RICE UNIVERSITY

THE SPANISH OF THE CANASTERO GYPSIES OF SEVILLE: A MDRPHO-SYNTACTIC AND LEXICAL DESCRIPTION

by

MARY MICHELLE ZINGARO

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

APPROVED, THESIS COMITTEE:

H. N. URRUTIBEHEITy DIRECTOR

tu.^ M. T. LEAL DE MARTINEZ

REA BOORMAN

HOUSTON, TEXAS

MAY, 1979 ABSTRACT

THE SPANISH OF TEiE CANASTERO GYPSIES OF SEVILLE: A NPRPHQ-SYNTACTIC. AND LEXICAL DESCRIPTION ~

Mary Michelle Zíngaro

The purpose of the research and analysis of this thesis project has been to describe the dialect of Spanish spoken by a groi;^) of canastero gypsies in Seville, Spain. Cariastero gypsies are those who

lead a marginal existence with regard to Spanish society as a whole; unlike some gypsies who have incoiporated themselves into the main¬

stream of Spanish society, the canasteros still maintain many of the customs of their nomadic forbears. They have no formal education and

therefore no literary tradition. (None of those interviewed for this

study could read or write.) They are further distinguished by the fact

that in the past they had their own language, called caló, which has

recently been displaced by Spanish.

This dialect (CS) has been described in terms of the. ways in which it varies from Standard peninsular Spanish. The study is divided

into three categories: morphology, syntax and lexicon. Topics concern¬

ing phonology are dealt with as they relate to each of these categories.

The study is based on a corpus made up of on interviews with nine

canastero gypsies. A formal questionnaire was not used; rather, the in¬

terviews take the form of a spontaneous question-answer session. The

interviews were recorded on tape and later transcribed. The transcrip¬

tion is included in the body of the thesis.

The most outstanding feature of CS is its rather unique lexicon.

The dialect contains a large number of archaic and popular terms, some

of which are peculiar to Andalucía. There are also some words which seem to.haye .no place in. Standard or popular Spanish; these words may be vestiges o;g cald,

CS lexicon ..has been affected by. the same phonetic traits which

characterize Andalucian Spanish in general, the most inportant ones

being the aspiration or loss of final /s/ and /z/, the loss of other

final consonants C^specially /d/ and /r/), the loss of intervocalic

/d/ and /r/, and the confusion of /!/ and /r/. Many spontaneous

phonetic changes characterize CS, particularly haplology and metathesis.

Spontaneous phonetic changes of this sort are common in dialects of

relatively uneducated people.

The morphological system of CS is characterized by the loss of

the /s/ in the plural. The plural is instead indicated by aspiration

of the /s/ or, less frequently, by the loss of the /s/ and the opening

of the final vowel. Other features are: 1) the frequent use of the

diminutive, 2) gender changes in nouns, 3) the substitution of los

for nos, and 4) occasional lack of gender agreement between pronouns

and antecedents. Finally, CS may be said to have a rather in^jrecise

verbal system. Tenses and modes are substituted for one another in a

seemingly random fashion; the precise sequential relationship of one

event to another must sometimes be gleaned from the context.

Redundancy, is another outstanding feature of CS. This includes

the redundant use of subject pronouns, double negatives, and extensive

repetition of words and phrases. Other syntactic traits are the pre¬

ferred use of the post-nominal possessive and demonstrative adjectives,

the ellipsis of certain prepositions, and the frequent ellipsis of the

verb ser. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish, to express my* appreciation to all those who helped make this study possible, particularly to José de los Galanes García, who introduced me to the gypsies who so enthusiastically participated in the project. I also wish to thank Dr. Héctor Urrutibeheity, my

Thesis Director, and Dr. Maria Teresa Leal, who helped with the frequently tedious job of transcribing the tapes.

Finally, I would like to thank my parents, without whose Support this project would not have been possible, and my husband, for his patience and understanding. CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 Purpose of Study 1

1.2 Informants and Methodology 3

1.3 History of the Gypsies in Spain 5

1.4 Previous Studies of Andalucian Spanish 11

1.5 Previous Studies of the Spanish Gypsy Dialect 18

2. CORPUS 20

2.1 Interview I 20

2.2 Interview II 25

2.3 Interview III 36

3. ANALYSIS OF CORPUS 49

3.1 Morphology 50

3.11 Article 50

3.111 Definite 50

3.112 Indefinite 51

3.12 Adjective 51

3.121 Demonstrative 51

3.122 Qualitative 51

3.13 Noun 52

3.131 Gender 52

3.132 Diminutive 53

3.14 Pronoun 53 3.141 Los for Nos 53

3.142 Gender Agreement 54

3.15 Adverb 54

3.151 Mal and Malamente 55

3.16 Verb 55

3.161 Verbal Categories 55

3.1611 Tense and Mode 56

3.1612 Person 58

3.162 Verbal Classes 58

3.1621 Regular Verbs 59

3.1622 Stem-changing Verbs 59

3.163 Reflexive Verbs 60

3.164 Addition of Prefix - False Analogy 60

3.2 Syntax 61

3.21 Nouns and Articles 61

3.211 Omission of Article 61

3.212 Definite Article with Proper Noun 62

3.213 Definite Article with Possessive Adjective 62

3.22 Adjective 62

3.221 Qualitative 62

3.222 Demonstrative 63

3.223 Possessive 63

3.23 Pronoun 64

3.231 Object Pronoun 64

3.232 Subject Pronoun 64

3.24 Adverb 66 3.25 Verb 66

3.251 Ellipsis of Ser 66

3.252 Gustar 67

3.26 Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases 67

3.261 Ellipsis 67

3.262 False Analogy 68

3.27 Conjunction 69

3.271 Ellipsis of Coordinating Conjunction 69

3.272 Subordinating Conjunction 69

3.28 The Comparative 69

3.29 Redundancy 70

3.3 Lexicon 71

3.31 Phonetic Change 72

3.311 Sporadic Phonetic Change 72

3.312 Phonetic Change Typical of Andalucía 79

3.3121 Loss of Final Consonant 79

3.3122 Aspiration of Final /s/ and /z/ 80

3.3123 Loss of Intervocalic /d/ and /r/ 81

3.3124 Change from /!/ to /r/ 82

3.3125 Closing of Final Vowel in the Singular 82

3.32 Popular and Archaic Terms and Usages 82

3.321 Archaic Teims 82

3.322 Popular Terms 85

3.323 Verbs Used with a Different Meaning than in Standard Spanish 90

3.324 Words of Probable Caló Origin 9l 4.CONCLUSIONS 94

5. NOTES 97

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY 100 1

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 PURPOSE OF STUDY

The purpose of this study is to examine the Spanish spoken by a groijp of gypsies in SeAálla, Spain. The language of the gypsies was chosen because the gypsies, as a groi:p, have traditionally lived apart from the mainstream of Spanish society. They have maintained a unique lifestyle and, to a certain extent, a unique language. The original dialect of the Spanish gypsies is called cal6; its origins are in

Sanskrit. Today few gypsies possess a working knowledge of cal6; it has been almost conpletely displaced by Spanish. This Spanish does, however, differ greatly from Standard Spanish. The differences are most apparent in terms of lexicon, although there are also variations in phonology, moiphology and syntax. In this study we will describe these variations.

The word “gypsy” can have one of two meanings, thus it is necessary to clarify which it will have as used here. There are two types of gypsies in Andalucia, commonly referred to by both the payos (Spaniards who are not gypsies) and the gypsies as caseros and canasteros. The caseros are, literally, those gypsies vho live in houses. The word is now a name for gypsies who have been integrated into Spanish society.

They still consider themselves gypsies and are very proud of their heritage, but they do not share the unstructured lifestyle of the other groijp, the canasteros.

The canasteros live relatively isolated from Spanish society; they are gypsies in the more traditional sense of the word. Although they are no longer as nomadic as their ancestors, they hardly lead what maybe 2

called a conventional life. They tend to live as squatters in aban¬ doned buildings or they construct makeshift shelters in vacant lots.

Unlike the caseros, who own or rent homes in neighborhoods inhabited by payos, the canasteros live in clans and thus have much less contact with the Spanish people. They do not usually have steady enployment, as do the caseros, and neither do they have any sort of formal educa¬

tion. It is to this group, the canasteros, that this study will ad¬ dress itself.

The decision to study the language of the canasteros rather than

that of the caseros was made after conparing tapes of conversations with members of each groip. The language of the caseros is essentially

the same as tiiat of standard Andalucian Spanish and therefore offers

little of interest on which to base a study of the Spanish spoken by

the gypsies. The caseros have been so fully integrated into Spanish

society that they are gypsies only with regard to their ethnic origin

and to some customs which they still maintain. All of the caseros in¬

terviewed had at least a minimal education, a steady income, and lived

in neighborhoods in which they were the only gypsies. They were, how¬

ever, very much aware of their status as members of a minority group.

The prevailing opinion seemed to be that the gypsy population of Spain had suffered long years of discrimination idiich were only beginning to

come to an end. When questioned as to their opinions about the canas¬

teros, none of the casero gypsies expressed any shame regarding his

ethnic relationship to the canasteros, although most were quick to mention that the word gitano does not refer to only the canasteros but

to the caseros as well. In other words, they resented the fact that

the word gitano is commonly associated only with those gypsies who are, 3

relatively speaking, non-contributing members of society. Most caseros did believe, however, that the canasteros should not be pressured into changing their way of life. On the other hand, they added that it is very difficult for those who wish to improve their lot in society to find the opportunity to do so.

1.2 INFORMANTS AND METHODOLOGY

The canasteros who served as infoimants for this study live in one of several abandoned army barracks off a well-traveled street in Sevilla.

There are numerous families living in the same building, most of whom are related to one another by blood or marriage. The clan appeared to be headed by one of the older members, Antonio Almito. (Mr. Almito is one of the informants.) None of them knew how to read or write, nor did any questioned have steady employment. Some of the men said they occasionally earned money singing in bars, harvesting crops, sharpening knives and the like. The women were generally busy at home taking care of the children, although they would sometimes leave to beg for money in the streets. The building in which they lived was in very poor condition and extremely dirty. There were no doors to any of the rooms, so children, adults and even a chicken wandered from one room to another with no apparent sense of private space.

It seems that the concept of privacy does not exist for the canas¬ teros , therefore it was inpossible to interview them in the traditional manner. All attenpts to conduct an interview on a one-to-one basis failed because there was no possibility of talking to one person at a time in a quiet, private place. Each tape was made with at least ten people present, thus a formal questionaire did not suffice. It was 4

necessary to let the conversation flow and direct it to one person at a time so that the microphone could pick ijp what was being said clearly.

There were, of course, many instances in which the conversation was carried on among various members of the group rather than between the interviewer and the informant. Therefore, parts of the tapes were not clear enough to be transcribed and are indicated in the corpus by a blank line. Mast of the time the speakers were close enough to the microphone for the recordings to be intelligible.

There are nine persons acting as informants for this study, all from the same clan. The data on these nine people is somewhat incom¬ plete largely due to the fact that the canastero gypsies, since they do not read or write, generally keep no records of birth dates, marriages, deaths, etc. When asked about current and previous ad¬ dresses their answers were vague. No one was ever able to give a spe¬ cific address or date of residence. Neither did anyone know his or her date of birth.

Although the clan has no address as such, the old army barracks in which they live are located on a small street called Conde de Benomar, just off the avenue General Merry. The area is not far from the center of Sevilla. Across the street is a large group of high-rise apartment buildings, most of the inhabitants of vñiich are low to moderate-income non-gypsy Spaniards. The street serves as a neutral zone between the two neighborhoods; the gypsies apparently have little or no contact with the apartment residents.

Antonio Torres Almito is the oldest informant. He was bom and raised in Sevilla and has spent some time living in a small village about twelve kilometers southeast of Sevilla called Dos Hermanas. 5

María Jiménez, the oldest female informant, was bom in a little town south of Sevilla named La Pared de la Vuelta and was raised in Sevilla.

She is probably between the ages of forty-five and fifty, while Antonio

Torres Almito is approximately fifty-five to sixty years of age. The other infomants were both bom and raised in Sevilla. Their names and approximate ages are: Juan ”Cag6n” (Maria Jiménez* husband), age fifty;

Juan Martinez Ortiz, age nineteen; Antonio Martinez Ortiz, age twenty- four; José Serrano Canpos, age nineteen; Maria Canpos Fernández, age nineteen; ’’Milagros’*, age nineteen^ and ’’Francisco”, age eighteen.

1.3 HISTORY OF THE GYPSIES IN SPAIN

It is generally accepted that the gypsies first began to settle in

Spain in the mid-fifteenth century. There were probably two migrations, one group entering the country through France and another through north¬ ern-Africa. The first official documentation of their presence in Spain

(Barcelona) is recorded in the Annales de Cataluña of 1447. The gypsies to which this document refers were found, to be carrying papal letters; thus, they must have entered Spain through France.! The theory of a separate migration via northern Africa is sipported by the fact that

calé, the dialect of the Spanish gypsies, contains over two thousand . terms borrowed or derived from Arabic. Moreover, there are no Germanic terms in calé, which distinguishes it from the dialects spoken by other

European gypsies.2 These dialects all stem from romani, the original language of the gypsies.

Anthropological and linguistic research has concluded that the gypsies* origins are in India, but it is not known when they began to migrate. Documents' are very scarce, but the few available suggest that 6

they began to migrate sometime around the year 1000 A.D. As their mi¬ gration continued their language was subjected to more and more foreign iafluence so that today, as pointed out by the gypsy scholar Jean-Paul

Clébert, there are practically no gypsies who speak romani in its pure form.^

When the gypsies arrived in Spain they were given the name gitanos, which is probably a corruption of egiptanos, for the gypsies who entered

Spain through Gibralter really had come by way of Egypt. (Gypsies have been accused of deceiving gullible listeners with stories of their des¬ cent from the Egyptian pharaohs and other equally incredible tales which

’’explain” their origins.) With regard to the theory of two migrations, it is inportant to note that the Spanish chronicles make no mention of two groups of gypsies; they simply refer to gitanos.^ This would seem to indicate that the group from Africa arrived before those who came via France since the name gitano was part of the Spanish vocabulary in

1447. It also seems that the gypsy colonies in southern Spain were established before those in the north. This may be because the gypsies arrived first in Andalucia or sinply because they found a more welcome reception there than in the rest of Spaia.

The gypsies were persecuted in Spain as they were in other parts of

Europe. Legal mandates against them began as early as 1499, when an order was issued for the banishment of those without a recognized oc¬

cupation. The major objection seemed to be to their nomadic way of

life. Philip II attempted to force them to abandon this life by send¬

ing them to live in small toMis and villages which resulted in the

creation of gypsy ghettos. Nevertheless, the gypsies thrived in Spain.

They were also developing a reputation for being thieves, liars, spies 7

and visionaries. The persecution became worse. Philip IV issued an

edict in 1633 which was intended to disperse the gypsy population. It stated, in part, that the gypsies should ^forget their language" and

'*be taken from their places of habitation, separated from one another, with express prohibition to come together publicly or in secret, for¬ bidden to remember either their name of their apparel, or their ways in I

dances or otherwise, under penalty Of three years of banishment . . . .*

Near the end of the seventeenth century the gypsies were prohibited

from cariying arms and from engaging in any oca:5)ation other than ag¬

riculture. This situation was not remedied until the reign of Charles

III, who, although he still prohibited their wanderings and the use of

their language, did allow them to resume their traditional trades.^

As mentioned previously, the gypsies were met with a much more

favorable reception in Andalucia than ia the rest of Spain. Many of

them settled in this region and began to exert a considerable influence oiii the local language and culture. Andalucian song, dance and speech have been tremendously affected by the gypsy population. It is to the

fruit of this cross-cultural contact that the term flamenco refers, a word which is used so often witli reference to Andalucia. The exact meaning of the word is rather vague as it has been used with a variety

of meanings over the years.

In-its strictest sense, flamenco is a name for the song and music

typical of Andalucia. The cante flamenco is a style of singing which has been heavily influenced by the song of the gypsies. The cante is,

as a matter of fact and interest, an integral part of the lifestyle of

the gypsies. It is a very in^ortant form of expression and entertain¬ ment. (All of the tapes made for this study are punctuated by inter- 8 vals of spontaneous singing.) The language of the cante is penetrated with words of gypsy and Andalucian origin, and even the terminology surrounding the cante differs slightly from that of Standard Spanish.

For instance, a flamenco singer is referred to as a cantaor rather than a cantante; a dancer as a bailaor rather than a bailador or bailarín; the song itself is a cante rather than the Standard Spanish canto or canción. The confusion concerning this terminology is such that many

Spaniards, particularly those who are not from Andalucía, continue to use the Standard Spanish lexicon when referring to flamenco song or dance. This usage is actually erroneous since semantically the words are not the same. A bailarín is a general name for a dancer, whereas a bailaor is a flamenco dancer, the same is true for cantante and cantaor.

In a broader sense, the word flamenco can be taken to refer to any phenomenon which may be considered a by-product of the close relation¬ ship and mutual influence of the pueblo gitano and the pueblo andaluz.

Usually it is used as a name to characterize the art of Andalucía. The origin of the: terra is unknown,, ^although there are several, theories as. to when it was first used with relation to gypsy-Andalucian society rather

than as a name for a "native of Flanders." According to C. Almendros,

the word first appeared in the sixteenth century in the Libros de Coro of the House of the Medinaceli. It was put at the beginning of the

lines of music as if to indicate "singers" or Vsongs". I^st scholars date the term no farther back than 1836, and at least one, Juan Coro- minas, does not believe it was documented until 1870.^

Many colloquialisms whose origins are unknown have been rather

carelessly explained by scholars or completely ignored. Words such as 9 currelar (trabajar in Standard Spanish) and endiñar (dar) which have entered popular Spanish from caló do not appear in the Dictionary of the

Royal Spanish Academy (hereafter cited as the DRAB), while other words of caló origin are merely classified as pertaining to the popular lan- 8 guage. The etymologies given for these words are often inaccurate if not incomplete. According to the DRAE the origin of the colloquial expression camelar (querer, amar) is camelo (engaño), when actually it

is the romani root kam, related ,to the Sanskrit kama, kamara (amor, deseo). The suffix, -elar, is typical of many verbs in the gypsy

Q dialect. Its function is to give greater energy to the action expressed.

