RANOBE MINE PROJECT, SOUTHWEST REGION, MADAGASCAR

VOLUME 16: SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT

Prepared for: Prepared by:

World Titanium Resources Ltd Tandi Reilly

15 Lovegrove Close, P.O. Box 413242 Mount Claremont Craighall Park Western Australia 2024 6010 South Africa

January 2013

Social Impact Assessment – January 2013

This Report should be sited as follows: Tandi Reilly, Social Enterprise Solutions, January 2013, Social Impact Assessment: Ranobe Mine Project, South Africa

COPYRIGHT INFORMATION This document contains intellectual property and proprietary information that is protected by copyright in favour of Coastal & Environmental Services and the specialist consultants. The document may therefore not be reproduced, used or distributed to any third party without the prior written consent of Coastal & Environmental Services. This document is prepared exclusively for submission to the client, and is subject to all confidentiality, copyright and trade secrets, rules intellectual property law and practices of South Africa.

Coastal & Environmental Services i Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013

SPECIALIST PRACTITIONER DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

TYPE OF ASSESSMENT: NAME OF PROJECT

Specialist I, Tandi Reilly, trading as Social Enterprise Solutions (SES) declare that I am an independent consultant and have no business, financial, personal or other interest in the proposed project, application or appeal in respect of which I was appointed other than fair remuneration for work performed in connection with the activity, application or appeal. There are no circumstances that compromise the objectivity of my performing such work.

SIGNATURE:

Coastal & Environmental Services ii Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

World Titanium Resources (WTR) has requested Coastal and Environmental Services (CES) to review and update the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (2007) for the Toliara Sands Project in southwest Madagascar. This report presents the updated Social Impact Assessment (SIA) for the new project concept that involves a staged approach to developing the Ranobe mineral sands deposit, which entails mining 161 million tonnes of ore over a 21-year mine life.

Although this report draws on the findings of the 2007 SIA, it aims to update the social environment of the project area, and to identify potential project impacts according to the revised project concept. The suggested mitigation measures identified for potential impacts arising from the mining project are informed by the existing social environment, and recommendations made by stakeholders during key informant interviews and the ESIA public consultation process held in June 2012.

This report is informed by the legal requirements of the Malagasy Government, and the standards and guidelines of the Equator Principles (EP) of the World Bank and the Performance Standards of the International Finance Corporation (IFC). Although Madagascar‟s Mining Code (2005) prioritises environmental protection and social risk management, the Code does not provide strict guidelines or detail approaches to managing social impacts, community development and engagement with affected communities.

As such, Toliara Sands has adopted internationally recognised standards to managing social impacts namely the World Bank Group‟s Equator Principles, Environmental, Health and Safety (EHS) Guidelines for Mining, and the International Finance Corporation‟s Performance Standards. The Company is also taking steps to abide by ISO 26000, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights, ICMM Guiding Principles and Global Reporting Initiative for Sustainability Reporting Guidelines.

The mining concession area is situated approximately 40 km north of Toliara Town and 10 km inland from the coast. It lies immediately adjacent to the escarpment of a limestone plateau to the east and a dry spiny forest thicket to the west known as the Ranobe forest. It covers a narrow north-south valley which has been impacted upon by significant deforestation over the years. It is currently used for natural resource extraction, seasonal agriculture, including temporary habitation and the grazing of stock.

Madagascar‟s Southern rural population is largely dependent on subsistence agriculture, fishing, foraging, and tourism. Whilst a significant portion of individuals enter into primary school, a large percentage drop out, making it difficult for youth to access jobs outside of their families‟ subsistence patterns. Moreover, individuals in the region have observed that both land insecurity and degradation are on the rise, but lack the financial inputs to either invest in improved agricultural production or outright purchase land.

The rural villages neighbouring the mine lease area comprise households with between four to eight household members. Many villages are located along the RN9 which connects Toliara with Morombe, and villages are surrounded by agricultural fields, secondary vegetation and forest. Typically villages comprise houses made of wattle and mud, which range from one roomed structures to fenced compounds containing several structures.

Small businesses, including restaurants, shops and street vendors, do exist in the larger towns close to the mining area (i.e. Benetse), and families often practice multiple livelihood strategies such as producing rum, collecting and selling wild foods, making charcoal or providing basic artisanal services in order to sustain their families. Incomes are generally low, and typically only homes that are near tourist destinations (i.e. Ifaty and Mangily) have access to electricity, telecommunications and the internet.

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Some of the key development themes identified during the socio-economic study include:

POVERTY – LACK OF INFRASTRUCTURE

Local communities are characterised by a traditional rural agrarian lifestyle. The majority of local residents live in poverty and the area in general lacks social and physical infrastructure. Education and skills levels are generally very low, as are employment opportunities. Opportunities for the youth are minimal. The project will need to take into account the urgent local development needs and local expectations. Capital and resource inputs arising from the mine development will, however, need to be carefully monitored, in order to avoid disruption of the local social fabric.

CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT

Local poverty and lack of access to alternative income generation activities have led to increasing pressure on the natural environment and has raised conservation concerns. The study area is currently the focus of a Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) supported conservation project. Toliara Sands will need to adopt a sustainable development approach, balancing local development imperatives and relevant conservation issues. Co-operation with local conservation and development organisations will need to be explored.

TRADITIONAL CULTURE

Local communities live a traditional lifestyle, rich in traditional practices and rituals. The required social management plan will need to provide guidance for the project proponent, specifically in terms of cultural sensitivities, so as to avoid community ruptures, leading to social problems such as prostitution, increase in HIV prevalence, alcoholism and crime.

To date Toliara Sands has initiated the following community development activities:

 Established five plant nurseries (employing local residents).  Sunk three boreholes and water pumps in Tsianisiha, Ranobe, and Tsiafanoke.  Provided schools in villages neighbouring the mine site with furniture.  Sponsored computers and donated funds to assist the Region with gaining access to the Internet.  Since 2005 Toliara Sands has sponsored Australian doctors to visit the Region twice a year, and Toliara Sands has assisted the hospital in Toliara with purchasing medical equipment.  Approximately 50 local residents have been employed by Toliara Sands to date. Their employment has contributed to their enhanced standard of living, and local vendors (mainly women) sell produce to the employees.  Established a Coordination Forum working with local authorities in the Region to promote development. Toliara Sands is perceived by Government as an exemplar mining Project setting the standard for best practice in the Region.  Sponsored Independence Day Celebrations, the Malagasy Cup Pirogue racing competition from Anakao to Andavadoaka, and the local Football Association.

Based on an analysis of the socio-economic baseline data, positive and negative social impacts were assessed and categorised in accordance with the standard assessment methodology. The SIA encompasses various project-related activities and infrastructure developments which are not only located across a number of different areas but also differ in terms of their potential positive and negative impacts. As such, the assessment was divided into the following categories: mine impacts; haul road impacts; transfer station and jetty impacts, and port site impacts, and were further divided into the various project phases including construction and the operational phases of the project.

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CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This report concludes that the loss of access to natural resources will, if not well managed, disrupt peoples‟ livelihoods. It may at the same time increase pressure on available land and affect the ecology of the area. The strategies and input of the various local stakeholders need to be carefully considered and incorporated in order to optimise fair and widely accepted compensation strategies. High level recommended measures pertaining to avoidance, remediation and management of social impacts include:

 High level management strategies (Environmental & Social Management Plan, Stakeholder Engagement Plan, CR Framework, etc.)  Monitoring & evaluation systems (connected to all needed baselines, including regular study reviews, compliance monitoring and various registers supporting social issues, decision-making and activities)  Multiple, on-going and broad based two-way communication channels between the Company and the communities (including, but not limited to, a Grievance Management System)  Committees (high level regional, thematic [contracts, local hiring, cultural heritage, health, land], ad hoc)  Committed, highly skilled and corporately supported Community Relations Department (industrial interface, compensation, socioeconomic development and benefits, studies, heritage, etc.)

More specifically, regarding eight (8) particularly sensitive potential social impacts:

1) Employment opportunities. Expectations of job opportunities and development projects are high amongst local residents, however only relatively few job opportunities will be available directly as a result of the project, however, there is potential for indirect job creation through the support of service industries in the area. It is very important to instil realistic expectations with regards to benefits from the mining project and to develop a strategy of equitable distribution of job opportunities amongst the affected parties. The skills base in the area is low, in order to optimise local employment opportunities, skills training will be necessary. Particular attention will need to be given to women and youth. Also required are the:

 Development and appropriate implementation of a recruitment strategy that prioritises temporary unskilled and semi-skilled employment opportunities for local communities; and  Development a Community Development Plan (CDP) that prioritises skills development and vocational training programmes.

2) In-Migration. This can result in an increased local cost of living / housing shortages, prostitution, HIV/STD, alcoholism, drug abuse and increased crime.

This needs to be managed through effective Human Resources and Health and Safety policies and procedures, a Code of conduct binding the Company‟s personnel that includes provisions for corporate social responsibility. Effective Supply Chain and Administration procedures policies and procedures, including provisions for corporate social responsibility and sustainability must be supported by:

 A Labour, Recruitment and Influx Management Plan;  Social Labour Plan; and  A stakeholder engagement plan that involves developing collaborative management strategies for in-migration.

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3) Safety (of local populations) (road construction & use, jetty activities)

To ensure community safety the project should:

 Develop and implement a Community Health and Safety Plan which focuses on educating and raising awareness amongst communities about the safety risks associated with crossing the haul road;  Develop a Transport Management Plan that outlines the procedures for maintaining road safety measures amongst drivers.  Establish partnerships with local government, and other major corporate road users to jointly implement on-going road safety education and awareness programmes in the affected and local communities particularly at schools, churches and healthcare facilities with medical staff;  In partnership with local government and other major corporate road users provide road safety education and awareness. Awareness campaigns could entail distributing luminous safety vests to motorcyclists and rickshaw drivers aimed at improving visibility especially at night. These vests could be sewn by a community cooperative.  Assist local government and the Municipal Council with developing a five year Road Safety Strategy that details safety education and awareness plans

4) Resettlement and economic displacement

Potential resettlement identified in the mine lease area and along the haul road:

 In consultation with affected households develop a Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) to effectively manage economic and physical displacement.

5) Reduced access to natural resources, fields and land (farming, hunting, fishing, recreational) created by supporting infrastructure including the haul road, transfer station and jetty). To mitigate against these impacts the project should:

 Initiate sustainable social and economic development programmes, which provide alternative livelihoods for communities dependent on these natural resources to secure their livelihoods.  Ensure effective communication between project personnel and fisherman so as to ensure that construction and operational phase activities do not significantly impact on their movements and areas required by fishermen to land their boats.  Consider the various mechanisms and structures that can be implemented or supported by the project to assist fishermen the sale of their daily catch that would reduce travelling time with their catch to existing markets.  In collaboration with local community leaders, and key stakeholders consider determine what community development initiatives are best suited to the community.

6) Funerary monuments. The removal of tombs is one of the most sensitive issues to be considered in the impact assessment. It is recommended that, where possible, these remain intact and that particular efforts are invested towards compromises in construction designs. Exhumations should proceed along the community‟s traditional guidelines and under the leadership of formal and/or non-formal authorities, in agreement with the impacted families.

7) Tensions and competition. The Mining Project shall take great care in avoiding and mitigating potential socio-cultural impacts, including tensions within villages (between those employed by the mining company and those who are not), between villages (competing for development projects sponsored by the mining company) and between local

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residents and outsiders (xenophobia, cultural clashes, etc.). Deeper insight shall be acquired through constant liaison activities (see p.35).

8) Rehabilitation. Post-mining communities often suffer hardship as a result of disruption of their traditional lifestyles exacerbated by a sudden collapse of the temporary support of the mine. The Ranobe mine has a long life of mine, with Stage 1 targeting at 21 year mine life. Nonetheless plans for post mining activities should be put in place from the beginning of the mine development. In terms of land, a rehabilitation forum should be created of all relevant stakeholders, including representatives of local communities, to develop a rehabilitation plan.

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Summary table of the Project impacts MINE SITE IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: Increase in employment opportunities and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study area 2 Slight 1 Unlikely 1 6 LOW With mitigation Medium term 2 Study area 2 Moderate 2 May Occur 2 8 MODERATE Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located in the mine lease area Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE MINE SITE IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 May occur 2 8 MODERATE With mitigation Long term 3 Study area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH Impact 2: Increased competition and conflict between communities Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Local 1 Moderate 2 Probable 3 8 MODERATE With mitigation Medium term 2 Local 1 Slight 1 May occur 2 6 LOW Impact 3: An increase in social pathologies Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE

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Impact 4: Loss of productive land and natural resources due to mining Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH Impact 5: Loss of sacred, and culturally important heritage sites Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Severe 4 Probable 3 13 HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE Impact 6: Exhumation of tombs and gravesites Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH HAUL ROAD IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: Loss of land and access to natural resources Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 14 HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE Impact 2: An increase in employment and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium-term 2 Study Area 2 Slight 1 May occur 2 7 LOW With mitigation Long-term 3 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located along the haul road Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Very Severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH HAUL ROAD IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE Impact 1: Increased road accidents and safety risks

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Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Regional 3 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 Regional 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE Impact 2: Decrease the illegal use of natural resources Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Short term 1 Local 1 Slight beneficial 1 Unlikely 1 4 LOW With mitigation Short term 1 Local 1 Beneficial 4 Unlikely 1 7 LOW TRANSFER STATION AND JETTY AND IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: An increase in employment and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 May occur 2 8 MODERATE With mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 May occur 2 10 MODERATE Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE Impact 3: Increased economic displacement resulting from the loss of land Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH Impact 4: Reduced access to local fishing grounds Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH TRANSFER STATION AND JETTY AND IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision Impact Effect Risk or Likelihood Total Overall

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Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Unlikely 1 7 LOW With mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Very Beneficial 8 Unlikely 1 13 HIGH Impact 2: Loss of recreational facilities Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH Impact 3: Loss of mooring facilities for fishing boats Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE PORT SITE IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: Employment and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Slight 1 Unlikely 1 7 LOW With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH PORT SITE IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE Impact 1: Risk of Road Accidents and Injury Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Regional 3 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 May occur 2 8 MODERATE

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Background Information ...... 1 1.2 Terms of Reference ...... 2 1.3 The Study Team ...... 2 1.4 Relevant Legislation ...... 3 1.4.1 National Legislation ...... 3 1.4.2 Environmental Legislation ...... 4 1.5 Relevant National Strategies and Policies ...... 4 1.5.1 Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategies and Policies ...... 4 1.6 International Best Practice ...... 4 1.6.1 World Bank Equator Principles ...... 4 1.6.2 World Bank Group’s Environmental, Health and Safety Mine Supplement ...... 6 1.6.3 International Finance Corporation Performance Standards ...... 6 1.6.4 Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ...... 9 1.6.5 Other On-going Compliance Efforts ...... 9 2. STUDY METHODOLOGY...... 10 2.1 Introduction ...... 10 2.2 Study Area ...... 10 2.3 Secondary Data ...... 11 2.4 Primary Data ...... 12 2.4.1 Focus Group Meetings ...... 12 2.4.2 Key Informant Interviews ...... 12 2.4.3 Household Survey ...... 13 2.5 Data Analysis ...... 13 2.6 Integration with the Public Consultation Process ...... 13 2.7 Impact Assessment ...... 14 2.7.1 Rating methodology ...... 14 2.7.2 Other ESIA considerations ...... 14 2.7.3 Example of an Impact Significance Statement - Impact 1: Impact of noise on human health...... 16 2.8 Assumptions and Limitations of the Study ...... 17 3. PROJECT DESCRIPTION ...... 18 4. DESCRIPTION OF THE NATIONAL AND REGIONAL CONTEXT ...... 18 4.1 National Context ...... 18 4.1.1 Demographics ...... 19 4.1.2 Economy ...... 20 4.1.3 Human Development Index ...... 22 4.1.4 Health ...... 23 4.1.5 Education ...... 24 4.1.6 Religion ...... 25 4.2 Land tenure ...... 25 4.3 Regional Context ...... 26 4.3.1 Atsimo-Andrefana Region ...... 26 4.3.2 Toliara I and Toliara II Districts ...... 27 4.4 Communes ...... 29 4.4.1 Ankilimalinike Commune...... 29 4.4.2 Tsianisiha Commune ...... 29 4.4.3 Maromiandra Commune ...... 29 4.4.4 Toliara I Commune ...... 29 4.5 Land tenure ...... 29 5. SOCIO-ECONOMIC DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY AREA ...... 32 5.1 Introduction ...... 32 5.2 Description of the Study Area ...... 32

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5.3 Local Governance ...... 32 5.4 Demographics ...... 33 5.5 Land tenure ...... 35 5.6 Use of the mining lease area ...... 37 5.7 Livelihood Strategies ...... 37 5.7.1 Agriculture ...... 38 5.7.2 Animal husbandry ...... 40 5.7.3 Fishing ...... 41 5.7.4 Charcoal makers ...... 42 5.7.5 Rum production ...... 43 5.7.6 Artisanal work and trade ...... 43 5.8 Other natural Resource uses ...... 43 5.8.1 Seasonal calendar ...... 44 5.9 Conservation ...... 46 5.9.1 Community-based resource management ...... 46 5.9.2 WWF Project for the creation of a protected area ...... 46 5.10 Standard of Living ...... 47 5.11 Physical and Social Infrastructure ...... 49 5.12 Health...... 51 5.13 Education ...... 52 5.14 Sanitation and water ...... 53 5.15 Energy and Waste Management ...... 54 5.16 Transport and Communication ...... 54 5.17 Cultural Assets and Customs ...... 54 5.17.1 History ...... 54 5.17.2 Ethnic groups ...... 55 5.17.3 Cultural and religious resources ...... 57 5.17.4 Traditional healers ...... 59 5.17.5 Traditional customs ...... 60 5.17.6 Local decision making ...... 60 5.17.7 Gender...... 61 5.18 Vulnerability...... 61 5.18.1 Elderly...... 61 5.18.2 Women ...... 61 5.18.3 Children ...... 62 5.19 Village Targeted for Resettlement ...... 62 5.20 Community and Civic Organisations ...... 64 5.21 Linkages between Villages and with Toliara Town ...... 65 5.22 Perceptions about the Toliara Sands and Potential Project Impacts ...... 65 5.23 Toliara Sands’ Community Development Projects ...... 67 5.24 Conclusions and Recommendations ...... 67 5.24.1 Poverty – lack of infrastructure ...... 67 5.24.2 Conservation and development ...... 67 5.24.3 Traditional culture ...... 67 6. IMPACTS IDENTIFICATION AND ASSESSMENT...... 68 6.1 Introduction ...... 68 6.2 Cumulative impacts ...... 69 6.3 Project Alternatives ...... 69 7. MINE SITE IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED ...... 70 7.1 Introduction ...... 70 7.2 Construction Phase ...... 70 7.2.1 Impact 1: Increase in employment opportunities and related economic benefits ...... 70 7.2.2 Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers . 71 7.2.3 Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located in the mine lease area ...... 72 7.3 Operational Phase Impacts ...... 73 7.3.1 Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision ...... 73

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7.3.2 Impact 2: Increased competition and conflict between communities ...... 74 7.3.3 Impact 3: An increase in social pathologies ...... 74 7.3.4 Impact 4: Loss of productive land and natural resources due to mining ...... 75 7.3.5 Impact 5: Loss of sacred, and culturally important heritage sites ...... 76 7.3.6 Impact 6: Relocation of tombs and graveyards ...... 76 8. HAUL ROAD IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED ...... 78 8.1 Introduction ...... 78 8.2 Construction Phase ...... 78 8.2.1 Impact 1: Loss of land and access to natural resources ...... 78 8.2.2 Impact 2: An increase in employment and related economic benefits ...... 79 8.2.3 Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located along the haul road ...... 79 8.3 Operational Phase Impacts ...... 81 8.3.1 Impact 1: Increased road accidents and safety risks ...... 81 8.3.2 Impact 2: Decrease the illegal use of natural resources ...... 82 9. TRANSFER STATION AND JETTY IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED ...... 83 9.1 Introduction ...... 83 9.2 Construction Phase ...... 83 9.2.1 Impact 1: An increase in employment and related economic benefits ...... 83 9.2.2 Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers . 83 9.2.3 Impact 3: Increased economic displacement resulting from the loss of land ...... 84 9.2.4 Impact 3: Reduced access to local fishing grounds...... 84 9.3 Operational Phase Impacts ...... 85 9.3.1 Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision ...... 85 9.3.2 Impact 2: Loss of recreational facilities ...... 86 9.3.3 Impact 3: Loss of mooring facilities for fishing boats ...... 87 10. PORT SITE IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED ...... 88 10.1 Introduction ...... 88 10.2 Construction Phase ...... 88 10.2.1 Impact 1: Employment and related economic benefits ...... 88 10.3 Operational Phase...... 89 10.3.1 Impact 1: Risk of Road Accidents and Injury ...... 89 11. SUMMARY TABLE OF IDENTIFIED IMPACTS ...... 90 12. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 94 13. REFERENCES ...... 95

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1-1: Location of the Toliara Sands Project...... 1 Figure 2-1: Towns and villages in the study area ...... 11 Figure 4-1: Trends in Madagascar‟s HDI ranking 2000-2011, relative to Cameroon and Lesotho Source: Human Development Report, Explanatory note on 2011 HDR composite index, Madagascar ...... 19 Figure 4-2: Fertility rates broken down by income distribution (2008-2009) ...... 20 Figure 4-3: Location of Guichets Fonciers in Madagascar (blue dots denote regions that have yet to receive guichets) ...... 30 Figure 5-1: Age of household members by percentage ...... 33 Figure 5-2: Land ownership types in study area ...... 36 Figure 5-3: Household ownership of popular livestock ...... 41 Figure 5-4: Percentage of homes that collect non-timber forest products ...... 44 Figure 5-5: Percentage allocation of household expenditures ...... 48 Figure 5-6: Common household items in the study area ...... 49 Figure 5-7: Most dominant illnesses experienced by household members ...... 52 Figure 5-8: Households located in the mine lease area ...... 63 Figure 8-1: Households located along the existing road ...... 80

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 2-1: Study sample ...... 10 Table 2-2: Number of households included in the households survey ...... 13 Table 2-3: Ranking of Evaluation Criteria ...... 15 Table 2-4: Ranking matrix to provide an Environmental Significance ...... 16 Table 2-5: Example of a significance statement ...... 17 Table 4-1: Employment and wage statistics for select African countries ...... 23 Table 5-1: Population statistics ...... 34 Table 5-2: Land ownership in the study area ...... 36 Table 5-3: Livelihood activities in the villages in the study area ...... 38 Table 5-4: Seasonal calendar for the study area ...... 45 Table 5-5: Seasonal cultivation, food collection and fishing calendar ...... 45 Table 5-6: Cost of food items in the study area in Ariary (MGA) ...... 48 Table 5-7: Physical and social infrastructure ...... 49 Table 5-8: Ethnic group composition ...... 56 Table 5-9: Religion, cultural resources and traditional customs ...... 57 Table 5-10: Organisations in or near the mine study area ...... 65 Table 11-1: Summary table of identified and assessed impacts ...... 90

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1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background Information

World Titanium Resources (WTR) has requested Coastal and Environmental Services (CES) to review and update the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (2007) for the Toliara Sands Project in southwest Madagascar. This report presents the updated Social Impact Assessment (SIA) for the new project concept that involves a staged approach to developing the Ranobe mineral sands deposit.

This SIA focuses on Stage 1 of the project, which entails mining 161 million tonnes of ore over a 21-year mine life.

Figure 1-1: Location of the Toliara Sands Project

Although this Report draws on the findings of the 2007 SIA, it aims to update the social environment of the project area, and to identify potential project impacts according to the revised project concept. The suggested mitigation measures identified for potential impacts arising from the mining project are informed by the existing social environment, and recommendations made by stakeholders during key informant interviews and the ESIA public consultation process held in June 2012.

The Report is informed by the legal requirements of the Malagasy Government, and the standards and guidelines of the Equator Principles (EP) of the World Bank, as well as the Performance Standards of the International Finance Corporation (IFC).

WTR is also taking steps to abide by ISO 26000, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights and the International Council for Mining and Metals (ICMM) Guiding Principles and Global Reporting Initiative.

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1.2 Terms of Reference

Terms of Reference for the SIA study are to:

 Re-assess and update the social context of the study area by undertaking a field survey, and, where possible and appropriate, applying the same survey instruments to those used in the 2006 surveys and reported in the 2007 SIA.  Review and synthesise the existing information contained in the Scoping Report and in the TSP Scoping Study Update (TZMI, 2011).  Review and update the existing Social Impact Assessment and related baseline information.  Supplement the original SIA data on health aspects by expanding any questionnaires to include aspects related to health.  Work closely with the current land and resource use specialist to ensure close alignment of these studies, and to gain an improved understanding of local communities‟ livelihood strategies.  Review available literature and reports on the social environment prepared in the past five years and update the report accordingly.  Provide an update on more recent activities undertaken by Non-governmental Organisations and Community Based Organisations, as well as local government structures.  Identify all impacts the revised project will have on the social environment.  Assess any new impacts associated with the new pipeline routes.  Rate the significance of mining impacts according to a pre-defined scale; and  Make sound recommendations for the mitigation of any identified impacts arising from the mining project.

