Hong Kong Identity on the Rise: Understanding the Role of Subnational Identity in the 2019-2020 Hong Kong Protests
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Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016
Journal of US-China Public Administration, August 2016, Vol. 13, No. 8, 499-517 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2016.08.001 D DAVID PUBLISHING Reviewing and Evaluating the Direct Elections to the Legislative Council and the Transformation of Political Parties in Hong Kong, 1991-2016 Chung Fun Steven Hung The Education University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong, politicization inevitably followed democratization. This paper intends to evaluate how political parties’ politics happened in Hong Kong’s recent history. The research was conducted through historical comparative analysis, with the context of Hong Kong during the sovereignty transition and the interim period of democratization being crucial. For the implementation of “one country, two systems”, political democratization was hindered and distinct political scenarios of Hong Kong’s transformation were made. The democratic forces had no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which caused a decisive fragmentation of the local political parties where the establishment camp was inevitable and the democratic blocs were split into many more small groups individually. It is harmful. It is not conducive to unity and for the common interests of the publics. This paper explores and evaluates the political history of Hong Kong and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation. Keywords: election politics, historical comparative, ruling, democratization The democratizing element of the Hong Kong political system was bounded within the Legislative Council under the principle of the separation of powers of the three governing branches, Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. Popular elections for the Hong Kong legislature were introduced and implemented for 25 years (1991-2016) and there were eight terms of general elections for the Legislative Council. -
Icons, Culture and Collective Identity of Postwar Hong Kong
Intercultural Communication Studies XXII: 1 (2013) R. MAK & C. CHAN Icons, Culture and Collective Identity of Postwar Hong Kong Ricardo K. S. MAK & Catherine S. CHAN Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong S.A.R., China Abstract: Icons, which take the form of images, artifacts, landmarks, or fictional figures, represent mounds of meaning stuck in the collective unconsciousness of different communities. Icons are shortcuts to values, identity or feelings that their users collectively share and treasure. Through the concrete identification and analysis of icons of post-war Hong Kong, this paper attempts to highlight not only Hong Kong people’s changing collective needs and mental or material hunger, but also their continuous search for identity. Keywords: Icons, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Chinese, 1997, values, identity, lifestyle, business, popular culture, fusion, hybridity, colonialism, economic takeoff, consumerism, show business 1. Introduction: Telling Hong Kong’s Story through Icons It seems easy to tell the story of post-war Hong Kong. If merely delineating the sky-high synopsis of the city, the ups and downs, high highs and low lows are at once evidently remarkable: a collective struggle for survival in the post-war years, tremendous social instability in the 1960s, industrial take-off in the 1970s, a growth in economic confidence and cultural arrogance in the 1980s and a rich cultural upheaval in search of locality before the handover. The early 21st century might as well sum up the development of Hong Kong, whose history is long yet surprisingly short- propelled by capitalism, gnawing away at globalization and living off its elastic schizophrenia. -
The Status of Cantonese in the Education Policy of Hong Kong Kwai Sang Lee and Wai Mun Leung*
Lee and Leung Multilingual Education 2012, 2:2 http://www.multilingual-education.com/2/1/2 RESEARCH Open Access The status of Cantonese in the education policy of Hong Kong Kwai Sang Lee and Wai Mun Leung* * Correspondence: waimun@ied. Abstract edu.hk Department of Chinese, The Hong After the handover of Hong Kong to China, a first-ever policy of “bi-literacy and Kong Institute of Education, Hong tri-lingualism” was put forward by the Special Administrative Region Government. Kong Under the trilingual policy, Cantonese, the most dominant local language, equally shares the official status with Putonghua and English only in name but not in spirit, as neither the promotion nor the funding approaches on Cantonese match its legal status. This paper reviews the status of Cantonese in Hong Kong under this policy with respect to the levels of government, education and curriculum, considers the consequences of neglecting Cantonese