The language of the gypsies and the lenguaje flamenco, which has been so influenced by that of the gypsies, have been largely ignored by

academicians at least in part because of the prejudice found in most

societies against all those who constitute its lower echelons. Tradi¬

tionally the gypsies have had the reputation of being liars and thieves.

They were persecuted as soon as they began to settle in Spain and were

frequently incarcerated. In the jails they were exposed to the language of the criminals and the delinquents; this slang is called germania.

The criminals, in turn, adopted much of the lexicon of caló. The close

relationship between the language of the gypsies and the slang of the

lower elements of society resulted in great confusion regarding the

terminology used to designate the two. Caló became a synonym for ger¬ mania because of the close and to a certain extent forced relationship between the two social groups. Many words have been considered to be

of caló origin when they really pertain to the old geimania and vice- versa. Uhtil very recently even the DRAE persisted in equating the

terms. Germania was defined as the ”’jerga* o manera de hablar de los 10

gitanos, ladrones, y rufianes” and caló as the ’’jerga, que hablan los rufianes y gitanos.” It was not until the publication of the eighteenth edition of the DRAE in 1970 that the proper distinction was made be¬ tween the two.^® Cal6 is now defined as the ’’lenguaje o dialecto de los gitanos” and gemianía as the ’’jerga o manera de hablar de ladrones y rufianes, que usaban ellos solos y compuesta de voces del idioma español con significación distinta de la genuína y verdadera, y de otros muchos vocablos de orígenes muy diversos.”11

The confusion between the terms caló and gemianía reaches far back in histoiy. It occurs in almost all the works dedicated to the study of the lexicon of the delinquents. The language of the delin¬ quents reached its peak during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, while caló was almost conpletely unknown. As the gemianía declined in usage over the years and was replaced by a new argot the gypsy language became more and more well-knom, both through the cante flamenco and the argot of the delinquents. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the term caló was adopted as a name for the language of the gypsies, but due to the tendency of society to identify the gypsies so closely with thieves and criminals it was inaccurately defined as the Vjerga que hablan los delincuentes y gitanos.L. Besses, in his Diccionario de argot español o lenguaje jergal gitano, delincuente, profesional o popular published in Barcelona in 1906, illustrates this confusion in the veiy title of his book. The use of the word caló to name the lan¬ guage used among delinquents persists to the present day. M. Millá studied this usage in his ’’Tesis de Licenciatura” presented in the

1975 Symposium of the Spanish Linguistics Society: ’’También la policía llama hoy día caló al argot y romanó al caló; pero lo curioso es que 11

todos los funcionarios con quienes he hablado son concientes-de-esta 13 mala denominación.'*

Contemporary scholars have attenpted to clarify the distinction between cal6 and the language of the delinquents. Among them are

Carlos Claveria, J. Casares, Miguel Ropero Ndnez, and Juan de Dios

Ramirez Heredia as well as the previously mentioned M. Millá. Claveria was among the first to study the mutual influences between the argot of the delinquents and cal6: "Si la gemania penetró, en un principio, en la lengua de los gitanos, el caló hábia de influir luego sobre el lengiaaje de los malhechores españoles, y en tal escala . . . para designar el argot de los delincuentes del siglo XIX, el término caló jergal."^^ J. Casares* Introducción a la lexicografía moderna was instrumental in promoting the change in the definition of the terms caló and gemania in the DRAE. Casares has shown that caló is a true language of a people who, although dispersed^ possess well-defined ethnic characteristics. The language is pemeated with many loans but still has an extensive vocabulary and grammar of its own as well as a unique system of infixes, suffixes, and prefixes.

1.4 PREVIOUS STUDIES OF ANDALUCIAN SPANISH

A study of the speech of the Sevillian gypsies must involve that of the dialect peculiar to Andalucia, for their language is character¬ ized by the same phonetic traits as is the Spanish spoken by Andalucians in general. The most typical features of this dialect are the loss or aspiration of the final/s/, the loss of the final/r/of the infinitive, and the loss of the intervocalic/d/. There is also a tendency to drop the final /s/ and /n/ in the verbal system, with the result being a 12

frequent usage of pronouns to differentiate person. Extensive studies have already been done on these phenomena so that they will not be stressed here. However, a brief review of the investigations done in this area is in order.

The first studies of the Andalucian dialect were made by an

Austrian, Hugo Schuchardt, and a Swede, Fredrik Wulff. Schuchardt based his study, entitled Die Cantes Flamencos, on a collection of cantes flamencos published by Antonio Machado y Alvarez. It appeared in the journal Zeitschrift fiir Romanische Philologie in 1881 (Y, pp.

249-332) . Schuchardt was concerned with defining the meaning and origin of the tenn cante flamenco and with studying the phonetic: relationship between caló and Spanish. He also deals with word loans of Castilian, Aragonese and Andalucian origin found in the gypsy language. In the end, Schuchardt*s work is of more literary than linguistic interest.

Wulff* s study is an attenpt to present the phonetic system of the

Andalucian dialect. It was published in the Recueil offert a M. Gastón

Paris le 9 aout 1889 (Stockholm) with the title *'Un chapitre de phonó- tique avec transcription d*un texte andalou.l* Wulff presented a Cas¬ tilian text accompanied by a transcription of the same text which he tried to write according to the way it would be spoken in Andalucia.

His method leaves much to be desired when compared to modem techniques for the study of dialects. The work includes a study of the Andalucian vowels and consonants as well as a section devoted to the treatment of the final /s/.

J. Chlumsky published a short article dealing with the final /s/ in Andalucia and con^ared it with the fate of the final /s/ in other 13

Indo-European languages. The title is *’L*s andalouse et le sort de l*s indoeuropéene finale en slave” (SIavia, the Prague, VIII, 1928-

1929, pp. 750-753). He concludes that the aspiration of the final /s/ represents an intermediate stage in the evolution of tlie phonetic system of the language.

The Revista de Filología Española introduced, in the second volme of the year 1915, six sounds of Andalucian Spanish into its phonetic alphabet. In 1933 T. Navarro Tomás, his son A. M. Espinosa, and L.

Rodriguez-Castellano published an article in the same journal entitled

”La frontera del andaluz” (RFE II, 1933, pp. 225-277). The authors endeavored to define the linguistic borders of Andalucia using as the criterion the pronunciation of the /s/. The standard Spanish /s/ is a concave, apical /s/; the Andalucian variants are a flat /s/ and a predorsal, convex /s/. The latter variant is typical only of the interior of

Andalucia; thus, the investigators found only the former variety along the frontier. Three years later Espinosa and Rodriguez-Castellano published ”La aspiración de la ”h” en el Sur y Oeste de España”

(REE XKIII, 1936, pp. 225-254 and 337-378). The authors point out the zones in which the h proceeding from the initial, intervocalic

Latin f is aspirated. They also include the phonetic variants of this aspiration.

One of the most inportant and unique aspects of the Andalucian dialect is its system of open and closed vowels. Tomás Navarro Tomás was the first to address himself to this problem. He fiiiblished two articles on the siibject, ”Desdoblamiento de fonemas vocálicos”

(RFH I, 1939, pp. 165-167) and ”Dódoublement de phonémes dans le dialecte andalou” (TCLP VIII, pp. 184-186, Etudes phoriólogiques dódiées 14

á la mémoire de N, S. Troiibétzkoy). These articles inspired another

study by Dámaso Alonso, Alonso Zamora Vincente and Maríá Josefa

Canellada on the vowel system of Granada. It is entitled 'locales

andaluzas. Contribución al estudio de la fonología peninsular" CNRFH IV,

1950, pp. 209-230).

Amórico Castro is the author of one of the first studies on the

semantics and lexicon of Andalucian speech. His is basically an out¬

line study written with the intention of clarifying what was already

known and destroying previously held false assimptions. The work is

entitled "El habla andaluza" and was pi±)lished by Lengua, Enseñanza y

Literatura {Madrid, 1924, pp. 52-81).

In 1935 Alfred Althar published an inportant doctoral thesis on

Andalucian phonetics vhidi is limited to the stufy of six consonants,

/b/, /f/, /s/, /0/, /g/ and /w/. It was published in Aarau under the

title Beitrage zur Lautlehre südspanicher Jtodarten. The chapter on the

/s/ is one of the most conplete ever written on this phenomenon, and the

thesis contains valuable information on lexicon as well.

In 1948 the first investigation was made on the speech of a specific

locale in Andalucia by L. Rodriguez-Castellano and Adela Palacio. It

consists of a short introduction, an analysis of the then-known works

devoted to the Andalucian dialect, and an analysis of the phonetics

of the area studied. The name of this study is "Contribución al es¬

tudio del dialecto andaluz: El habla de Cabra" and it was published

in the Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares (IV, 1948, pp. 387-418 and 570-599). As a follow-i:^) to this article Rodríguez-

Castellano pihlished ’*E1 habla de Cabra: Notas de morfología (ARCHIVUM

II, 1952, pp. 384-407) and "El habla de Cabra: Vocabulario" (ARCHIVUM

V, 1955, pp. 351-381). In the latter he remarks on the rich vocabulary 15

of Andalucía and the frequency with which new words are foimed from those of standard Castilian Spanish.

The first vocabulary of Mdalucian Spanish was published in 1920 by Miguel de Toro y Gisbert with the title "Voces andaluzas (o usadas por autores andaluces) que faltan en el Diccionario de la Academia

Española" CRevue Hispanique XLIX, 1920, pp. 313-647). He takes words which appear in costumbrista literature and attempts, sometimes inaccurately, to define them. Antonio Alcalá Venceslada published a much more complete vocabulary in 1934, the Vocabulario andaluz.

A second edition, with 16,000 entries, was published in 1951. IMfor- tunately the Vocabulario does not always indicate in which regions certain words are used. It also includes many terms which are not distinct to Andalucía but rather are popular terms used throughout the

Spanish-speaking world.

Manuel Alvar is the most prolific author of studies concerning

Andalucian Spanish. He has carried on an extensive geographic- linguistic project describing the speech of this area which to date consists of no less than nine different works. The first was the

Cuestionario de Atlas Lingüístico de Andalucía, published in Granada in 1952. Following this came his "Proyecto de un Atlas Lingüístico de Andalucía" COPBIS II, 1953, pp. 54-60). Here Alvar speaks of the necessity of further detailed, cartographic study of the Andalucian dialect. Three years later he published some of the first results of his previously proposed project in an article called "Las encuestas 16 del Atlas Lingüístico de Andalucía." This is a varied study which deals with everything from questions of methodology to lexicon. The most noteworthy sections are those on phonetics and the verb. He 16

explores the function of the open vowel and the zones of distribution

of this phenomen, as well as the peculiar uses of tlie verb--displace¬

ment of the accent and the use of verbal tenses. So far it is the most

all-inclusive and systematic study of the morphological, phonetic,

lexical and ethnographical peculiarities of Andalucia.

The following publications of Alvar are of a more specific nature;

that is, they attempt to expand i:5)on problems presented in the articles previously mentioned. "Cien encuestas del Atlas lingüístico de

Andalucía" (December 1953-May 1956) appeared in ORBUS V, 2, 1956, pp.

387-390. He also pi±>lished "Las hablas meridionales de España y

su interés para la lingüística conparada" (RFE XXXIX, 1956, PALA, I, 2,

Granada, 1957). This is by far the most ambitious work Alvar has pi±>lished on the Andalucian dialect. It centers around the study of

the /s/ in all positions, and relates it to the fate of the /s/ in Romance,

Slavic and German dialects.

In the same journal. Revista de Filologiá Española (XL, 1956)

Alvar published a short monograph entitled "Diferencias en el habla del

Puebla de Don Fadrique" (PALA I, 3, Granada, 1957). Shortly thereafter

another article by Alvar appeared in the Revista de Livro (XXI, 1958, pp. 77-86, Rio de Janeiro) called "Diferencias en el habla de hombres y mujeres (según el "Atlas Lingüístico de Andalucía"). In this article he repeats several points already made in previous articles and goes on to outline and expand ijpon a study made by Dámaso Alanso called

En la Andalucía de la E: DiálectolOgíá pintoresca published in 1956.

Alonso studied the change of the final /a/ to /e/ which occurs north of the province of Malaga and south of Sevilla and Córdoba. His work

is highly-original and very scientific with regard to the methodology enployed, although it is of general interest as well because he 17

dispenses with highly technical language. Alvar notes in his article that he considers the phenomenon to be of fairly recent origin,

Alvar’s most recent work is one called ”E1 Atlas linguistico- etnográfico de Andalucía," published in ARBOR, 1959, n. 157, pp. 1-32.

It includes eight mapSj four dealing with verbal moiphology and four with lexicon which are much more complete than those in "Las encuestas del Atlas lingüístico de Andalucía."

Gregorio Salvador has also contributed much to the study of

Andalucian phonetics and phonology. His first article is entitled

"Fonética masculina y fonética femenina en el habla de Vertientes y

Tarifa (Granada)." It appeared in the publication OREIS (I, 1, 19-24) in 1952. The work is centered around the problem of the maintenance or aspiration of the implosive/s/. He also published, in the Archivo de Filología Aragonesa (V, 1953, pp. 143-164) an article called

"Aragonésismos en el andaluz oriental" in which he points out 85 aragonésismos. Salvador’s doctoral thesis, "El habla de Cullar-Baza:

Contribución al estudio de la frontera de andaluz" included one of the first studies of Andalucian phonology. The section dedicated to phonetics and phonology was published in the Revista de Filología

Española XLI, 1957, which pertains to the PALA, II, 1, Granada, 1958.

A short time later the last part of the thesis was published by the

Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares XIV, 1958 (PALA II,

3, Granada, 1958). The title is "El habla de Cullar-Baza: Vocabulario."

The author sought to offer a vocabulary which had so far been unedited.

He did not include those entries from the vocabularies of Venceslada and Garcia Soriano, which, were considered regional and for which there was no specific geographical documentation given. 18

One of the most recently published books on the Andalucian dialect is that by José Mondéjar entitled El Verbo andaluz: formas y estructuras, published in Madrid in 1970. Mondéjar attenpts to system¬ atize and categorize the entire verbal system of Andalucía. Included in the book is a series of maps illustrating the geographical occur¬ rence of the various systems.

1.5 PREVIOUS STUDIES OF THE SPANISH GYPSY DIALECT

As was mentioned in the previous section, there is a relative paucity of rigorous scientific studies of the language of the Spanish gypsies. Many investigations tend toward anthropology rather than linguistics, and most of those that are primarily concerned with linguistics are focused upon the unique lexicon of the gypsy language.

A nineteenth century German scholar. Dr. A. F. Pott, published one of the few books which deals exhaustively with the gypsy language. Pott’s study, however, is not of the Spanish gypsies* language per se but of romani in general. It is entitled Die Zigeuner in Europa und Asien.

Another German philologist. Max Leopold Wagner, was the first to point out the great number of gypsy words which had penetrated the Spanish language. They appear in Notes linguistiques sur 1* argot barcelonais published in Barcelona in 1924.

Perhaps the most well-known gypsiologist is George Borrow, an

English writer who spent much of his life documenting the gypsy language.

Borrow wrote two books dealing exclusively with the language of the

Spanish gypsies. The Zincali, or the Gipsies in Spain (London, 1841) and The Bible in Spain (London, 1843). These studies are invaluable for they are among the few texts which document nineteenth century calé» 19

They are also of great general interest because of the vast amount of infomation they give on gypsy culture. Included at the end of

The Zincali is a rather extensive vocabulaiy of cal6.

Some of the other early publications dealing with the gypsy language are T. Trujillo’s Vocabulario del dialecto gitano (Madrid,

1844), the Vocabulario del dialecto jitano by A. Jiménez (Sevilla,

1846), an anonymous Diccionario del dialecto gitano published in

Barcelona in 1851, R. Canpuzano’s Orijen, usos, y costumbres de los j itanos y diccionario de su. dialecto (Madrid, 1848), and Francisco de

Sales Mayo’s El gitanismo (Madrid, 1870). In 1896, R. Salillas published a study of the argot of the delinquents and cal6 with the title El delincuente español. El lenguaje (Madrid, 1896). The early twentieth century saw the publication of at least two more diction¬ aries, one by Luis Besses, the Diccionario del argot español (Barce¬ lona, 1906) and another by Tineo Rebolledo, Gitanos y Castellanos.

Diccionario gitano-español y español-gitano (Barcelona, 1909). At about the same time F. M. Pabanó authored a dictionary of terns from the germania as well as from the gypsy language, the Historia y costumbres de los gitanos. Diccionario español-gitano-germanesco.

(Barcelona, 1915). 2. CORPUS

2.1 Interview I*--Antonio Torres Almito (ATA)

María Canpos Fernández (MCG)

Milagros (^^

1_ ¿C6ino se llama Ud.? ATA ¿ antdnyo.

¿ ¿Y su nombre completo?

4^ mi ndiribre konpléto.. .antónyo tdre almito.

¿ ¿Y dónde naci6 Ud.?

^ yoakí en sebiya.

2_ ¿En que ano?

^ kelaño no me akwerdo, ke no me akwerdo el año. £ ¿Cuántos años tiene?

10 sigkwénta áñoh, siijkwénta áñoh, siijkwénta áñoh.

11 ¿Siempre ha vivido aquí en Sevilla?

12 nohdtroh emobibío akí en sebiya i...i ehtámoh tambyén en doh

15 ermánah.

14 ¿Y dónde está?

15 ehtá akí mui serkíta k6mo...légwa i médya dakí.

16 ¿Tiene Ud. hijos? ¿Está Ud, casado?

17 tenémoh 6Íu,

18 ¿Cómo se llaman?

19 uno se yáma manwél, 6tro merséd, ótra se yáma hwána, ótra

antónya, pópa, maría, antónia, áhta 6cu.

20 ¿Tiene nietos?

* When the conversation shifts from one informant to another the speaker’s initials will be given in the margin. 21

21 nyétcj,. .unyéto ai por aJd!. está koryéndo. * .éste

22 ¿Cuántos?

23 íóño, (jno, íjno no mah.

24 ¿Qué tipo de vida ha llevado Ud.?

25 poh ke bída, bémoh poh karakél^, mui feuénoh trabahaor^, bámoh

26 por ebpináka, así en el tyémpo bémoh por ehpáfag^, téah ésah

27 késah. si.