1.3 The Study Team

The study team comprised two social specialists, Hilde Van Vlaenderen and Tandi Reilly, who were assisted by Toliara‟s Community Relations Department, and five local fieldworkers.

Hilde van Vlaenderen was a senior lecturer in the Psychology department at Rhodes University. She holds a PhD in community psychology. She has been involved in numerous participatory research projects with communities in South Africa and Tanzania, and has run professional courses in participatory approaches to community involvement. She has published and consulted widely in this field, and has been involved in a number of Social Impacts Assessments and public consultation programmes. Hilde was involved in both the SIA and public consultation in the previous ESIA, and is familiar with the site. She is now based in France and works for SRK in Cardiff as a social specialist.

Hilde reviewed the revised SIA Report, and provided guidance and specialist support to Tandi.

Tandi Reilly is a sociologist with eight years‟ experience in undertaking socio-economic baseline studies, social impact assessments, and resettlement action plans for mining companies in Southern Africa and other parts of eastern and western Africa. These assessments have included developing stakeholder engagement plans, community development plans, and livelihood restoration plans, as well as, geo-referenced databases for managing and monitoring socio- economic impacts. Her areas of expertise include facilitating public consultation meetings and Tandi has a good understanding of community concerns and issues related to mining projects. During this project Tandi was responsible for managing the collection of socio-economic baseline data, undertaking key informant interviews and focus group meetings, training local fieldworkers and overseeing the household survey, and updating the 2007 SIA.

Data gathered during the household study was captured into Excel by Caitlin Smithen, a junior researcher employed by Social Enterprise Solutions (SES) with experience in undertaking household surveys and building Access databases. The desktop research, and household data analysis for this study was undertaken by Phoebe Sullivan, a senior researcher specialised in

Coastal & Environmental Services 2 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 carbon markets.

Toliara‟s Community Relations Department including Dr. Colombe Randrianarison and Muriella A. Ranaivo, assisted Tandi with collecting socio-economic baseline data. They provided guidance and input into the study programme, and identified fieldworkers to undertake the household survey, and facilitate focus group meetings. The household survey was undertaken by a team of local fieldworkers (university students) trained in undertaking household interviews.

1.4 Relevant Legislation

This SIA is guided by the SIA requirements of Malagasy legislation and international best practice. The International Standards of the IFC and World Bank emphasise the importance of collecting social baseline information on livelihoods, health, culture, gender and ecosystem resources, infrastructure and cultural heritage to identify, manage and mitigate positive and negative impacts. This section provides a summary of the national legislation, and international standards informing this study.

1.4.1 National Legislation

Since 1999 the Government of Madagascar has prioritised large-scale mining as a national economic development strategy. This required the Government to amend its Mining Code (Law no 99-022 of August 30, 1999) to include decentralising decision making functions to commune and district offices1, establishing a national “cadastre” to oversee the issuing of mining licenses, and setting environmental and social standards that include the development of environmental and social impact assessments, and the employment of Malagasy workers, as basic requirements for obtaining mining licenses.

To support these developments, in 2002 the Government of Madagascar established a Large Scale Mining Initiative (LGIM) with the objective to oversee the activities of mining companies, and to ensure annual reporting on social, environmental and labour practises.

Chapter IV of the Mining Code (2005), articles 103 – 104, require that mining companies prioritise the employment of Malagasy workers, and develop training programmes to ensure that Malagasy workers advance through business units.2 Chapter III and Chapter V of the Code, articles 103-105, require mining companies to draft a plan on professional training that outlines the approaches used to train and support Malagasy staff. According to articles 103-105 the plan must detail the number of Malagasy employees benefitting from training, and it must present the indicators used to measure these benefits.

This plan is submitted to the Ministry of Labour, and the Committee on Mining Large Investments (CGIM), and should also be reviewed by employees of the mine. The Ministry of Labour may request that the mine provide an annual assessment of its professional training programme, and if benefits are deemed insufficient, the company will be required to amend its plan and approaches to professional training.

In addition, the Mining Code (2005) requires that mines annually report on measures of hygiene, public health, job security, protection of the environment, social impacts and community development programmes, as well as issues related to cultural and religious sites. If an accident occurs at a mine site it must be reported immediately to the Ministries of Mines, of Labour and of Public Health, and the police must also be alerted.

1 Peter McCready (ed), Madagascar, A Mining Journal Supplement, Mining Communications Ltd, London, January 2007 2 The Ministry of Energy and Mines, Law no 020/2011, Establishing the Special Regime for Large Investments in the Malagasy Mining Sector

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1.4.2 Environmental Legislation

The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) details the environmental legislation informing the overall Environmental and Social Impact Assessment. For further information on relevant environmental legislation refer to the CES EIA (2012).

1.5 Relevant National Strategies and Policies

1.5.1 Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategies and Policies

Prior to 2009 (see Section 4.1 on National Context), several important policy documents were drafted, which outlined Madagascar‟s strategy for achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) by 2015. One of these key policy documents included the Madagascar Action Plan (MAP), which was developed through consultations across all of the country‟s regions, and is considered by the World Bank as Madagascar‟s Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. This strategy outlines goals for government reform, and reflects the country‟s five-year development plan (2007-2012), which includes objectives in eight development areas:

 Responsible Governance  Connected Infrastructure  Educational Transformation  Rural Development and a Green Revolution  Health, Family Planning, and the Fight Against HIV AIDs  High Growth Economy  Cherish the Environment  National Solidarity

In general the Plan seeks to more than double Gross Domestic Product (GDP), reduce corruption, decrease poverty by 30%, and increase literacy to 80%. It was considered an important means to communicating development objectives with international donors, and directing and allocating development funds efficiently. Since, 2009 the implementation of this Plan has effectively been abandoned3, and given that no policies were developed to replace this strategy, there are currently no national development strategies addressing economic growth and poverty reduction in Madagascar.4

1.6 International Best Practice

Although Madagascar‟s Mining Code (2005) prioritises environmental protection and social risk management, the Code does not provide strict guidelines or detailed approaches to managing social impacts, community development and engagement with affected communities. As such Toliara Sands has adopted internationally recognised standards to managing social impacts namely the World Bank Group‟s Equator Principles, Environmental, Health and Safety (EHS) Guidelines for Mining, and the International Finance Corporation‟s Performance Standards (2012 revised version).

1.6.1 World Bank Equator Principles

The World Bank‟s Equator Principles comprise ten environmental and social (E&S) principles, which guide financial institutions in identifying, categorising, and financing development projects above USD 10 million. These Principles were adopted to protect financial institutions from unforeseen project costs associated with environmental and social mismanagement, and as of August 2012 there were 77 signatories to the Principles including ten financial institutions in Africa.

3 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 4 Ibid

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With regards to the Toliara Sands Project, Equator Principles relevant to social risk management are discussed in brief below:

Principle (1): Review and Categorisation

The financial institution will analyse the scale of the project‟s potential social impacts as per the International Finance Corporation‟s criteria (revisited and revised in January 2012, and discussed in section 4.5 below).

Principle (2): Social and Environmental Assessment

The financial institution will require that the project undertake either a social audit, or a larger scale Social Impact Assessment, inclusive of appropriate and tailored mitigation and long-term management efforts.

Principle (3): Applicable Social and Environmental Standards

The project will be subject to an assessment of its adherence to not only relevant national and local laws, but also its application of the IFC‟s Performance Standards, and the World Bank‟s Environmental, Health and Safety (EHS) standards specific to the project‟s industry.

Principle (4): Action Plan and Management System

The borrower will have to draft both an action plan and management system to address social impacts, inclusive of indicators that will allow the financial institution to track progress and the success of risk mitigation. The management system must conform to the requirements of local and national laws, the IFC‟s Performance Standards and the EHS guidelines.

Principle (5): Consultation and Disclosure

Should important social risks and impacts be identified, the borrower is required to disclose evidence of implementing a free, prior and informed consent consultation process, tailored to the local and cultural context. In keeping with this principle the project must demonstrate that any affected communities were included in and their opinions and concerns responsibly taken into consideration during the project design phase, as well as over its lifetime.

Disadvantaged groups must be consulted and the IFC Performance Standard 7 applied in instances where indigenous peoples are affected. The action plan must be made public, in the local language, so as to solicit feedback and assure that the project properly mitigates social risks and impacts. The consultation process must be properly recorded and documented, and should take place prior to project implementation.

Principle (6): Grievance Mechanism

The creation and implementation of an appropriate grievance mechanism is required, allowing affected communities to raise concerns about the implementation, management and impacts of the project over its lifetime. The borrower will describe the mechanism to affected communities during its implementation of principle (5).

Principle (7): Independent Review

An outside and independent social expert will need to review the action plan and consultation process to determine the level of compliance with the nine Principles.

Principle (8): Covenants

To assure that the borrower is committed to these Principles, it is required to:

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 Comply with relevant, national and local social laws  Comply with the Action Plan for the duration of the project  Submit reports to the relevant financial institution, documenting compliance with the Action Plan and continued adherence to relevant national and local laws

Principle (9): Independent Monitoring and Reporting

An independent social expert should be retained to assess regular compliance with the principles and provide feedback to the relevant participating financial institution.

1.6.2 World Bank Group’s Environmental, Health and Safety Mine Supplement

The World Bank Group‟s EHS guidelines were developed to provide companies with environmental, health and safety standards in instances where national legislation does not provide these standards, and in instances where national standards differ from EHS guidelines, projects are required to apply whichever is the most rigorous.

To address specific industry issues the World Bank Group (WBG) developed a series of “supplements” to the core EHS including mining. The mining supplement focuses on community and social impacts detailed in Section 1.3 of the Community Health and Safety mining supplement, which requires mines to consider the following health impacts:

 Wet containment facilities, such as water storage dams, negatively impacting a community‟s health and safety by increasing the potential for disease vectors such as malaria from stagnant water sites;  Land subsidence negatively impacting local communities, and notably farmers, by increasing the incidence of flooding. The guidelines recommend several structural approaches to reduce these impacts including an Emergency Preparedness and Response Plan;  Increased exposure to Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs), which spread more easily with the increased presence of what the WBG calls the “Four M‟s” – men, money, movement and mixing; and  Specific attention should be given to reducing disease vectors, especially for those transmitted by mosquitoes or other insects, and in the case of Madagascar, snails transmitting bilharzia.

1.6.3 International Finance Corporation Performance Standards

The Performance Standards (PS) of the IFC is considered international best practice. The IFC established eight PS to reduce their own project risk, but given the success of these standards on reducing social and environmental impacts, and improving project implementation, management and sustainability, the PS have been adopted by numerous financial institutions, development agencies, multinational corporations and project developers.

Performance Standard 1 details the importance of undertaking a thorough assessment of the social and environmental impacts of a proposed project, and developing a management system to mitigate, manage and monitor these impacts. In addition to PS 1 there are several additional Standards which a project can apply to reduce and avoid social and environmental impacts. In all instances, the Standards require adherence to relevant local and national laws.

A brief summary of the relevant Performance Standards addressing social impacts, community consultation and involuntary resettlement is outlined below. This summary excludes Performance Standard 3 on Pollution Prevention and Abatement and Performance Standard 6 on Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Natural Resource Management, which are detailed in the EIA:

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Performance Standard (1): Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts

Following a detailed social baseline study and social impact assessment, a project proponent is expected to design a Social Management Plan (SMP), which will be applied over the course of a project‟s lifetime, to mitigate and manage project impacts, and to communicate and engage with local communities, stakeholders and workers. The management system is expected to ensure that human rights are respected.

This Standard requires a project proponent to develop an overarching set of policies to drive its social performance, and to provide a framework from which to continually monitor social impacts and risks based on a robust social baseline. The SMP should describe the project‟s approach to impact and risk mitigation, and should consist of documented processes, procedures, practices, and action plans that take into consideration the eight PS. In keeping with PS 1, the social management programme must be driven by qualified staff who are given clear responsibilities, and who are capable of implementing the SMP and an emergency preparedness and response plan if and when needed. A SMP should also be subjected to regular monitoring and review to assess its continued relevance, performance and impact, and this review should ideally include members of the affected communities.

According to Performance Standard 1 stakeholder engagement should be an integral part of the SMP, and projects should disclose information to affected communities in a transparent, culturally sensitive and appropriate manner. In the event that large and particularly adverse impacts may be felt by stakeholders, the IFC recommends that an Informed Consultation and Participation (ICP) process be established whereby the views and concerns of men and women are collected, and their recommendations on risk mitigation duly considered. In all instances, indigenous peoples must be included in the ICP, and a Grievance Mechanism established.

In addition, the project proponent must regularly report to and communicate with affected communities and interested stakeholders about the project‟s progress in implementing the SMP.

Performance Standard (2): Labour and Working Conditions

Performance Standard 2 seeks to ensure that labour laws are properly enforced, and that employees are treated fairly and not subjected to any forms of discrimination. This includes protecting vulnerable groups such as children from exploitation, and ensuring that forced labour is never used. The standard seeks to ensure a sound worker-management relationship and to establish a safe and healthy working environment.

In keeping with PS 2, human resources policies and procedures must be developed, which are transparently disclosed to workers and detail employee working conditions and rights. In countries where workers are allowed to form trade unions and collectively bargain, projects must not stop these activities, and in countries where these mechanisms are restricted, projects must allow workers to pursue other means of expressing grievances and asserting their labour rights.

According to PS 2, if a contract labourer is used to outsource staff, a project must ensure that these workers are hired through a third party adhering to its own environmental and social standards. Therefore the project must develop policies and procedures for monitoring third party performance, and provide contract labour with access to a grievance mechanism.

Performance Standard (4): Community Health, Safety and Security

This Standard‟s objectives are to ensure that projects identify, mitigate and monitor potential negative health, safety and security impacts on affected communities and stakeholders. In summary, the Standard includes provisions for ensuring that project equipment, infrastructures and the use of public roads do not pose health and safety risks to affected communities. Moreover, exposure to any hazardous materials must be reduced to a reasonable minimum, and the

Coastal & Environmental Services 7 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 degradation of critical ecosystem services avoided.

A project may increase the risk of disease transmission, for example, by diminishing the quality of local water sources, exacerbating disease vectors, all of which should be monitored and impacts minimised.

With regards to security the Standard requires careful monitoring of the behaviour of security personal to ensure that they follow international best practice. In addition, security personnel should be trained in proper codes of conduct, including the responsible use of firearms and force, and any allegations of abuse by security personnel must be investigated.

These requirements must be outlined in an Emergency Preparedness and Response Plan developed in collaboration with local stakeholders including the government.

Performance Standard (5): Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement

In some instances projects may physically displace households and/or deprive them of their livelihoods by restricting or reducing access to land. Although it is advised to avoid involuntary resettlement or forced evictions, under such conditions compensation at full replacement cost must be provided to displaced community members, and according to this Standard resettlement should be regarded as an opportunity to improve livelihoods by providing affected households with secure tenure, compensation for lost assets, and access to livelihood restoration programmes.

The Standard requires that compensation and opportunities to re-establish livelihoods are provided prior to displacement, and done in a transparent and consistent manner to avoid discrimination. It is critical that the project proponent consult with affected households, and attempts to collaborate with government in the instances where the government seeks to administer, oversee and implement the relocation and compensation process.

Given that the Toliara Sands project activities and associated infrastructure (i.e. roads) will result in physical and economic displacement, Toliara Sands will be required to develop a Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) to manage physical and economic displacement and to monitor the long-term impacts of displacement. Essentially, a RAP is developed in consultation with affected households and communities, and outlines a projects efforts and activities to meet Performance Standard 5.

Performance Standard (7): Indigenous Peoples

Performance Standard 7 seeks to ensure that indigenous peoples can participate in their own development, and that their cultural practises are respected through an Indigenous Peoples Plan. In keeping with this Standard, a project must identify through a social impact assessment the presence and impacts of the project on indigenous peoples. Although clients are strongly advised to avoid negatively impacting indigenous peoples, if such impacts are unavoidable indigenous people must be properly consulted and compensated in a culturally sensitive manner.

The 2007 SIA identified some Mikea people north of the study area who rely on the Mikea forest to sustain their livelihoods and are described as having a strong sense of self determination as a distinct cultural group.5 There is however a debate on the status of the Mikea as an indigenous people (see also Section 5.17).

Performance Standard (8): Cultural Heritage

This Standard requires that the cultural heritage of affected communities be identified, preserved, and respected during project implementation. Cultural heritage can either take the form of objects (cultural, artistic, religious artefacts, for instance), sites (such as sacred groves or water sources)

5 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa.

Coastal & Environmental Services 8 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 or more intangible assets such as knowledge and practises. It is recommended that cultural heritage experts identify suitable management plans for cultural heritage that the client must integrate into its Environmental and Social Management System.

1.6.4 Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative

In 2008, Madagascar applied for membership to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which increases accountability, improves governance and establishes transparency in the flow of taxes and revenue streams between mines and governments. The EITI requires countries to sign a commitment to the initiative, develop a work plan and establish a working group, following which a validation is performed to analyse documents and the information collected from mines.

Madagascar‟s application to the EITI was funded by the African Development Bank (ADB), which assisted the Government with establishing a working group, and covering the costs of audits and regional seminars.6 However, in 2009 the political crisis halted Madagascar‟s progress towards validation, and in April 2011 the government commissioned Ernst and Young to draft the country‟s first official EITI report.

Published in June 2011, the report highlighted some key issues with data collection, the level of understanding of the initiative amongst relevant government officials, and the general reticence of mining companies to share critical financial information. Following this report the Government has until October 2013 to attempt its final validation, and should Madagascar attain membership, it will require all mining companies to provide complete and transparent information about taxes and revenue streams.7

1.6.5 Other On-going Compliance Efforts

As far as these widely adopted and/or emerging standards connect into avoidance and remediation of social issues at stake in the Ranobe Project, the promoter is taking steps to abide by:

 ISO 26000  Universal Declaration of Human Rights  UN Development Millennium Goals  Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights  International Labour Organization prescriptions  Occupational Health and Safety Assessment Series (OHSAS 18001)  Global Reporting Initiative for Sustainability Reporting Guidelines.

In relation with its responsible corporate citizen role in the communities, these on-going compliance efforts shall guarantee that the promoter applies the highest standards at any given time and is made aware of inspiring practices around the world.

6 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 – Madagascar Country Report. Gutersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012 7 Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, http://eiti.org/Madagascar (accessed July 21st, 2012)

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2. STUDY METHODOLOGY Preferred site

2.1 Introduction

Primary data for both the baseline and impact assessment were collected using a combination of tools aimed at gathering both qualitative and quantitative data. Primary data were collected using a household survey, key informant interviews, and focus group meetings. Unstructured discussions were held with Toliara Sands management and key government officials both at a district level. The study used literature review to seek and gather secondary data.

2.2 Study Area

Primary data collection was guided by the social baseline study completed in May 2006, which primarily focused on the rural communities in the Ankilimalinike and Tsianisiha Communes surrounding the proposed mine site.

The criteria for inclusion in this study were proximity to the proposed mine site and/or project facilities and infrastructure. As in the 2006 study the majority of the villages (fokontany) of the Sub- districts (Firaisana or Communes) of Ankilimalinike and Tsianisiha were included in this study. In addition to these villages, communities along the dedicated Heavy Mineral Concentrate (HMC) haul road running from the mine site to the northern bank of the Fiherenana River were also included in the study, as well as, communities in the Maromiandra Commune neighbouring the new proposed transfer station (refer to Figure 2-1) and in Toliara I Commune.

Villages along the RN9 route which connects the coastal communities to Toliara were not included in this study for additional assessment, since these villages formed part of the independent infrastructure Environmental Impact Assessment undertaken in 2007. The villages located along the preferred haul road were however included in the study. The study sample is presented in Table 2-1 below.

Table 2-1: Study sample Commune Commune Commune Tsianisiha Commune Toliara I Ankilimalinike Maromiandra Mine site Mine Site Transfer Station Jetty  Ampasimanilike  Beravy Antsoity  Ampanlia  Sakabera  Ankilimalinike  Beravy Ambala  Andranoboka  Ambohitsabo  Andombiry  Beravy bas  Ankarandoha  Tsongobory  Andrevo Bas  Tsianisiha I  Antsarihy  Anketraka  Andrevo Haut  Tsianisiha II  Le Batterie  Antapoake  Tsiafanoka  Benetse  Antanimana  Ranobe  Antanimikody  Saririaka  Sakabera Sikily  Tanandave Ankatrakatra  Tanambe Manirisoa  Tanandava Metayer

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2.3 Secondary Data

Desk-based research was performed using a rich variety of resources, including country reports from the United Nations, the World Food Programme, the United Nations Human Development Index, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Academic sources were reviewed to further enrich secondary data on health and education, livelihood strategies and natural resource use. Although fewer regional and district government reports were available, the Plan Communal De Developpement De La Commune Rurale De Belalanda (2009) provided a nuanced picture of the communities in the mine lease area, and assisted with describing the macro-trends in the Atsimo-Andrefana Region.

Figure 2-1: Towns and villages in the study area

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2.4 Primary Data

Primary data was collected during a fieldtrip, which took place between 12th and 25th June 2012. Various research tools were used, and are described in detail below:

 Focus group meetings;  Key informant interviews; and  Household survey.

2.4.1 Focus Group Meetings

Focus group meetings were attended by approximately 20 male and female participants, and aimed at collecting qualitative social baseline data on potentially affected villages in the mine lease area and along the proposed haul road. During the focus group meetings participants were asked to discuss a wide range of issues including governance structures, land, development, services, infrastructure, livelihood strategies, natural resource use, gender, culture, community dynamics, and perceptions about the proposed project.

Group discussions that included both male and female participants were considered culturally appropriate and separate focus group meetings for men and women were discouraged by village chiefs and elders. As such, focus group interviews gathered a “collective understanding” of the topics covered, and although meetings were mostly attended by men, female participants were encouraged to voice their opinions and concerns.

2.4.2 Key Informant Interviews

Key informant interviews were undertaken with representatives from the health, education, political and economic sectors. These interviews aimed at collecting qualitative data on a range of social issues and included interviews with village chiefs, as well as a number of representatives from the following organisations in Toliara:

 Direction Régionale de Développement Rural du Sud Ouest (DRDR)  World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) Toliara  Service d'Appui à la Gestion de l'Environnement (SAGE) Régional Office  Service Régional des Domaines du Ministère de l‟Agriculture  Bureau de Région Sud Ouest  Sous-préfecture  Comité National de Lutte Contre le Sida. Bureau Interrégional  Ministère de l‟Environnement, des Eaux et Forêts  Fikambanana Miaro ny Alan‟I Mikea (FiMaMi)  MITOMAFI

Specific group discussions took place with:

 Household owners in the mining site. This aimed at identifying villages, village chiefs and households in the mine lease area.  Charcoal makers, farmers and fishermen. This aimed at discussing specific livelihood strategies in the study area.

These interviews and discussions also served to elicit perceptions and suggestions on potential project impacts and practical mitigation measures.

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2.4.3 Household Survey

A household survey was conducted on a sample of 217 households located in the mine lease area, along the haul road and neighbouring the new proposed jetty. The survey aimed at collecting quantitative and qualitative data at a household level on population demographics, land, housing, health, education, water and sanitation, natural resource use, livelihood strategies, employment, skills, community dynamics, and perceptions about the project (refer to Appendix 1 for a copy of the household questionnaire). The household interviews were undertaken by five local fieldworkers who participated in a one-day training workshop on qualitative and quantitative research methods, and piloted the household questionnaire.

Table 2-2 details the number of households per village included in the study. Villages were selected based on their proximity to the mine site and project related activities, while households were randomly selected and represent a 10% sample of the selected village, and roughly a 5% sample of the impacted study area. Households living in the mine lease area (i.e. Antsilo) were purposefully selected and represented a 75% sample of the affected population.

Table 2-2: Number of households included in the households survey Fokontany No. of households Ankilimalinike Commune Benetse 42 Ranobe 20 Antsilo* 9 Tsianisiha Commune Tsiafanoka 45 Beravy Antsoity 3 Maromiandra Commune Ampanlia 19 Andranoboka 19 Toliara I Commune Ambohitsabo 11 Anketraka 21 Atsongobory 9 Sakabera 19 TOTAL 217 * Antsilo comprises the 15 households living within the mine site area that might be affected by physical displacement.

2.5 Data Analysis

In each of the villages comparable qualitative and quantitative social data were collected. Data from the household survey were captured in Microsoft Excel, and findings from the baseline study were compared with data collected during the 2006 baseline study. Graphs and charts were developed using data collected during the household survey, and baseline indicators were assessed, validated and analysed based on qualitative data gathered during discussions with community members, key informants, as well as, observations made by the study team. Data collected during the survey were triangulated with various secondary sources to strengthen and increase the levels of confidence in both the qualitative and quantitative findings, and data were informed by participant observation on livelihood strategies, infrastructure, services and amenities.