in the school curriculum, and discusses the importance of large-scale surveys for language policymaking. Keywords: the status of Cantonese, “bi-literacy and tri-lingualism” policy, language survey, Cantonese language education Background The adjustment of the language policy is a common phenomenon in post-colonial societies. It always results in raising the status of the regional vernacular, but the lan- guage of the ex-colonist still maintains a very strong influence on certain domains. Taking Singapore as an example, English became the dominant language in the work- place and families, and the local dialects were suppressed. It led to the degrading of both English and Chinese proficiency levels according to scholars’ evaluation (Goh 2009a, b). -
Modern Hong Kong
Modern Hong Kong Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History Modern Hong Kong Steve Tsang Subject: China, Hong Kong, Macao, and/or Taiwan Online Publication Date: Feb 2017 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.280 Abstract and Keywords Hong Kong entered its modern era when it became a British overseas territory in 1841. In its early years as a Crown Colony, it suffered from corruption and racial segregation but grew rapidly as a free port that supported trade with China. It took about two decades before Hong Kong established a genuinely independent judiciary and introduced the Cadet Scheme to select and train senior officials, which dramatically improved the quality of governance. Until the Pacific War (1941–1945), the colonial government focused its attention and resources on the small expatriate community and largely left the overwhelming majority of the population, the Chinese community, to manage themselves, through voluntary organizations such as the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals. The 1940s was a watershed decade in Hong Kong’s history. The fall of Hong Kong and other European colonies to the Japanese at the start of the Pacific War shattered the myth of the superiority of white men and the invincibility of the British Empire. When the war ended the British realized that they could not restore the status quo ante. They thus put an end to racial segregation, removed the glass ceiling that prevented a Chinese person from becoming a Cadet or Administrative Officer or rising to become the Senior Member of the Legislative or the Executive Council, and looked into the possibility of introducing municipal self-government. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
The Globalization of Chinese Food ANTHROPOLOGY of ASIA SERIES Series Editor: Grant Evans, University Ofhong Kong
The Globalization of Chinese Food ANTHROPOLOGY OF ASIA SERIES Series Editor: Grant Evans, University ofHong Kong Asia today is one ofthe most dynamic regions ofthe world. The previously predominant image of 'timeless peasants' has given way to the image of fast-paced business people, mass consumerism and high-rise urban conglomerations. Yet much discourse remains entrenched in the polarities of 'East vs. West', 'Tradition vs. Change'. This series hopes to provide a forum for anthropological studies which break with such polarities. It will publish titles dealing with cosmopolitanism, cultural identity, representa tions, arts and performance. The complexities of urban Asia, its elites, its political rituals, and its families will also be explored. Dangerous Blood, Refined Souls Death Rituals among the Chinese in Singapore Tong Chee Kiong Folk Art Potters ofJapan Beyond an Anthropology of Aesthetics Brian Moeran Hong Kong The Anthropology of a Chinese Metropolis Edited by Grant Evans and Maria Tam Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania Jan van Bremen and Akitoshi Shimizu Japanese Bosses, Chinese Workers Power and Control in a Hong Kong Megastore WOng Heung wah The Legend ofthe Golden Boat Regulation, Trade and Traders in the Borderlands of Laos, Thailand, China and Burma Andrew walker Cultural Crisis and Social Memory Politics of the Past in the Thai World Edited by Shigeharu Tanabe and Charles R Keyes The Globalization of Chinese Food Edited by David Y. H. Wu and Sidney C. H. Cheung The Globalization of Chinese Food Edited by David Y. H. Wu and Sidney C. H. Cheung UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I PRESS HONOLULU Editorial Matter © 2002 David Y. -