2A ¿Que clase de trabajo ha tenido Ud.?

29 po, dna feeh e kohío aseitíjna, 6tra bes éra peón de albaííí...

30 ¿De qué?

31 peón de albaííí, peón, peón, no ponér ladríyoh, sino kafeá

32 méÓa i ést|. kós^, pwe ya áse tyémpo pwe ya no pwédo. si.

ha sido muy difícil la vida?

54 no, mui difísil, no...Íjna kósa de...íjna kósa kofyénte, kofyénte,

55 kósa koryénte pórké ésta kósa son kofyénte porké po éso noáike

55¿Le56 aprendé tánta kósah porké éstah kósah de peón kwalkyéra loh áse

57 porké e pakafeá.. .kwátro ladríyoh, kwátro kdboh de méskla, um

58 píke, üna kósa de peón kwalkyéra loh áse.

59 ¿Cómo se distingue la vida de gitano de la vida de los otros

40 castellanos?

41 íoil la bída de hítano e mui bonita, ónah béseh se kóme, i

42 ótrah béseh no se kóme. la bída de hitána eh bonita, bonita.

más libre, es una vida con más libertad?

44 mas libertá, mas libertá. únah béseh peleándo kon lah muhéreh,

45 ótrah béseh birtyéndo kon loh nínoh, i así yebómoh la bía, así

46 la yebámoh. 45¿Es47 ¿Puede explicarme la diferencia entre los términos ’’flamenco 22

48 y **gitano*^ porgue yo no se exactemente que quiere el término

Ü **flamenco**.

¿éntre páyo i hítano, no? bwéno, ba úna áiferénsya, diferénsya

51 no ba niggúna. diferénsya es ke loh hitánoh tenémoh úna léijgwa

52 ke kwándo kerémoh no ai kyen nob tyénda. kláro i loh páyo...

53 kompryénde.. .porké si yo aéra mismo le digo aéra mismo señorita

54 úna palábra, po no ai kyen la tyénda. i aki éhtá éhta muéáéa,

55 aki está la pétra. ¿ya be? éhta tambyén sábe ablá um pokito

56 hitáno.

57 ¿Pues la única diferencia está en la lengua, en el idioma?

_58 diferénsya, po, tenémoh If. léijgw^ igwálg, el espanól i hitáno, 59 la léngw^ igw|. péro bámoh, kon la diferénsya ke el hitáno,

60 ablando en, bámoh, ablándo en kal6, eh ke no le entyénde nádye

61 po no ai kyen lo tyénda. éso eh.

62 Digame algo de la música gitana. ¿El flamenco es música gitana

63 o música paya?

64 no. la músika de hitáno eh tokándo 1§. pálm§. eh sáboria, eh

_65 mui saboria, mui saboria. tokándo lah pálmah. éya bailándo.

66 i asi eh la músika hitána. aéra kémo no se bailá...

67 ¿Cuáles son sus diversiones favoritos, el baile o....?

08 o, señorita, mi dibersyoneh.. .una botéya bino, la muhér se

69 akwéhta komigo...la tiro kon el bastón, si sále la muhér

70 koryéñdo i yo me akwésto.

21 ¿Pues dónde va Ud. para divertirse? ¿Tiene un lugar favorito?

72 a gwéno, aki, aki, aki. aki, kwándo no, poh, poh b^m^ a la

73 férya. bámoh a la féfya sebiya, a la férya her^h, totál, a 74 l§h féiy^ |s^. 23

75 ¿a las ferias de gitanos o á las ferias de todo el mundo?

76 no, féryah áe t6do el iiiíándo, féryah de todo el mundo, a lah

IL féiyah de todo el mundo, a lá féiya de éyoh mísmoh, de hitáno,

78 de kasteyáno, de tódo ke kyére úno.

Z2. ¿Hay alguna diferendia entre la comida de los gitanos y la

comida española?

£L señorita, la diferénsya ke ai ke lah hitánah no sáfeen gisár.

ésta le éca la sal, poh si sále mui sáláo, poh saláo. éra, lah

páyah gísan mehér porké tyénen suh aféglah i sále de étra férma

.. .¿ke kyére.señorita ke le áble?

Hábleme me sobre las fiestas.

86 éya eh dna bailadra péro de lah bwéra, bwéra, bwéra.

IZ ¿Ella?

éhta.

8^ ¿Ella?

90 la máre, la máre. la máre le téka lah pálmah i eh lo mehér ke

21 se be en téo el mdndo. lo mismo báila por tá^go ke por buleria.

92 en téoh loh estiloh. úna bailaéra bwéra. adra ke eh méhter

93 pálma bwéna porké yo si se byén toká i kantá péro kdmo no ai,

94 no ehtá el mario fáltan treh mah, eh. fálta antdnyo, manwél i

21 hwanito, i yo, pa ke ésta mucáca bailára tokándo byen lah

21 pálmah. a ber si byéne en um momentito.

MCF 97 éhta musása sábe mui byen kantá i mui byen bailá. mui byen

21 kantá i tdka la pálma i tdo. éya sábe mui byen kantá. el

22. kánte flamériko el kánte de loh hitánoh. éya, éya.

100 ¿Cuál es el rito de los gitanos cuando se casan?

ATA 101 lah hitánah se kásan kdmo lah mdrah. el kasarayénto de loh 24

102 hit^oh e igwal d.e los moroh. aora lah hitánah la kohen, me da

103 bergwénsa ablárla, no, la tiran bóka afíba i le meten el déo

104 i a t6o depwé konyénsan a tirárla.

MCF 105 la tiran poh lo álto. i écan múcah pelaéya.

M 1^ almendrah.

MCF 107. alméndrah son pelaéyah, ¿no eh?

M kláro.

MCF 109 i le eía mu2a pelaéyah, i múíah alméndrah, la móntan i

110 akromóntan. i le kántan el ?éli. le kántan el zéli.

111 ¿El qué?

MCF 112 el zéli.

115 ¿Qué es esto?

MCF 11± el kasarryénto de loh hitánoh.

115 ¿Se llama zéli?

ATA 116 ésa señorita, la kéhe por loh péloh i Iwégo le ásen pa

117 ariba pa abáho.

118 ¿Cuál es el rito vérdadéró dé los gitáiiós desdé él principio

119 dél casamiento?

ATA 1^ el hiténo lo ke tyéne es ke le gústa múco el bino, le gíósta

121 la serbésa sále bailándu. i Iwégo le tráen bino i se enhwága

122 i komyénsa a kantá, a bailá, a bibi a loh niñoh.

125 Uhá cósa, a ver, él rito gitário, desdé el principió del

124 cásamiéntó, ¿cémó es?

125 pwe mira, yo kwándo me kasé estábe ablándele a la muhére... 25

2.2 Interview II--José Serrano Campos (JSC)

Juan Martinez Ortiz (J^D)

Antonio Martinez Ortiz (AMD)

126 ¿Cémo'se llama?

JSC ¿kómo me yámo? se ya. hosé sefáno kánpo; 128 ¿Qué tipo de trabajol*dí&hace Ud. ? 129 yo...yo lo büsko aéra mihmo. kanténdo i éso, bailándo i éso.

150 ¿Cémo aprendió a cantar?

151 éso fásil. yo lo aprendi en*l tyémpo, no. de mi famílya, de

152 pádre i madre.

155 ¿Qué?

154 de mi pádre i mádre.

155 ¿Cómo se llaman su padre y su madre?

156 ¿mi pádre?

157 Sí.

158 *ntónyo.

159 ¿Cuántos hermanos y hermanas tiene?

140 seih.

141 ¿Cuántos hermanos y cuántas heimanas?

142 kláro, ermánoh.. .téggo doh.

145 ¿Y hermanas?

144 ¿i eimánah? tei>go ke kontá loh dedoh.. tr*^, tr^ kwatro.

145 ¿Es Ud. casado?

146 si.

147 ¿Tiene hijos?

148 una niña.

149 ¿Cómo se llama ella? 26

150 past6ra.

151 ¿Le ha sido muy difícil lá vida?

152 a bwéno, pwe si, a síáo mui byen.

Ud, conciente de ser gitano? 155¿Es154 kláro ke si, si. lo syénto.

155 Pues, ¿cómo es la vida gitana?

156 la bída hitána. ..¿ke kyére ke lé díga? la bída hitána, yo no

157 se, yo no Ityéndo tampóko de éso.

158 ¿Ud. no entiende tampoco?

159 yo, no se, yo sólo ke .soi hiténo, péro de entend^ así po la

160 lei, no.

161 ¿Ud. se considera gitano o español o los dos?

162 yo, kémo kwalkyéra de káme i gwéso. syéndo úna perséna de

165 igwál“-ke sea españól, ke sea amarikáno, ke sea hitáno, ke

164 sea inglés, syéndo bwéno, syéñdo bwéna hénte, syéndo onrádo,

165 bwéna késa.

166 ¿Pues le interesa a Ud. cosas como la política de España y

167 cosas así?

168 de ésto estéi frito, no se náa. de ésto, mífa uhtfd, no se 169 náa.

170 ¿Qué hace Ud. para divertirse? ¿Mira la televisión o...?

171 kantándo, bebé úna o doh botéya de bino, bé^ga tápa, béjgga

172 6tra tapa, béijga étra i étra. béijga a bebér i bé^ga a

175 eskucár kánte, no. o sea, lo mismito, fumá de kwéndo en

174 kwándo úna kosíya. un sigafíyo úno de éso un sigafíyo, un

175 sigaríyo, úna kopíta i úna tapíta, ¿sábe? me alégre.

176 ¿Hay muchas fiestas gitanas? 27

177 yo d5nde boi syen^re ai hwérga.

178 ¿Juerga?

179 donde yo boi, sy6ii5)re ai hwérga. syémpre estámoh de hwerga,

180 syémpre estámoh de hwérga, úna bes peleándo, étra de hwérga,

181 6tra de yo no se, de tédah manérah.

182 ¿Dénde viven la mayor parte de los gitanos de Sevilla?

185 ai múco, eh, por téo láo ai hitáno. ¿entyénde? ai hitáno

184 por téo láo.

185 ¿Es Triana im barrio gitano?

186 tryána um báfyo hitáno, yo, por lo ke e bisto, no.

PM) 187 en tryána en la kába ai hitáno. en la kába ai hitáno.

JSC 188 yo kréo ke si.

189 ¿Pues Ud. canta en bares?

. 190 si,, en el martinéte, ayí en el martinéte, el martinéte i éso.

191 ¿Está aquí cerca?

192 no, delante de la katedral.

193 ¿Qué ambiciones tiene para su vida? ¿Ud. quiere llegar a

194 algo, ¿no?

195 ya, kláro ke kyéro yegár a álgo. tenér múca gayína, múco

196 pábo, múco pucéro, múco kabáyo, tenér múc^ k6s§. es ke yo

197 kisyéra, tenér iiiúc§. kés^. e*lo ke yo kisyéra, tenér múé^ kés^.

198 ¿Qué hacen con los caballos en una ciudad como Sevilla?

199 lo yébo por toda la feria y me yébo el kabáyo andándo, no.

200 de la púnta de la féria dándo bwélta, no, péro sélo, sin

201 pegár al kabáyo, sélo, i lo yébo étra bes. al mismo sítyo, sin

202 pegáf al kabáyo'ni náa, lo yébo a la bía, a la bía, i sin

203 pegár ni náa. i lo yébo étra bes por téda la féria i lo 5^ébo 28

204 al mismo sítyo. ¿al mismo sítyo, eh?

205 ¿Uds., los gitanos, sé ericüéritran excluidos dé los payos?

206 Es decir, ¿qué si se encuentran apartados de ellos, si no

207 les gusta juntar con ellos, o les rechazan, o algo?

208 si, si, se htjntan, kláro. se tyéne ke konosér.

AMD ^ loh páyoh no se kyéren juntá múcah héseh kon los hitánoh.

JSC 210 ai múcoh páyoh ke no kyéren huntárse kon lah hitánah.

AMD m asi kémo ai hitánah kasádah kom páyoh, mác^ kés^.

212 En la mayoria de los gitanos, no sé, ¿sea una actitud de

213 rechazar a los payos o al revés, los payos rechazan a los

214 gitanos?

JSC 215 loh páyoh recásan a loh hitánoh.

216 ¿Hay mucha discriminacién contra los gitanos?

AMD 217 loh páyoh no se kyéren huntár müco kon loh hitánoh.

218 Es decir, por ejemplo, si algdn payo llega a pedir trabajo

219 es más fácil que se lo da que a un gitano, ¿no?

JSC 220 kláro, ya no trabáha, ya no trabáha. i ai algunos ke nesesi-

221 tan álgo de un hitáno, ¿no?

AMD 222 el kyére des ir ke, por ehénplo, si tu fea, si tu fea ayi al

225 bar ése kon éyo, inténta kon éyo, i aéra tu fea a tbia éfera i

224 a lo mehér se lo da a éyo.

225 Si hay por ejemplo una plaza en la que se puede entrar sola-

226 mente a trabajar a un hombre, ¿qué prefieren meter, a un payo

227 0 a un hitano?

JSC 228 a um páyo.

229 Por eso hay discriminacién contra la raza gitana, ¿no?

230 kláro ke si. 29

251 Estuvimos hablando sobre el rito gitano de casamiento.

252 ¿Donde tienen lugar las bodas, éri una iglesia, o d6nde?

255 en káii5)0, en kámpo, segdn Ona kása, íiia kása, igwál afwéra,

254 afuera, em fin.

255 ¿Y quién preside la boda?

loh pádreh, loh pádreh.

JSC ^ loh pádreh, kláro.

258 Pues, cuando Uds. dicen padres, ¿quiere decir padres de

259 familia y no padre como cura?

AND 240 dna hitána, tma hitána.

JSC 241 úna hitána.

AND 242 yeháiiioh úna hitána, i íma hitána loh kása.

245 ¿Y son bodas aprobadas por la ley española?

244 no.

245 ¿Hay divorcio entre los gitanos? Es decir, ¿se puede volver

246 otra vez a casar, pero por el rito gitano?

247 kláro, ke se pwéden kasár.

JSC 2M kláro, si.

249 Es decir, si están casados un hombre y una mujer....

AND 150 si, se pwéde kasár kon otra.

251 ¿Casado por el rito si separa uno?

JSC 252 da lo míhmo.

AND 255 si tu kyére te pwede kasár adra míhmo kon 6tra.

JSC 254 igwál si estuhyéra kasádo kon um páyo, eh.

AND 255 si, si.

256 ¿Qué puede volver a casar por el rito gitano otra vez, o

257 ya por el rito gitano, no? 30

258. 6tra beh, 6tra beh.

JSC 2^ 6tra beh, 6tra beh.

260 ¿Qué pasa si el marido quiere separarse-pero la mujer no?

261 enténseh se yéba la muhér a la kása de éya.

262 ¿Y el padre de la mujer no se enoja?

265 kláro ke se enfáda, éníbre.

264 ¿Y las familias viven juntas, no? Las familias no se separan,

265 me parece. Pues, ¿cuáado una mujer se casa, los dos viven con

266 los padres de la mujer o del hombre?

267 éso será kémo dno kyére.

AMD 268 da igwá.

JSC 269 da igwá, da igwá.

270 Por ejemplo, los padres de su esposa, ¿donde viven ellos?

271 akí, akí.

111 ¿A sus hijos los educan de alguna manera o viven simplemente...?

AM) 273 ¿loh níñoh?

274 Si, ¿los educan de alguna manera?

275 ¿loh níñoh? éhtoh no ban a ningún koléhyo, niQgdna eskwéla

276 ni náa.

111 ¿Aprenden a leer y escribir o no aprenden?

278 akí loh hitánoh no sáben leé. bibímoh mui léhoh, aímke adra

279 ya loh están yebándo por ayí.

280 ¿No cree que sería útil el aprender y escribir para luego,

281 por ejemplo, para encontrar trabajo?

282 kláro ke si, pwéde ser.

JSC ^ nohétroh álgo ágwa, í lo pasámoh byen.

284 ¿Cómo paga Ud. la comida para los hijos y todo eso? ¿Cantando? 31

285 ¿C6ino gana el dinero?

JSC 2^ si, kantándo, jm ^ i loh hítanoh no tyéne paro, no, ¿e? yo estói paráo, éstói

288 paráo adra mismo, i yo no koho páro. si no té^go pa^komer, .

289 ¿ke ágo yo?

290 ¿Cómo se llama Ud.?

291 ¿yo? hwan martíneh.

¿Y cuántos años tiene Ud.?

295 dyesinwébe áñoh.

294 ¿Y también nació aquí en Sevilla?

295 he.

296 ¿Y es su hija?

297 eh, i éya tanibyén eh.

298 ¿Ella tanibien, que está durmiendo?

AND ^ i la miihér la tyéne ya inflada el.

500 Las familias gitanas en general tienen muchos hijos, ¿no?

301 éso si, éso si. pwe, kómo noh akohtémoh tenpráno, sábeh. noh

502 akohtémoh teii5)ráno, sábeh, péro mira ke aóra en el beráno,

505 sábeh, kómo aée kalór pwe noh parómoh um pokíyo, péro en el

504 iribyémo, kómo no áse kalór, sábeh, a lah sípko de la tárde

505 ehtámoh akohtáoh. por éso tenémoh tántoh níñoh.

306 Si, pero no hay que tenerlos.

507 akí muhér^' son mui málah.

508 ¿Los gitanos se casan tempranera, no?

509 kon trese o katorse se kasa.

510 ¿Por qué tan temprano?

311 si uno eh byého, si úno se kása kwándo séa byého, éso no 32

512 bále, éso no aprobéca náa. 315¿Cuántos años tenía cüárido sé casé? jm 314 dyesiséih ánoh.

315 ¿Y no ve el casamiento como una manera de perder..lá libertad?

316 por un láo *ta éso, no, por 6tro láo *ta la mühér, no, es así,

317 ¿no?

318 ¿Cuántos años tenía cuando nacié su primera hija?

319 dyesy6& ánoh.

320 ¿Y no es mucha responsabilidad tener a los dieciocho años?

321 ¿ke bámoh a asér, si byéne, ke bámoh a asér?

322 ¿Uds. son católicos, o no?

