200 Alfredo Gomes Dias of origin: Canton and Macao. Hong Kong’s development has always relied on self-assertion in the delta region, a phenomenon made easier by the social capital that Hong Kong was able to attract, generate, and replicate, throughout its history. It is reasonable to say that Shanghai went through a similar process, as we shall see later on. We refer to the concept of social capital defined by Pierre Bourdieu, and later used by other authors, namely, the notion of “resources” associated to membership of a certain group, keeping its elements together through permanent and useful bonds. “Le capital social est l’ensemble des ressources actuelles ou potentielles qui sont liées à la possession d’un réseau durable de relations plus ou moins institutionnalisées d’interconnaissance et d’inter- reconnaissance; ou, en d’autres termes, à l’appartenance à un groupe, comme ensemble d’agents qui ne sont pas seulement dotés de propriétés communes (susceptibles d’être perçues par l’observateur, par les autres ou par eux-mêmes) mais sont aussi unis par des liaisons permanentes et utiles”.1 The value of the social capital built by an agent relies on the extension of the network of connections it can deploy, and the capital volume (economical, cultural or symbolic) of each of the agents to whom it is connected. Besides Bourdieu’s work, the essays of James Coleman and Robert Putman are fundamental theoretical references for the evolution of the social capital concept, introduced from the 1970’s onwards. Although showing some conceptual differences, these concepts essentially value the interactions and contacts between individuals and institutions as fundamental tools in the production of social capital.2 Coleman argues that “social capital represents a resource because it involves the expectation of reciprocity, and goes beyond any given individual to involve wider networks whose relationships are governed by a high degree of trust and shared values”.3 He essentially seeks to identify the contribution of social capital to the development of human capital, by establishing bridges between the individual and the collective – social capital is “a capital based on the individual but it is built through social structures and resources”. In his book, Foundations of Social Theory (1988), he emphasizes this concept, approaching in a simple manner the concepts of human and social capital “le capital humain se situe dans les points, le capital social se situe dans les lignes que relient ces points”.4

1 Pierre Bourdieu, “Capital Social. Notes Provisoires” in Actes de la Recherche en sciences sociales, 31 (31), 1980, p. 2. 2 See J. Field, Capital Social, London, New York, Routledge, 2003. 3 J. Field, op. cit., p. 20. 4 P. Cusset, Le Lien Social, Paris, Armand Colin, 2007, p. 50. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 201

Putnam offers a social capital concept valuing the social organization traits as social networks, rules and trust relationships, making mutually beneficial coordination and cooperation easier.5 The fundamental concept is centred on the relevance of the value created from the social networks and contacts between individuals, and its multiplying effects for the economical, social, political, and cultural development of societies. We owe this author the theory that the prosperity of certain regions is more associated to social capital than to economical or human capital, which integrates two essential components: the internal bonds, within a location/community (bonding capital); the relationships established with the outside, between different locations/communities (bridging capital). These two components of social capital ultimately take us back to a spatial dimension in relationships, on their two levels of investment and accumulation: bonding capital, at local or regional scale, takes advantage of an effective proximity translated into internal trust and interpersonal cooperation bonds, in good measure grounded on identity or membership phenomena; bridging capital, on a trans-national scale, derives from relationships with the outside and is based on long- distance networks: bonding social capital tends to reinforce exclusive identi- ties and maintain homogeneity; bridging social capital tends to bring together people across diverse social divisions.6 In the mid-nineteenth century, the two cities, Hong Kong and Shanghai, underwent deep demographic, social, economic, and political changes, and became new enlargement centres for the hegemonic economical powers, reducing Macao and Canton to a semi-peripheral position, and attracting migrants from different origins, especially Chinese, British, and Portuguese from Macao. It is in these emigration circuits to Hong Kong and Shanghai, originating in the cities of the Pearl River Delta and directed to external trade (Canton and Macao), that we place the first stage of the Macanese Diaspora. The migratory itineraries of the Macanese people show the expansion movement of the economical powers of the world in East Asia. The decision to emigrate does not come from nothing; the ‘costs’ and the ‘benefits’ accounted for in these individual estimates are themselves conditioned by an institutional structure, reflecting the external hegemony. The consequent changes in the peripheral regions’ economy, society and culture are the

5 R. Putman, Making Democracy Work. Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, New York, Princeton University Press,1993, p. 26. 6 See I. André e A. Abreu, “Dimensões e Espaços da Inovação Social” in Finisterra, XLI, 81, 2006, 121-141; J. Field, op. cit., p. 32. 202 Alfredo Gomes Dias contexts in which emigration becomes a possible, or even necessary, option, for its peoples.7 The launching of Hong Kong occurred a few years before the launching of Shanghai. Likewise, Hong Kong was the first destination of Macanese emigrants. When they left Macao for Shanghai, in the 1850’s, they initiated the foundation of a new Macanese community, now somewhat more distant from its place of origin. A decade later, emigrants who left that British colony for Shanghai joined them and many of them were already part of a second generation of emigrants settled on the neighbouring island of Hong Kong. They also contributed to the foundation of the Macanese community of Shanghai. Therefore, in the launching of the Macanese Diaspora we find the crossing of different complementary notions: territorial, privileging proximity (first, Hong Kong, then Shanghai); macro-sociological, resulting from the appeal of the mercantile expansion movement of the hegemonic powers, namely Great Britain; and another, from the operation of social networks that strengthened the membership and trust bonds, resulting from interpersonal and family relationships between Macanese communities outside, and between them and their society of origin. The crossing of these three notions guiding the beginning of Maca- nese emigration reflects a momentum we can now identify, namely: as the acknowledgment that these migratory flows are integrated in a vaster spatial and time framework, with the features of an ethnic group Diaspora, with Portuguese and Asian origins; as the relationships with their motherland, which is, simultaneously, the centre of the origin of the Diaspora; and of the emigration dispersion, remaining constant in time and diversified as to the destination places; as a high emigrant quantitative, compared to those who stay in their places of origin; as a cultural identity, grounded in the strengthening of a collective memory of the society of origin (Macao) and of a mythical origin (Portugal). Following Great Britain’s mercantile expansion, the main economic and maritime power of the eighteenth century world, Macao greatly contributed to the birth of the new British colony of Hong Kong, not directly, in political and economical terms, but essentially in terms of the appeal of the new city for the Macanese community.