2.6 Integration with the Public Consultation Process

During the SIA process public consultation meetings were held at commune and at village level to explain the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment process. Consensus was sought concerning the most culturally appropriate data collection methods. It was agreed to undertake a household survey, and hold focus group meetings at village level with a small representative group

Coastal & Environmental Services 13 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 of men and women, which would be organised by village chiefs and to undertake key informant interviews when necessary. In each of the meetings villagers were provided with the opportunity to voice their concerns and suggestions about the mining project, as well as, to ask questions about the SIA process.

2.7 Impact Assessment

The potential project impacts identified during the socio-economic study were analysed using the impact assessment methodology is detailed below:

2.7.1 Rating methodology

To ensure a balanced and fair means of assessing the significance of potential social impacts a standardised rating scale was adopted in the Social Impact Assessment (SIA). This rating scale adopts four key factors that are generally recommended as best practice:

1. Temporal Scale: This scale defines the duration of any given impact over time. This may extend from the short- term (less than 5 years or the construction phase) to permanent. Generally the longer the impact occurs the more significance it is. 2. Spatial Scale: This scale defines the spatial extent of any given impact. This may extend from the local area to an impact that crosses international boundaries. The wider the impact extends the more significant it is considered. 3. Severity/Benefits Scale: This scale defines how severe negative impacts would be, or how beneficial positive impacts would be. This negative/positive scale is critical in determining the overall significance of any impacts. The Severity/Benefits Scale is used to assess the potential significance of impacts prior to and after mitigation in order to determine the overall effectiveness of any mitigations measures. 4. Likelihood Scale: This scale defines the risk or chance of any given impact occurring. While many impacts generally do occur, there is considerable uncertainty in terms of others. The scale varies from unlikely to definite, with the overall impact significance increasing as the likelihood increases.

These four scales are ranked and assigned a score, as presented in Table 2-3 to determine the overall impact significance. The total score is combined and considered against Table 2-4 to determine the overall impact significance.

2.7.2 Other ESIA considerations

Value judgements

The impact assessment rating methodology attempts to provide a scientific rigor to assessing projects impacts. However, the evaluation of the significance of an impact relies heavily on the values of the person making the judgment. For this reason, impacts of especially a social nature need to be interpreted using the values, norms and beliefs of an affected society.

Cumulative impacts

Cumulative impacts affect the significance ranking of an impact because it considers the impact in terms of both on-site and off-site sources. This is particularly problematic in terms of impacts beyond the scope of the proposed development and the ESIA. For this reason it is important to consider impacts in terms of their cumulative nature.

Seasonality

The ESIA process assesses seasonality and management measures are proposed accordingly (i.e. dust suppression measures being implemented during the dry season).

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Table 2-3: Ranking of Evaluation Criteria

* In certain cases it may not be possible to determine the severity of an impact thus it may be determined: Don’t know/Can’t know.

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Table 2-4: Ranking matrix to provide an Environmental Significance Environmental Significance Positive Negative LOW An acceptable impact for which mitigation is desirable 4-7 4-7 but not essential. The impact by itself is insufficient even in combination with other low impacts to prevent development.

These impacts will result in either positive or negative medium to short term effects on the social and/or natural environment MODERATE An important impact which requires mitigation. The 8-11 8-11 impact is insufficient by itself to prevent the implementation of the project but which, in conjunction with other impacts may prevent its implementation.

These impacts will usually result in either positive or negative medium to long term effect on the social and/or natural environment. HIGH A serious impact which, if not mitigated, may prevent 12-15 12-15 the implementation of the project.

These impacts would be considered by society as constituting a major and usually long term change to the natural and/or social environment and result in severe negative or beneficial effects. VERY HIGH A very serious impact which may be sufficient by itself 16-20 16-20 to prevent the implementation of the project.

The impact may result in permanent change. Very often these impacts are unmitigable and usually result in very severe effects or very beneficial effects.

2.7.3 Example of an Impact Significance Statement - Impact 1: Impact of noise on human health

Cause and Comment:

The noise associated with Heavy Goods Vehicles (HGVs) has the potential to impact on human health. A recommendation for the movement of large vehicles at night may impact on the sleep patterns of local communities.

Mitigation and Management:

There are standard mitigation measures to ensure that vehicle noise is kept within acceptable limits. Vehicles should be kept in good repair; they should use standard exhaust and silencing equipment. Drivers should stick to designated speed limits. Roads should be kept in good condition.

Significance Statement:

This is a final statement on the anticipated significance of the impact with and without mitigation.

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Table 2-5: Example of a significance statement Temporal Severity of

Spatial Scale Risk or Likelihood Total Scale Impact Without Short term 1 Localised 1 Moderate 2 Definite 4 8 Mitigation

RATING With Short term 1 Localised 1 Slight 1 Unlikely 1 5 Mitigation Overall Significance without mitigation MODERATE Overall Significance with mitigation LOW

2.8 Assumptions and Limitations of the Study

The following assumptions and limitations apply to this study.

 The participants in the study responded truthfully in the interviews  Translation accurately captured the meaning and intentions of the interviewees  The proposed project will not change significantly in its design  On-going public participation will take place involving all local stakeholders  No field survey was conducted to assess the existence of historical and archaeological artefacts by the authors of this report. However, this has been supplemented through additional study by Rudy Fidacy.  Data on the Mikea people was predominantly sourced from the 2006 SIA literature and a recent World Bank study.  In a relatively short period of fieldwork it is not possible to get in-depth insight into local social and cultural dynamics. The insights remain superficial and on-going community liaison is necessary.  Only those villages close to the mining area, along the preferred haul road and close to proposed jetty area were included in the primary data collection phase.  This study does not focus on natural resource use nor on economics, traffic, pollution, water, air, soil and tourist trade, all of which, are the subject of other reports. However some of these issues are reported on briefly as they do relate to this social study.

At the time of the study, healthcare professionals were on strike and as a result no key interviews were held with clinic staff in the rural Centre de Santé de Base (CBS) in Benetse, Ankilimalinike and Tsiafanoka villages.

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3. PROJECT DESCRIPTION Preferred site

A complete and detailed project description is available in the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (Chapter 4).

4. DESCRIPTION OF THE NATIONAL AND REGIONAL CONTEXT Preferred site

4.1 National Context

There are many theories contesting the origins of the Malagasy people, but two dominant theories assert that either Indonesian people migrated from Indonesia into present-day Madagascar around the 5th century A.D, or that the Malagasy people originated from a series of migrations by people from different countries across the world. Although the origins of the Malagasy people is contested, it is well known that by the beginning of the 17th century there were a number of small Malagasy kingdoms, which in the 18th century disintegrated and paved the way for Madagascar becoming a French Colony for 64 years from 1896 until 1960 when Madagascar regained its independence.

In 1975 discontent amongst the youth resulted in Didier Ratsiraka being elected as President in a referendum. During his 26 years in office, President Ratsiraka adopted socialist economic policies that resulted in nationalisation, and extensive borrowing to pay for investments in social development. In 2001 Marc Ravolamana was elected President8, and since then Madagascar has experienced two political crises in the last decade.

Following Madagascar‟s first political crisis in 2001/2002 the country took six years to recover and regain its pre-crisis Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and in 2008 the country was considered on the fast track to development with the abandonment of socialist economic policies, growth of its special export zones and clothing manufacturing industry. From 2003 and 2007 the GDP growth averaged 5.7% per annum, however, in 2008 months of unrest and weekly protests in the capital Antananarivo, resulted in the former Mayor of Antananarivo (Andry Rajoelina) adopting the title of President of the High Authority of the Transition (HAT). His claim to the presidency was premised on accusations that President Ravolamana encouraged corruption, misappropriated government funds and threatened a true capitalist society by limiting competition to his TIKO enterprises, which operated a network of businesses across the country.

Rajoelina gained the support of sections of the armed forces, and in March 2009 President Marc Ravalomanana was formally ousted, and sent into exile in South Africa.

During this second political crisis, aid flows, foreign direct investment and exports dramatically dropped, and remained highly sensitive to volatilities in the country‟s political context. In addition, infrastructure and resource extraction projects were largely put on hold, and international donor funding to government, which was a long-standing budgetary necessity, was blocked. This lead to a critical drop in government services,9 and in 2009 the AU seized the assets of several members of the HAT and imposed several sanctions on the State.10

In 2011, SADC hosted a summit led by delegates from South Africa, Tanzania and Zimbabwe (representing the politics, defence, and security organ of the SADC), during which time it was agreed that HAT would establish a “road map” for transition, including installing a new parliament in December 2011, and arranging Presidential Elections in 2012.

According to the World Bank, “The political and economic crisis produced an undisputable increase

8 World Bank, Human Development Department‟s Social Protection Unit, Labor Markets Conditions in Madagascar, Reort No 57-652-MG, October 18th, 2010 9 World Bank, Madagascar Economic Update: Aid Effectiveness During Political Instability – A Look at Social Sectors, March 17th, 2011 10 World Bank, Madagascar Country Brief, World Bank website

Coastal & Environmental Services 18 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 in social distress in Madagascar.”11 UN agencies in Toliara reported that households following 2009 experienced economic deprivation, with restricted their ability to afford education and pay for basic medical services12, and as such poverty indicators have reversed in Madagascar.

Between 2005 and 2010, poverty in Madagascar rose nine points to 77%, reaching similar levels to the post 2001 crisis.13 In 2011, the UN Human Development Index (HDI) rated Madagascar as having low human development, ranked 151/187 countries worldwide, and with 35% of the country experiencing severe poverty. In 2009, further UN research into the multiple causes of poverty demonstrated that 67% of households in Madagascar experienced multiple forms of deprivation, increasing vulnerability to minor shocks or traumas that more stable households could easily absorb. Figure 4-1 illustrates the country‟s dip in HDI ranking in 2009.

Figure 4-1: Trends in Madagascar’s HDI ranking 2000-2011, relative to Cameroon and Lesotho Source: Human Development Report, Explanatory note on 2011 HDR composite index, Madagascar

4.1.1 Demographics

In 2011, Madagascar‟s population had reached approximately 22.5 million people, with an annual growth of 2.9%.14 The World Bank predicts that the population will double by 2050.15 Although birth rates have dropped over time, neonatal and young child mortality rates have also dropped since the 1990‟s, increasing the youth population significantly, with children under the age of 15 making up 43% of the population.16

11 World Bank, Economic Update 12 Ibid 13 World Bank, Economic Update, World Bank, Public Sector and Capacity Building Unit Africa Region, Governance and Development Effectiveness Review – A Political Economy Analysis of Governance in Madagascar, December 2010 14 CIA factbook https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ma.html 15 World Bank, Reproductive Health at a Glance, Madagascar, report 62937, April 2011 16 Ibid

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The average mother in Madagascar has just under five children in her lifetime, and poorer women have a higher birth rate, as demonstrated in Figure 4-2. Households with lower incomes and multiple children have a high child dependency rate which puts intense economic pressures on households by diverting income from productive activities such as small business or agricultural inputs to enhance production.17

Figure 4-2: Fertility rates broken down by income distribution (2008-2009) Source: World Bank, Reproductive Health at a Glance, Madagascar, 2011

Thirty percent of the population lives in urban areas, and this is expected to increase to 45% by 2025 as individuals seek to diversify their livelihood strategies and attain higher wages.18 This is expected to heavily tax existing urban infrastructure.

Three quarters of the population is comprised of farmers, approximately 16.5 million individuals, who rely on family members, including children, to perform farm labour.

The poorest segment of the population owns approximately 0.5 hectares of land, and with little to no disposable income, they are unable to afford labour and inputs to increase productivity. Land fragmentation is therefore high, and restricted fallow periods are leading to soil erosion, nutrient leaching and smaller production returns19 contributing to a majority (90%) of the population living on less than USD 2 per day.20

Malagasy is spoken throughout Madagascar, and although there are many local dialects Malagasy and French are the official languages.

4.1.2 Economy

After 2009 Madagascar‟s economic growth stood at negative 4%, and increased to just over 1% in 2010 and 2011. Predictions pegged 2012 growth at 2.9%,21 and to ensure economic growth the Government‟s budget was slashed by 30% with significant repercussions for the delivery of social services.

Considered one of the poorest countries in the world, Madagascar is highly dependent on its agricultural sector to support rural livelihoods and drive GDP growth. Twenty-five percent of GDP derives from agricultural production although 75% of its population depends on it for their

17 World Bank, Labor Market Conditions 18 United Nations Development Program, Programme de travail annuel 2008 – Appui a l’urbinisation et aux collectivities territoriales decentralizes, 2008 19 USAID, USAID Country Profile, Property Rights and Resource Governance, Madagascar, 2010 20 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 21 Global Finance Magazine, Madagascar Country Report (online edition)

Coastal & Environmental Services 20 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 livelihood. 22 Two thirds of its land is arable, and can support farming activities, but due to poverty levels and the inability of households to cultivate or secure large portions of land, only a fraction of the available arable land is under cultivation even though a majority (75%) of its population live rurally.23

Of its agricultural production, 60% of revenues accrue from crops, 25% from livestock and fishing, and a further 15% from forest products.24 The fishing industry, comprises 42,500 fishermen, has secured privileged access to European markets, and exports 62% of its annual catch of 480,000 tons. Shrimp makes up the 60% of the country‟s fish exports.

Madagascar‟s main agricultural and food exports include vanilla, coffee, sugar, peanuts, bananas, cocoa, rice, cassava (for tapioca) and shellfish, as well as specialty products such as lychee fruit, pepper and cloves. It also exports a sizeable quantity of its natural resources, including more recently a surge in timber products, which the government receives sizeable rents from, as well as mineral products.

Prior to 2009, the Madagascar Action Plan (MAP) envisaged modernising the agricultural sector, creating a “sustainable green revolution” which would make way for more agri-processing, the provision of irrigation networks to increase yields, the creation of strategically placed storage facilities and the delivery of inputs such as fertilizers and pesticides. The country hoped to become a net-exporter of food, notably as a portion of its dietary mainstay, rice, is imported from Asia, despite rice crops covering 30% of land under cultivation.25

In line with the MAP, the State also looked to secure property rights. In 2005 only 10% of land had legal deeds, and the government sought to increase land security and encourage investment.26 However, the MAP vision has suffered, and while an even higher number of people depend on agricultural for subsistence living, the sector has failed to materialise modern advancements in production, processing or delivery. However, in 2009 traditional agricultural exports lost export market share to more modern products, textiles in particular.27 Madagascar‟s Export Processing Zones became the 14th largest in the world, where 43% of its manufacturers operated,28 and the country saw an increase in manufacturing and light industry. This is notably attributed to ex- President Ravalomanana making it easier to register businesses by cutting back on red tape and decreasing the amount of time it took to receive an operating license.

While total exports fell by approximately 50% between 2008 and 2009, export revenues slowly increased to USD 1.4 billion in 2010, which was an increase of USD 100 million from 2009. However, the structure of exports has shifted dramatically to the mineral and natural resources sector, with mining companies QMM/Rio Tinto and Sherriff accounting for 30% of exports.

The clothing industry in particular has faced a steep decline following a decision by the United States to drop Madagascar from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Subsequently Madagascar has suffered a 40% decrease in clothing exports.29

Despite the terrible effects of capital flight, Madagascar has benefitted from a 2007 Heavily Indebted Poor Country debt reduction, which has ensured that the country‟s debt burden remains low, at approximately 12% of GDP.30 In addition, the HAT has successfully controlled interest rates, and although Madagascar remains poor, it has been fiscally responsible.

22 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review: WT/TPR/S/197, 2009 23 Ibid 24 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review: WT/TPR/S/197, 2009 25 Ibid 26 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review: WT/TPR/S/197, 2009 27 World Bank, Governance and Development 28 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review 29 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 30 USAID, USAID Country Profile

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The services industry, of which tourism is a significant contributor, has historically made up more than half of the country‟s GDP. Prior to 2009, the tourism sector grew at a rapid rate of 21% between 2004 and 2005, with a turnover of USD 150 million.31 Foreigners were drawn to the island‟s exoticism, rare bird, plant and animal life, pristine beaches and the prospect of adventure tourism. The Government, recognising the potential of the industry, made provisions for the creation of nine tourism reserves, establishing an open, international tender process to developers.32 However, since 2009 many hotels and tour operators were forced to close, and the tourism industry sustained a 60% loss of revenues. In addition, construction was put on hold, and the budding agro-processing sector also suffered revenue loss.33

As a result of 300,000 individuals losing their industrial jobs shifted into family farming or small scale businesses, the informal sector grew by approximately 13%.34 But the government, requiring tax revenues from a dwindling industrial and services sector, increased VAT by 42%, and increased the excise duty by 150-250%, as well as drew rents from new mining projects.35

Today, with the bulk of the population comprising unskilled, poorly educated labour concentrated in the agricultural sector, further diversification of the economy towards a greater share of services or industrial production is unlikely in the near future without significant government and donor intervention. 36

In the past, foreign investors showed an interest in the countries rich mineral resources, the handicrafts and tourism sectors, notably as the population displayed a strong work ethic at cheap wage levels.37 However, this interest dwindled after 2009 and is slowly recovering.

4.1.3 Human Development Index

Although Madagascar‟s Human Development Index for 2004 was 0,499, which classifies it as a Low Level Development country38, Madagascar has a productive population, with 86% of adults working, mainly on their own small farms or those of others, making just enough money to cover their basic living costs39. As Table 4-1 shows, Madagascar‟s population, on average, is more active in the labour market than other African nationals, but these labourers are also poorer. Only 3% of jobs in the country qualify as high-earning, 54% of working age citizens never finished primary school, and only 18% attained a secondary degree.40 This has resulted in a population that is heavily dependent on farming for employment, which is sensitive to climate fluxes, and pays a low wage in comparison to the formal sector of recognised wage earners.41 Moreover, Madagascar is Africa‟s third most vulnerable country to extreme weather events, regularly hit by cyclones and long droughts, which are natural disasters affecting agriculture productivity.42

31 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review 32 Ibid 33 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 34 Ibid, World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 35 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 36 Ibid. 37 World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 38 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa 39 World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 40 Ibid 41 Ibid 42 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012

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The 10% of rural households that manage to break their reliance on farming to sustain their livelihoods by opening small businesses or providing services to their neighbours have much higher wages and security, but a majority (90%) of rural households never capture this opportunity.43 During the 2001 crisis, 300,000 workers were forced to leave the industrial sector to enter into agricultural production, resulting in more income disparity for farmers. As The Bertelsmann Stiftung Transformation Index (BTI) rating report explains, “[t]he agricultural sector is essentially non-commercial and characterised by low productivity, and high volatility which in turn is linked to high poverty levels.”44

Table 4-1: Employment and wage statistics for select African countries

The success of small farmers is partially contingent on their ability to deliver products to the market, but Madagascar‟s road network is patchy, and poorly maintained, and with a density of 10 km / 1000 km2, Madagascar has one of the lowest density road networks in the world.45 The World Trade Organisation (WTO) estimates that of the country‟s 50,000 km of roads only 8,000 km is in sound condition.46

4.1.4 Health

Generally, poor healthcare infrastructure in rural areas prevents people from seeking proper medical treatment. Although there is better access to healthcare in urban areas, there are still high death rates in hospitals and clinics, and sanitation levels are low, equipment is old and medical professionals are unmotivated by high tax rates.

In the last 15 years child mortality rates have seen remarkable improvements with the mortality rate halving from 159 to 72 deaths per 1000 births in the period 1997-2008. Although this places Madagascar above the Sub-Saharan average, children of poorer, rural households are less likely to survive to their fifth birthday than children of wealthier households. Even though malarial infections amongst children are decreasing, it is still a significant threat to child health, along with meningitis, sepsis, acute diarrhoea, and chronic malnutrition, which lead to early age stunting and anaemia.47

Since 1997 there have been no downward trends in the death rate of women dying during child

43 World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 44 Ibid 45 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 46 World Trade Organization, Trade Policy Review 47 Maraynne Sharp and Ioana Kruse, Health, Nutrition and Population in Madagascar 2000-09, World Bank Working Paper no 216, The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / the World Bank, Washington DC, 2011

Coastal & Environmental Services 23 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 birth. Women are still at high risk of death during child birth as many women fail to access medical assistance giving birth. In addition, clinic and hospital services often lack basic infrastructure including water and electricity, and often they have low levels of hygiene. Many women also seek abortions, and put themselves at risk of dying during the procedure or from infections after the procedure.48

The World Health Organisation (WHO) indicates the life expectancy for Madagascar to be 59 for women and 55 for men in 2004. Child mortality is 128 and 117 per 1000 respectively for men and women.49

The prevalence of HIV infections in Madagascar is very low when compared to the rest of Sub- Saharan Africa. The number of people with HIV in 2003 country wide was 49 000, which is 0.5 % of adults between 15 and 49. The percentage of pregnant women with HIV is 1%. Currently a WB project is underway which aims at supporting the Government of Madagascar's efforts to promote a multi-sector response to the HIV/AIDS threat and to contain the spread of HIV/AIDS on its territory.50

Although less than 1% of the population are infected with HIV, the virus is spreading at a slow rate mainly due to prostitution linked to the tourism industry. However, sexually transmitted infections are well known amongst the Malagasy population, which has one of the highest syphilis rates in Africa.

Parasite bilharzias infections from snails are also high with 80% of the population contracting intestinal or urinary bilharzias.

4.1.5 Education

The country‟s school system is split into primary school, which teaches children until the age of approximately 11, and secondary school. Secondary school is split into junior school (12-15 years) and senior school (up to 18 years). Technical secondary schools are available for students who wish to learn a specific trade. While there are several universities in the Region, these are poorly equipped and there is a high dropout rate.

The average Malagasy student receives five years of schooling, with a small percentage of students continuing to secondary school. Only 54% of students complete primary school successfully,51 and 33% of children have no access to primary education.52 Although there is an average 62% literacy rate in Madagascar, this is gender-skewed with more than 40% of Malagasy women unable to read and write. Such high levels of illiteracy amongst women are associated with teenage pregnancies and girls not completing school to raise children.53

As such, Madagascar‟s education system has failed to establish a population of well-educated individuals who can bypass traditional livelihood strategies. A lack of formal education typically relegates individuals to working in the informal sector, and mainly in agricultural production. Individuals who have managed to receive diplomas are much more competitive in the formal sector, and typically take non-farm jobs that drive further job creation.54 However, since 2009 the education system in Madagascar has suffered, with State funds stagnating and rural areas finding it difficult to procure materials and resources.55

48 Ibid 49 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa 50 Ibid. 51 World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 52 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012, World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 53 Ibid 54 World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 55 World Bank, Economic Update,

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Although external funds remained stable, the State‟s Ministry of Education experienced a 20% cut to its capital budget,56 and as a result Madagascar‟s education budget is just two-third of the Sub- Saharan average of 5% total budget allocation.57

4.1.6 Religion

A firm belief in the existence of close ties between the living and the dead constitutes the most basic of all traditional beliefs and the foundation for Malagasy religious and social values. It is estimated that approximately 55 % of the total population adheres to traditional beliefs, and 40 % are Christian.

4.2 Land tenure

Under the centralised system the process for registering land was long and arduous, and could take up to 10 years to finalise. In addition, it was prohibitively expensive for small farmers to file for title deeds, which cost USD 500, and to pay for transactional costs, which could be as high as USD 900.58 Furthermore, only eight individuals in government were authorised to sign land titles, and in 2004 approximately 1,000 titled deeds were issued out of 400,000 applications made.59

To address this problem, and to provide Malagasy rural farmers with more security of tenure, the National Land Programme was proposed in 2005. The decentralised system was meant to merge customary and locally recognised land rights with the formal and legalised land rights by creating guichet fonciers (land counters) at the commune level, which would allow for faster, cheaper and transparent land title transactions that would be locally managed and implemented with procedures suited to the context.60

The subsequent Land Law no 2005-019 (2005), which ensures the classification of lands as either state or private, and other types of tenure that would be legal under the reform. A Land Observatory was established to provide an oversight function and the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries (MAEP) was commissioned to oversee the entire land reform programme.

Under the land reform programme, land holdings fall into one of two categories either state owned, or privately owned. Private land can be owned outright by individuals, entities or groups by obtaining a title deed (titre foncier) and through inheritance of a title deed (patrilineal system). Individually owned areas are mainly used for permanent agriculture. Possession of land title is the easiest way to prove ownership, but other rights can be recognised and evaluated at the local commune level through an established process that is then recorded for reference, and any potential need for dispute resolution.