323 yo kréo ke ai álgo, ¿no? yo le digo ke, por ehénplo, ke ai

324 dyoh, ¿no? porké se lo an díco, díse ke ai dyoh, no, yo

325 kreé, no, ke ai dyoh, i kréo, kréo, ai dyoh.

326 Yo estoy pensando en el hecho de que en la iglesia catélica

327 el control de la natalidad está prohibido. Es decir, que en

328 la iglesia catélica, no está permitido, por ejemplo, el aborto,

329 no, el prohibir que nazca un niño.

330 nohótroh, nohótroh, tóo ke béi}ga, byen, byen.

331 Pues a Uds. les gusta tener muchos hijos.

332 kláro, kwándo üno séa byého da igwál.

yo no estoy hablando necesariamente del aborto, pero

334 de todos los otros métodos.. .por ejemplo, los anticonceptivos,

335 sabe lo que son, no, para que no nazcan los hijos, no, una

336 pastilla, ¿no?

337 nohótroh no asémoh náá de ésto.

335Pero338 ¿Pues es que no saben O no quieren? 33

339 eh ke no kyéren lah muhéreh, la muhéreh kyéren loh níñoh.

340 ¿Y Ud. c6mo se llama?

341 pitra.

342 ¿Y el apellido?

343 gutyéreh.

344 ¿Y cuántos años tenía Ud. cuando se casó?

345 katorse.

346 ¿Y al tener su primer nífío?

347 dyesiséih.

348 ¿Quiere mandar los niños a una escuela cuando son más grandes?

349 ¿Quiere que sepan leer y escribir?

350 si. m) 351_ kláro, dmbre, es mehór, ¿no? es mehór ke sépan éyos. yo no

352 se leer, yo no pwédo leer, no, i por lo ménos ke sépan éyos...

353 no tyéne náa pa komé, no. kláro, si yo estubyéra trafeahándo,

354 ubyéfa.,.estémoh paráoh i loh níñoh kyéren komé, i ayí está,

355 ¿i áénde está la komía, de dénde hyéne, del syélo? i ya

356 tyénes ke salir por ayí i buskárte la komía. kémo séa.

357 ¿Qué tipo de trabajo hace Ud.?

358 yo en el kánpo, en el kampo. eskarbándo, eskáibando, ¿no?

359 eskarbándo papah i melakotone. remoláca, éstah késah, el

360 kámpo. i de ébra tairibyén se um pokíto. por lo ménoh ésto ayí

361 al su, por la férya, ¿no? émo estáo trafeahándo en úna ébra,

362 péro estúfee póko tyémpo. éra úna obra, úna kapíya, un capú,

363 noh yamáron pa estár tre. o kwátro semánah. pwe albaní um

364 pokíto tambyén se, um pokíto, no. lo ke pása eh ke no ai

365 trabáho. el trabáho, áse fálta el trabáho. 34

366 kláro pwe si ai trábáho, ke béijga, ke bé^ga, si no ai

367 trabáho, ¿ke boi a asé? pasá ámbre, pwe si tjno tyéne mil

368 pesétah, el no tyéne náa. i mañána, kwarénta áúroh,

369 El gitano generalmente no mira nada por el dinero, por

370 ejemplo, cuando tiene úri dinero determinado lo gasta...

371 a lo mehor el dinéro no tyéne. mañána se lo ba a buská...

372 ¿Uds. pasan la mayor parte del tiempo aquí, ó van a la ciudad?

373 no, de akí no noh mobémoh. akí, loh pwébloh de por akí

374 alfededé, a lo mehér, en el tyémpo de la remoláca, no, de la

375 kárga, a lo mehér nos ecámoh um par de akí, la

376 probínsya de akí. nos bámoh por ai, por ai noh bámoh.

377 ¿Y cómo se llama Ud.?

378 anténio.

379 ¿Antonio?

380 martíneh, martíneh.

381 ¿Y cuántos años tiene?

382 beintikwátro.

383 ¿Uds. son heimanos?

384 si, ermánoh.

385 ¿Son hijos de Antonio?

386 no, no, no.

387 A ver.

388 éste e mi kuñáo

389 ¿Ud. está casado con la hija dé Antonio?

390 no, no, no.

391 Pues, explícame.

392 eh, antonio e me kuñáo. la muhér de el e mi ermána. la 35

593 muhér de el e mi kuñáa. i mi mijhér eli de 6tro. ke no eh el 394 stSyo,

395 Es toy confundida.

396 la íha de antdnio e sobrina, sobrina mia i sobrina de el.

597 ¿Tiene Ud. trabajo ahora?

598 yo soi afilad, afilad, afilad de kuciyoh. kuciyoli .ai pa i

599 afilá, afilába por a£, por i éso.

400 ¿Ddnde trabaja, en la ciudad de Sevilla o aquí?

401 boi por akí, por sebiya, por éso báíyo ai. kláro, al finál

402 a abío pdko, ünah sesyénta o océñta paréyáh, i todabía no,

taii5)dko. no abla úna doséna, no ábla pa dehár béinte

404 dúroh, kwaréntah dúroh. un cúbe, de mdsla, un ^^e. 405todábla405 ike te káye! (to child) akí por la nd& se akwésta ésta 406 hénte la mitád sin komér ni náa. la mitád de los niños ésteh

407 se akwéstan sin komé. se akwésta sin komé pa tda la ndce porké

408 no ai.

409 ¿Este niño es suyo? ¿Cuántos tiene?

410 téi>go kwátro.

411 I CuatroI

412 kláro, i la muhér ya está ensínta.. .loh hiténoh asémoh múdo

413 níñoh por pára ke áya múdo mostíso i múdo kapaménto, pa reí

414 pa kantá i éso, porké no tenyéndo nínoh no ai mostíso no ai

415 kánte ni náa, no podémoh i tenyéndo níñoh, kwándo

416 sdmoh

417 ¿Y Uds. los van a mandar a una escuela?

418 ¿a úna eskwéla? ésto ba a ser mui difísil si no té]Qgo dinéro.

419 ¿Hay que pagar? ¿No hay escuelas del estado?

420 si, um pokitín . 36

2.3 Interview III--María Jiménez CMJ)

Juan ’’Cagón” CJC)

María Cancos Fernandez (MCF)

Milagros

Francisco (F)

421 ¿Cómo se llama?

MI 422 maría himéneh.

dónde es? ¿De Sevilla?

424 si.

425¿De425 ¿Nació aquí? ¿Siempre ha vivido aquí en Sevilla?

426 a tratáo óma muta akí dna beh, ótra beh mah e estáo en loh

427 olibáreh kohyéndo hereh, múco mah me a kohío si loh sibíleh

~428 no me an kohiú. (laughter)

429 Y7 ¿cómo se llama su marido?

450 dilo tu ya.

JC 451 ’tónyo.

MJ 432 hwarkagó...hwarkaxó.

tiempo hace que Uds. viven aquí, en este... en esta

454 parte de Sevilla, en este edificio?

455 Ja yebámoh tr^.

JC 456 dyesisyete áñoh. 455¿Cuánto457 ¿Cuántos? MJ 438 syeteseDi meseh.

459 ¿Dónde vivían antes?

440 en la makarena.

441 ¿Dónde queda?

442 ante la makaréna, de la makaróna el polígano, i del polígano 37

445 akí. ¡káya la, ánda kagáo!

444 ¿Cuáatbs hijos tienen?

445 bámDs a be. séih.

446 Seis hijos, ¿Cuetos aaos tienen sus hijos?

447 tilo tyéne kwátro, el 6tro tyéne sínko, 6tro seisin, ¿tu ke

448 edad tyéne, anténia? ¡dile tu fWérte kon la béka! (child:

449 do.) ¡mah, mah, karita mia! (child: ¡do!) ¿i tu padre,

450 kémo se yáma? (child: gonsálo.Jj ¡fwérte* (child:

451 ¡gonsálo*) ¿i el abwélo, i el kagé? (child: kagó.)

452 (laughter)

455 He oido mucho sobre las bodas de los gitanos. Yo entiendo

454 que son muy distintas de las bodas de los otros....

455 la boa de lo hiténo. ..mui bonita.

456 ¿Es verdad que la pareja vive juntos un mes antes de la boda?

457 ¿Puede explicarme todo eso?

458 ke la yéba el nébyo ésta néci, i por la manéna, poh, si kásan.

459 le méten el déo, i le sákan el birgo.

460 ¿Antes de la boda?

461 no, kwéndo ban a asér la béa.

462 ¿Pero ellos viven juntos un mes antes de la boda?

465 no, enurainúto. no durámo náa. yo tíjbe el ke fWe mi marido

464 ablándola íiia semána, i a la semána pwe me ahunté kon el kago.

465 (after interval of singing) ¿Hay gitanos que no saben

466 cantar? ¿Existen?

467 si. i ésa.

468 ¿Cémo se llama?

MCF 469 maria. 38

470 Explícame algo. ¿Cuitas familias viven aquí, en esta casa?

MJ 471 ¿kwántas?.. .éntre.. .nohótroh sóro. yo i mih níñoh.

472 M 6co, éco. -

familias? ¿Antonio es pariente de Uds.?

MJ 475¿Ocho474 ése antényo el kagén. ¡nóiribre, mi marío, kéñol a mi marío.

475 ¿El es su marido?

476 el kagé.

477 ¿Y Antonio es amigo o pariente de Uds.?

478 paryénte, paryénte. famílya del kagé.

479 ¿Ellos son hermanos?

480 estabamoh en uq olibá, íhamoh por loh heléroh

481 undunáyo, trabahémoh tooh, i el poyotéro, akí

482 le bi al kargé.

algo sobre su niñez. ¿Se crié aquí?

484 yo nasí en la paré de la gwélta, botisá en la párma, i me a

485 kryáo akí en sebiya, péro mi marío es de wéfba.. 486485Dígame¿De dénde? 487 de wérba. i de wérba, poh, me kasé kon el i lo trdlio paká.

488 i ya komígo ya se Yosé múéo i me ahunté kon el por meté a

489 múéah alméndrah. po.. .kémo eh un hitáno tan £éo...

490 ¿Qué es tan feo?

491 mui féro. le pusyéron a mi marío el kagé...kwándo me ahunté

492 kon el. péro la priméra nébya ke tubo le posé un sombréro

495 de páha. el áhe dosáinte.

494 ¿De quién es la yegua? ¿Es de Uds.?

495 la yégwa no eh mía.

496 ¿Hay historias de su familia, historias interesantes sobre 39

497 su familia que le gustaría contar?

498 yo, a liieiribrár la lóka.''

MCF a nádye se lo ménto, k6ño.

MJ 500^ no se ke.

MCF ^ interesánte, ¿ke kyére desir?

502 Cualquier cosa, cualquier historia sobre su familiá ó su vida,

505 cualquier cosa que le haya pasado.

504 ke té]}go úna nwéra mui mála. úna nwéra, la muhér de mi ñiño,

505 me a kerio pegá, ésta peléa komigo, mui ruinéra. tyéne mui : .

506 mála lé^gwa. un dia la ban a matá. la ban a yebá ayá a lo

507 peyehéro i no ba a sabér dénde está enteráa.

508 Pellejeros, ¿quiénes son?

509 la mi nwefa.

510 Alguien me dijo que los gitanos son muy supersticiosos. ¿Es

511 verdad? ¿Es Ud. supersticiosa?

512 no, yo no, la berdá, yo no me húnto kon náide i no me akarihyo

515 la alméha. (laughter)

514 ¿Es supersticioso su marido?

515 po abér dáo ui) golpe se a bwélta léka de un abérto ke túbo.

516 i el muíá& ke túbo lo túbo malaménte, i se kedé Iwégo kon

517 la régra. poh mi mario e mui bwéno pa mi noh

518 fWimoh a kai i a rota, a cipyóna, i el se a portáo

519 mui malaménte, el se a portáo mui malaménte.

MCF ^ se ba a la férya. a la férya.

M 5^ ¡i ayi fWe a la apagateria!

MDF 5^ j almého!

MJ 523 i se a perdió el apargatito. pwe ke estába deskálso. 40

MQF 524. mamá, díle ke se káye ésta senóra.. .se ba a la férya

525. ¿Quién?

526 éya.

M 527 a Téta, cipyéna.

MCF 528 inol ¡el kóse léko, i el blanl ayí se an grabáo, ¿eh?

M 529 si, si. ¡ke látat áse um pastél mui fwérte, mui fwérte.

530 a pedí, a pedí, a espáso. ci, ci. la boi a yebár a la

531 serwéla.

MJ 532 mi marío e mui bwéno, mui bwéno, mui santíto. mi marío ni

533 péga ni náa, yo a el, si.

534 ¿Le pega? ¿Por qué?

535 e mui bwéno, porké umitád e mui bwéno, por el amér kel*íse

536 el almého. no tyéne kwalkyéra.

537 ¿Cuántos años tienen Uds. de casados?

JC 538 no sémoh kasáoh, somoh hímtoh.

MJ 539 ¡kasáo por la iglésia!

JC 540 ¡nol

MJ 541 kémo yo me a pesáo porké e un hitáno no lo téijgo ke áehár l*

542 porké eh mui enamoráo.

JC 543 ¡ésta e mentira, ehtámoh hdntoh, híóntoh! ehtámoh hdntoh.

544 kasáoh no.

545 Bueno, yo entiendo, pero yo entiendo que el casamiento gitano

546 es distinto del casamiento de los españoles.

547 MJ lo nwéstro es íma, íina rosa i el de ustédeh es étra. lo

548 nwéstro...

549 ¿Pues Uds. cuando sé casaron tuvieron una boda gitana?

550 si. 41

551 ¿Púés dentro dé , , , ?

HJ 552 ¿de la parók/a? pwe, lo míhmo,

555 ¿Hay muchos gitanos qué se casaa por la iglesia?

JC jno, no no no! ¡nohótroh no! ¡nohótroh no! nohótroh húntoh,

555 hdntoh.

MJ 556 ¡por la iglésia! estámoh por la iglésia kasáoh.

JC 557 éste eh mentira, éste eh mentira.

MJ 558 yo té^go aki el libro.

JC 559 no le ága káso, fiese usté de mi.

MJ 560 kita. (to child)

JC 561 mentira, estámoh híjntoh.

562 ¿Pues cuántos años llevari Uds. juntos?

MJ 563 ya yebémo íjnoh pékoh de ánoh.

564 ¿Veinte?

565 ¡mádre de dyóh!

MCF 566 no, yébati mah.

567 ¿Llevan más?

M 568 kwarénta ánoh.

MCF 569 beintitré, beintitré.

MJ 570 i para béinte áñoh yo apelé a mi Ího gonsálo.

MCF 571 beintitré áñoh yéban.

572 Muchos.

MJ ^ (to child); mwébete el pyé, ke té^go un libro, ¡mébete um

574 p6ko, aparté! ¿no be kémo no le eijgáno yo a uhté? ¿eh? mira.

JC 575 ¿no se a perdió?

MJ 576 ¿no be ke está byéndo el libro?

577 ¿Qué libro es? ¿De la iglesia? 42

578 eh, kasáo, de mi marío .i mío.

JC 579 kíta éso pa aríba.

580 ¿Pues se casaron en lá iglesia?

MJ 581 en el polígano. kasáoh por la iglésia.

582 ¿Son católicos los gitanos generalmente? ¿Qué religion tíénen

583 Uds.? ¿El catolicismo?

584 ai.

JC 585 poláko, poláko. dos feéseh nosétroh lo isímoh dos béseh.

586 M pwe mi marío se a mwérto i no me kyére. me a deháo séla, me

587 a deháo sóla mi marío, no me kyére. adra yo sóla. me a pegáo

588 raúco. báya. téggo doh nuioh. me a pegáo a mi múco. i salía

589 kon ótra.

590 MJ mi gonsálo, a ehtáo tan mal el probesíto a ehtáo málo. tenía

591 únoh doloreh mui -gránde de xiheúma.

592 JC estói húnto kon éya, pos kasáo no.

MJ 595 ...i ayér registrándome pa ke yo le éyéra dinéro. ésta mafíá se

594 yebo béinte dúro i se fWe a bebé,

JC 595 es mui amafáa, mui amafáa...

MJ 596 ¡ke no!

JC 597 kasáo byén kasáo. a el le dyó...me estéi ahuntáo.

598 M eh mentira, no lo kréo.

MJ 599 ke ésto es berdá.

600 ¿Cuándo sus niños son más grandes, van a mandarlos a una

601 escuela?

602 loh bámoh a mandá del prinsípyo ánteh, ya no.

JC 603 éste e nyéto mío.

604 ¿Y ella es también? 43

M 605 mi ermáno, mi ermário.

^sta e ñyétá mía.

607 ¿Pues cuáles son sus hijos?

608 éya, éhta i tre máoh.

609 ¿Y estos de quiénes son?

610 éste e riyéto mío. i ésta. C”E1 Cagón’* begins to sing.)

611 iaora el kagénl

MCF ésta musása sábe mui byén kantá.

613 ¿Sí?

MJ 614 (To child) kánta al koirpas, antónia. (Child refuses to sing;

615 Milagros sings instead.)

616 ¿Cómo se gana la vida su marido?

MCF ^ kohyéndo karakéleh, karakéleh en lah kárdah, en loh algoééneh,

618 en lah bindírayah, kohyéndo membríyoh, kohyéndo meléneh, sendía,

619 melakoténeh, lah pápah.

620 ¿Ud. es hija de el también? ¿Son hermanas?

M 6^ ...la remolácah, la aseiténa, lah melakoténeh, la silwérah,

622 loh damáskoh, lah úbah, altapáre, mUcah frútah.

623 ¿Cuántos años tienen Uds. dos?

MCF ^ pwes yo, dyesinwébe.

625 ¿Como se llama?

M 626 milágroh.

627 ¿Y cuántos años tiene?

628 dyesiséih.

629 ¿A Uds. les gusta la vida de gitano?

MJ 6^ gosto muco la bída ésta.

MCF 631 kláro ke me gústa la bíáa ésta porké es la bída de nosétroh. 44

652 es la bíáa 4e nosótroh. ¿no be ke estámoh hitánoh i estánoh

635 kriáo en éya?

654 ¿Qué piensan Uds. de los gitanos que se llaman caseros?

635 kláfo, nosdtroh. ke no estámoh kriáo en loh kanáleh ni náa,

656 estámoh kriáoh en kásay. igi>rál ke loh páyoh.

fhl Pues, ¿quiénes son los gitanos canasteros?