7 See A. Portes, Migrações Internacionais. Origens, Tipos e Modos de Incorporação, Oeiras, Celta Editores, 1999, p. 27. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 203

2. Macao in Hong Kong

On the eve of the First Opium War, the preference of the British traders and of London’s political powers for their mercantile activities in Canton or Macao was clear, but none of these solutions was feasible: in Canton, the high commissioner Lin Zexu, had ousted them, following their actions to stop opium traffic; Macao was the city that, fearing British occupation and privileging an alliance with imperial China, had chosen a neutral status, refusing to accommodate the British community.8 Therefore, the only solu- tion left for Superintendent Charles Elliot was to negotiate with commissioner Qishan the proposal to settle the British community on the island of Hong Kong.9 At that time, Macao grew with its involvement in the opium traffic, within the strict constraints imposed, on the one hand, by the Chinese forbidding regulations, and on the other hand, by the maritime and trading leadership of Great Britain, which, in fact, controlled that trade circuit between India and China. Having a port limited by natural factors, its silting up preventing it from keeping up with the progresses made in steam navigation, up until the First Opium War, Macao benefited from its secular adaptation to the political and administrative imperial machine. So, the city remained an exclusive area of bonds between the different foreign communities and the trading Mandarin elites of the Pearl River Delta region. Macao interpreted the news of Hong Kong’s occupation by the British community in different ways. When the first rumours arrived in January 1841, the press, and namely the newspaper O Português na China, dismissed the new British colony.10 However, Governor Silveira Pinto seemed to be more cautious about the dangers Hong Kong might pose to Macao in a near future, insistently drawing the attention of Lisbon’s government to the need to create a new project for the city. But the lack of such a political and

8 Concerning the First Opium War and the origins of Hong Kong we can consult an exten- sive bibliography. However, we must point out three titles: Ernest John Eitel, Europe in China. The History of Hong-Kong, Taipei, Ch’eng-wen Publishing Company, 1968; Gerald S. Graham, The China Station. War and Diplomacy. 1830-1860, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1978; and Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China, New York/London, W. W. Norton & Company, 1990. About the neutrality of Macao in the First Opium War: Alfredo Gomes Dias, Macau e a I Guerra do Ópio, Macao, IPOR, 1993 and, from the same author, Sob o Signo da Transição, Macao, IPOR, 1998; Alfredo Gomes Dias, “Documentos relativos à neutralidade portuguesa durante a I Guerra do Ópio (1839-1842)” in António Vasconcelos Saldanha (Dir.), Colecção de Fontes Documentais para a História das Relações entre Portugal e a China. Série Especial, Volume I, Macao, Fundação Macau/Universidade de Macau, 1998. 9 Ernest John Eitel, op. cit., pp. 121-122. 10 O Português na China, Macao, Vol. 3, Nº 21, 21 de Janeiro de 1841. 204 Alfredo Gomes Dias economic project led Macao to get involved in building the new British city on the island of Hong Kong. While we must emphasize that these are two different historical realities, we cannot ignore the fact that the political, economic and social development of Hong Kong and Macao are associated, due to the changes operated in East Asia, in the mid-nineteenth century, with Great Britain at the head and the desideratum to extend its colonial power to the Asian empires. Hong Kong was the result of this long process, but its specificity as a city on Chinese territory resulted in the social and economic reality so much closer to it: Canton, Macao, the region of the Pearl River Delta, and, later, its connection to the Chinese ports open to international trade, after the Nanjing Treaty of 1842, particularly Shanghai. Therefore, by emphasizing the factors that approach the two cities of Hong Kong and Macao, we must assess the role of each of the three national and ethnical communities present in the origins of this new British colony – the British, the Chinese and the Macanese. The “sítios” 11 of Hong Kong (Fig. 1), at that time named Vitória, cover an area which includes Queen’s Road (the first urban axis designed by the British administration in 1842), Pottinger Street, Gough Street, Jervois Street, Spring Gardens and Happy Valley, where the British community settled. Very near by, in Queens Road, the Chinese Bazaar began being built, concentrat- ing labour and all the activities supporting the beginning of the construction

Fi g . 1 – The ‘sítios’ of Hong Kong

B C F A D

A – West Peak B – Queen’s Road Central, Pottinger Street, Gough Street, Jervois Street C – Spring Gardens BRTISH ‘SÍTIOS’ D – Happy Valley E – Wellington Road PORTUGUESE ‘SÍTIOS’ 0 1 Km F – Queen´s Road East CHINESE ‘SÍTIOS’

So u r c e : Ernest John Eitel, Europe in China. The History of Hong-Kong, Taipei, Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, 1968 (Map of the author).

11 By “sítio” we mean an urban place were a city begins. See Teresa Barata Salgueiro, A Cidade em Portugal: Uma Geografia Urbana, Porto, Edições Afrontamento, 1992, pp. 149. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 205 of the city and the settlement of the other communities. The first Macanese, about fifty, settled in Wellington Road, next to Queen’s Road East, in 1846.12 These three communities at the origin of this land settlement 13 of the island have took with them the social networks that sustained the economic activity of the Pearl River Delta before the beginning of the First Opium War. In a first stage, the British community showed some signs of resistance in moving to Hong Kong and stets involvement in the construction of a new city. Charles Elliot and, later, Henry Pottinger (the first Governor of Hong Kong) developed a set of measures to encourage/force the British trading houses to settle in Hong Kong. In the first three years until 1844, British traders settled on the island, leaving Canton and Macao. A new political power was then created around the “governor of Hong Kong” and, despite the introduction of new regulations for the Chinese external trade, opium remained the new city’s main source of income. A significant Chinese community settled in Hong Kong: traders connected to Canton and Macao (the “Hong”), the maritime population of the Tancares, maritime pilots and small scale provision traders and arti- sans. According to E. J. Eitel, in May 15, 1841, date of the first census, the Chinese population was 5.650. In March of the following year this number had already risen to 12.361 and, two years later, in 1844, to about 19 thou- sand people.14 The Portuguese community, composed by Macanese people, was initially concentrated in Wellington Road, engaging in the main activities of the rising city. Leonardo d’Almada e Castro and his brother, José Maria d’Almada e Castro, are the most famous names of this first Macanese community, and many consider them the first emigrants to give birth to the Macanese Diaspora. As Officials of the British Trade Superintendence in Macao, they accompanied the transfer of this organism to Hong Kong, on 27 February 1842.15 In 1846, other Macanese already worked with the colonial administration of Hong Kong: João de Jesus (interpreter at the Chief Magistrates Office), F. de Noronha (Police Rate Assessment Office), and J. B. dos Remé- dios and D. J. Barradas (Post Office). Besides the public sector, we find the printing sector, the area of activity with a strong presence of the Macanese