Law no 2006-031 (2006) establishes the modalities through which untitled land owners could claim rights to their land. Under this law, 90% of farmers qualify as land-owners, primarily through recognised inheritance rights, and under the land reform, owners can lease their land freely, and per individually negotiated terms. This is particularly common in rural areas where the landless poor lease small plots for seasonal cropping and harvests.61

In its formative years, and prior to the 2009, the land reform programme proved successful. The

56 Ibid 57 Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 58 André Teyssier, Andrianirina Ratsialonana Rivo, Ramy Razafindralambo, and Yoland Razafindrakoto, Decentralization of Land Management in Madagascar: Process, Innovations and Observation of the First Outcome (first draft), 2008 59 Ibid, Fédération Internationale des Géomètres annual working week, Surveyors Key Role in Accelerated Development, 3-8 May, 2009 60 USAID, USAID Country Profile 61 Ibid

Coastal & Environmental Services 25 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 titling process took approximately 2.5 months, and there were several clear procedures to follow. The cost of the transactions were fixed at 9.7% of the property value, and within two years the number of transactions at the guichet level increased by a factor of 10, but by 2009 the number of transactions increased by a factor of 20.62

4.3 Regional Context

4.3.1 Atsimo-Andrefana Region

The mining concession is situated in the south-west Atsimo-Andrefana Region of Madagascar, which has a surface area of 161,405 km², and a population of 2,229,550. It includes nine districts, 20 communes and a number of villages (fokontany).

This Region is one of the most food insecure regions in the country, where droughts are prevalent, and because many local households are highly reliant on agricultural production, districts are vulnerable to regular shocks to its food supply. Although the Region has had success in cotton production and maize exports in the past, these agri-businesses no longer provide the same levels of cash security to farmers as the high sand content near the coast does little to improve fertility, yields and productivity. This in turn has led to important levels of forest degradation, as households expand cropping activity into forests as they seek more fertile soil and cut trees for biomass fuel sources. This has also led to the overexploitation the coastal lagoons and damage to rare coral reefs, despite the fact that the majority of fishermen use traditional methods of fishing, the recent proliferation of large nets has exacerbated this problem.

The literacy rate is low (45%), reaching 65,4 % in urban areas and only 39,1% in the rural areas. School attendance is poor with 79,9% of attendance at primary school level (lowest level of the country) and respectively 10,5% and 2,7% at secondary first cycle level and secondary second cycle level63. Given the high levels of illiteracy amongst women, female discrimination with regards to job access, wage parity and land ownership is common.

In 2005 a Regional Development Plan was prepared for the Province by the office of the Chef de Region (Head of the region). The plan identifies the availability of large areas of arable land and great natural potential (agricultural, mining and environmental) as the strengths of the region. Insufficient infrastructure, high illiteracy rates and lack of commercial agriculture were identified as shortcomings. Based on this analysis the development plan emphasises the following development priorities64:

 Development of energy for domestic and industrial use  Development of human resources: basic education, civil instruction and literacy classes  Development of health facilities  Campaign to prevent AIDS  Provision of clean water  Development of internet resources  Development of an environment favourable for investment

The Development Plan identifies several specific axes for development. The axis Toliara to Morombe, which includes Toliara II encompasses the mining concession. The problems of particular significance in that area are shortage of secondary and higher education facilities and lack of facilities and opportunities for the youth. During an interview with the Mayor of Toliara is was stated that the Government is seeking funding to revise and update the Regional

62Ibid 63 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa. 64 Ibid.

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Development Plan, which prioritises the following development areas65:

 Improvement of education and youth facilities  Enhancement of security  Enhancement of rice culture and market produce.  Improvement of the quality of livestock farming for the external market  Expanding commercial fisheries  Promotion of Mining  Improvement of the quality of services in the tourism sector

4.3.2 Toliara I and Toliara II Districts

The mine site falls within the Toliara I and Toliara II Districts of the Region in which Toliara Town, the capital of the Region, is situated at Saint-Augustin Bay, in the Mozambique Channel near the mouth of the Onilahy River. In 2001 census Toliara Town had a population of 101,661 people and in 2006 Toliara Town had a population of 114,000 people.66 Although Toliara has little industry, it is the main port and the administrative, distribution and communication centre of South-west Madagascar.67 The local road infrastructure comprises mainly the R9R National Road, which although it is inadequate to support the regular flow of goods between small fokontany and Toliara town, some communes benefit from their proximity to the 9 Route National, including the Tsianisiha Commune.

In the districts, 80% of the population is rurally based, and although the urban population is growing as people seek income generating opportunities, the bulk of technical and professional training for those who have advanced in the school system is primarily based in the Capital, Antananarivo. Due to the prohibitively expensive costs for the typical rural household, few urban immigrants are able to increase their skills to enter into the formal sector. The regional industry is therefore in decline – with only five major industries remaining in Toliara – in part due to flights of capital following the 2009 political crises.68

As such, the districts are marked by a productive population that nonetheless struggles to generate income, operates primarily in informal markets, and has marked difficulty in modernising rural livelihoods or contributing to the growth of a manufacturing or services sector. Chronic underemployment affects approximately two-thirds of the population, and building a small business is difficult, as credit access is some of the poorest in Africa, and in the world.

The area north of Toliara, around Ifaty, has been developed as a beach holiday destination,69 and in 2009 as a result of the tourism industry collapsing, and the international mortgage and debt crises, half of the regional hotels were closed resulting in a loss of 400 jobs.70 As industry and even tourism are unable to significantly boost the economy in the districts, most residents turn to subsistence agriculture to make ends meet. Sixty-seven percent of rural people of working age work informally in the agricultural sector, while 32% of children between the ages of 5-14 are also working in the agricultural sector. The pressures on impoverished, rural homes leads to family members tasking children with farm or households chores, and 25% of these employed children never attend school.71

65 Key informant interviews, 2012, and van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services. 66 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa. 67 Ibid. 68 International Labor Office, Region Atsimo Andrefana: Strategie Regionale de Promotion de l’Emploie (SRPEA), 2009, Antananarivo, 2010 69 Ibid. 70 International Labor Office, Region Atsimo Andrefana 71 Ibid

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In the District of Toliara II the health facilities are poor. There are only 10 Level 1 health Centres 72 and 20 Level 2 Centres. There are only two doctors for 11,212 patients 73 and one health centre for every 7,475 people. Facilities are hampered by a lack of equipment and medication. Due to the difficult access to health services and the cost involved, local people rely heavily on traditional medicine and herbal remedies, and the traditional healer (ombiasy) plays an important role in the provision of health services. In the Malagasy traditional health system, mind and body are regarded as closely interlinked. Illness or other misfortunes have more than purely physical implication and bear reference to the ancestors (Razana). Treatment usually involves the use of medicines as well as social and spiritual ceremonies and rituals. Orthodox medical services are often only called upon when traditional medicine fails. People who adhere to Christianity appear to rely more on orthodox medicine than those who practice traditional beliefs.

The few clinics (Centre de Santé de Base) in the rural areas are commonly characterised by an undersupply of medicines and medical equipment. Medical practitioners typically display a poor approach to patient care and symptom analysis. In a 2006-2007 study, USAID field-based day visits at clinics in the districts demonstrated that although 93% of clinic staff had received advanced training in child care, they only properly performed 20% of the patient assessment tasks required and in which they had been trained.74 In the same clinics, an average of only 36% of core infrastructure requirements (running water, clean and functioning latrines, electricity, beds for ill patients) were in place and working; and only 50% of required and basic medicinal stocks were available.

The lack of sufficient, consistent and professional health services in Toliara II District has led to some of Madagascar‟s more dismal health outcomes. USAID reports that the district has the highest mortality rate of children under 5 across the country, and the second highest of neonatal mortality. Since 2009, the percentage of births attended by a medical professional has dropped from 51% to 44% - but poor, rural women have a much lower chance of receiving medical attention during labour, with only a quarter of women receiving care. Pregnancy rates amongst poor adolescent women remains high – 66% will have a child before the age of 18 – and these early pregnancies are linked to higher mortality and disease rates for the unborn or newly born child.75

Child mortality in Toliara is therefore heavily linked to diseases that can be prevented in the home, including malaria and diarrhoea.76 The poor state of water infrastructure and basic hygiene are largely responsible for acute diarrhoea, one of the leading causes of death in children under five. In a USAID survey, only 5% of women in the District reported washing their hands before or after wiping their children or changing their diapers, using the toilet or preparing food for the family.77 Boreholes with potable water are rare; 77% of homes in the districts rely on surface water, vulnerable to contamination, and have no latrine.

There are 1,183 primary schools across the region‟s nine districts. While the school attendance rate in Atsimo Andrefana is relatively high (70% of youth attend school), the success of rural children at school is low, and only 30% of the children in the Toliara I and Toliara II Districts are literate.

72 Level 1 Employs a nurse, and provides consultation and medication, Level 2, employes a doctor and a sanitary help, has limited hospitalisation facilities, deliveries, consultations and medication 73 Development for Toliara Province 74 USAID, Toliara Regional Expanded Impact Project: Atsimo Andrefana Region, Madagascar, Annual Report 2006-2007, submitted November 29th, 2007, Silver Spring, Maryland. 75 Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative, Country Briefing: Madagascar Multi-dimensional Poverty Index, at a Glance, December 2011, University of Oxford, Oxford 76 USAID Toliara Regional 77 Ibid

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4.4 Communes

State land is delimited according to commune and administered by the Mayor. All inhabitants of a commune have the right of access to and use of their commune’s land. Within the commune however, land is further subdivided into village land and for agricultural purposes villagers mainly confine themselves to their own village land.

The project falls within four Communes namely Ankilimalinike (mine site), Tsianisiha (haul road), Maromiandra (transfer station), and Toliara I Commune (jetty).

4.4.1 Ankilimalinike Commune

The mine site is situated in the Ankilimalinike Commune (-22° 57' 9.22", +43° 33' 51.42"), which is located North of Toliara town, and is traversed by the Manombo River. It is found approximately seven miles inland from the coast.

4.4.2 Tsianisiha Commune

The new proposed haul road running south of the mine site to the northern bank of the Fiherenana River runs through two Communes including Ankilimalinike Commune and Tsianisiha Commune. The town centre of this commune is Tsianisiha town, and ninety-eight percent of the households in this commune practice either subsistence agriculture or animal husbandry.

4.4.3 Maromiandra Commune

Maromiandra (-23°27‟24.16”, +43° 70‟ 99.58”) is found just north of the Fiherenana River. Its population is almost entirely dependent on subsistence agriculture, including maize, sugarcane, cassava and sweet potato crops. Both a primary and secondary school are found in the main town of Maromiandra.

4.4.4 Toliara I Commune

The Toliara Commune is found just south of the capital, Toliara. It comprises five fokontany and its population is almost entirely dependent on fishing, informal trade, and subsistence agriculture, including maize, sugarcane, cassava and sweet potato crops.

4.5 Land tenure

Despite the land reforms programmes continued success and expansion across the country, the programme and attendant system of guichets, has not been formally launched in the Atsimo- Andrefana Region and in the Communes located close to the mine site.

The Land Observatory notes that this is mainly due to the fact that the land reform programme was 90% funded by donor organisations that often linked the guichets to other development objectives in specific parts of the country where they already had projects, networks and relationships, and unfortunately the Atsimo-Andrefana Region was not in the privileged position of already having long-established relationships with major donor agencies, and has hence it is one of the few areas in the entire country to not have access to the guichet system, as demonstrated in Figure 4-3.

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Figure 4-3: Location of Guichets Fonciers in Madagascar (blue dots denote regions that have yet to receive guichets)

However, in the absence of infrastructure and institutional support, the communes in the Atsimo- Andrefana Region rely on a system known as petits papiers (little papers). In collaboration with local officials at the fakotony or commune level, individuals draw up papers attesting to their rights. These stamped documents include information about the estimated size of the plot, neighbours‟ names, the details of the owner, and how the right to the land was acquired.78

The petits papiers approach was widespread before the launch of the Land Reform, and remains the preferred means by which rural households “prove” their land ownership. The process is low- cost, familiar to most rural households, and provides paperwork that in many instances is considered official for any contractual obligations that may be entered into.

However, as government functionaries working on the Land Reform explain, “The feeling of land tenure security conveyed by these “petits papiers” is valid for a local security, but they do not protect from tactics of spoliation from outside.”79 If anything, these papers can help launch a process for proving ownership, but they are legally unsound and do not suffice to prove de facto rights to land.

It is safe to assume that in the three commune study areas, a portion of local farmers have petits papiers but that formal, legal documentation is rare if they exist at all. Too costly and often subject to a far-flung, complicated and difficult to understand system, the Land Reform will not have been adequately adopted in the study area.

78 Teyssier et al, Decentralization of Land Management 79 Teyssier et al, Decentralization of Land Management

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In Belalanda, for example, most individuals do not have title deeds, in part because they wish to avoid paying land taxes, but probably more importantly because the system is poorly understood, and they would have to travel to Toliara Town to meet with the local lands and topography offices.

Typically, people are content to operate within the customary system, whereby lands are passed from one generation to the next and neighbours and friends can attest to this inter-generational transfer.80 Under customary law, one acquires rights to a piece of land if one clears and cultivates it.

80 The United Nations Development Program and Vondrona Ivon‟ny Fampandrosoana Toliara, Plan Communal de Développement de la Commune Rurale de Belalanda, District de Toliara II, Region Atsimo Andrefana, Toliara, January 2009,

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5. SOCIO-ECONOMIC DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY AREA Preferred site

5.1 Introduction

This section of the report provides a detailed description of the socio-economic context of the study area, and presents the finding from the household survey, key informant interviews and focus group meetings. This includes a socio-economic description of the towns and villages affected by mining activities including the construction of the haul road, the loading and the jetty located in close proximity to the Toliara Lagoon.

5.2 Description of the Study Area

The mining concession area is situated approximately 40 km north of Toliara Town and 10 km inland from the coast. It lies immediately adjacent to the escarpment of a limestone plateau to the east and a dry spiny forest thicket to the west known as the Ranobe Forest.

Adjacent to the concession are rural villages surrounded by agricultural fields, secondary vegetation and forest. Many villages are located along the RN9 which connects Toliara with Morombe, and typically villages comprise houses made of wattle and mud, which range from one roomed structures to fenced compounds containing several structures. There are three access routes from the RN9 to the mine lease area. The villages and access routes in the mine lease area are presented in Figure 2-1. This area covers a narrow north-south valley which has been impacted upon by significant deforestation over the years. It is currently used for natural resource extraction, seasonal agriculture, including temporary habitation and the grazing of stock, and several tombs are situated in the mine lease area.

Small businesses, typically shops, do exist in the larger towns close to the mine lease area (i.e. Benetse), and families often practice multiple livelihood strategies such as producing rum, collecting and selling wild foods, producing charcoal or providing basic artisanal services in order to sustain their families. Incomes are generally low, and typically only homes that are near tourist destinations (i.e. Ifaty and Mangily) can access the internet, or even electricity.

5.3 Local Governance

The mining concession area is located in Atsimo-Andrefana Region , which is headed by a Chef de Region. Regions are further subdivided into Fivondronana (Districts) headed by a Chef which in turn is subdivided into Firaisana or Communes headed by a Maire (mayor). The study area is located in the District of Toliara II, and falls within the Communes of Ankilimalinike, Tsianisiha, and Maromiandra.

The communes are governed by a committee consisting of; a Mayor, a first adjunct of the Mayor, who is in charge of economic affairs; a second adjunct, who is in charge of social affairs including education, health and culture; a secretary; a treasurer and a tax inspector, who collects taxes at the local markets. The smallest administrative unit is the Fokontany or Quartier, which corresponds closest to the general notion of village81 and which is headed by a Chef de Quartier. Quartiers are however informally still further subdivided into villages, which are areas housing people of the same clan and which are headed by traditional chiefs (Mpitokazomanga). These chiefs play an important role in the traditional cultural activities of the community.82

Village chiefs and elders usually meet once a month to discuss development, health, hygiene, education, agriculture, and security. The community provide village leaders with suggestions for development projects, which are submitted to the Government. Fokontany members are remunerated with a basic salary, and report to the Mayor who is represented by a delegate in each

81 Fokontany will in the remainder of the report be referred to as villages 82 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa.

Coastal & Environmental Services 32 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 commune.83 When there is a conflict in the community, people first consult their chiefs and wise men for advice. If the village chiefs and wise men cannot solve the problem, people will then approach the President of Fokontany, and if the issue is still unresolved they will then approach the Mayor.

According to village chiefs, the villages in the study area are peaceful, and in most instances conflict between neighbours occurs over land issues, cattle theft and water supply. For example, conflict can arise amongst women collecting water from wells for cooking and bathing, and amongst men collecting water from the canal for farming activities.

5.4 Demographics

The study area has a density of 36 people km², and household sizes vary between four to eight household members. The current trend is for women to have children at a younger age, and it is not uncommon for a woman to bear her first child at the age of 14.Two thirds of the population are under 20 years of age, and 40% of the population is of working age. Over 80% of households are based in rural areas, and population growth is below the national average, at about 2.2%84.

In the household survey sample the gender ratio between men and women was just skewed of 50% with a total of 678 men and a total of 670 women. The average household size is six people, and as demonstrated in Figure 5-1 the households are dominated by children and young adults, which make up more than 55% of the sample population.

In the study area the villages range from small populations of about 120 people to much larger populations of about 4,412 people. The majority of the villages have seen an increase in population sizes due to increased birth rates, although some villages reported to have a net out migration of families due to the shortage of irrigation water and land for agriculture.

25

20

15

% of Individuals 10

5

0 0-6 years 7-12 years 13-18 years 19-30 years 31-40 years 41-50 years 51 onwards

Figure 5-1: Age of household members by percentage

The village populations in the study area are presented in Table 5-1 below.

83 Key informant interviews with village Chiefs and Elders, June 2012. 84 UNDP, Plan Communal de Développement

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Table 5-1: Population statistics Total Total Commune Population Population Population change in recent years Ankilimalinike (2004)* (2012)** Ampasimanilike 613 766 Increase due to in-migration for agricultural land Ankilimalinike 4 412 5 500 Increased live births Andombiry 1 216 1 500 Increased live births and in-migrations Andrevo Bas 2 400 2 848 Increased live births Andrevo Haut 979 1100 Increased live births Antapoake 735 940 In-migration from Toliara and Antsevo, increased live births Benetse 3 067 4 200 In-migration from Toliara of families in search of agricultural land, and increased live births Ranobe 1 716 2 000 Some in-migration, increased live births Saririaka 2 695 3 173 Increased live births Sikily 120 138 In-migration Tanandave 1 963 2 253 Increased live births Ankatrakatra Tanambe Manirisoa 1 045 1 254 Increased live births Tanandava Metayer 665 820 In-migration Sub Total 22 173 27 442 Total Total Commune population population Population change in recent years Tsianisiha (2004)* (2012)** Beravy Antsoity 454 300 Decrease due to drought and lack of food Beravy Ambala 558 554 Decrease due to water shortages Beravy bas 2 188 2780 Increased live births Tsianisiha 3 517 4550 In- migration, increased live births Tsiafanoka 2 171 4500 In-migration, increased live births Antanimena 738 848 Decrease due to the village having been divided into two. One part (Andabatoka) has been included in the commune of Maromiandra Antanimikody 558 700 In-migration, increased live births Sub Total 11 616 14 358 Total Total Commune Population Population Population change in recent years Maromiandra (2004)* (2012)** Ampanlia - 1 900 - Andranoboka - 1 900 Increase due to in-migration for agricultural land Ankarandoha - 120 - Antsarihy - 120 - Sub Total - 4 040 Total Total Commune Toliara I Population Population Population change in recent years (2004)* (2012)** Sakabera - 1 900 In-migration, increased live births Ambohitsabo - 1 100 - Tsongobory - 900 - Anketraka - 2 100 - Le Batterie - 4 500 In-migration, increased live births Sub Total 11 490 *Source: 2004 population figures are from the Statistics Sous prefecture, 2004, **Source: From key informant interviews with village Chiefs

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5.5 Land tenure

Most land in the area is state owned. However it is considered by communities as communal ancestral land, and consists of savannah, forest or scrub and serves as pastoral land, land for slash and burn cultivation, as well as a source of natural resources.

According to traditional custom, ancestral land is inherited. A local resident can acquire access to a new piece of communal land, by asking permission from the Mayor and the village chief, after which he can clear the land for cultivation. Clearing of new land, although common practice, is however illegal. Arrangements, where landowners let others cultivate their land for a share of the profit, are common practice in the area. This practice is mainly used for the slash and burn cultivation of maize and manioc.

Immigrants to the area can obtain land through three mechanisms: through fatidra (which is the ritual of becoming a blood brother), through matrilineal descent or through negotiations (ziva). According to Malagasy law compensation for the use of communal land by an outsider is restricted to compensation for agricultural crops. No compensation for grazing and natural resource use is required.

Villages can also obtain a title deed on their land and recently, partially as a result of the mining initiative, which has added to local fears of loss of access to land, individuals as well as villages have applied for title deeds. Currently several areas have a pre-title deed status, which means that an option on the land has been deposited with the land administration department and that the process of obtaining the title deed has been set in motion.

Table 5-2 provides data on villages in the study area which currently have pre-title and title deeds. During focus group meetings in Benetse, meeting participants stated that everyone owns their land, and that the government is preparing title deeds. “The government gave us land, and we did not purchase this land”.85 According to focus group participants in the Maromiandra Commune community meeting, land was sold to their forefathers by colonists who still own the title to the land. As such, very few individuals in the study area have title deeds for the land that they own (refer to Table 5-2), and in the Ankilimalinike Commune there is apparently not enough land for the growing population, which is fuelling conflict in the community.

On average it was reported that 2% of households have more than two hectares of land, and that the majority of households have less than half a hectare.86

85 Focus group meeting discussions with village Chiefs and Elders, June 2012. 86 Ibid.

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Table 5-2: Land ownership in the study area Fokontany Pre title deed Title deed Andombiry Some individuals - Andrevo bas - 1 person Ampasimanilike Village - Benetse* Some individuals 7 individuals Saririake - 60 individuals Sikili - 1 person Ankilimalinike - Some individuals Antsoity - 20 individuals Ambala Some individuals - Beravy bas Some individuals - Antanimikody - Some individuals Tanandava Metayer - Some individuals Tsiafanoka Some individuals 2 individuals Ampanlia Some individuals - Andranoboka Some individuals - Ankarandoha Some individuals - Antsarihy Some individuals - Sakabera Some individuals - Ambohitsabo Some individuals - Tsongobory - Some individuals Anketraka Some individuals Some individuals Le Batterie - A number of individuals Source: 2006 baseline study and focus group interviews with community members, 2012

During the household interviews, the vast majority of interviewees confirmed that their landholdings were privately owned (73%). However, this does not indicate that households have legal title deed. In all likelihood, individuals are in possession of the petits papiers recognised by local officials but which may not hold up in a court of law. As Figure 5-2 demonstrates, an additional 20% of respondents are either unsure of or were unable to provide information about their land ownership status, further confirmation of the confusing land titling regime in rural areas.

80.00%

70.00%

60.00%

50.00%

40.00% Percentage of households 30.00%

20.00%

10.00%

0.00% Privately Renting Communaly Unknown N/A owned owned

Figure 5-2: Land ownership types in study area Source: Household survey, 2012

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5.6 Use of the mining lease area

The mine lease area is used by the communes for grazing, natural resource collection and seasonal agriculture. It also houses their tombs (for additional data refer to Section 5.17.5). The area adjacent to the lime stone escarpment is rich in underground water and as such attractive for agriculture. Several small temporary settlements (often only 1 or 2 families) involved in maize, manioc and cotton growing are located in the eastern part of the mining area. These families might be involuntarily displaced as a result of mining activities. WTR is aware of these families and where possible, physical displacement will be avoided, and implemented, as a last resort, in line with the requirements of the World Bank and the IFC.

Negotiations between WTR and the Communes have been undertaken and it was agreed that the mining company could explore the area for mining purposes. Several conditions were however set, including continued use of parts of the lease area that are not in the mine path; General compensation of the surrounding communities in terms of development initiatives; Compensation for lost resources, Post mining Rehabilitation; and, continued consultation with affected parties.

A Surface Right application (Droit de sol) for the mining area has been deposited by the mining company with the Department for Land Administration and a cadastral survey (état parcelair) of the mining area was conducted in 2004. A census and asset inventory of affected land, grazing areas, graves, fields, and crops is currently being undertaken by Toliara Sands.

Villages in the study area are more or less spread out and consist of clusters of traditional houses. The area of land allocated to specific villages for grazing and agriculture (by particular individuals) identified by the survey indicate that additional areas to those identified in the 2006 baseline study are currently under agriculture. This is congruent with the temporal and changing nature of agricultural practice in the area.

5.7 Livelihood Strategies

The main livelihood strategies in the study area are agriculture, livestock farming, collection of natural plant resources and the production of charcoal. The potential for commercial agriculture is hampered by problems such as distance between producing areas and internal and external markets, poor transport infrastructure, low monetary returns to farmers and lack of irrigation, modern techniques and capital.87

The collapse of the feeder dam on the Manombo River in 1978, which affected the canal that provides irrigation to the area was a great setback for the local rice and maize farmers in the study area. As a result, the commercialisation of natural resources such as firewood and charcoal, have become an important part of the livelihood strategy in the area. The dam has recently been repaired and agricultural activities are slowly being re-established.