MJ 6^ nosátroh.

MCF ^ loh ke están por loh kanáleh.

MJ 64^ loh kanastéroh somoh nohátroh.

MCF ^ ke trabáhan las káñah. loh ke ásen los kanástoh de káña. loh

642 ke ásen lah, lah...

M 643 loh kanastéroh, lah kanastérah, kon el kanastéro, el luintíño,

644 lah fékah, la , lah téhah, lah súsih, el kamaré,

645 lah marikánah, loh señéreh, loh páyoh. loh páyoh loh hitánoh.

MJ 6^ ¡adra eská^el

647 Iki poquito más. Dígame algo sobre la comida gitana. ¿Qué

648 comen Uds. generalmente?

649 lentána. sálgo a la plása, kohémoh únoh pékoh de pimyénto,

650 koprámoh úna botéya sal, loh tomáteh, loh pinyéntoh, tina éya

651 de kafé kon léce, íjna péka de naranhá pikáa, doh o tre béyo,

652 doh o tre peskáoh i es la komída nwéstra.

655 ¿A Ud. le gusta concinar?

654 téa ésa kosa.

655 (child) lah alméndrah, loh ?ókoh.

656 María, ¿cuál es su apellido?

MCF ^ maría kámpoh femándeh.

658 Dígame, ¿qué es el potaje gitano? 45

659 ¿el potáhe hitáno? éso eh por nocebwéna.

660 ¿Por Nochebuena?

661 por nabidád. e -garbánso, müéo bakaláo, áho, pimyénto, i

662 tomáte.

sabe hacerlo? 665¿Ud.664 el potáhe hitáno áe nosótroh. ésto e el potáhe de nosétroh. 665 (child) antéha, garbánso, pucéro, bakaláo.

666 ¿Cuáles son los otros días de fiesta que Uds. celebran?

667 el beintikwátro eh día de loh hitánoh. el día beintikwátro

668 eh de loh hitánoh. el día de loh hitánoh. i lo selebrámoh

669 müco, mdco, múco. ¡múco kantá, múco bailá, bebér máío, i úna

670 kandéla mui gránde--i kohémoh múca komía!

671 ¿Y invitan a todos sus amigos?

672 a téo el mundo, a too el mundo, a páyo, a hitáno, a téo, a

675 kyenkizéra, de téo.

674 ¿Y dénde toma lugar la celebración?

675 en la kábe, en la kábe. se ensyénde múcah kandéla, i no ai

676 frío.

677 ¿Cuándo viene su cumpleaños?

678 nohétroh no tenémoh kun5)leánoh.

679 ¿No? ¿Por qué no?

680 porké núnka sabémoh el día ke nasémoh. áse un día ke fwe el

681 kumpleános de mi nina.

682 ¿Como sabe?

porké me lo dího úna señéra, o si no, no lo se.

684 ¿Y no le interesa saber?

685 kláro ke me gustaría sábé'¡ péro komo bibímoh a lo brúto, no 46

686 safeémo loh. hitánoh el día .ke nasémoh ni náa,

687 ¿Tíérié una hij a?

688 ¿yo? té^go áoh.

689 ¿Dos? ¿Cuáles?

690 ésta i un niño cikitíto,

MJ 691 el gonsálo se puso a gisár dna beh i canté acicafaíta pegáa

692 i me yamé sübe marikémen i estába téo kemáa i la niña se kemó

695 téa la léggwa i no kaímo ryéndono en el swélo. antoñíta,

694 ¿te akwérda?

F 695 (after short interval) yo no soi hitáno, no soi hitáno.

696 ¿No? ¿Cémo puede ser, si es hijo de dos gitanos?

697 no, no no no.

MJ 698 e ího de éste de abáho.

699 ¿Cémo se llama?

F 700 ¿mi pádre?

701 No, Ud.

702 ¿yo? fransísko.

703 ¿Y Ud. es hijo de...de quién?

704 del ombre ése de abáho, de antónio.

705 ¿Pero como puede ser que sü padre es gitano y Ud. no es?

706 porké mi mádre se ahunté kon otro.

707 ¿Cuántos años tiene?

708 ¿yo? dyesisáih.

709 ¿Cémo?

710 dyesisáih.

711 - ¿Solamente dieciseis años? 712dyesiséih áfíoh. 47

715. Me parece qué tiene inás;

714 dyesisáih, dyesisáih. no malí,

MJ 715 ke píyes úna pulmonía,

716 ¿Ud. tiene trabajo, o qué hace para ganar dinero?

F 717 ¿yo? yo no trabáho. yo lo ke ágo es labá mi muhér i éso no

718 mas.

719 ¿Cuál es su mujer?

720 la álta, la ke está mui süsya por lah pátah, por akí aríba, i

721 tédoh loh áíah kého un trosíto de habón i a labárla,

722 le lábo la kabésa, lah pátah, lah pyémah i téo.

723 ¿Qué le pasa en la mano?

724 la máno me la partí.

725 ¿Cómo?

726 mi muhér .

727 (child) kyéro ke grábe yo. ba a kantá, ba a kantár éya.

728 También alguién me dijo que cuando un gitano se muere hay un

729 luto muy largo. ¿Es verdad?

730 si, e. algúno, alguno, úno si, étroh no.

751 ¿A Ud. le gustaría vivir de payo o no?

752 prefyéro bibír kémo páyo a tenér nébya, páya.

qué?

754 porké me gústan las nébyas páyas.

755 (child) lah hitánah son mui gwáfa.. lah hitánah gísan mui

756 malaménte. i swélen komér mui malaménte. la áse kemáa, lah

757 755¿Porpáyah son mah límpyah ke lah hitánah, lah hitánah tyén* iiiúca 758 myérda. ¡mFra, la kabésa súsya! ¡tyéne mah pipi!

759 MJ akí el úniko ke eh ma kagon es mi marío. 48

740fcHild) -¡la mi niña tyéne un pipi! HJ 741 ¡káya ke está ablánde el kagdn!

742 (child) ¿mañana, manána grábo, eh? mañána-grábo 6tra be. 49

3. ANALYSIS OF CDFPUS

It is sometimes difficult when analyzing a given language to

determine whether certain features of the language are moiphological or syntactical phenomena. The boundary between morphology and syntax

often overlaps, making classification difficult. Generally speaking, morphology concerns the internal structure of words while syntax

concerns the structure of the phrases, clauses, and sentences which

these words combine to form. The former pertains to variations in word forms and the latter to the ordering of these word forms. Never¬

theless, the line of demarcation is not always clear, as, for example,

in a case of two or more verbs within a given utterance between vhich

there is a sequential relationship. This relationship is determined not only by the moiphemes which constitute the verbs but also by the

relationship of one verb to another.

For the purposes of this study the classification will be made based upon whenther a given phenomenon involves a variable or an

invariable part of speech. Those parts of speech which are invariable,

such as prepositions, adverbs and conjunctions, will generally be in¬

cluded under the heading of syntax, while those which are variable will

generally fall under the heading of moiphology. The latter includes nouns, pronouns, articles, adjectives and verbs. If, however, there

is a topic involving word order with regard to one of the variable parts of speech or omission of a given part of speech, that topic will be placed under syntax. 50

3.1 Moiphology’

3.11 Article

The canastero speech, which will from here on be referred to as CS,

includes the same definite and indefinite articles as does Standard

Spanish (SS), with both number and gender distinctions maintained. How¬

ever, due to the loss of the final /s/ in Andalucia there are variants

in the plural forms of both masculine and feminine definite and indefinite

articles.

3.111 Definite

The singular forms el and la are the same in CS and SS, váiile

the plurals los and las have the variants /loh/ and /lah/ as well as the

less-frequently occurring /Ip/ and /l^/. Throughout Andalucia there is

a strong tendency to aspirate the final /s/. The evolution of the final

/s/ is most advanced in eastern Andalucia, where even the aspiration has

been lost. In these areas, which are concentrated in the zone in which

the provinces of Córdoba, Sevilla and Malaga meet, the method used by which to distinguish the plural from the singular is to open the final

vowel (and sometimes all the vowels in the word). ^ ^ In many instances

in our corpus the aspiration is very weak or totally absent, which sug¬

gests that this phenomenon extends to the western regions of Andalucia

as well.

58 Ip. leqgwp. igwalp 217 loh páyoh, loh hitánoh 64 Ip pálmp .273 loh níñoh

92 loh estiloh 307 Ip muherp .

101 lah hitánah, lah mórah 339 lah muhereh

144 loh dédoh 623 loh damaskoh, lah ubah 51

3.112 Indefinite

As in SS, the singiilar foms aré xm and tma. The masculine plural has the variant /moh/ and the feminine /unah/. As with the definite article, scMetimes the aspiration is so weah as to be almost entirely lost.

44 lihah bé’seh

565 <2hoh pókoh

There is a strong tendency towards nasalization in CS. In at least one instance in our corpus the indefinite article was affected by this nasalization, proabahly due to the influence of the nasal consonant

/m/ in the following word:

426 uma muta

3.12 Adj ective

3.121 Demonstrative

The only variant found in CS with respect to the demonstrative adjective is the usage of /ésteh/ for the SS estos. This error was probably made due to a false analogy on the part of the speaker with; the usual way in Spanish of forming the plural by adding /s/ to the singular; i.e. esta - estas. In SS the masculine form of the plural is irregular: este - estos.

406 la mitád de los niños ésteh se akwéstan sin komé.

3.122 Qualitative

The diminutive suffixes are frequently used in CS, perhaps moreso than is SS. In some Spanish dialects the diminutive is preferred by older or very young people,^® but in CS it is used by those of all ages.

552 mi mario e mui bweno, mui bweno, mui santito.

690 esta i un niño Hkitito. 52

The diminutive is more often used with nouns, and sometimes with adverbs and pronouns:

^ a her si byéne en urn mOmentíto.

173 fumá de kwándo en kwándo dna kósíya,, un sigaríyo úno de éso T74 175 un sigaríyo, un sigaríyo, tma kopíta i úna tapíta.

55 éhta tairibyén sábe ablá um pokíto hitáno.

505 . . . pwe noh parámoh um pokíyo . . .

560 i de 6bra tambyén se um pokíto.

363 pwe albañí um pokíto tambyén se, um pokíto, no. ~564

420 si, um pokitín.

525 i se a perdió el apargatíto.

590 mi gonsálo, a ehtáo tan mal el probesíto a ehtáo málo.

721 . . . tédoh loh díah kého un trosíto de habén . . .

3.13 Noun

3.131 Gender

Most es nouns coincide in gender with SS nouns. The following

exceptions were found in the corpus:

e 555 mui bweno, porké umitád e mui bwéno ... SS: una mitad

556 el almého SS: la almeja

621 lah melakotoneh SS: los melacotones

Some personal nouns have both a masculine and a feminine

form, depending upon whether the referent is a male or a female, such

as abogado, abogada; bibliotecario, bibliotecaria; heredero, heredera;

etc. The same is true for gitano and gitana. One of our male informants

used the masculine and feminine forms of this noun interchangeably:

41 la bida de hitano e mui bonita . . .la bida de hitána eh bonita, 42 bonita. 53

This man is. commenting. on the gypsy lifestyle from his own point of view; therefore, he should have used the masculine form of the noun in both instances. Mien he says vida de gitana he is not referring to a gypsy woman but to gypsies in general or to his own experience as a gypsy. It seems,that he chose the feminine foim gitana due to a false analogy between the grammatical structure vida gitana, which requires gender agreement because gitana is an adjective modifying a noun, and vida de gitano, in Miich gitano is a noun functioning as the object of a preposition and does not have to agree with the noun modified.

3.132 Diminutive

The diminutive suffixes are frequently used with nouns in

CS. (See 3.122.)

3.14 Pronoun

3.141 Los for Nos

The substitution of los for nos is not peculiar to Andalucia; it is common in the popular language of much of Latin America. Charles

E. Kany, in American-Spanish Syntax, has documented its use in parts of

Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Cuba and Mexico, as well as in rural regions of Spain, particularly Murcia and Cádiz.

Kany suggests that it is probably due to an analogy with the many pro¬ nouns beginning with /!/.

In CS, it exists in free variation with nos:

52 no ai kyén nos *tyenda.

242 yebámoh úna hitána, i úna hitána loh kása.

278 bibímoh mui léhoh, aúnke adra ya loh están yebándo por ayí. 279 54

3.142 Gender Agreement

One informant used the masculine object pronoun with a feminine antecedent:

^ . éstah kdsah de pe6n kwalkyérá loh áse . . .

. dna kdsa de peon kwalkyéra loh áse.

The gender distinction seems to be lost here due to the fact that the referent does not immediately predede or follow the noun.

CThe informant who made this error is the same one who made the error bida de hitána. See 3.131.)

3.15 Adverb

3.151 Mai and Malamente

The adverb mal has two forms in SS, mal and malamente.

Malamente is rarely used in SS; mal is almost always preferred. The reverse is true in CS. Mai only appeared once in our corpus, incorrectly used as a predicate adjective. Tlie fact that the informant used the proper form, malo, in the same sentence suggests that there is confusion in CS between the adjectival and adverbial foims.

590 mi gonsálo, a ehtáo tan mal el probesito a ehtáo málo.

Whenever there was no doubt as to whether the adjectival or adverbial form should be chosen, the infoimants chose malamente over malí

516 i el mucáco ke tdbo lo túbo malaménte . . .

518 ... i el se a portáo mui malaménte, el se a portáo mui malaménte. 519

735 lah hitánah gísan mui malaménte. i swélen komér mui malaménte. 736

It seems .that íthe adverbial form malamente is preferred in

CS precisely because of the similarity between the adverb mal and the adjectives malo and mala. The usage of the longer foim malamente dis- 55

tinguishes the adjective from the adverb. It also may be preferred as a means of distinguishing mal and mar, for the /!/ and the /r/ are frequently confused in CS.

Another possible explanation for the use of malamente in

CS is that the dialect is preserving a very subtle distinction in meaning between mal and malamente. The DRAE defiues malamente as a synonym for mal: '’Contrario a lo que se apatece of requiere; infeliz¬ mente; de manera inadecuada para un fin.”20 The first definition given for mal is almost identical: ’’Contrariamente a lo que es debido; sin razón, imperfecta o desacertadamente; de mala manera.21 It does, however, seem unlikely that CS is preserving this distinction. Mala¬ mente is probably preferred because it is clearly distinguishable from its adjectival counterpart and moreover, because it is analogous to other adverbs which end in -mente.

3.152 Diminutive

The diminutive is used at least once with an adverb, re¬ sponding to an overall preference in CS for the diminutive. fSee 3.122)

15 ehtá aki mui serkita k6mo . . .

3.16 Verb

3.161 Verbal Categories

There are five verbal categories which are involved in every veibal utterance. They are voice, tense, nuiii)er, person and mode.

The only exceptions are in5)ersonal and defective verbs, which do not distinguish number and person. CS registers more variations from SS with regard to these verbal categories than to any other morphological pheno¬ mena. 56

3.1611 Tense and Mode

There seems to be great confusion in CS with regard to the subjunctive, as well as to the sequence of tenses. The erroneous usage of one tense for another affects not only the subjunctive but the indicative as well. In AméricarirSpanish Syntax Kany has recorded much of the same confusion in Latin American Spanish. In some dialects the present is used in place of the present perfect, the imperfect for the pluperfect or the present, the conditional for the imperfect subjunctive, the preterite for the present perfect, etc.^^ The following usages were found in CS;

1) Imperfect subjunctive for present subjunctive:

94-95 fálta antdnyo, manwél i hwanito, i yo, pa ke ésta mucáca

bailára . . .

SS: . . . Faltan para que esta muchacha baile . . .

675 ... a kyenkizéra, de téo.

SS: a quien quiera

Kany documents the use of the present subjunctive for the inperfect subjunctive, but not the reverse.

2) Present perfect indicative for pluperfect subjunctive and conditional perfect:

427 múco mah me a kohio si loh sibileh no me an kohiü.

SS: Mucho más me habría cogido si los civiles no me

hubieran cogido.

Both clauses in this phrase are in the wrong tense. This, along with the following exauple, suggests that sequential relationships are not always clearly maintained in CS:

12 en nohétroh emobibio aid sebiya i , . i ehtámoh tambyén en, 57

doh eimánah..

SS: Since the informant was living in Sevilla at the time he made this statement, the SS foim would be ’*viVimos en Sevilla y hemos vivido también en Dos Heimanas,” ^estuvimos en Dos Hermanas” or ^estábamos en Dos Hermanas.”

3) Present indicative for imperfect and and conditional perféct:

The present indicative serves a wide variety of functions in CS.

As seen in the previous example, it can serve in place of the present perfect and perhaps the preterite and the imperfect (estamos in place of hemos estado,, estuvimos, or estábamos}, There is another instance

in which it substitutes for the imperfect:

602 loh bámoh a mandá del prinsipyo ánteh, ya no.

SS: Los íbamos a mandar . . .

The present tense was also lased in place of the conditional perfect:

683 porke me lo áího úna señéra, o si no, no lo S£.

SS: o si no, no lo habría sabido.

4) Imperfect subjunctive for the conditional:

It is fairly common in Spanish dialects for the conditional to be confused with the subjunctive, but this usually occurs in the pliperfect.

In many parts of Latin America one will hear such constructions as ’*si hubiera tenido tienpo, hubiera venido” instead of ”si hubiera tenido

tiempo, habría venido.” This substitution of the subjunctive for the

conditional extends to the imperfect subjunctive in CS (as opposed to

the pli:perfect subjunctive) and the sinple conditional:

196-197 tener múca késa es ke yo kisyéra, tener máca késa. e lo ke

yo kisyéra, tenér múca késa.

SS: es lo que yo querría 58

555 kláro, si yo estubyera trabahándo, übyera . . .

SS: si yo estuviera trabajando, habría . . .

Kany documents this phenomenon in some regions of Bolivia, where

*’the subjunctive seems to be preferred in cases where standardly the conditional tense is general.”24

5.1612 Person

The third person morpheme was used to indicate the first person twice in our corpus, and in one instance first person was used for third person. (Subject pronouns are losed extremely often in CS, perhaps to conpensate for this confusion. See 5.252.)

484 yo nasi en la paré de la gwélta, botisá en la párma, i me a kryáo 485 akí en sebiya.