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’S Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’s Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗ Carole J. Petersen† and Alvin Y.H. Cheung†† I.!!!!!!Introduction .............................................................................. 2! II.!!!!The “One Country, Two Systems” Model: Formal Autonomy but with an Executive-Led System ...................... 8! III. Legal Protections for Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong’s Constitutional Framework ............ 13! IV. University Governance: The Impact of Increased Centralization and Control ................................................... 20! V. !Conflicts between The Academic Community and the Hong Kong and Central Governments ................................ 28! VI. Beijing’s Retribution: Increased Interference in Hong Kong Universities ................................................................ 40! VII. The Disapearing Booksellers ............................................... 53! VIII. Conclusion ........................................................................... 58! *Copyright © 2016 Carole J. Petersen and Alvin Y.H. Cheung. The authors thank the academics who agreed to be interviewed for this article and research assistants Jasmine Dave, Jason Jutz, and Jai Keep-Barnes for their assistance with research and editing. This is an updated version of a paper presented at a roundtable organized by the Council on Foreign Relations on December 15, 2015, and the authors thank the chair of the roundtable, Professor Jerome A. Cohen, and other participants for their comments. The William S. Richardson School of Law at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa supported Professor Petersen’s travel to Hong Kong to conduct interviews for this article. † Carole J. Petersen is a Professor at the William S. Richardson School of Law and Director of the Matsunaga Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, University of Hawai’i at Manoa. She taught law at the University of Hong Kong from 1991–2006 and at the City University of Hong Kong from 1989-1991. -
I Want to Be More Hong Kong Than a Hongkonger”: Language Ideologies and the Portrayal of Mainland Chinese in Hong Kong Film During the Transition
Volume 6 Issue 1 2020 “I Want to be More Hong Kong Than a Hongkonger”: Language Ideologies and the Portrayal of Mainland Chinese in Hong Kong Film During the Transition Charlene Peishan Chan [email protected] ISSN: 2057-1720 doi: 10.2218/ls.v6i1.2020.4398 This paper is available at: http://journals.ed.ac.uk/lifespansstyles Hosted by The University of Edinburgh Journal Hosting Service: http://journals.ed.ac.uk/ “I Want to be More Hong Kong Than a Hongkonger”: Language Ideologies and the Portrayal of Mainland Chinese in Hong Kong Film During the Transition Charlene Peishan Chan The years leading up to the political handover of Hong Kong to Mainland China surfaced issues regarding national identification and intergroup relations. These issues manifested in Hong Kong films of the time in the form of film characters’ language ideologies. An analysis of six films reveals three themes: (1) the assumption of mutual intelligibility between Cantonese and Putonghua, (2) the importance of English towards one’s Hong Kong identity, and (3) the expectation that Mainland immigrants use Cantonese as their primary language of communication in Hong Kong. The recurrence of these findings indicates their prevalence amongst native Hongkongers, even in a post-handover context. 1 Introduction The handover of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1997 marked the end of 155 years of British colonial rule. Within this socio-political landscape came questions of identification and intergroup relations, both amongst native Hongkongers and Mainland Chinese (Tong et al. 1999, Brewer 1999). These manifest in the attitudes and ideologies that native Hongkongers have towards the three most widely used languages in Hong Kong: Cantonese, English, and Putonghua (a standard variety of Mandarin promoted in Mainland China by the Government). -
Sino-British Agreement and Nationality: Hong Kong's Future in the Hands of the People's Republic of China
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title The Sino-British Agreement and Nationality: Hong Kong's Future in the Hands of the People's Republic of China Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9j3546s0 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 8(1) Author Chua, Christine Publication Date 1990 DOI 10.5070/P881021965 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California THE SINO-BRITISH AGREEMENT AND NATIONALITY: HONG KONG'S FUTURE IN THE HANDS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA Christine Chua* I. INTRODUCTION On July 1, 1997, the United Kingdom will officially relinquish its sovereignty over Hong Kong' to the People's Republic of China (PRC). The terms for the transfer of governmental control are set forth in the Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Govern- ment of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong (hereinafter, "Joint Declaration"), which was signed by rep- resentatives for both governments on December 19, 1984. The terms likewise appear in the Memoranda exchanged by the United 2 Kingdom and PRC governments on the signing date. Set forth in the Joint Declaration is the PRC's intent to estab- lish the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR). 3 Rules for implementing the separate government of the Hong Kong SAR are also enumerated. 4 The creation of the Hong Kong SAR is au- thorized by a provision in the PRC Constitution' originally in- * J.D., 1989, UCLA School of Law; B.A., 1985, Cornell University. -