Although some households in the project area are exclusively involved in one livelihood activity such as fishing or charcoal production, the majority of households practice a multiple livelihood strategy that combines a number of subsistence and income producing activities including crop cultivation, rearing of livestock, foraging and hunting in the forest, fishing and the production of charcoal. The breakdown of traditional lifestyles and the need to enhance food security as a result of an unpredictable climate and water shortages are some of the main reasons for the development of a mixed economy. Table 5-3 presents the relative involvement of the villages in the different livelihood strategies.

87 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa.

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Table 5-3: Livelihood activities in the villages in the study area Agriculture Livestock Hunting/ Fokontany Fishing Charcoal crops farming gathering Ampasimanilike All All None All Some gathering Ankilimalinike Many Many None Some Some Andombiry Many Many None Many Some Andrevo Bas 5% 5% 95% 10% none Andrevo Haut All 70% 80% 70% None Antapoake Many Many None Some Many Benetse All 50% None 50% Some Ranobe Many Many Many None Many Saririaka Many Many None 12 Many Households Sikily Many Many None Many Many Tanandave Many Many None Many Many Ankatrakatra Tanambe Manirisoa Many Many 1 person Many Many Tanandava Metayer Many Many Some Many Some Beravy Antsoity Many Many Some Many Many Beravy Ambala Many Many None Many Some hunting Beravy Bas Many Many Many Some Many Tsianisiha Many Many None Some Some Tsiafanoka All 80% None 10% Many Antanimena Many Many None Some None Antanimikody Many Some None Some Some Ampanlia Many Many None Some Few Andranoboka Many Many None Some Few Ankarandoha Many Many None Some None Antsarihy Many Many None Some None Sakabera 5% 40% Few 25% None Ambohitsabo Some Some 100% Some None Tsongobory Some Some 80% Some None Anketraka Few Some 80% Few None Le Batterie Few Some 100% Few None Source: 2006 baseline study and focus group interviews with community members, 2012

5.7.1 Agriculture

Two types of agriculture are practiced. Permanent agriculture, which is used for cotton, and slash and burn, in the local dialect called hatsaky, which is used for maize and manioc crops. Hatsaky which is carried out mainly in the savannah and near the escarpment, has a low productivity, and. plots are generally abandoned after 3-5 years. Although declared illegal because of its negative effect on the environment, hatsaky is still popular, since people believe that returning to old fields will not bring good yields.

In the study area agriculture is mainly manual, using oxen to plough the land, and those without ploughs use spades. Households located close to the Fiherenana River are able to grow crops by river beds and have relatively good soil. A small portion of households have canal irrigation systems in place, although these can become choked with sand and are typically not well maintained. Several of the villages in the study area are connected to the 17km long irrigation network which uses water from the Manombo River. However the water distribution is not well organised and villages further along the canal do not receive sufficient water. As such, communities are reliant on rain fed agricultural production.88

88 UNDP, Plan Communal de Développement

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Prior to the 2009 political crisis a majority of villages in the study area grew cotton, which was organised by HASYMA, a privatised government organisation that assisted cotton growers with seeds, agricultural inputs and who committed to purchasing, and collecting their crops. The costs of the inputs were then deducted from the income of the cotton farmer when the harvest was purchased. However the cotton textile industry has declined and as a result cotton is no longer an important source of income for the area. In 2002 the cotton yield in the village of Tsianisiha was 270 tons and in Ankilimalinike 950 tons 89, and recently cotton growing in the region is regaining some strength, although during focus group interviews it was reported that poor rainfall in 2011 affected crop productions.

The region is marked by its reliance on the production of maize, which is an important cash and subsistence crop in the region. During the 1980‟s and 1990‟s as the country opened up to trade liberalization, and following in the footsteps of EU policies that promoted the growth of Reunion island‟s cattle rearing, Madagascar‟s southern regions invested in large-scale maize production for export, moving away from growing the crop for subsistence purposes and instead focusing on the supply of animal feed.90

At the height of the maize trade, a dozen Toliara-based companies were supplying a minimum of 4,000 tons of maize per annum to Reunion. For almost a decade farmers remained competitive in exporting maize for animal fodder to Reunion, however in 2002 the maize export declined and the village of Tsianisiha produced only 30 tonnes of maize while the village of Ankilimalinike produced only 200 tonnes of which 120 tonnes were consumed locally.91 Despite its geographic strategic advantage, its supply chain suffered inefficiencies and subsequently, the region lost its competitive edge.

Rice is the preferred staple diet of the people in the study area and it is grown wherever there is enough water, but particularly around the Manombo River near Ankililoaka. Since the collapse of the irrigation system, rice production has increased in the study area.

Manioc is essentially a subsistence crop. While people prefer to eat rice, manioc is the staple food in periods of drought and in between the rice harvests. In 2002 the yield for manioc in Tsianisiha was 150 tonnes and in Ankilimalinike 1650 tonnes. For the latter 650 tonnes was consumed locally.92

Sweet potatoes, pois du cap (Phaseolus linctus), lojy or antsoroko (Vigna sinensis), hantake (Dolichos lablab), butter beans, lentils, banana, mangoes, papaya and sugar cane are other subsistence crops cultivated by most of the villages in the study area, and surplus is often sold at local markets. Other crops grown include kira (green vegetables), carrots, cucumber, salad, and a Chinese leafy vegetable “petsay”.93 Some farmers take their surplus produce to Toliara Town, or alternatively collectors visit villages and local markets to purchase produce. Sugar cane is used locally for the preparation of rum.

In most of the villages household heads are responsible for farming. Men do the ploughing and the sowing of the seeds with their sons, while weeding and harvesting is done by both men and women, and women are usually responsible for selling excess crops at local markets.94

Generally maize is planted throughout the year, and other crops are planted mostly during the wet

89 Direction Régional Développement Rurale, figures for 2005 90 Minten et al, Trade Liberalization 91 Direction Régional Développement Rurale, figures for 2005 92 Plan communal de developpement commune rurale de Ankilimaliniky 2003, Plan de development commune rural de Tsihanisiha, 2003 93 Focus group meetings with community members, June 2012. 94 Bram Tucker, Mr. Tsimitamby, Frances Humber, Sophie Benbow, and Taku Iida, Foraging for Development: A Comparison of Food Insecurity, Production and Risk Among Farmers, Forest Foragers, and Marine Foragers in Southwestern Madagascar, Human Organization, Vol 69, No 4, 2010

Coastal & Environmental Services 39 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 season that runs between January and March. Cassava and maize are sold in June, July, August and September albeit for fairly uncompetitive prices as the crops are usually in abundance and lack the flavour and nutrient composition of wild foods. The seasonal calendar in Table 5-5 shows the planting and harvesting periods for the main crops in the study area.

Despite the high efforts invested in agricultural production, 77 % of the surveyed households stated that they experienced food shortages at some point during the year, predominantly in the period between January and March. Of the 77% households interviewed, 42% stated that this was mainly due to natural calamities, which is illustrative of the relative vulnerability of households to natural shocks and weather events.

A further 39% of the surveyed households indicated that they struggled to produce enough food to feed their families, likely linked to farmers‟ reliance on subsistence practices characterised by a lack of inputs or modern tools.

5.7.2 Animal husbandry

Zebu are the most important type of livestock in the area. These are not reared for commercial purposes but rather sold and bought according to a family‟s financial needs. In times of financial constraint zebu are sold for cash, and when there is extra income, this money is promptly invested in purchasing cattle. Besides being a measure of wealth, cattle are used during sacrificial ceremonies and as working animals to transport goods and plough fields. On average households in the study area own 12 heads of cattle. However some families own larger herds of approximately 50 heads of cattle, while others own none. In 2002 Ankilimalinike counted 2,500 zebus and Tsianisiha 395 zebus.95

Zebu generally roam freely in the communal areas and require minimum management. However, with increasing cattle theft zebu are now herded by paid herdsmen who during the dry season watch over grazing in the forested areas south of the mining concession. In order to provide sufficient grazing land for the cattle, areas of grassland are regularly burned to encourage new grass growth.96

Besides zebu, most families in the study area keep goats and chickens, and some families raise sheep, turkey, geese and pigs. Most livestock are sold opportunistically, when there is need for cash, and occasionally animals are slaughtered for consumption. This is with the exception of chickens which are often sold and prepared for guests, while zebu meat is regularly bought at the local market in Toliara.

Although 80% of households in the household survey own farm animals, the bulk of ownership is limited to small quantities of animals comprising mainly chickens, zebu and goats as demonstrated in Figure 5-3. Chickens are owned in the largest quantities, and ownership of large herds of zebu or flocks of chickens are limited to just under 10% of the surveyed households.

95 Plan communal de developpement commune rurale de Ankilimaliniky 2003, Plan de development commune rural de Tsihanisiha, 2003 96 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa.

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21 and more

11 to 20

Chickens Goats 1 to 10

Numberofanimals Zebu

Zero

0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 # of Households

Figure 5-3: Household ownership of popular livestock Source: Household survey, 2012

Animal husbandry meets with multiple challenges, not least of all the difficulties and expense related to obtaining proper vaccines. Veterinary clinics are practically unknown outside of the capital, and most households are unable to cover the costs of transporting a vet to their homes for assistance.97

Additionally, cattle theft is a serious problem in the area, and the security in the region has been greatly taxed by the growing presence of Dahalo, roving groups of bandits who practice cattle rustling. They are well organised, plot out their strikes thoughtfully in advance, and are typically armed with rifles, which they have been known to use. To respond to the violent and regular incursions of Dahalo, villages have set up their own security systems. In the Belalanda Commune, for example, men between the ages of 18-50 are obliged to pledge a portion of their time to night watches, though for lack of firearms, they often do so at their own risk.98 In 2001, 1000 head of zebu were stolen in Ankilimalinike, and recently families have also started investing in pigs (who can more easily be supervised) rather than in cattle.

Prices for livestock are dependent on the size and gender of the animal. In the study area, the price for a zebu ranges from MGA300,000.00 to MGA500,000.00, while a sheep can cost anything between MGA70,000.00 and MGA100,000.00, and a goat can cost between MGA80,000.00 and MGA100,000.00. Chicken are sold in most local markets, and prices for chickens range from MGA5,000.00 to MGA15,000.00.

5.7.3 Fishing

Although fishing is the primary source of livelihood for 59,000 fishermen across Madagascar, only a few villages in the study area are involved in fishing. Most fishing in the area is traditional, and undertaken by the Vezo ethnic group inhabiting coastal Communes from Toliara northwards to Mahajanga. They are excellent sailors, and rarely use motorised boats, but instead catch fish in traditional wooden boats (pirogue) hollowed out from tree trunks and fitted with one outrigger pole and a rectangular sail.

The principle fish caught include finfish (reef fish, mangrove associated species, demersals and

97 UNDP, Plan Communal de Développement 98 Ibid

Coastal & Environmental Services 41 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 pelagics), elasmobranches (sharks, rays and sawfish), marine mammals (dolphins and dugongs), sea turtles, crustaceans (shrimp, lobster and mangrove crab), cephalopods (octopus, squid and cuttlefish), and echinoderms (sea cucumbers and edible urchins).

Traditionally, fishing is done less than 10 kilometres from the shore in the barrier reef, lagoons and mangrove systems using small nets, spears or lines.99 More recently, some fishermen have resorted to more environmentally harmful practices, using large nets. Efforts have been made to reduce these practices in part because local lagoon‟s fish stock are being depleted although no official bans have been established on the size of the catch a single fishermen can make in a single day or month.100 Fishing in Ranobe Lake is mainly for local consumption.

Fishermen generally go out to sea early in the morning in groups of three (also sometimes at night). Often family members work together, but teams can consist of acquaintances. In such cases, harvests are divided equally amongst the members of the team. It is usually the men who fish, but when fish are plentiful women also go to sea, although women mainly play an important role selling fish at local markets, and children collect small fish from the lake shores.

During the return trip from a fishing expedition, fish are sorted and at arrival the harvest is ready to be sold. Hotel owners and local people buy at the shore. Fish are generally transported to the market in local taxis (brousses), while the remaining catch is brought to the homestead where the women further sort the fish and prepare them for selling to the collectors for onward sale in the urban centres. Collectors often have a contract with the fishermen, which commit them to buying their catch. Fish are also bartered with the mikea ethnic group for wild foods.

During the summer months between February and November, fisherman focus on catching large shoals of tovy (small fishes), which are commonly fished using mosquito nets. During the month of December sea turtles are either harvested at low tide on the reef flats or by free diving or scuba diving. Although this is an illegal activity, it is difficult to manage and control. Only few larger motorised vessels and trawlers are used, mainly for trawling for prawns. Fishing in Ranobe Lake is mainly for local consumption.

Some of the challenges facing fisherman include limited access to credit to buy faster, larger boats or invest in their supply chain, low yields, and often fisherman are susceptible to preventable diseases such as malaria, diarrhoea, and respiratory infections.

5.7.4 Charcoal makers

Charcoal is produced by men, women and children mostly during the dry season between May and October, and although charcoal making is considered an illegal practice, it is allowed if charcoal makers are registered with the Association of Coal Producers, “TONGASOA”, and produce a maximum of 30 bags every three months. This Association was initiated by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) after the Government tried to prohibit the production of charcoal, and it is based in Ankatrakatrake.

In the study area 23% of the charcoal producers have operating licences, and during focus group interviews it was difficult to establish the amount of charcoal produced by these individuals given the reluctance to share information about an illegal practice.101 In the household survey only six survey participants (3%) claimed that they produce charcoal.

However, the research team observed widespread production and rudimentary storage sites suggesting that impositions and fines on unregulated charcoal production may lead individuals to deny participation in the trade even though the charcoal business, which started in 1980, is rapidly expanding, and almost all villages in the study area engage in the charcoal trade. .

99 Reef Doctor, Vezo People: The Stakeholders, accessed July 31st, 2012 100 African Development Fund, Madagascar Tuléar Fishing Communities 101 UNDP, Plan de développement

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5.7.5 Rum production

Rum is produced throughout Madagascar, and the popular toaka gasy, is usually made in small production runs at the village level. It is a crucial component of many religious ceremonies, and is regularly consumed by a large portion of the population.

Homemade rum is not supposed to be sold, but this law is regularly ignored. For many homes, rum provides an important source of income when crop yields are low, as demand for alcohol is constant. Even at the lowest level of production, a household may make about USD18 per year, though research shows that more diligent producers can earn as much as USD 1,280, which is triple the average national household income.102

Rum is produced from sugar cane mixed with a substantial amount of perfumed bark, largo, to drive the distillation process, and as a result this production process adds extra strain to existing forest resources as areas are cleared for sugarcane farming, and trees stripped of their bark die.

5.7.6 Artisanal work and trade

Many households in the study area secure multiple livelihood opportunities in order to hedge against crop failures or other unforeseen disasters. For some, this means developing artisanal skills and offering services to neighbours. Artisans in masonry, carpentry, sewing, basket weaving and forest forging make up a small segment of the population (2%), and due to supply constraints and the upfront costs of materials, carpenters and iron-workers usually only build and craft on request.

Carpenters tend to construct carts, boats and furniture, and women tend to sew and weave baskets from reeds collected from lakes or river beds. Of the households surveyed, only 7% indicated possessing an artisanal skill, namely dressmaking and masonry.

Very few people are employed with government institutions and a small percentage of the population are employed by the tourism, and in the Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) sector. For example Spirnam is an NGO growing spirulina for commercial sale in the area. Most villages do however have at least one small bar and shop selling diverse goods such as soaps, basic foods – both perishable and preserved – airtime, plastic wares and daily necessities.

Outside of Toliara I, there are a few large businesses, but there are approximately 3,400 microenterprises employing 70% of the private-sector labour force.103 They are involved in property development, construction, transport services, restaurant and hotel management, extractive industries (typically in small scale gem or mineral mining), and basic sales.

5.8 Other natural Resource uses

Local households are very dependent on natural resources for their livelihoods. In the study area men are reported to hunt wild animals during the dry season using riffles, and snares to capture small buck including kibo, tandraky, and tambotriky, and given the heavy reliance on subsistence farming, it is not surprising that hunting and collecting plants are an important resources for the daily survival of the villagers.

The forest provides wood for constructing houses, fences, boats, oxcarts, furniture and sculptures, and wild fruits (lamoty, andranaha, kapiky ala), and tubers (ovyala, babo, balo, sosa, fagnitsy) for household consumption, as well as, honey and medicinal plants.

102 Mitchel T. Irwin and Hasina Vololona Ravelomanantsao, Illegal Rum Production Threatens Health of Lemur Populations at Tsinjoarivo, eastern central Madagascar: Brief Report and Request for Information, Lemur News, Vol. 9, 2004 103 SPREAA

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According to the WWF more than 20% of the forest species are used for medicinal purposes and forest animals such as, guinea fowl, bush pig, tenrecs and tortoises are hunted104.

Forests are generally held in high regard by local people and are believed to be populated by spirits of the ancestors. Villagers revere certain trees as sacred such as the Tamarindus indica L. (Kily), and the baobab, which is often situated in or on the edge of the village and which is used for community meetings and offerings.

Some communities along the coast bordering the RN9 Highway collect coral reef for building materials (i.e. Ambalaboy), and other communities engage in salt production for commercial sale. This is particularly evident in Ifaty where Toliara Sands assisted a community project with establishing a salt farm.

The area around Ranobe Lake provides reeds (vondro – Typha angustifolia) for thatching, and some dwellings are constructed from wattle and daub with a thatched roof, whilst others consist of concrete blocks with a corrugated iron roof. Figure 5-4 illustrates the percentage of surveyed households that collect non-timber forest products as part of their livelihood strategies.

In the household survey, not a single participant admitted to hunting small animals or birds, only two respondents stated that they collected wood for furniture production, and a limited 10% of the participants confirmed that they collect fuel wood for energy, however, informal discussions with villagers and observations in the field suggest that locals regularly practice these activities. Given that forest harvesting for timber use is frowned upon by local conservation groups and the WWF, the fear of fines, and or other legal repercussions may have guided participants‟ responses.

Collecting grass for thatching

Collecting medicinal plants

Collecting wild fruits and vegetables

0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% 35.00% Percentage of Homes

Figure 5-4: Percentage of homes that collect non-timber forest products Source: Household survey, 2012

5.8.1 Seasonal calendar

Cognisance of seasonal activities is important for the assessment of project impacts and planning of the mitigation. Table 5-4 presents a seasonal calendar for the study area.

104 Julie Bremner, Increase in Charcoal Production Efficiency and the Implementation of a Sustainable Charcoal Supply Chain to the City of Toliara in Southwestern Madagascar, work term report for WWF, Ankilimalinika, 2010

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Table 5-4: Seasonal calendar for the study area Activities/ Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Characteristics Rainy seasons (asara) Hunt and gather Forest burning and clearing Cotton sowing Cotton harvest Maize sowing Maize harvest Rice sowing Rice harvest Cassava planting Cassava harvesting Fishing small fish Charcoal Malaria Flu and coughs Circumcision Wedding Fanambadiana Bathing of royal relics Tromba (spirit possession) Bilo Period of least food Schools closed Source: community meeting

Table 5-4 demonstrates that the period April to June is high activity agricultural practices. During the rainy season, when food supply is limited because the harvests are largely consumed, hunting and foraging is important, while the period between August and December is important for socio- cultural activities and rituals. The period between January and March (i.e. before harvesting) is when households relying primarily on subsistence farming are most vulnerable to food shortages.

As such food supply is dependent on two distinct weather patterns over the course of a year – a rainy season from November to April, and a dry season from May to October. Table 5-5 highlights some of the key food products that become available to eat over the course of the year.

Table 5-5: Seasonal cultivation, food collection and fishing calendar Food Crops Cultivated Rice Rainy season, late dry season Maize Rainy season, early dry season, late dry season Wild Foods Collected Ovy Tubers Dry season Honey Rainy season Freshwater fish Year round Mango Rainy season Marine Foods Caught Octopus Springtide Sea cucumber Springtide Crabs Year-round Source: Tucker et al, Foraging for Development and Mahr et al, Nutrition Education for Illiterate Children

During the raining season crops grown include cassava, lentil, maize, cotton, sweet potatoes, artemesia, sugar cane, bananas, vegetables (tomatoes, onions, watercress), beans and mangoes, and during the dry season corn, cassava, lentils and beans are grown.

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5.9 Conservation

5.9.1 Community-based resource management

The natural resources in the study area are currently under threat. In addition to the destruction of the forest as a result of charcoal production by local villagers, commercial timber extraction by companies in Toliara (much of which is allegedly illegal) is also on the increase. Licenses for the exploitation of timber for local and commercial use in the forested areas are granted by the Ministère de l’Environnement des Eaux et Forêts.

However, as a result of over-consumption of natural resources, abuses of the licensing system and current trends in participatory conservation management, community based natural resource management initiatives in the area have been developed.

For example, FiMaMi (Fikambanana Miaro ny Alan’I Mikea), an inter communal association for the conservation of the Mikea Forest, consisting of the mayors of all the firaisana around the Mikea forests was set up as a network for conservation and development in the Mikea region, and to take over the execution of some of the government functions with regard to management of natural resource use.

As part of this initiative, management of local resource use is negotiated between local stakeholder communities. This is called Gestion Local Sécurisée (Gelose).

The Gelose is organised at three levels, namely at the committee concentration (at village level) at the structure communale (commune level) and at the structure inter communautaire (at firaisana level). Once agreement is reached on resource use issues at all levels, a dina, which is a kind of interior rule based on local custom, is formulated. The decision made by the Gelose and the dina are subsequently ratified by national law.

These new initiatives are still in their initial stages and currently work parallel with Government structures. In the study area there is only one Gelose, namely in the village of Ranobe. The Malagasy organisation SAGE currently provides capacity building services for the Gelose.105

5.9.2 WWF Project for the creation of a protected area

The World Wide Fund for Nature‟s (WWF) work in the district is heavily focused on restoring and protecting portions of the country‟s unique Mikea forest, a transition ecosystem with attributes of both the South‟s spiny forest and more northern deciduous forests. Despite its importance as a biome supporting endemic species – some areas report 90% plan endemism – as well as rare species, such as threatened tortoises and lemurs, the forest in its entirety is not protected by the government, and is subject to rapid degradation trends, notably as villagers seek more farmland, fuelwood and biomass for charcoal production.

Attempts have been made to decentralize management of the forest, through the State‟s “Gelose” (Gestion Locale de Securité) system which devolves management rights to villages bordering forest.

The mine lease area neighbours an area that is currently the focus of a conservation initiative. The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) funded by Conservation International (CI) is undertaking a feasibility study for the creation of a protected area located between the Fiherenana River in the south and the Manombo River in the north. The western boundary of the area of interest is the sea, whilst the Plateau Mikoboka forms the eastern boundary.

105 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa.

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Seven communes are concerned by the conservation project: Behompy, Belalanda, Miary, Tsianisiha, Maromiandra, Marofoty and Ankilimalinike. The activities of the project affect approximately thirty fokontany of these communes.

The project intends to identify several zones in the proposed protected area. These include a hard core zone, including the different habitats (plants and animals), for complete protection; buffer zones which will allow limited activity and resource use, a service zone for tourism and educational activities and, an area for habitation of the people who already reside in the area.

In line with current conservation philosophy, the conservation plan will be developed in consultation with the local population and will include a sustainable community development plan. Since the mining lease area neighbours the proposed conservation area and the haul road passes through the proposed conservation area, close collaboration between the mining project proponent and the conservation initiative is important.

5.10 Standard of Living

Most households consume on a daily basis sweet potato leaves, pounded cassava and maize. Very few households consume meat more than once a week and most households living by the coast consume fish at least three times a week.

The World Food Program (WFP) estimates that the Atsimo Andrefana Region is one of the most vulnerable and food insecure areas in the country, with over a quarter million people at risk of experiencing acute shocks due to droughts. In a 2009/2010 survey, close to 100% of households assessed by the WFP had experienced reduced food supply, and suffered a net decline in their capacity to meet basic survival needs due to extreme weather events.106

Minten et al in focus group interviews with community members in Benetse found that more than 70% of households linked deforestation to decreases in agricultural production and experienced greater frequency of droughts and water shortages than they had in the past.107

Households in Benetse stated that land availability was diminishing, and that crop yields were decreasing. Many homes indicated that they are unable to cover the expense of basic food staples, as prices increase during this time of need. In the “hunger” season (i.e. January to March) farmers are often driven to take out loans, and pledge a significant portion of their harvest for a minimal amount of money.108 Children are also known to eat unripe mango or cactus fruit in an attempt to stave off hunger during the “hunger” season (kerepaosa).109

It is important however to re-emphasise that most households have a mixed livelihood and adjust their income generating activities according to their current needs. Average monthly incomes are therefore difficult to assess, and although subsistence livelihood strategies are important, the communities in the study area function as cash economies, and not much bartering takes place.

The average household income in the month preceding the household survey and during the dry season, was a reported MGA 185,000, or approximately USD 85. However, half of the surveyed households live on less than MGA 50,000 per month, or less than USD 1 per day.