. SS: Yo nací . . . y me criado aquí en Sevilla.

487 . . mej.kasé kón el i lo trdho paká.

SS: me casé con él y lo traje para acá. (See 5.1622.)

492 pwe la priméra nébya ke tdbo le posé un sombréro de páha. 495

SS: ... le puso un sombrero de paja. (See 5.1622.)

There is also a case in which the formal inperative was used in addressing a child:

574 iapartéI

SS: apártate

5.162 Veibal Classes

The inflection of a veib determines to which class it belongs.

Spanish has three classes of regular veibs, the -ar, -er, and ~ir ending verbs. There are also stem-changing veibs which may be grouped according to the type of stem change undergone, as well as certain verbs which are almost entirely irregular. 59

3.1621 Regular Verbs.

Comprender was treated as a stem-changing verb in one instance. This is probably due to a false analogy with other -er ending stem-changing veibs:

53 komprydnde

SS: comprende

3.1622 Stem-changing Verbs

Mentir was treated* as a régular verb when .it appeared.in our corpus:

499 a nádye se lo mentó, k6ño.

SS: miento

Two verbs which are irregular in SS, traer and poner, are also irregular in CS but are inflected in a defferent way:

487 ... me kasé kon el i lo tidho paká.

SS: lo traje (See 3.1612)

492 pero la primera nófeya ke túbo le posé un sombréro áe páha.

SS: ... le puso un sombrero de paja.

The forms truj e, truj iste, trujo, etc. are from Old Spanish but are still used frequently in popular Spanish both in Spain and Latin America.

In many places they coexist with the modem forms traje, trajiste, trajo, etc. In Spain, they are most frequently observed in the central part of

Andalucía although they are distributed rather haphazardly among the rest of the country as well.^^

The verb poner has suffered not only a different stem change but a displacement of the accent as well. The accent is on the last syllable, a false analogy with the preterite tense of the vast majority of Spanish verbs * .In El verbo andaluz, José Mondéjar mentions no variations of 60

the present or preteritetense, of the verb poner, although he does de- scribe certain variants in the future and conditional tenses.

3.163 Reflexive Verbs

At least one verb that is always used reflexively in SS is not always reflexive in CS:

45 dfrah fees eh *feirtyendo kon loh níñoh.

SS: otras veces divirtiéndose con los niños

Kany documents the si:ppression of the reflexive pronoun in countries throughout Latin America. The omission of the reflexive pro¬ noun most frequently occurs with the verbs desayunar (also in Spain), disparar, llamar and casar. Kany also cites Llórenteos documentation of voy for me voy and marché for se marchó in dialectical Spain.

3.164 Addition of Prefix - False Analogy

The verb juntarse is consistently used in CS as ajuntarse.

This is probably due to a false analogy with other verbs beginning with the prefix a such as ablandar, abaratar .and abotqnar.:. All of these verbs have corresponding adjectival or nominal forms (blando, ablandar; barato, abaratar; botón, abotonar; etc.). In CS. a similar relationship exists between junto and ajuntarse.

464 :. . . me ahunté kon el kagó.

SS: . . . me junté con El Cagón.

491 . . . kwándo me ahunté kon el.

SS: . . . cuando me junté con él.

597 me estói ahuntáo.

SS: Me estoy juntado.

706 porké mi mádre sé ahuntó kon ótro.

SS:; Porque mi madre se juntó con otro. 61

3.2 Syntax

3.21 Nouns and Articles

In SS and usually in CS, a noun must be preceded by an article or

an adjective. From our corpus it appears that in CS the article may be omitted before an otherwise unmodified noun. In other instances it is

retained where it vi^ould not be in SS that is, before proper nouns and possessive adjectives.

3.211 Omission of the Article

Dr. B. C. Smart and Mr. H. T. Crofton, in their study of the

dialect of the English gypsies, observed that the gypsies frequently omitted the definite article and, less frequently, the indefinite.

They note that:the indefinite, was more frequently .omitted .in the. old .

dialect.28 xhis suggests that the articles were to a certain extent

dispensable in romani, and may explain why the articles are sometimes

omitted in CS. Smart and Crofton offer the following examples:;

Boshela j ookel--Barks (the) ^g, for (The) dog barks..

Riserela gairo--Trembles(the)man, for (The)man trembles.

Dikova gairo--I see(a)man.^^

In CS, the article was omitted in the following contexts;

51 diferensya es ke loh hitanoh . . .

SS; La diferencia es . . .

58 diferénsya, po, tenémoh 1^ léi^gw^ igwál^, el españdl i hitáno . . .

SS: La diferencia, pues, tenemos . . .

233 en kampo, en kampo, segÜQ úna kása, úna kása . . .

SS: En el campo, en el campo . . .

It seems rather arbitrary whether it is retained or omitted: 62

59 péro feámoh, kon la 4ifér6risya ke. . . .

81 señorita, lá áífér^ñsya ke ai . . .

3.212 Definite Article with Proper Noun

SS does not usually include the article with proper nouns, al¬

though this practice is common in popular Spanish in Spain and Latin

America, especially with feminine names although occasionally with mas¬ culine given names as well. (According to Gil y Gaya, as cited by Kany,

the use of the article with masculine family names in^lies contenpt in contemporary SS.)30 These usages probably have their origin in collo¬ quial Old Spanish. Kany notes that often the article is used before names of servants so that in effect it denotes social class, or it may be used to express affection or scorn. Here it is used with reference

to family members to denote affection:

^ . . . aki está la petra. (Speaking of daughter)

691 el gonsálo se ptjso a gisár . . . (Speaking of son)

451 el kag6 (Also 4^, W, £^, 4^, 4^, and 611.)

3.213 Definite Article with Possessive Adjective

The use of the article before possessive adjectives is a

remnant of Old Spanish and is still used in parts of Latin America.

In the following two exan^les it is used before personal nouns and seems to cany the same expression of emotion as mentioned above. In the ^

first instance it expresses scorn (the speaker was not fond of her daughter-in-law, to whom she is referring) and in the second, affection.

509 la mi nwera.

740 la mi niña . . .

3.22 Adjective

3.221 Qualitative 63

The usage of the qualitative adjective is the same in CS as in

SS, with one exception being the erroneous usage of the adverb iiial for the adjective malo. C^ee 3.Í51.)

Qualitative adjectives are nominalized in CS as in SS:

427 ... si loh sibileh no me an kohiü.

590 . . . el probes!to a ehtáo tan málo.

720 la álta, la ke está mui súsya.

3.222 Demonstrative

There is a definite preference in CS for the post-nominal use of the demonstrative adjectives:

74 ... a lah féryah esah.

222 . . . si tu ba al bar ése kon éyo . . . 223 ^

406 la mitád de los niños ésteh se akwéstan sin komér . . .

631 kláro ke me gústa la bíáa ésta porké es la bída de nosétroh.

704 del émbre ése de ábáho, anténio.

3.223 Possessive

There are three instances in which the stressed foim of the possessive (niiot tuyo, suyo, nuestro) was used rather than the unstressed shorter form (mi, tu, su, etc.). This is in keeping with the preference in CS for the post-nominal usage of the demonstrative adjectives. Our informants also showed a tendency to use the post-nominative forms de él and de nosotros which again expresses a certain preference in CS for the stressed form of adjectives..

603 éste e nyéto mío.

606 ésta e nyéta mía.

610 éste e nyéto mío. 64

652 . , . la komíáa nwéstra,

392 lá muhér áé el e mi ermána. lá miihér áé el e mi kuñáa. 595

596 la íha áe antónio e sobrina, sobrina mía i sobrina áe el.

631 ... es la biáa de nosótroh. es la bída de nos6troh. 652 ^

664 el potáhe hitáno de nosótroh. ésto e el potáhe de nosétroh.

The possessive pronoun was omitted twice in our corpus. In both cases the meaning was clear from the context;

131 de mi familya, de padre i mádre. 152 SS; de nd padre y madre.

396 la iha de antónio e sobrina.

SS: es mi sobrina.

3.23 Pronoun

3.231 Object Pronoun

The redundant pronoun is used in SS with indirect objects and with stressed direct object pronouns. CNo lo veo a él.)^^ In SS the redundant object pronoun is usually omitted if the direct object is a noun, unless the noun precedes the verb. fA Juan lo vi ayer.) Kany reports that this redundant usage is very common in Latin America, es- pecially among the Andean populace. The redundant construction was used three times in our corpus; its structure is in accord with that of SS:

299 i la muhér la tyéne ya infláda el.

463 yo tufee el ke fwe mi marido áblándola tina semána. 464

724 la máno me la partí.

3.232 Subject Pronouns

In SS the subject pronouns are usually not used since the 65 verb endings and/or the context often indicate the identity of the siib- ject. The tendency in CS, however, is to use the subject pronouns even when they are not necessary for clarity. (Sometimes they are necessary

for the sake of clarity when they would not be in SS; see 3.1612.) It

is possible that the romani language structure required the use of the subject pronoun. It may also be that the frequent usage of these pro¬ nouns reflects a general tendency towards redundancy which exists in

CS. (See 3.29.)

en .12 nohdtroh emoh bibio aki sebiya . . .

^ . . . porke si yo adra mismo le digo . . .

70_ . . . i yo me akwésto.

93 porké yo si ^ byen toká . . .

125 yo kwándo me kasé estübe ablándele a la muhére . . .

131 yo lo aprendi en*l tyénpo, no.

157 yo no *tyéndo tanpóko de éso.

179 donde yo boi, syénpre ai hwérga.

181 . . . otro de yo no ^ . . .

188 yo kréo ke si.

222 kyére desir ke, por ehémplo, si tu_ba, si tu ba ayi . . .

223 ... i adra tu ba a dna dbra . . .

287 yo estdi paráo . . . i yo no kdho páro. 288

323 yo kréo ke ai álgo, ¿no? yo le digo ke . . .

324 . . . dise ke ai dyoh, no, yo kréo, no . . . 325

337 nohdtroh no asémoh náa de ésto.

351 yo no ^ leér, yo no pwédo leér . . . 66

553 kláro, si yo estubyéra trabahándo . . .

398 yo soi afilad, afilad.

465 yo tübe el ke fwe mi marido . .

484 yo nasí en la paré de la gwélta . . .

558 yo tengo akí el libro.

574 ¿no be kdmo no le engéño yo a uhté?

678 nohdtroh no tenémoh kun^leáñoh.

695 yo no soi hitáno, no soi hiténo.

717 yo no trabáho. yo lo ke ágo es labá mi rauhér . . .

3.24 Adverb

Adverbs are enployed in CS the same way as in SS, with the following exception:

97 dhta musása sábe mui byen kantá i mui byen bailá. mui byen 98 kantá i toká la pálma i tdo. éya sábe mui byen kantá.

In SS, the adverb may not be placed between the veib and the

infinitive. It must follow the verb and the infinitive.

3.25 Verb

3.251 Ellipsis of Ser

The verb ser is sometimes omitted in CS in much the same way

as the article and the possessive adjective; i.e., when the meaning is

clear from the context. No other verbs seem to be affected:

25 poh ke bida, bámoh por karakdle, mui bwénoh trabahadre, bámoh

por ehpináka . . .

SS: somos muy buenos trabajadores

81 señorita,, la diferénsya ke ai ke lah hitánah no sáben gisár.

SS: la diferencia que hay ^ que . . . 67

131 éso fásil.

SS: Eso ^ fácil.

455 la béa áe lo hitáno . . . mui bonita.

SS: Las bodas de los gitanos son muy bonitas,

478 paiyénte, paryénte. famílya del kagé.

SS; Es familia del Cagón.

484 yo nasí en la paré de la gwélta, botisá en la párma . . .

SS: fui bautizada ...

3.252 Gustar

The verb gustar is used in CS as it is in Portuguese. This

form was used by one of the older informants. The younger ones used

gustar as in SS:

630 gósto múco la bída ésta.

Me gusta mucho la vida esta.

3.26 Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases

3.261 Ellipsis

The prepositions a, and ^ are sometimes dropped in CS.

A is dropped with adverbial phrases and with personal objects:

15 éhtá aki mui serkita, kómo légwa i médya dakí,

SS: como a legua y media de aquí7

120 el hitáno lo ke tyéne es ke le güsta müíío el bino . . .

SS: a él le gusta mucho el vino . . .

261 entónseh se yéba la muhér a la kása de éya.

SS: se Entonces lleva a la mujer . . .

463 yo túbe el ke fwe mi marido ablándola . . .

SS: Yo le tuve a él . . .

498 yo, a membrár la lóka.

SS: Yo, a membrar a la loca. 68

717 yo lo ke ágo es labá mi muher.

SS: lavar a mi mujer

De was omitted in several adjectival constructions:

68 una botéya bino

SS: una botella ^ vino

,73 bámoh a la féryah sebiya, a la férya heréh . . .

SS: la feria ^ Sevilla, a la feria de Jeréz

650 ^ . . koprámos dna botéya sal, loh tomáteh . . .

SS: una botella ^ sal

The preposition was omitted twice:

575 no, de akí no noh mobémoh. akí, loh pwébloh de por akí alfededó*

SS: ^ los pueblos de por aquí alrededor.

442 ánte la makaréna, de la makaréna el_ polígano, i del polígano akí.

SS: Antes ^ la Macarena, de la Macarena ^ Polígano . . .

3.262 False Analogy

In two instances an informant used the construction un poco de with a countable noun. SS only permits this construction with uncount¬

able nouns, reserving unos pocos and unas pocas for countable nouns.

Thus, a false analogy exists in CS between the forms un poco de and unos pocos, unas pocas. This is further evidenced by the fact that un poco

de, which is a fixed form is SS, in CS agrees in number and gender with

the noun modified:

565. ya yebano tmoh p6koh de áñoh.

SS: Ya llevamos unos pocos aílos.

649 . . . kohémoh (jnoh p6koh de pimyénto . . .

SS: cogemos unos pocos pimentos

651 dna p6ka de naranhá pikáa 69

SS: m poco de naranja picada

3.27 Conjunction

3.271 Ellipsis of Coordinating Conjunction

In at least two instances in our corpus the coordinating con¬

junction o was omitted. Smart and Crofton noticed the same phenomenon

in their study of the dialect of the English gypsies. The exan5)le they

give is the elision of or between two numerals: dooi trin (two or .

three).This may also reflect usage of the coordinating conjunction

in romani. Both cases in our corpus involve nuriibers:

144 tr^, tre kwatro.

SS: Tres, tres o cuatro.

438 sveteseih meseh.

SS: Siete o^seis meses. 3.272 Subordinating Conj unction

The subordinating conjunction is used in CS to introduce

an independent clause; in SS it may only be used to introduce a subordi¬

nate clause;

^ keláño no me akwérdo, ke no me akwéréo el año.

393 i mi muher es de ótro. ke no eh el sdyo.

458 ke la yéba el ndbyo ésta n6ci, i por la mañéna . . .

504 ke téggo üna nwéra mui mála.

3.28 The Coii5)arative

There seems to be some confusion in CS regarding the formation of

the conparative, as evidenced by a conparison made by one of the infor¬ mants in which part of the comparison is left out:

101 el kasamyento de loh hitdnoh e igwál de loh méroh. 102 SS: El casamiento de los gitanos es igual a el de los moros. 70

3.29 Redundancy

One of the more outstanding features of CS is the redundant usages enployed. These, redundant phrases appear to be used in order to en^ha- size a point; Smart and Crofton noticed exactly the same tendency in the dialect of the English gypsies They noted the use of the double negative for emphasis, which is seen in many of the following examples, and spoke of what they considered to be a certain intensity in the lan¬ guage caused by the repetition of words. Examples of this occur through¬ out our corpus; these exceipts are only a representative sanple:

25 üno, dno, (jno no mah.

.54 . . . úna k6sa koiyénte, kofyente, k6sa koíyénte porke ésta késa 38 son koíyénte porké po éso noáike aprendé ténta késa porké éstah

késah de peén kwalkyéra loh.áse porké e pa kareá .; . .i kwétro .

ladríyoh, byrátro kdboh de méskla, um píke, úna késa de peon kwal-

'kférsi loh áse.

60 . . . eh ke no le entyénde nádye po no ai kyen lo *tyénda.

64 eh safeoría, eh mui saboría, mui safeoría. 65

72 a gwéno, akí, akí, akí.

. 76 no, férya de tédo el múndo, férya de tédo el múndo. a lah férya de 11

todo el múndo . . .

190 si, en el martinéte, ayí en el martinéte, el martinéte i éso.

199 lo yébo por téda la férya i me yebo el kábáyo andándo, no. de la 204 púnta de la férya dándo bwélta, no, péro s6lo, sin pegár al kabáyo,

sólo, i lo yébo ótra bes al mismo sítyo, sin pegár al kabáyo ni

náa, lo yébo a la b£a, a. la bía, i sin pegár ni náa, i lo yébo

Ótra bes por tóda la férya i lo yébo al mismo sityo. ¿al mismo r

sityo, eh? 71

255 en kán5)o, en kST5)0, segdn tjna káá'a, úna kása, igwál afWéra, afvyréra.

275 ... ningüna eskwéla ni náa. 276

278 bibímoh mui léhoh, aíjnke aora ya loh estáa yefe ando por ayí. 279

558 yo en el kánpo, en el kánpo. eskárbándo, eskaibándo, ¿no?

a 426 tratáo dma muta akí dna beh, otra beh mah e estáo . . .

529 áse um pastél mui fwérte, mui fwérte, a pedí, a pedí. 550

552 mi marío ni péga ni náa.'' 555

545 ¡ésto e mentira, ehtémoh hdntoh, hdntoh! ehtámoh hdntoh.

602 loh bámoh a mandá del prinsípyo ánteh, ya no.

655 ke no estámoh kriáo en loh kanáleh ni náa . . .

685 ... no sabémo loh hitánoh el día ke nasémoh ni náa. 686

5.5 Lexicon

The most striking feature of CS is its rather unique vocabulary.

It contains a great nuinber of popular and archaic terms, as well as a

certain number of words which are apparently of calé origin. Also

affecting the vocabulary of CS is the phonetic system of Andalucia, as well as a great number of sporadic phonetic changes common in dialects

of many languages.

This section will be divided into three subdivisions which reflect

the various categories of CS lexical variants:

5.51 Words that have undergone phonetic changes

5.52 Popular and archaic terms and usages

5.55 Words of probable calé origin

The first two categories are further subdivided. Entries are 72 listed alphabetically.