12 In one of the first censuses published in Hong Kong, in 1846, about 50 Portuguese are indi- cated with professional activity, a third of which employee of the government. Luís Andrade de Sá, The Boys From Macau. Portugueses em Hong Kong, Lisbon / Macao, Fundação Oriente / Insti- tuto Cultural de Macau, 1999, p. 30. 13 The number of Chinese who lived in Hong Kong before the British presence varies, conso- nant the consulted authors, between 2.000 and 5.000 people. 14 Ernest John Eitel, op. cit., pp. 171, 186 and 197. 15 Ernest John Eitel, op. cit., p. 182 and Luís Andrade de Sá, op. cit., p. 27. 206 Alfredo Gomes Dias community. The newspapers have played a relevant role in the construction of the city, turning into an important channel for the spreading of information. After that, comes the banking sector, in these first years still represented solely by José M. de Noronha at the Oriental Bank. Finally, there is the trade sector that absorbed the most significant number of Macanese people who decided to leave their city of origin in search of a city of “promise”. The main western firms operating in the Delta region progressively settled inHong Kong under pressure from the British political authorities who wished to ensure the success of the new space inserted in their colonial world. “Ever since this belief in the permanency of the British occupation of Hongkong gained ground, some of the leading British merchants, instead of merely opening branch offices at Hongkong, began to break up their establishments at Macao and Canton and to remove their offices to the new settlement”.16 This corporate network was to have the cooperation of many Macanese people. For instance, Eduardo Pereira and Joaquim Caldas (Dent & Co.); I. P. Pereira and J. A. de Jesus (Rawle, Duus & Co.); Q. da Silva, S. Rangel, P. J. Loureiro, D. Eliado Sasson and A. de Miranda (Russel & Co.); João Braga, Miguel do Rozário and José Leão (Victoria Dispensary).17 Considering that trading gave the city a meaning, and ensured its economic feasibility, indispensable for its survival and posterior development, Hong Kong had a leading role in the construction of East Asia’s future. The port was the great facility that made the difference, both for its natural conditions, allowing steam vessels berthing, and the formula adopted for its operation – free port. Therefore, despite the initial hesitations and difficulties of the establishment of an accelerated population flow, it is not hard to justify the attraction Hong Kong has exerted since its first year over the trading activity developed in the delta region, as A. Matheson, confirms, in 1847: “When the first Europeans settled in Hong Kong, the Chinese showed every disposition to frequent the place; and there was a fair prospect of its becoming a place of considerable trade. The junks from the coast made up their cargoes there, in place of going to Canton and Macao; these cargoes consisted of opium, cotton shirtings, a few pieces of camlets, and other wool- lens, and Straits produce, such as pepper, betel-nut, rattans, &c”.18 The “sítios” of Hong Kong, revealing the close proximity of the three communities that gave birth to the city of Vitória, are the first proof of the

16 Ernest John Eitel, op. cit., pp. 182-183. 17 The Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846 with an appendix, ed. China Mail, Hong Kong, 1846, pp. 994-997, 1027 in Luís Andrade de Sá, op. cit., pp. 28-29. Concerning the partici- pation of the Macanese community in the foundation of Hong Kong we advise the reading of de J. P. Braga, The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, Macao, Fundação Macau, 1998. 18 Ernest John Eitel, op. cit., p. 169. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 207 existence of a regional and trans-national social network, which granted the new project of the British colonial empire its success in the mid-nineteenth century. In this case, the close spatial proximity of the British, Chinese and Macanese communities translates the social capital concentration that these three communities have transferred to, and deployed in, the construction of the city. At local and regional level, the inter and intra-community social, cultural, and ethnical bonds were been created and maintained in Hong Kong and with the other cities of the delta: Macao and Canton. At trans-national level, the development of Hong Kong and of the whole region where it is inserted was only possible due to the bridges established with the imperial spaces involved, namely, those of China and Great Britain. From 1841 onwards, the history of the city of Macao became closely connected to the fate of Hong Kong, and we must recognise the role of the migratory movement of the Macanese community in the birth and land settlement of the new city. This emigration would take Macanese people to other destinations. After Hong Kong, it was time for the Macanese to go to Shanghai.

3. Macao in Shanghai

The original heart of Shanghai – the old «Chinese City» dating back to the third century B.C. – expanded with the creation of international concessions from the 1850’s onwards. The “sítio” of the foreign concessions was on the left bank of the River Huangpu, where the piers and customs facilities were established, centralizing the trading activity of the city and expanding in a web of streets that, in a first stage, stretched westwards (Fig. 2). The British and American concessions gave birth to the International Concession (I.C.) in 1863, although the French Concession remained autono- mous. On the one hand, foreign concessions offered an economic and social model of modernization, particularly in terms of hygiene, police forces and public works, and, on the other, the territorial and political fragmentation posed some difficulties in the creation of global urbanization plans and the prohibition and/or regulation of activities such as gambling, prostitution and drug trafficking.19 Between 1854 and 1945 the city was the arrival destination and refuge of people from different origins, some attracted by the growing economic momentum, others encouraged by the need to escape internal (Taiping in 1850-60; Boxers in 1890) and external wars (Second and Third Opium Wars, from 1856 to 1860; Japanese invasion, from 1937 onwards).