Based on the household survey, the main sources of monetary income include sales of agricultural products, and formal employment. The third largest category - “other” comprised 19% of the total

106 World Food Program, Protracted Relief and Recovery Operation (PRRO 200065), Response to Current Recurrent Natural Disasters and Seasonal Food Insecurity in Madagascar, 2010 107 Minten et al, Trade Liberalization 108 Tucker et al, Foraging for Development 109 Johanna Mahr, Marzella Wuestefeld, Jope ten Haaf and Michael b Krawinkel, Nutrition Education for Illiterate Children in Southern Madagascar – Addressing their Needs, Perceptions and Capabilities, Public Health Nutrition: 8(4), September 2004

Coastal & Environmental Services 47 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 income generating sources – and is likely related to the use of natural resources. However, discussing the source of this income proved uncomfortable for respondents.

Household expenditures are dominated by food, clothing and medicine purchases, which make up just over 75% of total cash allocations (see Figure 5-5 below). “Other” (highlighted in yellow) covers all manner of investments including agricultural inputs and equipment, livestock purchases, school fees and supplies, and construction.

Figure 5-5: Percentage allocation of household expenditures Source: Household survey, 2012

The cost of food items varies in the different villages in the study area as represented in Table 5-6.

Table 5-6: Cost of food items in the study area in Ariary (MGA) Items Units Tsiafanoke Benetse Mangily Toliara Tomatoes 10 units 100 100 100 50 Onions 5 units 500 500 500 250 Cassava 6 units 300 300 400 600 Rice 1 tin 400 (not sold in 350 350 370 Tsiafanoke) Maize 1 tin 80 100 100 120 Butter beans 1 tin 600 400 600 600 Oil 1 litre 4,400 4,800 5,000 5000 Salt 1 tin 100 100 100 100

On average prices for basic food items in Toliara Town are more expensive than prices for basic food items in the rural communes. Most fresh vegetable are grown in the neighbouring rural villages of the region and sold with a marginal mark-up at the local market in Toliara.

Currently Toliara Sands employs 12 people from Benetse, which has had an impact on the lives of these employees. Although employment with Toliara Sands has not fundamentally changed their lifestyle, up to 60% of these employees are now able to use their incomes to purchase goods, which mostly include zebu, ox carts, bicycles and rifles for hunting birds.

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Given that Toliara Sands employs so few locals from the neighbouring villages, a slight increase in money circulation has not given rise to inflationary pressures in the local economy. Households in the area are generally poor with few material possessions, and relative wealth indicators include the number of livestock, and in particular the head of zebu owned by a household.

Only 13% of surveyed households own a mobile phone, and 14% own televisions. With regards to advancements in agricultural production, not a single person owns a tractor, and only 15% of the respondents stated that they own a plough. Bicycles are the preferred form of transport, and in the household survey 25% of the respondents own bicycles and just over 4% of the households in the survey sample own a car or a motorcycle.

Figure 5-6 provides a list of the most common household items in the study area, where only the most basic items are prevalent.

Bicycle Sewing machine Iron crockery Radio Bed with mattress Chair Mosquito net Table

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Percentage of Homes

Figure 5-6: Common household items in the study area Source: Household survey, 2012

5.11 Physical and Social Infrastructure

The physical and social infrastructure in the study area is generally poor. A summary of educational, health and trade infrastructure in the study area is presented in Table 5-7.

Table 5-7: Physical and social infrastructure Fokontany Education Health Trade Ampasimanilike  PS (1)  Borehole None Ankilimalinike  PS/ SS(2)  CSB II (3)  Market  Some pit latrines  4 shops Andombiry  PS  Borehole  Some food stalls Andrevo Bas  PS  6 boreholes with pumps  3 general shops  15 traditional boreholes  2 bars Andrevo Haut  PS  Borehole Andombiry  1 grocery shop  Manombo River  8 liquor stores  10 food stalls Antapoake  PS  2 uncovered boreholes  5 food stalls Benetse  PS (2)  CSB I  4 general shops  2 springs  Daily market  a water storage tank  3 groceries  10% of HH have a toilet 

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Fokontany Education Health Trade Ranobe  PS  Individual HH boreholes  1 general shop  Communal borehole with  8 food stalls pump Saririaka  PS  2 boreholes  3 general shops Sikily -  1 borehole - Tanandave -  No data  1 general shop Ankatrakatra Tanambe Manirisoa -  1 borehole  3 food stalls Tanandava Metayer -  River water - Beravy Antsoity  PS  CSB II  Ambulant food vendors  River water  Beravy Ambala -  River water  Ambulant food vendors Beravy Bas -  River water  7 food stalls Tsianisiha  PS /SS  CSB II  Market  River water  40 food stalls  1 borehole  3 grocery shops  1 shop ( clothing, plastic and metal ware) Tsiafanoka  PS  CSB I  3 food stalls  River water and pump  Daily market, but special  There were three manual day Sunday. water pumps but only the one which Toliara Sands built in 2012 is working. Antanimena -  River water  2 small shops  1 borehole Antanimikody -  River water  4 food vendors Ampanlia - - - Andranoboka -  No water pump and well - Ankarandoha - - - Antsarihy - - - Belalanda  PS/SS  Communal well  Police station  Water tank  Community centre

Sakabera -  No water pump and well - Ambohitsabo -  Community well - Tsongobory  PS/SS  1 borehole  Bar  Shops  Anketraka -  Community well  Le Batterie - - - Source: Community meetings (1) PS: Primary school (2) SS secondary school (3) CSB I and CSB II: Centre de Santé de Base, level 1 and level 2

The villages of Ankilimalinike and Tsianisiha, which are the head villages of the two Communes, are the most developed in terms of infrastructure. Table 5-10 further shows that there are five primary health care clinics in the area and that most people rely on boreholes for their water supply. However a substantial number of villages lack communal wells with pumps and use river water. There are no ablutions in the area.

There are two secondary schools in the area and the majority of villages have a primary school. However nine villages lack a primary school. In the Sakabera village it was reported that there is no Centre de Santé de Base (CSB), and that community members use either the CSB II in

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Maromiandra Commune or the hospital in Toliara.

The number of shops and the variety of goods available is limited. Local markets form the basis for the local cash economy. Each commune has a weekly market and farmers from commune villages and further afield bring their agricultural produce, which are bought by community members and middle men from urban areas i.e. Antananarivo. Mobile vendors (i.e. from the towns of Toliara, Mandrakandrina and Ambatolampy) sell goods which are not locally available, such as toiletries clothing, craft, kitchenware, jewellery and hardware.

There are specialised markets for the sale of cattle and meat, and there is virtually no local industry besides the production of local rum. In Ankilimalinike the market takes place on Sundays and in Tsianisiha on Mondays. In Sakabera there are few shops and no markets, as such community members are reported to visit the market in Belalanda. Tax is collected from stall holders on the markets (400 Ariary for non-food items and 200 Ariary for food items). In the study area none of the villages have community centres (mango trees are mainly used for gatherings), postal or banking facilities.

5.12 Health

The main health problems in the study are malaria, diarrhoea, upper respiratory infections, tuberculosis, STDs and parasites and in the areas around the lake, bilharzias, and health problems resulting from unclean water such as cholera are common (refer to Figure 5-7). The percentage of pregnant women in the study area with HIV is 1.17%110, which is relatively low. Only one household (0.4% of the sample) indicated that a household member was diagnosed with HIV. However the development plan for the Region identifies sexual tourism, especially amongst the youth who leave school early without prospects of employment, as a serious health risk.

In some villages prostitution is culturally accepted (i.e. Ifaty and Mangily), and it is normal for 12 year old girls to have two children. However, in villages neighbouring the mine lease area prostitution is not culturally accepted, and if a girl becomes a prostitute she is disowned by her family.111

Discussions with local health service providers indicated that although awareness campaigns have been held in the area and people have knowledge of HIV transmission mechanisms, the use of condoms (which are freely distributed to people) is very low, whilst promiscuity is very high. No HIV testing is available in the study area, except for pregnant women. Toliara Town is the nearest place that provides testing, counselling and treatment facilities for HIV.112

In 2004 a health survey was undertaken which indicated that 50% of children in households display symptoms of malaria, with 42% of households reporting that they did not use mosquito nets the evening prior to the survey. While in the 2012 household survey it was reported that 41% of households experienced malaria up to six months prior to the survey; although 83% of household stated that they had mosquito nets, and as such it may be that they are not regularly or properly used, or there is an inadequate supply for all household residents. 113

At the time of the study, healthcare professionals were striking and as a result no key interviews were held with clinic staff in the rural CBS. Dominant local illnesses are described in Figure 5-7, broken down by percent of household members experiencing the illness in the six months leading up to the survey, and while 80% of survey participants stated that they went to a clinic or hospital for the treatment of illness such as malaria, the use of medicinal plants in the study area is common. The use of medicinal plants is however difficult to practice, as the WWF fines people who

110 PSI Madagascar, Le mensuel. , avricl 2004, no 20 111 Focus group meeting with community leaders in Ranobe, 2012. 112 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa. 113 PSI Madagascar, Le mensuel. , avricl 2004, no 20

Coastal & Environmental Services 51 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 are caught foraging for medicinal plants in the protected forest. As such people no longer use the forest for collecting medicinal plants and grazing cattle, and in most communities a specific area is designated to grazing.

45%

40% 42% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 16% 16% 16% 10% 5% 6% 6% 0% Malaria Coughing Cholera Hepatitis Dental Diarrhoea

Figure 5-7: Most dominant illnesses experienced by household members Source: Household survey, 2012

Under these household conditions, disease vectors are multiplied, spread and in most instances they are then treated under sub standards conditions in rural clinics, while some villagers are reported to also consult traditional doctors and use medicinal plants.

5.13 Education

The educational facilities in communes are generally poor. Schools are not adequately equipped, teachers are poorly paid and insufficiently trained, and the teacher student ratio at is high. The villages neighbouring the mine lease area, only have access to two secondary schools in Ankilimalinike, and as a result children from surrounding villages travel long distances to attend these school. This together with a lack of parental motivation for schooling leads to high levels of absenteeism, and in 2012 some children stopped attending school all together because of the teacher strike.114

In a household survey undertaken by the World Bank it was found that slightly more girls are in schools than boys (52%), and that retention rates in rural communes are therefore low, with a 50% drop-out rate by the end of primary school. Only a small percentage of children in this survey matriculate to secondary schools, and according to the United Nations, only 9% of the children from the poorest families will enrol at secondary school, while only 1% will make it to senior secondary school.115

Of the total households included in the survey undertaken for this assessment, 22% had finished primary school, only 8% had completed secondary school, and less than 1% had obtained a university degree. This is possibly a result of two few secondary schools, which are too far away for students to travel to on a daily basis, and maybe this explains the high drop-out rate in the rural areas. In addition, more than half of the secondary instructors remain in Toliara town, and due to a lack of infrastructure, there is on average one classroom for every 85 students.116 For these reasons, many rural children never access advanced or adequate schooling and experience

114 Focus group meeting discussions with village Chiefs and Elders, June 2012 115 World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 116 SRPE

Coastal & Environmental Services 52 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 chronic underemployment in the formal sector.117 As such, it can be assumed that the literacy rates in the villages neighbouring the project area are low.

Adult literacy levels in the villages neighbouring the mine lease area range between 60% and 70%.118. Currently the NGO Maison des Paysans organises adult literacy classes in Ankilimalinike, but this programme has had limited success, and local people find it difficult to combine organised educational activities with their traditional lifestyle.

5.14 Sanitation and water

Generally, households in the project area considered their water sources – be they communal pumps, hand-dug wells or natural waterways – were always clean (77%). However, sanitation and hygiene levels are low in the villages neighbouring the mine lease area, and hotels in Ifaty and Mangily are the only places where running water and latrines are found.119 In Madagascar generally, only 12% of rural households have access to potable water120, and in the household survey it was found that very few homes are equipped with pit latrines (10%).

People in the study were also aware that water sources should be categorised by use type, for example, some water might be suitable for drinking, while other water might only be used for cattle or for bathing. However, children and adults are known to drink unclean water sources if they are thirsty, and most people in the study area attested that they only wash prior to the weekly trips to the market, or for important cultural ceremonies.121 In Benetse households purchase water, and a majority of households buy 20 litres per day at a cost of MGA600. This money is given to a Committee elected by the community to maintain and repair the water pump if it breaks.

Water for farming is a critical development issues in the study area, and water shortages are commonly experienced. In 2009 a canal was constructed by the African Development Bank to transport water from the Manombo River to the fields of neighbouring villagers. However communities downstream of the canal complained about poor water management and communities upstream using excessive amounts of canal water to farm rice, resulting in communities downstream only having sufficient water to grow maize and cassava. Community members in Benetse indicated that they would like to grow rice, but there is not enough water in the canal to irrigate their fields.

The Government is aware of this problem and each commune has a canal Committee which meets every quarter to discuss these issues, but a solution has not yet been devised. On the other hand, a majority of the villages in the study area have access to at least one water pump providing clean water for drinking and bathing. Given the large population sizes of most of these villages in the study area, one water pump is often insufficient to provide the entire community with water, as result there are often disputes amongst women collecting water, and therefore some villager‟s neighbouring the mine lease area access water from other villages including Benetse.

The only community in the study area without access to potable clean water are the 15 households located in Toliara Sands‟ mineral lease area. These households travel 10 km on sand roads using ox carts to collect water from Tsiafanoke‟s water pump, which was installed by Toliara Sands in 2011. In addition to this water pump, WTR -Toliara Sands has also sunk boreholes and installed water pumps in Tsianisiha and Ranobe.

117 International Labor Office, Region Atsimo Andrefana 118Source: NGO: Maison Des Paysans and INSTAT 2001 119 UNDP, Plan de développmenet 120 World Trade Organization, Trade Liberalization 121 Ibid

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5.15 Energy and Waste Management

Rural electrification is practically non-existent in Madagascar. Half of the interviewed households confirmed that they use kerosene for lamps, whilst others use torches. In Toliara II District, typically only hotels have access to electricity and Internet access. Eleven percent of households in the survey stated that they had access to electricity, 90% of whom live in Ambohitsabo, which is one of the few fokontany with electricity in the study area.

22 % of the households in the survey purchase charcoal for cooking purposes, which is often bought from illegal charcoal makers without operating licenses, however, the majority of homes use fuel wood for cooking.

In the study area households mostly burn their refuse, and in the household survey it was found that a majority of households use private waste pits where they either bury or burn their refuse.

5.16 Transport and Communication

Minibuses or trucks (taxi brousse) transporting between 20 and 40 people respectively, are the main mode of public transport servicing the RN9. A return trip from Benetse to Toliara will cost a passenger MGA 8,000, and on average people travel between Toliara and the study area at least once a week to procure goods and services using minibuses122. The oxcart (charet) is another mode of transport, which carries people and goods to neighbouring villages and markets.

Oxcarts are usually privately owned but can be hired by fellow villagers and travelling by ox cart to Toliara from Antanimikody takes approximately 5 hours. In addition, there is also some canoe (piroque) traffic transporting people and fish to fishing villages along the coast between Toliara and Morombe. Some small boats connect Morombe with Toliara and transport general merchandise between the two towns. Furthermore, it is not uncommon for people to travel to Toliara by bicycle or on foot.

Villagers in the area receive local radio emissions, from a radio station in Ankililoaka called Mazava as well as the national radio station from Antananarivo, called Radio Madagascar. Radio is an important resource for communication in the area, and there is also a mobile radio reception in Ankilimalinike Village. Zain and Telma are the two dominant mobile network providers in the Region, however many villagers do not own cell phones as the reception in most villages in the study is either non-existent or poor.

5.17 Cultural Assets and Customs

5.17.1 History

In order to gain insight into the local history of the villages in the study site, historical timelines were drawn in each of the villages. However the success of such exercises relies on the accuracy and the richness of the collective memory of the respondents. In focus group meetings very few respondents knew the origins of the fokontany, but it is evident that some village originated from the 1800s, while most of the villages originated from the first half of the 20th century, and some villages, which have been in existence for several years, were only more recently registered as fokontany.

The flood of 1978 was an important event in the area, as well as a cholera outbreak in early 2000. According to the Plans Communals de Development Commune Rurale (commune development plans), funded by the UNDP in 2003 there were cyclones in 1997-1998, 1998-1999 and in 2001- 2002, all of which caused damage and were remembered by the local communities.

122 Key informant interviews, 2012

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In addition, major zebu theft incidents are also well remembered by affected villages, as well as the canal breaking in 2001 was mentioned as a significant moment in the history of the villages neighbouring the mine lease area.

5.17.2 Ethnic groups

Several ethnic groups have migrated to the study area during the distant and more recent past. This has either been motivated by the search for fertile agricultural land, employment in the cotton and rice industry, opportunities for commerce, and more recently the tourist industry along the coast between Toliara and Morombe and the production of charcoal have also attracted people to migrate to the area.

As such south western Madagascar is comprised of diverse ethnic groups including the Masikoro, Antandroy, Mahafaly, Mikea and Vezo. Masikoro are agropastoralists, Vezo descend from semi- nomadic fishermen, and the Mikea pursue a mixed strategy of growing limited food crops and foraging. Relative newcomers, include Antandroy and Mahafaly, which typically produce charcoal as their main source of income generation.

The Antandroy people, who are traditionally nomadic pastoral people, but who now also grow maize, manioc and beans with slash and burn methods, migrated from the South and are involved in the charcoal business. The Bara people, who are traditionally nomadic cattle raisers, have migrated from the area near Ihosy. The Betsileo and the Merina people, who specialise in rice cultivation, migrated from the Highlands around Antananarivo, and the Fianarantsoa and the Mahafaly migrated from the south West, around Ampanihy. They are traditionally farmers of maize and sweet potatoes, , and are known to raise cattle. Besides those groups there are also Tanala, Sakalava, Makoa, Antanosy and Comorians.

The Masikoro people are indigenous to the area, and they are regarded as originating from/or as subgroups of the Sakalava, who were the first important Malagasy kingdom, founded at the end of the sixteenth century, but who were subsequently largely conquered by the Merina from the highlands in the nineteenth century. The Masikoro people live in the interior of the study area. They are originally cattle raisers, maintaining large herds. Currently they also cultivate crops. Amongst the Masikoro, each extended family has a traditional Chief. The traditional Chief is locally appointed, and according to village leaders in Ranobe there are no conflicts or clashes between the various ethnic groups in the study area123.

The relative compositions of the ethnic groups represented in the study area are shown in Table 5- 8 below.

123 Focus group interviews with village leaders in Ranobe, 2012.

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Table 5-8: Ethnic group composition Commune Majority Other groups represented Ankilimalinike Ampasimanilike Masikoro (70%) Betsileo,Comorian,Mahafaly Merina,Sakalava,Tandroy Ankilimalinike Masikoro (60%) Vezo, Tanganala, Indien, Betsileo, Merina, Tandroy Andombiry Tandroy (99%) Vezo/Masikoro Andrevo Bas Vezo 95% Tandroy/Sakalava Andrevo Haut Masikoro (70%) Vezo/ Tandroy/Mikea Antapoake Masikoro (70%) Comoriens/Mahafaly/ Tanalana/Tandroy/Vezo Benetse Masikoro (90%) Bestileo/Mahafaly/Tandroy/Vezo Ranobe Masikoro Antanosy/Betsileo/Makoa/Tanalana/Tandroy/Vezo Saririaka Masikoro (80%) Mahafaly/Tandroy/Vezo Sikily Masikoro (80%) Tandroy Tanandave Tandroy (99%) Masikoro Ankatrakatra Tanambe Tandroy (99%) Masikoro Manirisoa Tanandava Tandroy (80%) Merina, Masikoro,Vezo, Tanganala Metayer Beravy Antsoity Masikoro (80%) Mahafaly/Tanalana/Vezo Beravy Ambala Masikoro Beravy Bas Masikoro (80%) Tanalana Tsianisiha Masikoro (80%) Bara/Betsileo/Mahafaly/Tanalana/Tandroy/Vezo Tsiafanoka Masikoro (90%) Tandroy/Vezo Antanimena Masikoro (95%) Vezo, Tanganala Antanimikody Masikoro (90%) Vezo, Tanganala Ampanlia Masikoro (90%) Vezo, Tanganala Andranoboka Tanalana (95%) Masikoro Sakabera No majority Masikoro / Vezo Ambohitsabo Vezo 60% Antandroy / Masikoro / Merina Tsongobory Vezo 80% Tandroy/ Mahafaly Anketraka Vezo 100% Source: Community interviews in 2006 (van Vlaenderen) and 2012 (Reilly)

Some „ethnic‟ labels refer to lifestyles, rather than ethnicity or ancestor lineage per se. Two examples of relevance to this study are the Vezo and the Mikea people. Vezo people are fishermen along the south West coast, whose ancestors were fishermen. However Vezo people can simultaneously be Masikoro or Sakalava. Vezo made up 20% of the survey sample, and Masikoro made up more than 50% of the households interviewed for this study.

The situation of the Mikea people is more complex, and there is currently debate about the status of the different categories of Mikea as indigenous people.

According to a recent study funded by the World Bank in the context of the Environmental Programme Phase 3 (EP3) there are three kinds of Mikea: The first group is called the tompon’ala (masters of the forest). These are the mystic, invisible people who live in the Mikea forest north of the study area and are not approachable by outsiders.

A second group consists of Masikoro who fled the Andrevola dynasty in 17th century as well as during the colonial period, to avoid having to adhere to laws and administrative rules. They lived from wild animals, tubers and honey and concentrated in little hamlets on the edge of the forest. They served as intermediaries between the forest people (first group of Mikea) and outsiders.

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A third group of Mikea developed in 80‟s during the migration into the Mikea area for speculative maize agriculture. These late-comers at times have taken over the ways of Mikea and hunt and gather during certain periods of the year. They however changed the lives of the other Mikea groups by introducing a monetary trading system. According to the 2006 baseline study, the third group of Mikea is present in the study area. Table 5-9 does not indicate Mikea as being present in the study area as this group was not identified during the 2012 household survey.

5.17.3 Cultural and religious resources

In the study area animism and the relationship with the ancestors prevails. A minority adheres to Christianity and Islam is virtually non-existent, while in Sakabera most inhabitants are animists. Table 5-9 presents the relative proportion of the different religions presented in the villages in the study area as well as the cultural resources and traditional customs.

Table 5-9: Religion, cultural resources and traditional customs Traditional Fokontany Christianity Islam Animism Cultural resources 124 customs/taboo Ampasimanilike 29% 1% 70%  8 sacred tamarind Eating pork is taboo trees  Tombs in village  Sacred baobab Andombiry 1% None 99%  Tombs in Eating pork and tortoises Antsiporiake & are taboo Anabindambo  Sacred place  Sacred baobab Andrevo Bas 20% None 80%  3 churches Eating mutton is taboo  Tombs on periphery of village  10 sacred tamarind trees Andrevo Haut 50% None 50%  1 Church  Bilo  Tombs in Andrevo  Circumcision south forest  Big reptiles and owls are taboo Antapoake 50% 1% 49%  3 sacred tamarind  Eating pork is taboo trees  Eating mutton is taboo  1 sacred place for Vezo people  Tombs at Ranobe  Tortoises and wild pig , Analidembo are taboo Benetse 90% None 10%  Royal Tomb  Bilo  2 churches  Fitampoha  Tombs in Andrevo  Savetse & Tsianisiha Ranobe 5% None 95%  1 sacred tamarind tree  1 church  Tombs at Andrevo & Antsondroke Saririaka 70% None 30%  10 sacred Falcons and crows are tamarind trees taboo  2 churches  Tombs in the village, on the mine site & at Andrevo

124 Explanation of the traditional customs is provided further down in this section

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Sikily None 100%  4 sacred tamarind trees  Graves at Andrevo Tanandave 2% None 98%  2 sacred tamarind Ankatrakatra trees  2 tamarind trees for the ancestors  Tombs at Andrevo , Antsojoriake &Andahovelo Tanambe 0,2% None 99,8%  1 sacred tamarind Eating pork and tortoises is Manirisoa tree taboo  Tombs at Ansojoriaka & Andrevo Tanandava 0,2% None 99,8%  1 sacred place Metayer (Andriandava) Beravy Antsoity 20% 80%  1 sacred baobab The ‘Foly’ bird is taboo  1 sacred tamarind tree  Tombs nearby and on the mine site Beravy Ambala 30% 70% Tombs nearby and on the mine site Beravy Bas 20% 80%  2 sacred tamarind The ‘Foly125’ bird is taboo trees  Tombs in Andolokepake and antsiloko near the mine site Tsianisiha 20% 80%  1 sacred tamarind tree  Sacred place in the river  Tombs near the village and nearby and on the mine site Tsiafanoka 60% 40%  1 sacred place  2 churches  Tombs along the plateau Antanimena 45% 55%  1 church  Tombs in Angnatake and Ankorotsely Antanimikody 40% 60%  1 sacred tamarind tree Andranoboka - - 100% - - Sakabera - - 100%  1 mosque - Ambohitsabo 40% - 60% - - Source: Community interviews in 2006 (Van Vlaenderen) and 2012 (Reilly)

125 Foly = Faudia omissa

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Burial tombs are the primary link between the living and the dead among the Malagasy. They are built with great care and expense, reflecting the privileged position of the dead, and are often more costly and substantial than the houses of the living. The land upon which a family tomb is situated - tanindrazana (land of the ancestors) - is inalienable, and social and economic practices are designed to guarantee that tomb lands are kept within the family.