3.31 Phonetic Change

3.311 Sporadic Phonetic Change

Sporadic phonetic changes are those which result from mis¬ understanding of sounds or meanings by the speakers of a given language.

They must be distinguished from those sorts of changes which are to a certain extent regular and predictable within the development of a language. The latter sort are consistent, while the former are erratic.

There are, however, certain types of sporadic changes which, although not predictable, tend to repeat themselves over and over again. Some take place with such frequency that it is sometimes difficult to dis¬ tinguish them from regular phonetic changes. A good example of this is the confusion between the /l/ amd the /r/i In many Spanish dialects these two sounds are confused; for example, in CS /solo/ is sometimes pronounced /soro/. There was a similar confusion between the /r/ and the /!/ in certain consonant clusters of Romance origin. From the Latin pallidu came the Spanish pardo; urce came from the Latin ulice. V/hen the unstressed vowels were lost the /!/ was put into contact with another consonant. In this way the /!/ became less easily distinguish¬ able and more difficult to pronounce with the result being that it evolv¬ ed to /r/. The /!/ and the /r/ are articulated in much the same way; thus they are easily confused with one another.

The confusion of /r/ and /!/ is the result of their acoustic equiv¬ alence. Acoustic equivalence produces a vast number of sporadic phonet¬ ic changes. Other sources of these changes are the confusion of the distribution of sounds within a given word, which may result in a rever¬ sal of their order (metathesis), misinterpretation of the number of 73

syllables in. a word, which may result in the addition of sounds

Cepenthesis) or the loss of sounds (haplology) and the influence of some sounds in a given word over others. The latter may lead to the assimilation of one sound to another or to the dissimilation of two equivalent sounds. Many phonetic changes result from the false analogy of :one word.to .another word-of similar or xorrelatite meaning.. In our corpus one informant erroneously uses sesienta rather than sesenta.

He probably made this error because he associated sesienta with quinientos, a typical exarple of this type of phonetic change.

The vocabulary of the canasteros is very much affected by many of these changes. This is probably largely due to their lack of education and to their relatively isolated existence.

1. ajuntarse SS: juntarse

The prefix a has been added here probably due to a false analogy with other verbs which are formed by adding this prefix to a root which functions as an adjective or a noun. The root of anublar is nube, of anudar, nudo. In SS, however, the same does not apply to junto and juntarse. See 3.164.

464 . . . pwe me ahunte kon el kag6.

491 . ... kwáhdo me ajunté kon el.

597 . . . me estoi ahuntáo.

706 porke me mádre se ahuntó kon 6tro.

2. altaparre SS: alcaparra

This word has suffered both the dissimilation of the final /a/ to

/e/ and the change pf the /k/ to /t/,. The latter is the result of a certain acoustic equivalence of the two sounds although, according to

Menéndez Pidal, the voiceless occlusives are usually confused only by 74. children. It is possible that the influence of the /!/ niakes the sound of the following consonant less distinct.

622 . . . lah üfeah, altapáfe, mú^ frdtah.

3. apargatito SS: alpargata

This word has been erroneously considered a masculine noun, perhaps

due to a false analogy with zapato since the alpargata is a kind of shoe.

Ths nasalization of the /a/, .vhich is common in CS, has resulted in the

loss of the /!/.

525 se perdió el apargatito.

4. * vertir SS: divertirse

The first syllable has been lost in CS, and the verb is not used

reflexively.

45 6trah béseh *birtyendo kon.-loh níñoh.

5. buera SS: buena

This is the result of the acoustic equivalence of the /r/ and the

/n/. The point of articulation is the same but the manner of articula¬

tion is different.

86 éya es úna bailóra pero de lah bwéra, bwéra, bwera.

92 úna bailóra bwéra

6. capamento SS: campamento

The nasal consonant /m/ has been absorbed by the: nasalization of

the preceding /a/, in much the same way the /!/ was lost in apargatito.

413 lo hitanoh asemoh muco níñoh por pára ke aya mu& mostíso i múío m kapaménto . . .

7. ciluera, ceruela SS: ciruela

The first variant, ciluéra, is a case of simple metathesis of the

/r/ and the /!/. This is not suiprising since these two sounds are so 75 frequently confused. The .second variant, ceruela, is. the result of the regressive assimilation of the /!/ to /e/..

530 la boi a yebár a la serwéla. 551

621 la silwera

8. coprar SS: conprar

This word has undergone the same evolution as capaménto.

650 . . . koprámoh íina botéya sal . . .

9. choco SS: chocho

This is a case of simple dissimilation. There-are two possibilities as to the meaning. Chocho» from which choco is derived, is defined by the DRAE as a name for the fruit of the altramuz, a plant which is usu¬ ally used to feed cattle but whose seeds and berries may also be con¬ sumed by people. Another definition given does not fit into the context as well: chocho is also a word for anything sweet which is given to children to encourage them to behave. The first definition seems much more likely, as the fruit of the altramuz must be soaked first to rid it of its better taste. Thus, it is probably a very low-cost food and may be common in the diet of the canasteros.

655 lah almendrah, loh c6koh.

SS: bueno

Güeno is heard in many Spanish dialects, and the reason is again one of false acoustic equivalence. There are two factors involved here.

First of all, the /b/ ^d the /g/ are closely related sounds, both being10.giienovoiced occlusives. The other is the dipthong /we/. The /b/ is a labial sound, while the /g/ is velar. /Vie/ is labio-velar, so it is clear why /bwe/, /gwe/ and /we/ are often confused with one another. 76

Tliey are articulated in almost the.same place, and the./b/ and the /g/ are articulated in the same manner.

72 a fyféno, ákí, akí, akí.

11. güeso SS: hueso

The same factors which resulted in the pronunciation of bueno as giieno have brought about the erroneous pronunciation of hueso as giieso.

162 yo, kómo kwalkyéra de káme i gwéso.

12. mecha SS: mezcla

This word has undergone the same phonetic evolution as did the

Vulgar Latin mancula, which gave mancha. The cluster /CONSONAIS + 1/ produced /c/ in Spanish. When /k + 1/ occurred in intervocalic position, they gave /h/ due to the voicing of the /k/ and the palatalization of the /l/.^ When preceded by another consonant, the /k/ was not voiced and thus resulted in the production of a voiceless, palatal consonant, /£/.37

Mecha coexists in CS with the proper form, mezcla, and means mortar.

51 no poner ladríyoh,. sino kafeár mé¿a i ésta késa . . .

^ . . . kwátro kdboh de méskla . . .

13. muta SS: multa

The nasalization of the /u/ has resulted in the loss of the /!/, the same as the nasalization of the /a/ caused the /!/ to be lost in alpargata - apargatito.

426 a tratáo tiiia muta akí íína beh . . .

14. Paré de la Güelta SS: Pared de la Vuelta

Two changes take place here, the loss of the final /d/ in Pared

(typical of Andalucía) and the confusion of /gwe/ and /bwe/,,as dis¬ cussed previously. 77

484 yo nasi en la par6 áe la ^élta . . .

15. peláella SS: peladilla Ccandy-coated almonds)

The intervocalic /d/, a voiced occlusive, was probably first lost,

and then the /i/ was assimilated to the /e/.

105 i éían mucah pelaeya.

107 almendrah son pelaeyah, ¿no eh?

eca 109 le müca pelaéyah, . i muca alméndrah . ...

It is interesting that almonds seem to have some special meaning

for the canasteros. They are directly associated with the wedding

ritual and thus probably are or were fertility symbols. Maria Jiménez makes the following statement about her reasons for choosing ”Juan

Cagón” as a mate:

488 i ya komigo ya se roso múco i me ahunté kon el por mete a múcah 489 alméndrah.

16. pimiento SS: pimento

The /e/ if pimento has undergone the same evolution as did the

open /e/ of Latin; it has been made into a dipthong.

649 kohémoh únoh pékoh de pimyénto . . .

650 . . . loh pimyentoh¿

17. probecito SS: pobrecito

This is a case of sitrple metathesis: pobrecito - probecito.

590 ... el probesito a ehtao málo.

18. rijeuma SS: reuma

The epenthetic syllable /xi/ or /xe/ was added here. If /xi/ was added, then the word suffered the metathesis of the /i/ and the /e/.

If /xe/ was added, the vowels were dissimilated.

591 únoh dolóreh mui grande de xiheúma. 78

19. sendía SS: sandía

There are two possible explanations for the pronimciation of this word in CS. The first is that the influence of the closed vowel

/i/ influenced the closing of the /a/ to /e/. The Other is that sendía may be the original pronunciation rather that an erroneous interpreta*, tion of sandía. Joan Corominas lists asendria as an archaic Andalucian term for sandía, with the word originating in the Arabic batiha sindiya which means, in Spanish, *T)adea del pais de Sind, en la India.”38

Sendía may, thus, have evolved directly from sindiya.

618 kohyendo mel6neh, sendía . . .

20. sesienta SS: sesenta

This seems to be a case of one word influencing another because both pertain to numbers. The false analogy is with quinientos.

402 . . . dnah sesyenta o océnta pafeya . . .

21. *tar SS; estar

^Tar coexists with estar in CS:

516 por un láo éso, no, por étro láo *ta la muhér . . .

22., * tender SS: entender

* Tender is used in CS along with the SS entender.

60 . . . ke no le entyénde nádye po no ai kyén lo tyenda.

157 yo no tyendo tanpéko de éso.

23. a vivir SS: avivar

The verb avivar was falsely interpreted by this informant as a vivir or avivir. This is a false etymology. The speaker probably thought that vivar was from vivir since avivar means ”to enliven” and vivir means ”to live”.

122 . . . i komyénsa a kantá, a bailá, a bibi a loh níñoh. 79

3.312 Phonetic Changes Typical of Andalucia

The following words illustrate the phonetic features that are typical of the Andalucian dialect and therefore of CS as well.

Zamora Vicente gives a very complete analysis of Andalucian phonetics in his book Dialectología Española (Madrid: Editorial Credos, 1960).

Among the most iii5)ortant features which affect the words listed here are the loss of the final /d/ (and the loss or relaxation of other final consonants), the aspiration of the final /s/ and /z/,.which is most intense in rural populations, the loss of the intervocalic /d/,.and, less often, the loss of the intervocalic /g/ and /r/. There is also a strong tendency for the /!/ and the /r/ to be confused, often with

/I + CONSONANT/ changing to /r + CONSONANT/ and /r + CONSONANT/ changing to /I + CONSONANT/.

The aspiration of the final /s/ of the plural noun has reached the point in some regions that it is almost unintelligible; therefore, the language has been forced to adopt another means of differentiating the plural from the singular. The result has been as extreme opening of the final vowel (and sometimes all the vowels) in the plural, and, especially among the uneducated classes, an extreme closing of the final vowel in the singular. CS demonstrates both of these tendencies to one degree or another.

The items will be arranged according to the type of phonetic change experienced.

3.3121 Loss of Final Consonant

398 afilad SS: afilador

This word also demonstrates the loss of the intervocalic /d/.

374 alfédédd SS: alrededor 80

66 báilá SS: bailar

98 kañtá SS: cantar

122 bibí SS: vivir

278 leé SS: leer

353 komé SS: comer

480 olibá SS: olivar

506 matá SS: matar

512 berdá SS: verdad

559 usté SS: usted

3.3122 Loss or Aspiration o£ Final /s/ and /z/

Final /s/ and /z/ are almost always aspirated in CS.

Sometimes even the aspiration is lost, in which case the final vowel may be opened as a means of condensating for this loss. (See 3.111.)

21 nyét^ . . , unyeto ai por aki está kofyendo . . . éste £.

25 bámoh por karakéle, mui bwénoh trabahaére . . .

^ . . . sino kafeá meéa i ésta késa . . .

59 . . . tenémoh la lépgwa igwálg . . .

197 . . . tenér müéa késa»

211 múéa késa.

362 capú SS: chapuz

Chapuz, as defined by Corominas, is "obra manual de poca ij]:5)or- tancia o hecha sin arte ni pulidez.This is almost certainly the meaning it has here, because the infomant was talking about doing construction work:

362 éra úna ébra, úia kapíya, un capú, noh yamáron pa estár tre o kwátro 363 semánah. 81

12 nohotroh SS: nosotroh (Also 285, 350, 640, 678, and 554.)

Our findings do not coincide with those of José Mondéjar in

El verbo andaluz concerning the aspiration of the interior /s/..

Mondéjar indicates that the aspiration of the interior /s/ is very rare, although it has been documented sporadically in Malaga, Jaén, aad

Granada. According to Mondejar, the most common forms are /nosotros/ and /nusotros/. In CS /nohotroh/ is the predominant form.

Kany speaks of a similar phenomenon in much of Latin America in which /nosotros/ is replaced by /losostros/ or /lohotros/, along with

/los/ for /nos/.^^

The following are more exanples of the aspiration or loss of the final /s/ and /z/ in CS:

547 dyesiséih SS: dieciseis

455 tre SS: tres

445 seih SS: seis

458 syeteséih méseh SS: siete o seis meses

427 heréh SS: Jeréz

471 mih SS: mis

552 pwe SS: pues

5.5125 Loss of Intervocalic /d/ and /r/

86 bailaéra SS: bailadora

598 afilad SS: afilador

461 béa SS: boda

484 botisá SS: bautizada

This word has suffered the reduction of the dipthong /aw/ to /o/ as well as the loss of the intervocalic /d/. 82

555 kóniía SS: comida

474' márío SS: marido

415 náa SS: nada

82 saláo SS: salado

There is one word in which the intervocalic /r/ is lost. This happens in many Spanish dialects, and recurs throughout the coipus:

^ pa SS: para (Also 95, 415, 414, 517 and more.)

5.5124 Change from /!/ to /r/

There are no instances in our corpus of an r-being pro¬ nounced as 2l.9 t>ut the reverse takes place many times:

484 párma SS: Palma

485 wérba SS: Huelva 487

471 s6ro SS: solo

517 régra SS: regia

5.5125 Closing of Final Vowel in the Singular

509 katorsQ, tresp SS: catorce, trece

545 katdrsQ

458 no^i SS: noche

5.52 Popular and Archaic Terms and Usages

Many dialects are characterized by archaic words and usages as well

as popular expressions which are often derived from words from the

standard language but given a different meaning. CS possesses a large

number of these terms, both archaic and popular.

5.521 Archaic Terms

1. albañí SS: albañil

At first it appears that this word has suffered the loss of the

final consonant; however, it is also possible that CS is preserving an 83 archaÍQ form ,of albañil.. The.DRAE lists albañí as an archaic form;^^ 43 it comes from the Arabic albaiina. The fact that the gypsies of Spain entered that country through Northern Africa makes this a plausible

explanation.

29 otra bes éra pe6n de albañí . . .

31 peon de albañí, pedn, peón.

363 pwe albañí um pokíto tambyen se . . .

2. candela SS: fuego

In Standard usage, a candela is a candle. However, its archaic meaning was lumbre or fuego (fire). It is found with this meaning in

Juan Ruiz and, as noted by Joan Corominas, still survives in Andalucia and some parts of America.

669 muco kantá, múco bailá, beber múco, i úna kandóla mui gránde . . . 670

675 se ensyende muca kandéla, i no ai frío.

3. carrear SS: acarrear

The DRAE lists carrear as an anticuated form of acarrear, derived

from carro.

no 31 ponór ladríyoh, sino kafeá meca . . .

^ . . . porkó e pa kafeá . . .

4. cava SS: cueva

The DRAE lists cava as an archaic foim of cueva.

181 en tryána en la kába ai hitáno. en la kába ai hitaño.

Cava here seems to be used with a meaning beyond that of the

literal meaning, ’’cave”, although exactly what it is is not clear.

Sevillian gypsies do not live in caves as do some of those in, for

exanple, Granada. 84

5. coce SS: coz

According to the DRAE, coce is an archaic form of coz. Coz, in

familiar speech, is an ’’acción o plabra injuriosa o grosera.”47 This definition fits into the context, for the informants were gossiping about a relative shortly before one of them asked that the tape recorder be turned off. Then a comment is made:

528 ¡el kóse lóko, i el blan*. . ayí se an grabáo, ¿eh?

The meaning of blan has yet to. be determined.

6. fero SS: feo

Pero appears to be a form of fiero, vhich in SS means ’’fierce,

terrible.” Here, however, it means ”ugly” and seems to be confused with the word feo, which the infoimant used in almost the same breath.

The two words have different etymologies. Feo comes from the Latin

foedu, while fiero comes from feru.^° Nevertheless, the two are being used with the same meaning. Corominas explains that Andalucia has preserved the archaic form feróstico meaning feo.^^ Pero is probably

a shortened version of this form.

491 mui fero.

7. no más SS: solamente, nada más

No más is an archaic usage that was popular, according to Kany, with Golden Age writers. It has been replaced in SS by nada más.

Kany also notes that no más is very frequently used in Mexico instead

of solamente.

25 uno, üno, óno no mah.

8. membrar SS: recordar, acordarse

51 Mémbrar is the Old Spanish term for acordarse. It has been

conserved in CS with the same meaning. 85

498 yo, a meiríbrár la I6ka.

9. méster SS: menester 52 In Old Spanish, mes ter was the. common form rather than menester.

92 adra ke eh rnehter palma huera porké . . .

10. poh SS: pues

Poh is derived from the unstressed Latin post. Its other forms are pos, pus, pu, and Speakers of CS frequently use the forms poh and pos, along with pue and pues. See lines 72, 82,

487, and 489.

trujo SS: traje

See 3.1622.

12. melacotdn SS: melocotón

Corominas documents the form malacatónas appearing in the second quarter of the sixteenth century in Sánchez de Badajoz. Melacotdn may be a variation of this form. F. M. Paband, in his Historia y costumbres de los gitanos, shows melocotón as being pronounced malacaton: '*¿Pero cuando loh malacatoneh han tenío gíiezo, mi arma?"^^

559 eskarbándo pápah i melakotdne.

621 la remoláca, la aseitdna, lah melakotdneh . . .

3.322 Popular Terms

1. acá, ahí-“These adverbs are used in CS more than their counter¬ parts aquí and allí. This is a fairly common occurence in popular

Spanish. See lines 576, 599, 401, and 487.