19 J. Esherick, Remaking the Chinese City. Modernity and National Identity. 1900-1950, York, University of Hawai’i Press, 2000, p. 2. 208 Alfredo Gomes Dias

Fi g . 2 – The “sítio” of the Foreign Concessions of Shanghai

So u r c e : J. Esherick (Ed.), Remaking the Chinese City. Modernity and National Identity. 1900-1950, York, University of Hawai’i Press, 2000, p. 194.

The economic activities, which contributed to the development of Shanghai are first of all, related to the natural conditions of the city’s location: (i) sea port amid the coastal line, favouring its vocation for external trade; (ii) arrival destination for an important river network, on the mouth of the River Yangtze, enabling a trade connection with Central China’s interior, with the River Huangpu as a connecting channel. So, Shanghai benefited from its interface function between the Chinese economic world and external trade, keeping the city in constant connection with East Asia and the rest of the world. In 1925, Shanghai’s leadership as an urban area had already become clear, surpassing the city limits and asserting itself as a vast urban area of great demographic concentration. Between 1910 and 1927 the demographic growth of Shanghai (Table 1) had a different reflection among the foreign concessions and the Chinese districts – a growth sustained by migration flows and also by internal migration from several Chinese regions. Shanghai became known as the «economic miracle», in the symbol-space of a new country – republican, liberal and bourgeois – attracting relevant groups of the Chinese bourgeoisie. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 209

Ta b l e 1: Shanghai Population (1910-1927) Total Chinese International French Years Population quarters Concession Concession 1910 1 289 353 671 866 501 541 115 946 1927 2 641 220 1 503 922 (*) 840 226 (*) 297 072 Variation + 1 351 867 + 832 056 + 338 685 + 181 126 (1910-1927) (104,8%) (123,8%) (67,5%) (156,2%) (*) Referring to the year of 1925. Adapted: M. Bergère, L’Âge d’Or de la Bourgeoisie Chinoise, Paris, Flammarion, 1986, p. 109.

Therefore, acknowledging the fact that international migration produces regionally diverse results, according to the immigrants’ traits and the territories where they settle,20 as regards Shanghai, they are decisive both through their direct contribution to the city’s demographic growth, and because they are an attraction pole for internal Chinese migration, due to the economic momentum generated by the presence of foreigners in the city. On the other hand, this presence of multinational residents not only influenced economic activity it also produced an impact on Shanghai’s urban planning and political management. We know Portuguese immigration of Macanese origin spread through the International Concession and the French Concession. However, according to the information available, the I.C. was their first and main destination. Concerning the traits of the population living in this area of Shanghai in the first decades of the twentieth century we must say, first, that theI.C. was not a homogenised space, with distinct differences between its four districts, both by their size, and by the populations’ origins, population density and growth rates. Historic and economic factors account for the different demographic rates of the different districts. The districts declining or with a slow demographic growth (Central and North) are the older ones, corresponding to the original English and American concessions and occupying very small areas: 1,9 Sq. km and 2 Sq. km, respectively. As the Central and North districts had a high population density, the East (10,9 km2) and West (7,8 km2) districts enabled new demographic concentration movements. The two developed later along with the establishment of the city’s light indus- tries between 1910 and 1920.21 These factors help us explain the distribu-

20 See Lucinda Fonseca, “Inserção territorial. Urbanismo, Desenvolvimento Regional e Políticas Locais de Atracção” in Imigração: Oportunidade ou Ameaça?, Lisbon, Principia, 2007, pp. 105-150. 21 See M. Bergère, L’Âge d’Or de la Bourgeoisie Chinoise, Paris, Flammarion, 1986, pp. 109-113. 210 Alfredo Gomes Dias tion of the Macanese population through the I.C. (Table 2), namely its high concentration in the North District (78,7%). There are several explanations: an historical one, since, as already mentioned, the Central and North Districts correspond to the first foreign concessions and the Portuguese emigration accompanied the foundation of these two concessions; an economic one, concerning the Macanese community’s close relationship with the economic activities of the British and the Americans, the two most influential foreign communities in that region; a third might be related to the companies set in these two areas of the I.C., namely, stores and financial institutions where the Macanese community worked.

Ta b l e 2 – Portuguese (Macanese) Population in Shanghai (1905) Areas of Shanghai Portuguese in the I.C. of Shanghai (1905) % North District 1.047 78,7 East District 254 19,1 Neighbourhoods 23 1,7 Central District 4 0,3 West District 2 0,2 Opium Hulks 1 0,1 Total 1.331 100,0 Obs: In the original document, the total of the Portuguese in 1905 is 1.329, which does not correspond to sum of the partial totals (1.331). Adapted: Shanghai Municipal Council. Census of the Foreign Population of Shanghai on the 14th October, 1905 in AHU-MNE: consulate of Shanghai, printed document (Cx. 575).

However, we acknowledge the fact that the way Macanese people spread through Shanghai is an issue worth deepening and that requires other studies. By identifying the first Portuguese who settled in the city and their residence areas, we will be able to answer the questions raised by this theme, namely concerning the possible relationship between the occupation of certain areas of the city and the family and corporate networks which sustained and ensured a constant emigration flow between Macao and Shanghai. Another question worth considering is connected to the possible existence of ethicising phenomena in the Macanese spreading through the different blocks, neighbourhoods, or districts of the city, taking into consideration the fact that Macao’s emigration to Shanghai greatly involved Portuguese of Chinese and Macanese origins. Shanghai’s population growth, which became clear with the settlement of the foreign concessions and was fuelled by the immigration it generated, has given the city a human face marked by diversity. Shanghai was an amaz- The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 211 ing human anthill. There were mainly English people, but also Americans, French, Scandinavians, Continental Portuguese and half-breeds from Macao, Spanish, Dutch, Germans, Austrians, Russians, etc.22 In the 1930s no other Chinese had such a large spectrum of new immigrant groups, indentured labourers, second generation immigrants (settlers). With the data currently available we can see that between 1880 and 1905 Portuguese nationality foreigners, of Macanese origin, represented a percentage of the foreign population that reside in I.C. and which always rated above 10%. The Macanese always stayed between the second and the third position (Fig. 3), giving it a particular significance on its own.