Burials include two steps. The deceased person is buried in a dedicated area in the family tomb soon after he dies. He is however removed after one year when the moist parts of the body are separate from the dry parts. The bones are then reburied in their permanent location in the family tomb.

In the mine lease area there are several tombs that might be relocated to an alternative site. Given the significance of ancestral beliefs, this issue must be dealt with great cultural sensitivity. A survey is currently being undertaken of the affected tombs, and includes identifying the families whom they belong to. Besides tombs, sacred trees including the baobab and amarinde tree are an important part of the local community‟s spiritual life.

Taboos play and important part in the lives of Malagasy communities. Several taboos exist in the study area. The majority of taboos relate to the consumption of certain foods, mainly pork, mutton and tortoises. Some taboos relate to birds, and the ombiasy (traditional healer) is called upon to rectify the transgression of a taboo.

5.17.4 Traditional healers

It is perhaps the combination of poor local western medicinal facilities, and a lack of government intervention in basic services like clean water and sanitation that creates an environment where local people, notably the Masikoro, continue to rely on traditional medicine. In Madagascar traditional healers commonly approach illness within the larger context of a spiritual belief that physical symptoms/illnesses are signs or symbols of ancestral unrest or discontent, and the punishment of an angry or disgruntled spirit.

Individual health is believed to be closely linked to one‟s ability to maintain proper, respectful relationships with the community and with one‟s ancestors; a disease as it is experienced is often attributed to imbalances in the spirit world, and the root word for disease “arety” in Malagasy refers to ailments also of the heart or spirit.126

While much emphasis is given to the traditional use of herbs and plants to treat illnesses, traditional medicine rarely makes up the core of traditional treatment. In southern Madagascar healers (ombiasa) interpret patterns in seeds and assess astrological events and alignments in a divination practice called sikily.

This practice of interpretation based on star alignments and the patterns of natural objects is critical to and guides the analysis of physical ailments and their origin – the prescription of plant medicines is rather based on the results of this analysis than on a pure reading of physical symptoms, and is regularly accompanied by requirements for sacrifices or the use of charms.127

While the ombiasa are regular fixtures in any village and regularly consulted, there are also “material” healers, who do focus solely on physical ailments. A karimbola, somewhat similar to a chiropractor exists, as does a reninjaza, an herbalist.128 Whilst only four household interviewees stated that they had been to see a traditional healer in the last six months, it is safe to assume that such visits are more common in the study area given the widespread use of traditional medicine.

126 Gabriel Lefèvre, An Anthropological Approach to Therapeutic Strategies for Ethnopharmacology: The Case of Southewestern Madagascar, Ethnobotany Research & Applications, volume 6:029034 (2008)s 127 Ibid 128 Ibid

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5.17.5 Traditional customs

In order for the Toliara Sands Project to build and maintain good relations with the surrounding communities, insight into the following local customs, practices and rituals is important:

 Hifikifika: According to local culture if one person upsets or offends another person (even inadvertently) this requires restitution, which usually takes the form of sacrificing an animal. This act simultaneously appeases the wronged person and his/her ancestors. Failing to do so is a serious offense.  Bilo: The bilo is a bad spirit which can invade the human body and mind with debilitating effects. To cure the invaded person, a zebu, selected by the affected person, needs to be sacrificed. This happens in a ceremonial manner led by the ombiasy.  Fitampoha: Refers to the royal bathing ceremony. It is a custom of the Maroserana dynasty, which founded the Sakalava Kingdom, and takes place every 4 – 7 years.  Savetse: Is the male circumcision ritual.  Tromba: Refers to the practice of contacting the ancestors in order to obtain a cure for the sick, to foretell the future or to express discontent. The Tromba involves the concerned person going into a trance as a result of being possessed by the spirit of a royal ancestor, and thus speaking under the control of this spirit.  Fatidra: Is a blood brother ceremony conducted between the Chief of the village and a new arrival necessary to be accepted in the village.  Fandeo: Refers to a traditional wedding ceremony, which usually involves singing, drumming, and dancing.

Before a wedding ceremony a man is required to give one zebu to his brides‟ family, and men and women marry voluntarily across different ethnic groups. Most men have more than one wife, and some very wealthy men have four wives who leave their families to reside with their husbands‟ families.

It is cultural unacceptable to eat turtle, tsaka (wildcat), wild boar, pork, ongiky, sifaky, fanihy, kina, and tily, and other more acceptable local activities include cockerel fighting on a Sunday.

5.17.6 Local decision making

An important pillar of Malagasy social live is the primacy of the group. Decisions are made communally, and individual responsibility is closely intertwined with the collective. As such it is believed that one person breaking a taboo can bring problems to an entire community. The existence of the Fokonolona, which is a traditional council of village elders based on the recognition of a common ancestor, plays an important role in promoting solidarity and mutual assistance in the community, as well as policing and protecting cattle herds from theft.

The Fokonolona relies on dina, which are locally developed social norms or laws to ensure community cohesion and combat social disruption. The transgression of a dina leads to the imposition of a fine but, more importantly it leads to public disapproval. The Fokonolona are recognised by the Government as part of local governance and their status was defined in a decree published in 1962 (Comte, 1963). They have representation of the Chef d’Administration and work within the penal code. The communes adhere to the convention of the Dinan‟ny Mpihara, which regulates all the communes in the Toliara province

In the study area, political and administrative decisions are made by the committee of the village Elders together with the Chef de Fokontany who represents the administration (Fanjakana) at village level. With respect to cultural, traditional and social issues, the traditional village chiefs have most decision power. The Mpitokazomanga is a chief of a clan, and in the study area this is always a man.

The traditional chief plays a very important role with regards to ancestral ceremonies, division of

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5.17.7 Gender

Although households are jointly responsible for agricultural, pastoral and household activities, certain male and female roles can be distinguished. Whereas the men till and prepare the fields, it is the women who plant and sell excess produce, while weeding and harvesting is usually done by both men and women. Men are generally responsible for cattle and firewood collection, and women are generally responsible for collecting water and cooking.

Commercial transactions and household finance are sometimes dependent on the activity. For example, women are responsible for the financial decisions around reed harvesting), while men are responsible for financial decisions around cotton harvesting. Although women do attend and participate in community meetings, men are generally perceived as the main community decision makers, and unlike many other African countries men also play an important part in the upbringing of their children.

5.18 Vulnerability

Due to their socio-economic status, education levels, exposure to disease and location in south western Madagascar where weather patterns can disrupt harvests, many people affected by the mining project would qualify as vulnerable per indicators developed by the International Monetary Fund.129

Nationally, only 5-7% of the population is estimated to benefit from social protections.130 In the region, there is no direct communal or government assistance for vulnerable people. In Belalanda commune, for example, hotels pay 10,000 Ariary per month to assist vulnerable people, who have been identified by the Commune and figure on a pre-established list. The Commune has identified 68 handicapped people, of which half are children, as vulnerable people.

5.18.1 Elderly

Due to the lack of hospices and state services for senior citizens, families typically assist their elderly relatives. Given the strong social fabric in Madagascar, and a culture of respect for one‟s elders, most senior citizens rely on family members for assistance throughout old age, and no support is provided by the State.

5.18.2 Women

According to the World Food Programme, “Women are especially affected by natural disasters due to their vulnerability, role as water fetchers and farmers. Female heads of household also cannot migrate to look for better opportunities when a harvest is destroyed after a cyclone or drought.”131

This vulnerability is compounded by the relative land insecurity women experience compared to men, where they typically are not afforded the option to sell land, and risk being deprived of their central income generating source. This risk in the project zone will be high, as most households practice subsistence agriculture and land provides one‟s primary source of food and income. In the study area, 12% of surveyed households are female headed households, 75% of these households are headed by women who are either divorced or widowed. While 25% of these households are able to secure monthly income streams above MGA 100,000, the remaining households on average earn MGA 46,000 per month, which is less than USD 1 per day and firmly below the poverty line.

129 International Monetary Fund, Madagascar Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, IMF country report No. 03/33, Washington DC, 2003 130 Ibid 131 World Food Program, Protracted Relief and Recovery Operation

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The World Bank asserts that while it hasn‟t identified the reasons for the lower mobility of women in the labour market, it may be due to inherent discriminations and unfair wages. Women who work in the non-agricultural sector also face pay discrimination, typically earning 2/3 the wages of their male counterparts with the same education levels.132 Women also have limited access to credit because much of their work is non-wage labour, and 60% of women are uneducated as compared to 50% of men.133

A host of literature suggests that ensuring that women have defined land rights can have net- positive financial and social impacts on their families‟ lives, and society generally.134 In Madagascar, women retain rights to own land, which is typically a function of inheritance from their fathers. However, in the absence of a will, a wife‟s inheritance is first trumped by the rights of her husband‟s children, which makes women more vulnerable to eviction and loss of productive resources than her male counterparts. This is particularly common in southern Madagascar, where most couples practice customary marriage, wills are uncommon and national legislation assigns the husband as the head of the house.

Common practice dictates that in the event of a divorce, men acquire two-thirds of property, though most women will return to their families in the event of a separation and cede all property rights.135 Whilst customary practice provides for inheritance rights, they cannot be formally enforced in a court of law, and expose women to property loss, notably as men can sell family land without their partner‟s consent. As land becomes scarce due to agricultural expansion and population growth, a woman‟s ability to purchase land will become increasingly important.

5.18.3 Children

The majority of children in Madagascar are exposed to a host of vulnerabilities, both for lack of state supported education and social services and for their need to contribute to family incomes. In the region, children, notably young girls, are vulnerable to sexual exploitation in areas with a high level of tourism influx – normally in coastal communities like Ifaty and Mangily. Poor families have been known to encourage their girls to perform sexual acts as part of the sex tourism trade, and these communities are known to be more vulnerable to the spread of HIV, where infection rates may be four times greater than the rest of Toliara II District.136

Sixty-five percent of children aged 5 – 14 in the Atsimo Andretanan Region, and notably young girls, are engaged in child labour, and of these children, 32% will never be educated, and they will remain at home to perform farming or household tasks. Household chores and contribution to family income are drawn down clear gender boundaries. Girls work in gardens, clean the home and care for their younger siblings. Young boys will assist their fathers, sometimes helping herd cattle or otherwise contribute to helping make money.

In 2008 the Atsimo Andrefana Region founded the Regional Committee Against Child Labour (Centre Régional de Lutte Contre le Travail des Enfants) to combat this issue, however the committee seems to be ineffectively implementing its mandate.137

5.19 Village Targeted for Resettlement

The village of Antsilo comprising 15 households is located within the mine lease area (refer to Figure 5-8), and these households comprising approximately 90 people may potentially be affected by resettlement. Of the nine households interviewed, a majority of the household members were

132 World Bank, Labor Markets Conditions 133 Ibid 134 Widman, The outcome of a gender neutral reform 135 Widman, The outcome of a gender-neutral reform 136 UNDP, Plan Communal de Développement, African Development Fund Madagascar Tuléar Fishing 137Tucker et al, Foraging for Development

Coastal & Environmental Services 62 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 farmers, and only one household member had carpentry and masonry skills. Although these households have been described as temporary households, most households have occupied the area for well over a decade, and some of inherited the land they now reside on and farm. Following trends across the wider sample group, 22% of the interviewees attended primary or secondary school.

The standard of living in Antsilo is low, with the overwhelming majority of homes constructed from mud and wattle, or grass and Typha. All of the households interviewed practice agricultural production, cropping for personal consumption and for sale, with maize and cassava as the principle crop followed by beans and sesame. Rudimentary cropping practices are employed – the use of hoes or draught-animals and reliance on rain-fed agriculture.

Figure 5-8: Households located in the mine lease area

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Several homes have paw-paw and mango trees on their property, though sales from these are limited, and households are dependent on other natural resources to secure their livelihoods; this is one of the few villages where respondents confirmed practicing charcoal, and 30% regularly collect wild fruits and vegetables. Sixty percent of the households interviewed had experienced food shortages in the past year mainly due to weather events and poor crop returns. These are some of the wealthiest households in the sample, with the monthly exceeding the entire survey sample by MGA 239,000, or almost 2.5 times higher than the household average. This could possibly be explained by some of these household working for Toliara Sands, and earning a monthly income.

However, none of these households stated that they were employed by Toliara Sands, and interestingly these high incomes did not match an increase in household assets – home owners still do use charcoal for cooking, and do not own a motorbike, mobile phone, modern agricultural equipment or even a bicycle. In addition, this community does not have any social services, and children travel 10km to a primary school in Tsiafanoke. According to the Chief of Tsiafanoke, households living in Antsilo also access healthcare facilities and collect water from the well in Tsiafanoke.

If the project is approved, the 15 households in Antsilo will be physically displaced and a Resettlement Action Plan (RAP) developed to manage the resettlement process discussed in Section 7.2.3.

5.20 Community and Civic Organisations

Madagascar‟s civil society is weak, with many local development organisations struggling to secure cash resources without political alliances. Many organisations are dependent on political ties for funding, and thus lose their independence and ability to properly represent the constituents they were founded to assist. That 78% of CSOs are based in the capital is indicative of the importance of the State and political groups in supporting civil society, often to the detriment of rural communities. As the World Bank explains, “These weaknesses make it difficult for CSOs and CSO coalitions to serve critical functions to hold government accountable to the public, particularly important in a time of crisis.”138

Only 9% of the total civil society organisations (CSO‟s) in the country are registered non-profit organisations, with 85% operating as “associations” representing, for example, the interests of a small group of farmers or a small group of women. In Benetse, for example, there are a number of CBOs including charcoal and farmers associations, a women‟s group and a youth association.

In the study area, there are a number of active international non-profits, which are not subject to the same difficulties in raising finance and generating support for their mandates. They are focused on delivering support for core social services (health, education) and promoting sustainable use of natural resources, notably the Mikea forest and lagoon and reef assets on the coast. Several organisations are, or have recently been active in the study area. These are listed in Table 5-10 below. 139

138 World Bank, Governance and Development 139 The list may not be exhaustive

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Table 5-10: Organisations in or near the mine study area Organisation Description Aide et Action Improvement of educational environment to encourage school attendance and boost attendance rates; Campaign to discourage child labour in Atsimo Andrefana Bel Avenir Interventions in health, education, environmental awareness and social support services Blue Ventures Marine conservation, community health, climate change adaptation and alternative livelihoods support FIMIHARA (Fikambanana Mlharo sy Ecotourism promotion, collaboration with fishermen to Hanasoa ny Ranomasina improve yields and reduce negative impacts, environmental protection awareness raising Marie Stopes Women‟s sexual health, contraceptive sensitization and pre-natal care Reef Doctor Coral reef research, lagoon protection and local livelihood enhancement Tany Meva Support to villages for local forest management Toliara Fishing Communities Support Project Outreach to fishermen to help increase fishing yields, (African Development Fund) reduce pressures on lagoons and reefs, and establish access to microfinance institutions United Nations Development Programme Coral Reef Protection Vola Mahasoa Local microfinance institution, contracted to provide services to local fishermen through the African Development Fund Wildlife Conservation Society Conservation of marine ecosystems World Food Programme Food assistance to households experiencing food insecurity due to drought or other disasters World Wildlife Fund Mikea forest protection through improved charcoal production and conservation of the Toliara coral reef

5.21 Linkages between Villages and with Toliara Town

Interactions between villages exist predominantly in terms of family links and social events such as funerals, weddings and traditional ceremonies. There are also links between groupings of villages in an effort to combat and prevent zebu theft.

The markets in Ankilimalinike and Tsianisiha are important social and commercial meeting places for local communities. There are commercial links between the Vezo villages near the coast and the inland agricultural villages in terms of exchange of fish and agricultural produce such as manioc and maize. In addition, there are also close links between the villages of the study area and Toliara Town as many households have family links with Toliara and visit Toliara town for funerals, weddings and ceremonies. Toliara is also important in terms of health services for the seriously ill, administrative services and for the purchase of any goods beyond the most basic goods available at the local markets.

5.22 Perceptions about the Toliara Sands and Potential Project Impacts

During interviews with various stakeholders the following perceptions and concerns with regards to the Toliara Sands Project were raised:

 Although communities are supportive of the project, and they want to see the development take place, they indicated that they lack sufficient knowledge about the project. In numerous community meetings it was stated; “we do not know anything about the black sand project, and although some information has been provided to us, we still do not know anything about the project. They explained the process of mining and the separation about the mineral process but we are still confused”.  Some people complained that Toliara Sands is conducting too many big meetings and that the communities are experiencing consultation fatigue.

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 In Ranobe community members expressed that their relationships with Toliara Sands is improving. It was stated that when the project first started in the area, local people believed that the foreigners were here to traffic organs. This is no longer the perception and according to community leaders relationships of trust are slowly being established.  Local expectations of benefits from the mining project are extremely high with regards to employment and establishing local markets, as well as building schools and clinics, and providing electricity to the area. In terms of these high expectations some disappointment about the lack of visible positive result from the Toliara Sands presence to date was raised.  There is a degree of competitiveness between the villages with regards to benefits from the mining project. Activities initiated by the Toliara Sands Project in any particular village are carefully monitored by the other villages.  There is some tension between village and commune level with regards to interactions with Toliara Sands. Some villages feel that all negotiations are confined to commune level, leading to a feeling of disempowerment with regards to their participation.  Local communities find it difficult to accept that the Project is given permission to clear natural vegetation, whilst increasing pressure is exerted upon them refrain from forest clearing. The current WWF study has intensified this issue.  Local people find it difficult to accept that Toliara Sands is accessing water for use in the pilot plant without sharing this with local communities.  There are some tensions with regards to employment practices. Some villagers and individuals feel that the employment strategy used to date has not been entirely transparent and fair. Women would like to be given more chances for employment.  Although local communities are in principle prepared to relocate their tombs, there is a certain level of anxiety with regards to their removal and the compensation process.  There is some concern with regards to compensation for the loss of pastoral and agricultural land as a result of the mining project. Communities in the mineral lease area stated that compensation rates should be negotiated with landowners prior to fields being destroyed. In one meeting it was suggested that Toliara Sands should pay farmers ten times the market value of the fields and crops.  There is some concern with road safety.  The communities located close to the proposed new Jetty (including Le Batterie) are concerned that the construction of the jetty will affect fishing, which is their primary livelihood activity.  Some communities (i.e. Ranobe, Tsiafanoka and Benetse) voiced their concerns about the Project using water and how this will impact on water availability in the area.  There is some concern about the impact mining may have on the health of people in the area, in terms of dust pollution and radioactivity.  There is also concern that the project will remove vegetation and take away valuable fertile land used for farming, grazing, hunting, and collecting medicinal plants and wild roots.  Some stakeholders are concerned about mine closure and rehabilitation. This issue was raised by SAGE in particular, and local communities would like rehabilitation to involve the planting of cash crops and fuel trees such as eucalyptus, fruit trees and edible tubers.

Initially when Toliara Sands started employing people in the area there were some incongruences between labour practices and locals customs. Although these perceptions were not expressed during consultation meetings with villages in 2012, they were expressed during consultation meetings with community members in 2006, and as such, these perceptions should be considered when developing culturally appropriate labour practices, and include the following:

 The request from local people for regular paid leave for funerals (of non-family members) and other social events.  The eight hour working day has been difficult to adjust to by the local people who are used to a different daily schedule where they freely decide on their time allocation.  The Project does not accept the traditional custom of Hifikifika.  Local residents are not familiar with wearing shoes, which is a safety requirement of Toliara Sands.

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5.23 Toliara Sands’ Community Development Projects

To date Toliara Sands has initiated the following community development activities:

 Established five plant nurseries (employing local residents);  Sunk three boreholes and water pumps in Tsianisiha, Ranobe, and Tsiafanoke.  Provided schools in villages neighbouring the mine site with furniture.  Sponsored computers and donated funds to assist the Region with gaining access to the Internet.  Since 2005 Toliara Sands has sponsored Australian doctors to visit the Region twice a year, and Toliara Sands has assisted the hospital in Toliara with purchasing medical equipment.  Approximately 50 local residents have been employed by Toliara Sands to date. Their employment has contributed to their enhanced standard of living, and local vendors (mainly women) sell produce to the employees.  Established a Coordination Forum working with local authorities in the Region to promote development. Toliara Sands is perceived by Local Government as an exemplar mining Project setting the standard for best practice in the Region.  Sponsored Independence Day Celebrations, the Malagasy Cup Pirogue racing competition from Anakao to Andavadoaka, and the local Football Association.

5.24 Conclusions and Recommendations

This section highlights the important issues in the baseline study and provides preliminary recommendations for the impact assessment.

5.24.1 Poverty – lack of infrastructure

Local communities are characterised by a traditional rural agrarian lifestyle. The majority of local residents live in poverty and the area lacks social and physical infrastructure. Education and skills levels are generally very low, as are employment opportunities. Opportunities for the youth are minimal. The impact assessment will need to take into account the urgent local development needs and local expectations. Input of resources will however need to be carefully monitored, in order to avoid disruption of the local social fabric.

5.24.2 Conservation and development

Local poverty and lack of access to alternative income generation activities have led to increasing pressure on the natural environment and has raised conservation concerns. The study area is currently the focus of a conservation project. The impact assessment will need to adopt a sustainable development approach, balancing development and conservation issues. Co-operation with local conservation and development organisations will need to be explored.

5.24.3 Traditional culture

Local communities live a traditional lifestyle, rich in traditional practices and rituals.

The removal of tombs is one of the most sensitive issues revealed by the impact assessment. Considering the omnipotence of ancestors in the life of the Malagasy, removal of graves will need to be carefully guided by local customs. Sacred ceremonies, exhumation, handling, building of new caves and related celebrations shall be paid for by Toliara Sands, and monetary compensations shall be avoided as much as possible.

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6. IMPACTS IDENTIFICATION AND ASSESSMENT

6.1 Introduction

This section focuses on the assessment of the potential positive and negative socio-economic impacts of the project and offers recommendations for enhancing the positive and mitigating the negative impacts. The identification and assessment of these socio-economic impacts is based on an analysis of the baseline data presented above, which as indicated, was obtained through various research methods, including engagement and consultation with project-affected communities, interviews with key stakeholders, focus group meetings, a household survey with 217 households and field observations. The socio-economic impacts will be assessed and categorized in accordance with the assessment technique described in Section 2.7.1.

The following qualifications apply to the assessment of project-related social impact assessments in general and thus to the current SIA:

 Social impacts are generally not quantifiable and thus the likelihood of their occurrence is assessed through inference rather than objective measurement. An understanding of social processes in general and a comprehensive knowledge of the communities under study are essential to drawing valid inferences;  Social impacts are often clustered and interdependent rather than clearly separable and must be considered as such;  Communities are dynamic and in a continual process of change. The Project is but one factor contributing to this dynamic social process and it is thus often difficult to disaggregate the various political, socio-economic, and environmental factors that contribute to a potential impact; and  Social impacts are often unavoidable and as such, mitigation measures should be regarded as strategies to manage change rather than prevent the occurrence of an impact. The successful management of a potentially negative impact may in some instances change the status of the impact from negative to positive.

In addition, information and specialist knowledge accumulated during similar SIA work, have contributed to this assessment.

This impact assessment includes socio-economic impacts of the proposed mine (excavation and MSP) on the local community and the regional context. It does not include:

 A health assessment. The potential impacts of dust, radioactivity and noise on the local community as well as the visual impacts are covered in separate volumes of this ESIA.  An impact assessment of additional infrastructure (power supply, expatriate village, etc.) and transport routes. These are covered in separate impact assessment studies.  An impact assessment on the tourism trade. This is also covered in a separate impact assessment study  A compensation plan for loss of resources.

The current SIA encompasses various project-related activities and infrastructure developments which are not only located across a number of different areas but also differ in terms of their potential positive and negative impacts. As such, the assessment will be divided into the following categories: mine impacts; haul road impacts; transfer station and jetty impacts, and port site impacts. These impacts will be further divided into the various project phases including construction and the operational phases of the project.

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6.2 Cumulative impacts

The cumulative impacts for this project include:

 An increase in land disputes and conflict due to increasing demand for agricultural land.  Loss of importance of cultural norms, sacred and historical national heritage sites due to monetary incomes shifting value systems.  Economic growth and the development of informal economies in villages neighbouring the mine site, and along the NR9 Highway. The development of the local economy will result in influx to the area, which will have other cumulative impacts like increased social pathologies, traffic, and strain on local resources and social services.  Other cumulative impacts include increased tourism.