2. achicharraita--achicharrar means, as listed in the DRAE,

’’freir, cocer, asar, o tostar un manjar, hasta que tome sabor a que¬ mado. The verb is not coimionly heard in SS. It is being used here 86 apparently for descriptive purposes. The informant was speaJcing of her son^s burning something in the kitchen:

691 el gonsálo se püso a gisár úna beh i canté a^icafaíta pegáa i 692 me yamé súbe marikémen i estába téo kemáa . . .

3. almeja, almejo---In CS almeja is a vulgar term for the female sexual organ. One reference was made to almejo, but the meaning is unclear:

512 ... yo no me húnto kon náide i no me akarihyo la alméha. 515

535 e mui bwéno, porké umitád e mui bwéno, por el amor kel*íse el 556 almého.

4. amarikana-“This appears to be a name for a certain kind of basket made by the canastero gypsies:

641 ke trababan las káñah. loh ke ásen los kanástoh de káña. lo 645

ke ásen lah, lah ... lo kanastéroh, la kanastérah, kon el

kanastéro, el luintíno, la féka, la , lah fóhah, lah súsih,

el kamaré, lah marikánah . , .

5. amarráa“-The literal meaning for amarrada is ’*moored, fastened, tied up,” but the meaning has been extended somewhat metaphorically to mean ”stingy.” Juan Cagén is comnenting on his wife’s reluctance to part with money:

595 es mui amafáa, mui amafáa.

6. camarón--a type of basket. See #4.

7. canal--canal is used in the coipus with a meaning beyond the literal one, ’’canal,” but the exact meaning is rather vague. The speaker defines the canastero gypsies as those who are brought ijp in the canales, then goes on to describe them as those who ’’trabajan las cañas.” It is 87

possible that canales is a false etymology, having been thought to

derive from caña. If this is so, then canales may be a name for the

fields where the gypsies go to collect cane or reed with which to make baskets.

635 ke no estámoh kriáo en loh kanáleh ni náa, estámoh kriáo en 636 kása.

639 loh ke están por loh kanáleh.

8. canastero--a canastero is, literally, a gypsy who makes baskets.

The term is now used as a name for the nomadic gypsies.

640 loh kanastéroh s6moh nohdtroh.

9. cante--cante is a name for the popular song of Andalucía.

172 béoga a beber i béijga a eskucár kánte, no. 173

99 el kánte flaménko, el kánte de loh hitánoh.

10. carda, carga--This word takes two foims in CS due to the

acoustic similarity of the voiced occlusives /g/ and /d/. The meaning

is unclear, but appears to have something to do with harvesting fruits

and vegetables:

374 en el tyeii5)0 de la remoláca, no, de la kárga . . ,

617 kohyendo karakdleh, karakóleh in lah kárdah, en loh algodóneh . . .

11. carita mía--This term of endeaiment is used instead of the more common corazón mío.

449 ¡mah, mah, karita miat

12. al compás--Alcalá Venceslada explains this term in the

Vocabulario andaluz. It is often used in Andalucía with guardar.

Guardar al compás means ^’ajustarse a la mdsica en baile o canto.” The

following exaní5)le is given: ”No baile le muchacha contigo porque no

guardas el conpás.”^^ Our informants used cantar al compás with the 88

same meaning:

614 kálta ál kómpás, antonia.

13. chantar--The meaning of chantar as used in the corpus is very unclear:

691 el gonsálo se püso a gisár dna feeh i canté aSiífafaíta pegáa . . .

The DRAE gives tvyro definitions: "Clavar, hincar" and, in the familiar sense, "Decir a uno una cosa cara a cara sin reparo ni mira¬ miento. 7 The speaker may be saying that the burned food was "glued" to the pan, but the problem is that the veib is in the first person.

Ikifortunately one of the difficulties of-CS is that sometimes the syntax and morphological structures are so loose that it is nearly in^ossible to decipher certain utterances.

14. enjuagarse--Literally, enjuagar is "to rinse out the mouth."

The speaker here was using it in the figurative sense; lie., "to wet one’s mouth with wine":

121 i Iwego le tráen bino i se enhuága i komyénsan a kantá . . .

15. escarbar--Escarbar is "to scratch or poke into the ground"; it is being used here as a synonym for digging, with reference to digging potatoes.

358 eskarbándo, eskarbándo, ¿no? eskarbando pápah i melakoténe. 359

16. guarra--Literally, a guarra (or guarro) is a pig. The DRAE notes that the word is also used as an adjective, as it is in our coipus.

CO It means "piglike, dirty.Corominas provides the first documentation of the teim in Quevedo, which took the form gorrín. It is an onomatopeic word derived from guarr, or gorr, designed to imitate the sound of a

735 lah hitánah son mui gwára. 89

17. de ifflial--De igual is used to mean comdn, corriente, igual a lós demás:

162 syéndo tina persdna de igwál . . .

18. inflada- - Inflada is used as a metaphorical teim for embarazada:

299 i la muhér la tyene ya irifláda el.

19. juerga--Juerga is a term common to Andalucia and is derived from huelga. Juerga is defined by Alcalá Venceslada as "diversión, con frecuencia non sancta, que se acompaña con cante, baile, y bebidas.

179 donde yo boi, syémpre ai hwérga. syémpre estámoh de hwérga, syémpre 180 estámoh de hwérga, üna beh peleándo, ótra de hwérga ... .

20. luintino--Another kind of basket. See #4.

21. por todos lados--Por todos lados has the same meaning as por todas partes:

185 . . . por tóo láo ai hitáno.

22. malamente--Malamente is used instead of mal. See section 3.151.

23. payo--This word is very interesting because of its close resem- 61 blance to the gypsy word gadjo, which means non-gypsy. In Andalucia payo is the term used by gypsies and non-gypsies alike, with the same meaning. In SS, however, a payo is a peasant, a crude person. In Anda¬ lucia, according to Venceslada, it is used as an adjective to mean "sin gracia, inhábil, de genio corto.It is possible that the gypsies confused this term with their own word, gadjo, because the two are so similar acoustically and because, there is a correlation in their meaning.

The gypsies have a reputation for looking down i:pon the payos; thus, they may very well consider them to be people Sin gracia and from this asso¬ ciation of the two words came the teim payo with its current meaning, a non-gypsy. See lines 209, 211 , 215, 217, 228, 254, and 636. 90

24. pellejéro--Pellejeros are leather tanners.- One of the infor-

man-ts maJces an idiomatic staement about her daughter-in-law and her

likely fate with the pellejeros:

506 un día la ban a matá. la ban a yebá ayá a lo peyehéro i no ba a 507. sabér doñde está entefáa.

This may be a common insult in CS.

25. pipi--Pipi is, in Andalucia, another term for-piojo.

758 ¡mira la kabesa súsya! ¡tyéne mah pipi!

740 ¡la mi niña tyéne un pipil

26. puchero--A puchero is a glazed, earthenwear pot. It is used in the figurative sense as a name for stew or any hunible, ordinary sort of food that one may eat on a daily basis. It is with this meaning that it is used here:

195 tener mdca gayina, múco pábo, muco pucéro, müco kabáyo . . . 196

27. suci--See #4.

3.323 Verbs Used with a Different Meaning than in Standard

Spanish

1. estar for ger

652 ¿no be ke estámoh hitanoh i estámoh kriáo en éya?

2. hay for hacer

675 se ensyénde mácah kandéla, i no ^ frío.

3. hablar for gritar

84 ¿ke kyére la señorita ke lé áble?

4. llamar for gritar

692 . . . i me yamé súbe marikémen i estába téo kemáa . . .

5. ser for estar 91

558 no s6inoh kasáoh, s$inoh htmtoh.

6. saber for poder

66 aora no kómo ^ bailá . . .

93 ... yo si ^ byen toká . . .

Kany documents,this usage in Peru and Ecuador.

3.324 Words of Probable Cál6 Origin

There are several terms_in the CS dialect that are almost cer¬

tainly of calo origin. They appear in dictionaries of cal6 (and in one

case in a glossary of the language of the English gypsies) in a some¬ what altered fashion.

1. apelar

570 i pára béinte áñoh yo apelé a mi ího gonsálo.

In El léxico calé en el cante flamenco, Miguel Ropero Ndñez lists

the verb abiyar and its variants, abelar, abillar, and habiyar. The meanings given are tener and venir. Apelar almost certainly is another variant, perhaps stemming from abelar. The only difference is in the voiced occlusive /b/ in abelar and the voiceless /p/ of apelar. Tener

in the context in which the word appeared in the corpus is used in the

sense of dar a la luz since the speaker is talking about having given

birth to her son twenty years ago.

2. chube

403 no abia ijna doséna, no abia pa dehár béinte dúroh, kwarénta dúroh.

V ' un cd.be, de mésla, un cdbe.

George Borrow defines chube as a, louse, un piojo, iri The Ziiicáli:

a Study of thé English Gyps jes. In the text it is being used in the

same way as pepino in the SS expression ”no vale un pepino,” since the

informant is explaining how little money he makes as ah afila6T-”no 92

vale un chube."

3. imdurial—This word appeared in Roperobook in two forms: undunar and jundunal. It means soldado, guardia.Our informant palatalizes the intervocalic /n/ and the /!/ has become /y/.

480 estábamoh en un olibá, íbamoh por loh heléro undünáyo, 481 trabahámoh t6oh, i el poyotéro, akí le bi al kargd.

The speaker is probably referring to the same olivar that she had previously mentioned in line 427, the one in which she was apparently picked iq) by the guardia civil. It is possible that the guardia civil is one and the same as the undunayo, and that the gelero is the jail.

There is no evidence beyond the context as to the meaning of gelero; it is not to be found in any of the dictionaries available.

4. seisin--This very peculiar usage of the numerative adjective may be explained by the numerical system ■of the dialect of the English gypsies, which is probably similar to that of the dialect of the old caló. Trin is "three" in this dialect, and "four" is stor. "Seven" is trin ta stor, or "three and four:"” It may be that seisin means seis y trin, or "ninei" The informant is speaking of the ages of her children:

447 t3no tyene kwátro, ótro tyéne sinko, 6tro seisin.

5. el zeli--The zeli is probably the name for a particular song or type of song that is sung at weddings, since this word was always used with reference to the gypsy wedding ritual. Although there is no mention of this word in any of the Spanish-caló dictionaries consulted, a very similar word appeared in Smart and Crofton’s study of the English gyp¬ sies. The word for "song" in their dialect is ghili or ghivéli.^^

Metathesis of the /e/ and the /i/ may have taken place in the Spanish evolution of the word (assuming that they come from the same root), 93 producing ghévile, The. unstressed syllable may then have been lost, resulting iii ghele, which may, have been influenced by the other form of the word, ghili, so that perhaps the final /e/ became /i/.’ This is conjecture, but there is a remarkable similarity between the two words, and it seems highly probable that they share the same root in romani, 94

4. CONCLUSIONS

In this study we have attendted to describe the dialect of the canastero gypsies of Sevilla, using Standard peninsular Spanish as our point of reference. The corpus upon which we are basing this study is made up of interviews with nine canasteros, all of whom be¬ long to the same clan. Our description is divided into three main categories; those of morphological, syntactic and lexical variants.

Phonology is dealt with as it relates to each of these categories.

The most outstanding feature of CS is its rather unique lexicon.

The CS vocabulary contains a large number of archaic terms, which is to be expected in the dialect of a people who have virtually no literary tradition. (All of the canasteros interviewed were illi¬ terate.) The language is penetrated by a great number of popular terms as well, some of which are peculiar to Andalucia, such as pipi

(piojo) and juerga. Perhaps the most distinctive feature of CS lexicon is its preservation of certain words which appear to be of cal6 origin; cal6 being the romani dialect spoken in the past by the

Spanish gypsies. These are words which do not exist in Standard

Spanish, among them apelar, chube, and zeli.

CS lexicon is very much affected by certain phonetic changes which are typical of Andalucian Spanish. The major ones are:

1) the aspiration (or loss) of final /s/ and /z/

2) the loss of other final consonants, most notably

/d/ and /r/

3) the loss of intervocalic /d/ and /r/

4) the confusion of /r/ and /!/

Other phonetic changes are of a more sporadic nature, the most 95

coinmon hemg haplglogy and jnetathesis. There are also scattered cases of epenthesis, dissimilation, false analogies, and changes resulting from acoustic equivalence. Spontaneous phonetic changes such as these are common in dialects spoken by relatively imeducated people.

The morphological system of CS is characterized by the frequent loss of the final /s/ of the plural. Plurality is usually indicated by the aspiration of the /s/, although sometimes the aspiration is so weak as to be unintelligible. In this case there is a tendency to open the final vowel of the word. Conversely, there is a slight tendency to close the final vowel of the singular, but this phenomenon occurs with much less frequency.

The verbal system of CS is characterized by a rather inprecise, almost haphazard use of tense, mode, and to a lesser degree, person.

We observed the following:

1) the imperfect subjunctive used for the present subjunctive

and the conditional

2) the present perfect indicative for the pluperfect subjunc¬

tive and the conditional perfect

3) the present indicative for the imperfect indicative and

the conditional perfect

These substitutions of one tense for another did not repeat them¬ selves, which suggests that they do not occur in any predictable fashion. It seems, then, that sequential relationships are not always clearly delineated in CS, Instead, the exact meaning is often left to be gathered from the context.

Other morphological variants of the CS verbal system are:

1) Im for hi© in the present perfect 96

2) - cóitiprénder: treated as a stem-changing verb .

5) mentir treated as a non stem-changing verb .

The other principal features of GS morphology* are;

1) the frequent use of the diminutive

2) gender changes in nouns

33 the substitution of los for nos

4) occasional lack of gender agreement between pronouns

and antecedents

With regard to syntax, one of the most outstanding traits of CS

is the vast number of redundant usages employed. There is extensive

repetition of words and phrases, as well as a rather consistent use of doiible negatives and an almost continual use of the pronouns yo and nosotros. These subject pronouns are used even when they are not needed for the sake of clarity.

Another frequently occurring phenomenon is the use of the definite article with proper nouns, usually to denote affection (although it may be used to indicate scorn as well). Also typical of this dialect is a preference for the post-nominal use of both possessive and demon¬ strative adjectives. Another fairly common feature is the ellipsis of

the prepositions a, and a being most frequently omitted with personal objects. The verb ser is also often omitted in CS.

The canastero dialect shows many features which may be called

typical of popular Spanish, but it also possesses many unique traits which deserve further investigation. This study represents only a minor contribution to a area which has been relatively ignored in

the field of dialectology. 97

5. Notes

^ Jean-Paul Clébert, The Gypsies, trans. Charles Duff CLondon: Vista, 1963), p, 82. ^ Ibid., p. 194. ^ Ibid., p. 193. ^ Ibid., p. 85.

^ Ibid., p. 86. ^ Ibid., p. 87.

' Miguel Ropero Nüñez, El léxico caló en el lenguaje del cante flamenco (Sevilla: Ifiiiversidad de Sevilla, 1978), pp. 25-26. ® Ibid. p. 15. ® Ibid. p. 17.

Ibid. pp. 39-42. 11 Ibid. p. 42.

12 Ibid. p. 31. 1^ Ibid. p. 33. 1^ Ibid. p. 40.

José Mondéjar, El verbo anc^luz: fomas y estructuras, Diss. Granada, 1959 (Madridl Revista de Filología Española, supp.. 9'Q, 1970), p. 11.

Manuel Alvar, VLas encuestas del ^Atlas lingüístico de Anda¬ lucía,’ ” RDTP XI (1955), pp. 231-274. 17 Dámaso Alonso, En la Andalucía de la E, dialectología pintor¬ esca (Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1956), pp. 22-23. 18 Peter Boyd-Bowman, El habla de Guanajuato (^fexico: In^renta universitaria, 1960), p, 125♦

Charles E. Kany, American-Spanish Syntax, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951), p. 100.

Diccionario de la Lengua Española (Madrid: Real Academia

Española, 18th ed. , 1956), p. 831. 98

Ibid., p. 831.

22 Kany, pp, 155-183.

2^ Ibid., p. 181.

Ibid., p, 183. 25 Mondéjar, p. 85.

Ibid., p. 87-88.

27 Kany, p. 196.

2^ B. C. Smart and H. T. Crofton, The Dialect of the English Gyp¬ sies, 2nd ed. (London; Asher and Co., 1875) p. 11. 29 Ibid.

30 Kany, p. 22. 31 Ibid., p. 116. 32 Ibid., p. 117.

Smart and Crofton, p. 48.

Ibid.

R. Menéndez Pidal, Manual de gramática española, 14th ed. (Madrid; Espasa-Calpe, 1973), p. 195. 36 Ibid., p. 159.

Ibid., p. 169.

•70 Joan Corominas, Diccionario crítico etimológico de la lengua castellana (Madrid; Credos, 1954), IV, 136.

39 Ibid., II, p. 25.

40 Mondéjar, p. 126.

Kany, p. 100. 42 Diccionario de la Lengua Española, p. ,51. 43 Leo|Soldo de Eguílaz y Yanguas, Glosario étimólógico dé las palabras españolas de origen oriental (Granada, 1886; ipt. Hilde- sheim, New York; G. Olms, 1970), p. 102. 44 Corominas, I, 630. 99

45 Diccionario de la .Lengua Española, p. 270. 46 Ibid, p. 285. 47 Ibid., pp. 318, 380. 48 Menéndez Pidal, p., 122. 49 Corominas, pp. 519-520. 50 Kany, p. 313.

Corominas, III, 335.

Ibid, p. 340. 53 Kany, p. 393. 54 F. M. Paband, Historia y costumbres de los gitanos: Diccionario español-gitano-germanesco (Barcelona Montaner y Simon, 1915), p. 170.

55 T\A Diccionario de la Lengua Española, p. 24. 56 Antonio Alcalá Venceslada, Vocabulario andaluz (Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1951), p. 162. 57 Diccionario de la Lengua Española, p. 393.

Ibid., p. 685. 59 Corominas, II, 819. 60 Alcalá Venceslada, p. 349. 61 Clébert, p. 47. 62 Alcalá Venceslada, p. 461. 63 Ibid., p. 488. 64 Kany, pp. 209-210. 65 George Borrow, The Zincali (London: John Lane, 1843), p. 413. 66 Ropero Ndñez, p. 202. 67 Smart and Crofton, p. 185. 68 Ibid. 6. Bibliography

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