Fi g . 3 – Main Nationalities of the Resident Foreigners in the I.C. (1880-1905)

4000

3500

3000

2500 British Japanese 2000 Portuguese North Americans 1500 Germans

1000

500

0 1880 1885 1890 1895 1900 1905 Years

So u r c e : Shanghai Municipal Council. Census of the Foreign Population of Shanghai on the 14th October, 1905 in AHD-MNE: consulate of Shanghai, printed document (Cx. 575).

Shanghai, a city “refounded” in 1845,23 became a city open to international trade and also to the “import” of people from different origins. A migratory flow directed to this city turned it into the most relevant Chinese urban area, from the nineteenth century to the twenty-first century.

22 See J. Penna, Shanghai. Aspectos Históricos da China Moderna, s.l., Americ = Edit, 1944, pp. 47-49. 23 The I.C. was a territory which had explicitly been set aside by the Chinese authorities in 1845 on the basis of the 1842 Nanking Treaty. 212 Alfredo Gomes Dias

However, these changes in Shanghai were not due to the growing presence of foreign communities. Some credit is due to the Chinese community, which found in Shanghai a refuge for an important internal migratory flow, also marked by a relevant diversity of origins. In 1910, according to the data now available (Table 3), the Chinese community in Shanghai was distributed throughout nine Chinese provinces, according to its origins, headed by Jiangsu and Zhejiang, near Shanghai, which concentrated 86,5% of the entire Chinese population residing in the International Concession.

Ta b l e 3 – Chinese Population of the International Concession, by Provinces of Origin (1910) Províncias 1910 Jiangsu 180331 Zhejiang 168791 Guangdong 39336 Anhui 5263 Hubei 3352 Shandong 2197 Fujian 2134 Jiangxi 1488 Hunan 680 Adapted: Goodman, Bryna, Native, Place, City, and Nation, Berkeley, Los Angeles, Londres, 1995, p. 315.

Of the three traditionally involved provinces in the Chinese Diaspora – Guangdong, Fujian and Hainan – only the first two contributed to the construction of the population diversity of Shanghai: Guangdong, in third place, with 39.336 and Fujian with only 2.134 Chinese. Two considerations seem clear: first, in an internal migration phenomenon, geographic proximity has a significant weight on the process of the decision to emigrate; second, those provinces with a tradition of contact with the outside still preferred going abroad to internal migration. In the mid-nineteenth century, Hong Kong was still growing, while Shanghai had already reached its status as one of the main urban centres of an empire still deeply marked by its rural character. Despite their great differences, Hong Kong and Shanghai began a “refoundation” process, thanks to capital and human flows, in particular, both thanks to trans-national migratory flows, which included Portuguese/Macanese, and to the internal migration of the Chinese who left their provinces of origin. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 213

The settlement of the foreign communities in Hong Kong and Shanghai enabled the deployment of the social capital necessary for the economic launching of the two cities, projecting them in space (world) and in time (future). In Shanghai’s case, there was a significant Macanese community not only in quantitative terms, but also due to the role it played in the social and economic structures of the most representative Chinese city.

4. Hong Kong in Shanghai

Considering that the first stage of the Macanese migratory flow might have been supported by a network of bonds reaching from Macao to Shanghai through Hong Kong, we decided to focus this study on the group of natural emigrants from Hong Kong, who somehow established a bridge between the society of origin (Macao) and the society of destination (Shanghai), since the British colony of Hong Kong was the first Macanese emigration destination before switching to Shanghai a decade later. The first generation of Macanese emigrants who founded Shanghai’s community can be studied in books such as Matrícula dos Cidadãos Portu- gueses 24 (Arquivo Histórico Diplomático – AHD-MNE) which from 1890 collected the records of those Portuguese who settled in Shanghai. These record books were created by the “Portuguese Consular Regulation Ordered by the Decree of November 26, 1903”, which came into force on July 1, 1904, revoking the previous regulation of 1851. While we have the foundation of a Portuguese community in Shanghai, 95% of these emigrants are from Macao and Hong Kong: Macanese. We shall only take account of the records until 1909, so as to focus our study on the first generation of emigrants settled in Shanghai. The records, including the place of birth of Portuguese emigrants between 1850 and 1909, present a total of 615 people. The city of Macao is the main territory of origin of Shanghai’s Portuguese (483). The Macanese from Hong Kong came after- wards (93): they arrived in a more significant number from the 1880’s onwards contributing to the general increase of Portuguese people in Shanghai. The entire number of Portuguese people from Macao and Hong Kong reached 95%. The residual number includes the other origins – Portugal, the Portu- guese colonies in Africa, Goa or other Asian cities. We must also emphasize the fact that the 93 Macanese from Hong Kong are not the only ones coming from that British colony, for Shanghai received many Macanese who had already settled in Hong Kong, but declared Macao as their place of birth.

24 Arquivo Histórico Diplomático-Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros (AHD-MNE), Livros de Matrícula dos Cidadãos Portugueses (1880-1952), Portuguese Consulate in Shanghai. 214 Alfredo Gomes Dias

The evolution of the Macanese emigrants’ arrival from Hong Kong generally accompanies that of those who came from Macao (Fig. 4).

Fi g . 4 – Arrival of the Macanese Migrants in Shanghai (1880-1905)

250

200

150 Macau Hong Kong Shanghai 100

50 Nº of Portuguese Registrations in the Consulate 0 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 Decades

So u r c e : Matrícula dos Cidadãos Portugueses (AHD-MNE).

Macao’s emigration to Shanghai starts mainly in the 1860’s. The stag- nant stage observed in the 1880’s and 1890’s is partly compensated by the beginning of the Hong Kong Macanese emigration. On the other hand, we must not forget that these were already part of the second generation of Macao-Hong Kong emigration, that had started in 1842, and this is confirmed by the 88 records indicating their birth dates (Table 4): 87,6% were born from the 1860’s onwards.