Hong Kong's Currency Board and Changing Monetary Regimes
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES HONG KONG’S CURRENCY BOARD AND CHANGING MONETARY REGIMES Yum K. Kwan Francis T. Lui Working Paper 5723 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 August 1996 This paper was presented at NBER’s East Asian Seminar on Economics, and the NBER conference “Universities Research Conference on the Determination of Exchange Rates.” This work is part of NBER’s project on International Capital Flows which receives support from the Center for International Political Economy. We are grateful to the Center for International Political Economy for the support of this project and to Barry Eichengreen and Zhaoyong Zhang for helpful and constructive comments. Any opinions expressed are those of the authors and not those of the National Bureau of Economic Research. O 1996 by Yum K. Kwan and Francis T. Lui. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including @ notice, is given to the source. NBER Working Paper 5723 August 1996 HONG KONG’S CURRENCY BOARD AND CHANGING MONETARY REGIMES ABSTRACT The paper discusses the historical background and institutional details of Hong Kong’s currency board. We argue that its experience provides a good opportunity to test the macroeconomic implications of the currency board regime. Using the method of Blanchard and Quah (1989), we show that the parameters of the structural equations and the characteristics of supply and demand shocks have significantly changed since adopting the regime. Variance decomposition and impulse response analyses indicate Hong Kong’s currency board is less susceptible to supply shocks, but demand shocks can cause greater short-term volatility under the system. -
Rethinking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Identity, Politics, Scholarship
University of San Diego Digital USD School of Peace Studies: Faculty Scholarship School of Peace Studies 2010 Rethinking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Identity, Politics, Scholarship Philip Gamaghelyan Phd University of San Diego, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digital.sandiego.edu/krocschool-faculty Part of the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Digital USD Citation Gamaghelyan, Philip Phd, "Rethinking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Identity, Politics, Scholarship" (2010). School of Peace Studies: Faculty Scholarship. 1. https://digital.sandiego.edu/krocschool-faculty/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Peace Studies at Digital USD. It has been accepted for inclusion in School of Peace Studies: Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Digital USD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rethinking the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Identity, Politics, Scholarship Phil Gamaghelyan* Imagine Center for Conflict Transformation, 16 Whites Avenue, Suite 51, Watertown, MA 02472 USA (E-mail: [email protected]) Received 5 August 2008; accepted 18 May 2009 Abstract This article builds on the author’s research concerning the role of collective memory in identity- based conflicts, as well as his practical work as the co-director of the Imagine Center for Conflict Transformation and as a trainer and facilitator with various Azerbaijani-Armenian dialogue initiatives. It is not a comprehensive study of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but presents a general overview of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process, what has contributed to its failure, and which areas require major rethinking of conventional approaches. The discussion does not intend to present readers with a set of conclusions, but to provide suggestions for further critical research. -
In Hong Kong Restrictions on Rights to Peaceful Assembly and Freedom of Expression and Association
BEIJING’S “RED LINE” IN HONG KONG RESTRICTIONS ON RIGHTS TO PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ASSOCIATION Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover photo: An estimated 1.03 million people in Hong Kong took to the streets to protest the Extradition Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Bill on 9 June 2019. (Photo credit: Amnesty International) (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 17/0944/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS CONTENTS 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 1. BEIJING’S “RED LINE” IN HONG KONG 8 1.1 THE SINO-BRITISH JOINT DECLARATION AND THE BASIC LAW 8 1.2 NATIONAL SECURITY LEGISLATION 9 1.3 THE WHITE PAPER ON “ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS” 10 2.