Ta b l e 4 – Births of the Portuguese of Hong Kong Registered in the Portuguese Consulate of Shanghai (1850-1909) Births by decades Nº % 1840 1 1,1 1850 10 11,4 1860 16 18,2 1870 41 46,6 1880 18 20,5 1890 2 2,3 Total 88 100,0

So u r c e : Matrícula dos Cidadãos Portugueses (AHD-MNE). The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 215

Of the 93 Macanese from Hong Kong registered in the Portuguese consulate, 81,7% are men and only 18,3% are women. The records privi- lege the husband is registration. Women would only be registered if they were widows. We accessed the marital status of 77 of these emigrants at the date of the consulate registration. Of these, 63,6% were married, 23,4% were single and 13% were widowers. In order to confirm the significance of the proximity and trust bonds, in an interpersonal relationship context where the family has a relevant status, we must consider the role of women and the family in these migratory flows. Essentially, we must identify one of three possibilities: a predominantly male emigration; a significant family presence, with the wife and children accompanying the emigrant man; a coexistence of the two previous realities. Of 81,7% registered men is such a significant number that we are led to believe in the first possibility. However, we begin to doubt because 63,6% were already married, although that percentage on its own does not enable us to reach any conclusions for 78,8% of these emigrants arrived in Shanghai at an active age (as we shall see later on) and, so the probabilities are they already had a family. We are more enlightened when looking at the place of birth of the first descendants of the couples registered in the records, because 65,5% were born in Shanghai, and this percentage is close to the percentage of married couples. This number of first children born in Shanghai compels us to suggest that this emigration has a relevant family involvement, without leading us to believe this would be the predominant scenario, for we must not overlook the fact that 21,8% of the first children of the couples were born in Hong Kong (7,3% have other places of birth), and that could indicate that the man emigrated alone and that his family would only join him a few years later. We acknowledge the fact that in the present stage of our study it is still early to conclude anything. The quantitative analysis must be complemented by qualitative sources, helping us confirm the family system of Macanese emigration. However, we are tempted to say that the Macanese would emigrate, mainly, with their families, and that does not exclude the coexistence of a male/single and another male/married emigration flow, but that the family would soon join the latter. The possibility of a strong family involvement is also suggested by the existence of many emigrants with the same name, and, as we shall see in the next item, because we can observe a family system in all this migratory process of the Macanese families, throughout the different generations, that has contributed to the characterization of this Diaspora. So, although we can still only suggest a research possibility to be followed in the future, we believe Macanese families were part of a relevant network sustaining the Diaspora. According to Portes, migration is defined as a network-creating process, because it develops an ever thickening web 216 Alfredo Gomes Dias of contacts between the places of origin and the places of destination. Once established, these networks allow the migration process to become self- sustained and immune to short term changes in economic incentives. The costs and risks of moving abroad are reduced thanks to these social bridges between national borders, enabling women and children to join the house- hold heads who have emigrated. People begin moving due to reasons other than the first economic incentives – for instance, to join family members or to satisfy mandatory expectations of what was considered ‘decent’ behaviour for young workers.25 To complete this first analysis of the case of emigrants from Hong Kong who contributed to the founding of Shanghai’s Macanese community, we must go back to the age of emigrants and to the economic activities they engage in, in the territory of destination. As to the predominant ages, Macanese emigrants from Hong Kong accompany their countrymen from Macao and the general tendency of the migratory phenomenon, that is to say, 78,8% of these Macanese emigrate at active age, between 15 and 44 years old (Table 5).

Ta b l e 5 – Age of the Portuguese of Hong Kong Registered in the Portuguese Consulate of Shanghai (1850-1909) Idades % 0-14 18,8 15-24 45,9 25-34 23,5 35-44 9,4 mais de 45 2,4 Total 100,00

So u r c e : Matrícula dos Cidadãos Portugueses (AHD-MNE).

This active population will particularly give preference to the main activity of Shanghai, increasing its development, both quantitatively and qualitatively, from the settling of foreign concessions onwards: trade. This was the international migration pattern already described by Portes: the international migration patterns tend to reflect with impressive accuracy the hegemonic actions of the world powers in the past.26 Of the 93 names registered in the consulate, 75 state their profession and, of these, 91,3% are employed in trade or other related professions. The

25 See A. Portes, op. cit., p. 27. 26 See A. Portes, op. cit., p. 25. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 217

Macanese tradition in this field of activity is well known, with them filling intermediate positions in the foreign trade houses established in Macao that later moved to Hong Kong and Shanghai. Their performance was closely connected not only to their competence in the accounting and management fields, but mainly to their language skills, as the mastery of different languages was a basic requirement in such a diversified ethnical and cultural context. “When Sir Henry Pottinger moved over the Superintendence of British Trade in China from Macao to Hong Kong it was just such people among the Portuguese at Macao who threw in their lot with the British officials and built their new homes on the fever ridden island of Hong Kong. Included in the staff of the British firms were Portuguese young men filling clerical and other essential positions, some of them qualified interpreters in three or more languages. Regarding the competency of the Portuguese to interpret in the English, Chinese, Malayan and Portuguese languages, a tribute must be paid to the Fathers of St. Joseph’s College at Macao for their excellent work in the teaching of these languages”.27 So, Macanese emigration revolved around a social and economic motivation, as well as their specific role in the dominant corporate fabric of their societies of destination, Hong Kong and Shanghai. To sum up, the analysis of the demographic traits of the Macanese migratory flow between Hong Kong and Shanghai in the second half of the nineteenth century enables us to a great extent to confirm some of the possibilities we have been formulating in this study. First, the origins of the Macanese community of Shanghai had the contribution of many second-generation Macanese emigrants who settled in Hong Kong soon after it became a British colony. This migratory flow between Hong Kong and Shanghai -comple mented the main migratory current that had its origin in the city of Macao, namely in the 80’s and 90’s, connecting the former to the latter destination of Macanese. Second, there is a great probability that Macanese emigration was predominantly centred in the family, which both assured the continuity of the people and, occasionally, the integration of those Macanese who chose emigration as a way of life. Third, and finally, we confirm the possibility that Macanese emigration followed the patterns of the expansion of China’s international market, under British control, ascertaining its role in the new social and economic structures of the destination territories, namely, through its introduction in the trade activity of exports, where the main foreign and Chinese trading houses operated, and leading the way. But in order to approach the Macanese emigration itineraries in this first stage of the Diaspora, let us observe the behaviour of three Macanese families.

27 J. P. Braga, op. cit., p. 142. 218 Alfredo Gomes Dias

5. From Macao to the world

To complete the analysis of this case study about Macanese emigration, focused on the migratory current Hong Kong-Shanghai, we must analyse the itineraries of the Macanese families involved, attempting to describe their migratory trajectories, tracing them in time, and analysing their mobility patterns. We chose three families of different sizes (judging from the research done by Jorge Forjaz 28), but all of them included in the records of the Portu- guese consulate in Shanghai. The itineraries presented were grounded on the work by Forjaz, and have the necessary information to allow identification of each family member who left their territory of origin. In the picture, the arrows represent the movements occurred in each generation; the numbers indicate the corresponding generation. We must clarify the fact that each arrow does not correspond to an individual emigrant but to the movements of the whole generation, despite the number of people involved.

5.1. Barradas Family 29 The family line studied was initiated by Carlos Barradas (1770-1818), a Macanese from São Lourenço, son of Chinese gentile parents. The first movement occurred in the third generation (Fig. 5), from Macao to Hong Kong,

Fi g . 5 – BARRADAS family: emigrational itinerary

Japan 4

Shanghai California 6

Macau 3 Hong Kong

S. Paulo

So u r c e : Jorge Forjaz, Famílias Macaenses, Macao, Fundação Oriente/Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1996.

28 Jorge Forjaz, Famílias Macaenses, Macao, Fundação Oriente/Instituto Cultural de Macao, 1996. 29 Jorge Forjaz, op. cit., pp. 383-387. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 219 by Vicente Francisco Barradas (1826-?). Augusto César Barradas arrived in Shanghai, from Hong Kong: he lived in Yokohama, where all his children were born, except the last one, born in Shanghai. He died in this city, but there is no record of the year. In the sixth generation, two brothers, Augusto César Barradas and César Augusto Barradas left Shanghai headed for the Americas: the former settled in São Paulo, Brazil, and the latter in Texas, and his descendants lived in California.

5.2. Danenberg Family 30

The first name registered under Danenberg is that of Henrique Caetano Danenberg (c. 1770-?), a Dutch citizen. Emigration from Macao to Hong Kong occurred in the second generation (Fig. 6): with António Carlos Danen- berg (1805-1848). Two of his nine children initiated different emigration itineraries: João Carlos Danenberg (1837-1918) emigrated to Shanghai, starting an emigration trajectory that will take his descendants to Singapore, Canton, Australia and in the fifth generation, with Roy Humberto Danen- berg (1911-1993) to Brazil and Florida (USA); Vicente Sebastião Danenberg (1841-1904) emigrated, like his brother António, to Shanghai and his son César Augusto Danenberg (1902-1973) began to establish his family in the USA, in the area of San Francisco.

Fi g . 6 – DANENBERG family: emigrational itinerary

João Carlos Danenberg Vicente Sebastião Danenberg

7 6 Shanghai California 5 Florida

5 5 6 4 3 4 6 3 5 5 Canton 5 6 5 6 Goa 2 3 Macau 3 Hong Kong 5 5

5 5 6 Rio de Janeiro Saigon 5 5 S. Paulo Australia 5 Singapura 5

So u r c e : Jorge Forjaz, Famílias Macaenses, Macao, Fundação Oriente/Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1996.

30 Jorge Forjaz, op. cit., pp. 995-1003. 220 Alfredo Gomes Dias

5.3. Alemão Family 31

This is a “small” family judging by few pages dedicated to them by Jorge Forjaz in his work. Eduardo Alemão is the first name registered in this family, but there is no information about him, except his marriage to Anastácia da Anunciação Jacques. His son, Silvestre da Piedade Alemão (1818-1883), was born in Goa, lived in Macao, where he married, and sailed to Hong Kong where his last three children were born (of a total of eight) and where he died. Shanghai received two of Silvestre’s sons (third generation): Dulcino Luís de Jesus Alemão (1848-1892) and Teodorica Alemão (?-1939). Only in the fifth generation did the Alemão family leave the Asian continent with Alberto Maria Alemão (1902-?) arriving in Lisbon, where he helped found Casa de Macao, and Nélia Maria Alemão (1915-c.1965) who died in San Francisco (Fig. 7).

Fi g . 7 – ALEMÃO family: emigrational itinerary

Lisboa 5 5 Xangai Califórnia 6 7

6 6 5 4 3

Macau 3 Hong Kong 5

So u r c e : Jorge Forjaz, Famílias Macaenses, Macao, Fundação Oriente/Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1996.

Attempting to define an analytical table for the concept of the social networks, Alejandro Portes argues that the social networks can be analysed in two essential aspects: social networks differ at different levels, with direct consequences on economic behaviour; size and density being the most relevant. Size refers to the number of members in a network and density to the number of bonds between them.32 However, these aspects relate to the analysis of a migratory phenomenon at a given time and, in this brief study we seek to analyse a migratory process with the distinct traits of a Diaspora,

31 Jorge Forjaz, op. cit., pp. 71-73. 32 See A. Portes, op. cit., p. 13. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 221 diachronically. Therefore, we must necessarily redefine the scale of analysis for the study of the migratory itineraries of each Macanese family. There are two aspects focused here: first, the spatial distribution of the itineraries and, second, their time intensity. The spatial distribution enables us to confirm or disavow the Diaspora traits of the Macanese emigration, while the time intensity indicates the persistent mobility throughout generations in each of the itinerary’s segments. In the case of the Barradas family (Fig. 5) we observe a sequential distribution, each generation corresponding to a specific segment of the itinerary. So, the Barradas family presents a strong distribution of destinations, despite the low time intensity, for each movement involves a sole generation. On the opposite side we find the Danenberg family (Fig. 6) showing us a maximum spatial distribution associated to an extreme time density: there are multiple destinations and, also, some return movements to the territories of origin; in each itinerary segment of this family we find different movements of different generations, revealing their high level of time intensity. The Alemão family (Fig. 7) shows the lowest level of distribution, with only four destinations identified. As to the time intensity, it is very different in each of the segments: comparing the segment Shanghai-Macao or Shanghai- Lisbon to the connection between Hong Kong and Shanghai or even Shanghai and California. We believe it is possible to establish a pattern of mobility behaviour for each of the Macanese families involved in the Diaspora (a few are the ones who have not left Macao) and, therefore, to expand our knowledge about the traits of this Diaspora and contribute to the acknowledgment of the family’s role as a social structure that generates and replicates a social capital, which consolidated the construction of the networks supporting the different migratory flows. This essay about the emigration itineraries of Hong Kong Macanese who settled in Shanghai reasserts the possible existence of interpersonal cooperation networks, based on a very deep identity phenomenon in the Macanese community, and of the bridges established between the different communities, forging and strengthening long-distance networks. Therefore, the social networks identified in this study are fundamental for posterior research about the intensity and the traits assumed by capital bonding and bridging deployed and replicated in this migratory process. This work will guide our research in a near future, it being necessary, first of all, to (i) analyse the capacity to deploy and organize resources, thanks to the emigrant’s integration in social and family networks; (ii) identify the individual motivations behind emigration, after the establishment of a network; (iii) acknowledge the role of ethnic groups in the integration process on the host society. 222 Alfredo Gomes Dias

The analysis of the three itineraries presented here emphasizes the confirmation that the two main stages of the Macanese Diaspora were sepa- rated by international changes introduced by World War II. The first stage corresponds to a mobility concentrated in the region of South-east Asia which, in the three families considered here, corresponds to the emigration of the three first generations of emigrants. The distribution throughout other territories in Europe, America and Australia is led by later generations, from the fifth onwards, corresponding to the emigration after World War II, the extinction of the foreign concessions in Shanghai and the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. In this particular case, the Macanese Diaspora follows the same pattern of the Chinese Diaspora, which in a two- millennium framework has always centred essentially in the area of South East Asia.33 Therefore, spatial distribution, as a Diaspora defining trait is, in the Macanese case, associated to well delineated historical periods, the first one privileging proximity, the second the transfer to more distant territories, accompanying the movement of the economy’s globalisation. Finally, we raise another possibility that we must confirm as we deepen this research: through the analysis of the mobility patterns of the Danengerg and Alemão families in the first stage of the Diaspora, the Diaspora’s distribution centre moves from Macao to Hong Kong and Shanghai, and these cities become the main territories of origin in the second stage of the Maca- nese Diaspora.

Concluding Remarks

With the case study of Hong Kong’s Macanese involved in the founding of the Macanese community of Shanghai we were able to rehearse a first analysis about the theme of the “Macanese Diaspora” in the centre of our current research project. Although we are aware of the long distance we must still travel, this brief study allows us to confirm the pertinence of some of the research lines we must follow further, in order to analyse and under- stand the whole process that led to and fostered the Macanese emigration that today is still distributed around the world. The study of the population movements, that includes Macanese emigration, is based in two essential assumptions: that migration can only be analysed in the context of the history of the changes that take place on a given social formation; and that we can deduce the external and internal pressures

33 See P. Trolliet, (2000). La Diaspora Chinoise. Paris, PUF, p. 3. The origins of Macao’s community in Shanghai 223 on the national economies. According to Natalia Mateos,34 this theoretical perspective also considers the need to incorporate the study of social networks deployed and built in a given population movement, but introducing them in the historical context in which the social networks emerge: social networks have a fundamental role in the guidance, composition and persistence of the migratory flows and are also conditioned by economic, social and political structures underpinning the history of the origin and host societies. The launching of the Macanese migratory movement to Hong Kong and Shanghai in the mid-nineteenth century, was inserted in the economic and political assertion process of the western powers, particularly Great Britain, in Imperial China. The role played by the Macanese community in the society origin of Macao, namely in the activity of the British and American trading houses, was the most inviting motivation for emigration to Hong Kong. The “refounding” of this city had the contribution of these three communities – British, Chinese and Macanese – each of them with their own specificities, but complementing each other, in the new economic and social structure designed. The significance of the Macanese community in this process assumes greater relevance if we consider the fact of their involvement not only as intermediate staff of the trading companies but also as administration officials of the new British colony. On the other hand, the continuity of this migratory movement, which found in Shanghai a second destination, was conditioned by the expansion of the British Imperial Power, when it decided to leave the Pearl River Delta. However, we think the launching and the continuity of the Macanese Diaspora, after the birth of the colony of Hong Kong and the foreign concessions of Shanghai, cannot be analysed solely in the light of the historical context where the economic and social changes of a given region occur, but they must be dialectically articulated with the social networks sustaining and encouraging them. Research on this second aspect is not yet complete, but the study on the case of Hong Kong’s Macanese involved in the founding of the Portuguese/Macanese community of Shanghai allows us to conclude that these networks existed and, in them, that the family structure occupied a prominent place. Besides the cultural framework of the Macanese community that, in good measure, can account for the relevance given to the family, but which needs a deeper analysis, there is ample evidence of the possible existence of a family dynamics that followed the whole Macanese migratory process, in the beginning of its first stage, both by the tendency observed of the presence of

34 See N. Mateos, Una Invitación a la Sociologia de las Migraciones, Barcelona, Edicions Bella- terra, 2004, p. 88. 224 Alfredo Gomes Dias many family members in the same destination territory, and by the presence of the family unit, by the indication of family reunion movements, and by the traits of the itineraries designed in the history of each family involved in the Diaspora. In this last item, we risk the definition of two analytical approaches to the social networks supporting this emigration. The analysis of the spatial distribution patterns confirms the traits, which enable us to define Macanese emigration as a Diaspora that, beginning in a distribution centre (Macao), is directed to different territories of destination throughout the world. A centre that seems to move from Hong Kong and Shanghai, with these two cities becoming the new Diaspora’s distribution centres on its second stage, after World War II. The analysis of the time intensity justifies the investigation possibilities indicating the existence of social capital forms that, through the families, embody the social networks supporting the different migratory flows of the Diaspora, namely, those of Macao-Hong Kong, Macao-Shanghai and Hong Kong-Shanghai.