6.3 Project Alternatives

A number of project alternatives were considered during the scoping assessment and included the preferred location of the haul road, the jetty, and the transfer station, as well as, a “No Development Alternative”. These alternatives are considered in detail in the EIA.

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7. MINE SITE IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED

7.1 Introduction

This section focuses on the assessment of the potential positive and negative socio-economic impacts of the project in the mine site area and offers recommendations for enhancing the positive and mitigating the negative impacts.

7.2 Construction Phase

7.2.1 Impact 1: Increase in employment opportunities and related economic benefits

Cause and Comment

Given that the local context is characterised by high unemployment rates, and there are high expectations with regards to the employment opportunities generated by the Project. Communities neighbouring the mine lease area are insistent that they be given preferential employment opportunities since they are directly impacted by the Project and moreover, that the recruitment process be conducted in a fair, transparent, and equitable manner. Employment generally constitutes a direct beneficial (positive) impact and is the most significant and easily measurable impact, but given that approximately 5% of the local population have employable skills, the benefits derived from employment will be low unless locals are provided with the opportunity to develop skills through vocational training programmes. If recruitment and skills development is managed successfully, the development of the Project is likely to have a substantial positive impact on neighbouring communities in terms of improving their standard of living through wage income and skills transfer. It is probable that more local people will be employed during construction then operation.

Mitigation and management

In order to optimise this impact it is suggest that Toliara Sands develop and implement the following mitigation measures:

 HR policies and procedures that prioritise local employment to the extent allowed under Malagasy law and local skills development, and are based on the principle of gender equity;  Develop and implement a Labour, Recruitment and Influx Management Plan;  Develop and implement procurement and supply chain policies and procedures that prioritise local resources and suppliers, where possible, procure services and supplies form local vendors;  Develop a Community Development Plan (CDP) that prioritises skills development and vocational training programmes; and  Implement sustainable development programmes that focus on the creation of small business enterprises and business and financial management training and other livelihood restoration programmes.

Significance statement

Impact 1: Increase in employment opportunities and related economic benefits Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Medium 2 Study area 2 Slight 1 Unlikely 1 6 LOW + mitigation term With Medium May 2 Study area 2 Moderate 2 2 8 MODERATE + mitigation term occur

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7.2.2 Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers

Cause and Comment

It is likely that the development of the project will result in the in-migration of large numbers of migrant workers and job-seekers to neighbouring villages given that the tourist industry in the Ankilimalinike Commune has drawn migrant labour from all parts of Madagascar, and that people are known to migrate to the area for employment opportunities, for example, in 2001 approximately 1,000 migrated to Tsiafanoke to assist with the construction of the canal.

The direct and indirect impacts associated with influx are likely to have significant impacts on local areas, and usually result in many of the social, cultural, economic, and political changes that occur with the development of mining projects such as:140  Creating tension and conflicts between locals and migrants concerning natural resources, land and employment opportunities;  Inflating local food and produce prices;  Placing increased pressure on already limited social and natural resources;  Increasing the incidence of so-called social ills, including prostitution, alcohol abuse, and crime;  Increasing the prevalence of communicable diseases, such as diarrheal diseases, vector- borne diseases such as malaria, and sexually transmitted infections141;  Increasing inequalities in terms of income and wealth accumulation between locals and migrants; and  Disrupting social dynamics, for example, increased conflicts amongst men and women over expenditure of household income.

As with most social impacts, in-migration may also have a positive impact in terms of providing locals with small business opportunities due to an increased demand for local produce and other goods, as well as opportunities for cultural exchange.

Although influx is considered outside the control of project developers, the IFC guidelines on project-induced in-migration suggest that influx can threaten “project security” and that it should be managed as a project threat. According to these IFC guidelines, a project‟s security objectives are to: (i) protect the work force, (ii) safeguard the physical assets, (iii) sustain business continuity, and (iv) preserve the reputation of the project and company. As such if influx related impacts are treated as threats to the project, and managed accordingly, Toliara Sands will increase the likelihood of mitigating the in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers to villages neighbouring the mine lease area.

Mitigation and management

In collaboration with local leaders and the regional Government, Toliara Sands should explore opportunities to manage and mitigate negative influx related impacts by developing the following management plans:

 A Labour, Recruitment and Influx Management Plan;  Social Labour Plan; and  A Stakeholder Engagement Plan that involves developing collaborative management strategies for in-migration.

140IFC Handbook: Projects and People: A Handbook for Addressing Project-Induced In-Migration (2009). http://www.ifc.org/ifcext/sustainability.nsf/Content/Publications_Handbook_Inmigration 141IFC Handbook: Projects and People: A Handbook for Addressing Project-Induced In-Migration (2009). Pp: 20 – 25. http://www.ifc.org/ifcext/sustainability.nsf/Content/Publications_Handbook_Inmigration

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Significance statement

Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Medium 2 National 3 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH - mitigation term With Medium 2 National 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE - mitigation term

7.2.3 Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located in the mine lease area

Cause and Comment

It has been determined that 15 households located in the Ranobe mine lease area will be affected by physical displacement, and that a significant number of fields and fuel trees will be affected with the construction of the mine. In order to determine the extent of physical and economic displacement, Toliara Sands undertook a census of households to identity structures, fields and assets in the mine lease area, and data collected during this census survey will be used to develop a Resettlement Action Plan.

The RAP will outline the procedures to management an efficient and fair resettlement and compensation programme informed by international best practice and the Operational Directives of the World Bank.

Mitigation and management

By developing a RAP to manage resettlement, Toliara Sands will potentially mitigate a number of adverse impacts associated with resettlement, which include landlessness, increased vulnerability and social disarticulation, homelessness and deteriorating livelihoods resulting in resettled households being worse off as a result of physical and economic displacement.

On the other hand, if resettlement is properly managed and implemented as an opportunity to enhance the economic and social development of affected households, resettlement has the potential to improve the livelihoods of those affected by physical and economic displacement. For example, the 15 households living in Antsilo travel 10 km to Tsiafanoke to collect water and access education and health facilities. If these households are relocated to an area closer to Tsiafanoke they will be provided with easier access to social services, and if provided with a borehole and water pump they will not have to travel to collect water.

However, in order to maximise the potential development opportunities arising from resettlement, a RAP must be developed in consultation with community leaders and affected households. This will ensure by-in from affected households, and promote sustainable development projects.

In addition, Toliara Sands will be required to train, skill and equip a dedicated resettlement team consisting of resettlement experts and local employees to assist with RAP implementation and management. These mitigation measures must be supported by a livelihood restoration programme aimed at assisting households with re-establishing and improving their livelihoods. In order to secure buy-in and the successful implementation of these programmes they must be developed in consultation with community leaders and affected households.

If these mitigation measures are implemented they have the potential to enhance the positive impacts associated with resettlement thereby reducing the impact significance rating from a VERY HIGH negative impact to a MODERATE negative impact.

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Significance statement

Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located in the mine lease area Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 16 VERY HIGH - mitigation With Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE - mitigation

7.3 Operational Phase Impacts

7.3.1 Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision

Cause and Comment

The Project is likely to have a positive impact on project-affected areas in terms of the improvement of road networks, which are currently in a poor condition and limit access to markets, schools and healthcare facilities. The development of the haul road, albeit not intended for third party use, as well as improvements to the local road network, will significantly improve access to social services and mobility between fokontany, which may in turn have positive social, economic, and health benefits.

Moreover Toliara Sands is likely to invest, or attract investment by national provides, in developing related infrastructure, such as telecommunications, which would assist government with rolling out infrastructure and development projects in the areas of health, water and sanitation, and education. Local communities have high expectations with regard to Toliara Sands‟ provision of boreholes and the construction of schools, and clinics. Although Toliara Sands has implemented a number of social development projects in the villages neighbouring the proposed mine lease area (refer to Section 5.23), it must be noted that Toliara Sands aims to identify and implement infrastructure, and social development programmes in consultation with the Government. This will ensure that the benefits accruing from these programmes continue after closure of the mine.

Mitigation and management

In collaboration with local leaders and the regional Government, Toliara Sands should explore opportunities to enhance or maximise these beneficial impacts by:

 Developing a sustainable Community Development Plan (CDP), which builds capacity for local people to develop beyond the life of the project; and  Consulting with CDP beneficiaries to manage misplaced expectations that Toliara Sands will take the role of government in terms of infrastructure development and service provision.

Significance statement

Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Medium May 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 2 8 MODERATE + mitigation term occur With Long term 3 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH + mitigation

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7.3.2 Impact 2: Increased competition and conflict between communities

Cause and Comment

The implementation of the Community Development Plan (CDP) should try to avoid increasing jealousy, tensions and conflict between communities. Although Ranobe is the closest fokontany to the mine site, in order not to incite tensions between communities, Toliara Sands has not prioritised Ranobe over other neighbouring communities for community development projects Toliara Sands has also implemented development projects in Tsiafanoke and Benetse. The selection criteria for CDP beneficiaries should be based on proximity to the mine site, and the level of impact i.e. direct and indirect, should be developed in consultation with local government, community leaders, and key stakeholders. , These programmes should be developed and the allocation of the programmes to various communities should be undertaken in consultation with local government, community leaders, and key stakeholders. This will also ensure that these programmes are sustainably implemented and do not lead to increased dependence on Toliara Sands as discussed in Section 7.3.1.

Mitigation and management

Given the importance of community development programmes, Toliara Sands should develop a CDP that aims to promote sustainable economic development in neighbouring communities so as to avoid conflict over employment and infrastructural improvement opportunities.

Significance statement

Impact 2: Increased competition and conflict between communities Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Medium 2 Local 1 Moderate 2 Probable 3 8 MODERATE - mitigation term With Medium May 2 Local 1 Slight 1 2 6 LOW - mitigation term occur

7.3.3 Impact 3: An increase in social pathologies

Cause and Comment

With the developments of mining projects resulting in a population influx, and increased cash flow and spending power in the local economy, it is likely that a project will have an impact on social pathologies related to increased crime levels, alcohol and drug abuse, and prostitution. The exacerbation of these social pathologies may negatively impact local communities by disrupting family structures and social dynamics, and endangering the health and safety of local community members by increasing STDs, and the spread of HIV/AIDs.

These “social pathologies” may negatively impact migrant workers and local community members by endangering their health, and the health of their families.

Mitigation and management

In collaboration with district health and social welfare organisations, local administrative councils, and affected communities, Toliara Sands should explore opportunities to:

 Develop and implement a Community Health and Safety Plan which focuses on educating and raising awareness amongst communities about alcohol and drug abuse, STD and

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HIV/AIDs; and  Initiate sustainable social and economic development programmes, based on gender equity principles, which will provide women with employment and income opportunities and thereby discourage prostitution.

Significance statement

Impact 3: An increase in social pathologies Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Severity of Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Impact Operational phase Without Study Long term 3 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH - mitigation Area With Study Long Term 3 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE - mitigation Area

7.3.4 Impact 4: Loss of productive land and natural resources due to mining

Cause and Comment

A number of households in the mine site area will be affected by economic displacement, and will lose access to grazing and productive agricultural land, which they extensively rely on to secure their livelihoods. Fair compensation packages based on the replacement value of lost assets should enable households to purchase replacement land which they can use to subsist and derive secure livelihoods.

In order to prevent households from being worse off as a result of losing productive land, Toliara Sands must develop a RAP, in consultation with community leaders and affected households, that aims to assist Toliara Sands with managing physical displacement, and ensuring that affected households are able to secure alternative livelihoods while re-establishing grazing areas, agricultural fields, productive fruit and fuel trees. Livelihood restoration programmes must aim to assist households with establishing community-based farming co-operatives that produce crops both for sale and household consumption. These farming cooperatives might eventually supply the mine with food and fruit for their employees during construction and operation.

Mitigation and management

In order to ensure that households affected by economic displacement are fairly compensated, able to access productive land, and benefit from livelihood restoration programmes, Toliara Sands should collaborate with government, local leaders and affected households to:

 Develop a RAP that ensures economically displaced households are fairly compensated, allocated additional productive land, and assisted with securing alternative livelihoods while re-establishing grazing land, fields, productive fruit and fuel trees;  Develop a sustainable community development projects that provide communities with monetary income through the sale of cash crops and fuel trees.

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Significance statement

Impact 4: Loss of productive land and natural resources due to mining Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH - mitigation With Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH - mitigation

7.3.5 Impact 5: Loss of sacred, and culturally important heritage sites

Cause and Comment

In the mine lease area there are a number of culturally important sites including sacred trees and forests. Of these sacred sites, a few sacred trees are located in close proximity to the proposed mining area and although they will not be destroyed, Toliara Sands must protect these scared sites.

Mitigation and management

Given the importance of sacred sites, ancestors, cultural norms and values, Toliara Sands should develop a cultural heritage management plan in consultation with affected communities that aims to protect the cultural heritage of the area.

This plan should identify all sacred sites in the area and propose ways to protect these sites. In addition, this plan should assist Toliara Sands with understanding the cultural norms and values of the locals in the area, which might impair working conditions such as the requirement to wear safety boots and protective equipment. These cultural norms and values should be considered when developing the Social and Labour Plan (SLP), and well as the recruitment strategy.

Significance statement

Impact 5: Loss of sacred, and culturally important heritage sites Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Probable 3 13 HIGH - mitigation With Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE - mitigation

7.3.6 Impact 6: Relocation of tombs and graveyards

Cause and Comment

In the mine lease area there are a number of graves. A few gravesites are located in close proximity to the proposed mining area and will be exhumed by Toliara Sands using culturally acceptable practices.

Mitigation and management

The removal of tombs is one of the most sensitive issues to be considered in the impact assessment, and given the importance of tombs in Malagasy culture, Toliara Sands should

Coastal & Environmental Services 76 Ranobe Mine Project Social Impact Assessment – January 2013 develop a cultural heritage management plan in consultation with affected communities that aims to protect the cultural heritage of the area.

This plan must identify all tombs in the area and propose ways to protect these sites. In addition, this plan should assist Toliara Sands with understanding the correct cultural practices when exhuming graves, which might include:

 Preparing coffins and new burial sites before exhuming the tombs;  Preparing separate tombs for men and women;  Erecting tombs for wealthy families using big cement blocks that are tiled inside, and erecting tombs for poor families using stones;  Carrying deceased bodies in coffins to the tombs;  Pouring rum on the exhumed tomb door before opening it;  Ensuring “hasmanga” or wise man call the ancestors; and  Slaughtering a zebu at the same time as opening the tomb door.

Significance statement

Impact 6: Relocation of tombs and graveyards Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH - mitigation With Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH- mitigation

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8. HAUL ROAD IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED

8.1 Introduction

This section focuses on the assessment of the potential positive and negative socio-economic impacts associated with the construction of the haul area and offers recommendations for enhancing the positive and mitigating the negative impacts.

8.2 Construction Phase

8.2.1 Impact 1: Loss of land and access to natural resources

Cause and Comment

The construction of the haul road land will result in a loss of land, and access to grazing areas and natural resources as communities will be cut off from accessing land east of the haul road. As described in the baseline, a considerable portion of the total monthly income of households is derived from natural resources, specifically, the sale of charcoal, rum, thatch grass and fire-wood. Construction of the haul road will affect access to grazing land, fields and natural resources throughout the operational life of the haul road. Moreover, given that the haul road will not be used by third parties, communities currently using this road to travel to neighbouring villages, and Toliara will either have to use the RN9 highway, or establish alternative secondary roads. This might further inconvenience communities by increasing the time it takes to travel to neighbouring communities, and Toliara.

Mitigation and management

In order to mitigate the loss of land and access to natural resources, Toliara Sands should consider establishing crossing points/underpasses along the haul road which will allow current road users to safely cross the haul road, and thereby access land to the west of the haul road. The location of these crossing points must be communicated to communities, and communities should be educated about the safety risks associated with crossing the haul road. In addition, the crossing points must cater for all types of road users including ox cart and vehicles, and should be managed and monitored by security guards overseeing a road crossing schedule.

If constructing the haul road reduces access to natural resources, Toliara Sands should also offset this impact by identifying and implementing alternative livelihood activities (i.e. teaching communities artisanal skills like carpentry, dress-making and baking), which aim to reduce the high level of dependence on natural resources. Toliara Sands should therefore explore opportunities to:

 Develop and implement a Community Health and Safety Plan which focuses on educating and raising awareness amongst communities about the safety risks associated with crossing the haul road; and  Initiate sustainable social and economic development programmes, which will reduce the reliance of communities on natural resources to secure their livelihoods.

Significance statement

Impact 1: Loss of land and access to natural resources Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 14 HIGH - mitigation With Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE - mitigation

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8.2.2 Impact 2: An increase in employment and related economic benefits

Cause and Comment

It is anticipated that most unskilled and semi-skilled workers will be recruited locally to assist with constructing the haul road in accordance with Toliara Sands‟ labour recruitment procedures. This employment will however be temporary in nature, and as a result could have the following potential direct and indirect impacts:

 Increased disposable income for locals temporarily employed by Toliara Sands to construct the haul road;  Increased social pathologies may occur as result of increased spending power;  An influx of people from neighbouring areas seeking employment may cause pressure on local resources and conflict with local people; and  Loss of interest and reliance on subsistence farming.

Mitigation and management

These impacts can be mitigated by Toliara Sands implementing the following management measures:

 Develop and implement a recruitment strategy that prioritises temporary unskilled and semi- skilled employment opportunities for local communities.  Develop an influx management strategy as discussed in Section 7.2.2.

Significance statement

Impact 2: An increase in employment and related economic benefits Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Medium- May 2 Study Area 2 Slight 1 2 7 LOW + mitigation term occur With Long- term 3 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH + mitigation

8.2.3 Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located along the haul road

Cause and Comment

Various haul road alternatives were considered, and the haul road with the lowest social impact was selected as the preferred haul road (Haul Route Option 2 Revised as indicated in Figure 8-1). The initial proposal (Haul Route Option 1) could not ensure that physical displacement of households was entirely avoided. During the socio-economic survey the GPS coordinates of households located along the existing road that might be potentially affected by the construction of the preferred haul road were collected, and as seen in Figure 8-1 potentially 16 households (clusters 1 and 2 on the map) in Ampanlia and Ankarandoha will need to be resettled if part of the existing road is refurbished and widened.

In addition, the haul road will have to be continued from the southern bank of the Fiherenana River to the new proposed jetty site, and as a result, households might lose fields and access to agriculture land. The preferred haul road (Option 2 Revised) eliminates the need for physical displacement, as well as reduces potential impacts on tombs and other cultural heritage resources. Similarly, the potential for economic displacement to be experienced by households cropping along the haul route is anticipated to be of lower significance than for the original route proposals.

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In order to determine the extent of physical and economic displacement, Toliara Sands undertook a census of households to identity structures, fields and assets potentially affected by the construction of the haul road, and data collected during this census survey will be used to develop a RAP outlining the procedures to management an efficient and fair resettlement and compensation programme informed by international best practice and the Operational Directives of the World Bank.

Figure 8-1: Households located along the existing road

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Mitigation and management

Section 7.2.3 provides a detailed description of the mitigation required to manage resettlement.

Significance statement

Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located along the haul road Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Very Severe 8 Definite 4 16 VERY HIGH - mitigation With Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH - mitigation

8.3 Operational Phase Impacts

8.3.1 Impact 1: Increased road accidents and safety risks

Cause and Comment

Although the haul road will not be used by third parties, the construction of the haul road may affect community health and safety by increasing the incident of accidents between haul road trucks, other vehicles and road users at haul road crossing points.

Mitigation and management

In order to mitigate the incidence of road accidents, Toliara Sands should consider the following mitigation measures:

 Employees and communities must be trained on community safety issues and requirements particularly road safety awareness through the Community Health and Safety Plan;  Warning signs should be displayed next to dangerous points to discourage people from crossing the haul road;  Road crossings must be clearly marked, and guarded by trained guards with strict adherence to safety and standards;  A maintenance system should be put into place to ensure the physical integrity of the haul road is maintained;  Drivers should not be allowed to exceed working hours;  Traffic should slow down approaching the haul road crossings by erecting speed bumps 500 m from the crossing points; and  Speed and road safety controls should be implemented and train drivers adhere to these safety requirements.

Significance statement

Impact 1: Increased road accidents and safety risks Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Medium 2 Regional 3 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH- mitigation term With Medium 2 Regional 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE - mitigation term

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8.3.2 Impact 2: Decrease the illegal use of natural resources

Cause and Comment

Although the haul road is located within a conservation area protected by the WWF, the existing un-refurbished road is being used by illegal loggers and cattle thieves, thereby constructing the haul road Toliara Sands might indirectly reduce the illegal use of natural resources and/or cattle theft by:

 Preventing third party road users from accessing and transporting natural resources out of the conservation area;  Restricting access to natural resources east of the haul road. This could however increase the incidence of natural use to the west of the haul road; and  Restricting cattle thieves from using this road to transport stolen cattle.

This would be a positive impact should appropriate mitigation and management strategies be put in place that promote livelihood options that are divorced from illegal resource use.

Mitigation and management

In consultation with local leaders and the WWF, Toliara Sands could report any suspicious behaviour in the area that could possibly assist the WWF and local leaders with addressing illegal use of natural resources and cattle theft.

A Stakeholder Engagement Plan (SEP) should be developed to assist with establishing open communication channels between community leaders, project stakeholders (i.e. WWF), and affected communities. The SEP might consider establishing an Engagement Committee comprising local leaders, and key project stakeholders that meets once a month to assist with:

 Informing community leaders, project stakeholders and communities about project developments;  Addressing project-related grievances;  Assisting community leaders, project stakeholders and communities with addressing cattle theft and illegal resource use; and  Identifying alternative livelihood strategies, and implementing skills development programmes.

Significance statement

Impact 2: Decrease the illegal use of natural resources Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Slight Short term 1 Local 1 1 Unlikely 1 4 LOW + mitigation beneficial With Short Term 1 Local 1 Beneficial 4 Unlikely 1 7 LOW + mitigation

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9. TRANSFER STATION AND JETTY IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED

9.1 Introduction

This section focuses on the assessment of the potential positive and negative socio-economic impacts of the proposed transfer station and the jetty, and offers recommendations for enhancing the positive and mitigating the negative impacts during the construction of the project and operations.

9.2 Construction Phase

9.2.1 Impact 1: An increase in employment and related economic benefits

Cause and Comment

It is anticipated that most unskilled and semi-skilled workers will be recruited locally to assist with constructing and operating the transfer station and the jetty in accordance with Toliara Sands‟ labour recruitment procedures. This employment will however be temporary in nature as most people in the study area have very few employable skills. As such the CDP must prioritise skills development programmes and training courses so as to ensure that locals can benefit from employment opportunities and associated economic benefits.

Mitigation and management

These impacts can be mitigated by Toliara Sands implementing the following management measures:

 Develop and implement a recruitment strategy that prioritises temporary unskilled and semi- skilled employment opportunities for local communities; and  Develop a Community Development Plan (CDP) that prioritises skills development and vocational training programmes.

Significance statement

Impact 1: An increase in employment and related economic benefits Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without May Medium 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 2 8 MODERATE + mitigation occur With May Medium 2 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 2 10 MODERATE + mitigation occur

9.2.2 Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers

Cause and Comment

It is likely that the construction of a transfer station close to Antsonoabo and the jetty will result in the in-migration of migrant workers and job-seekers. The direct and indirect impacts associated with influx are discussed in Section 7.2.2, and are likely to have significant impacts on local areas.

Mitigation and management

In collaboration with local leaders and the regional Government, Toliara Sands should explore

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opportunities to manage and mitigate influx related impacts by developing the following management plans:

 A Labour, Recruitment and Influx Management Plan;  Social Labour Plan; and  A stakeholder engagement plan that involves developing collaborative management strategies for in-migration.

Significance statement

Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Medium 2 National 3 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH - mitigation With Medium 2 National 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE - mitigation

9.2.3 Impact 3: Increased economic displacement resulting from the loss of land

Cause and Comment

In order to construct a causeway a road to transport minerals to the proposed new jetty, Toliara Sands will acquire land close to Fiherenana River, and given that land in the proposed area is currently used for farming, a number of households will lose fields and access to agricultural land.

Toliara Sands is developing a RAP outlining the procedures to management economic displacement through an efficient and fair compensation programme, which will be informed by international best practice and the Operational Directives of the World Bank (refer to Section 7.2.3).

Mitigation and management

Section 7.2.3 provides a detailed description of the mitigation required to manage economic displacement.

Significance statement

Impact 3: Increased economic displacement resulting from the loss of land and reduced access to local fishing grounds Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Long term 3 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH mitigation With Long term 3 Study area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH mitigation

9.2.4 Impact 3: Reduced access to local fishing grounds

Cause and Comment

The construction of the jetty close to the Toliara Lagoon (refer to Figure 3-9), and an increase in seaborne traffic has the potential to affect the movement of fisherman up and down the coast as

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fisherman will be required to go around the Jetty, and will not be permitted to fish close to loading vessels. Given that the shipping frequency will be about one or one-and-a-half ships per month, and a total number of between 13 ships per year this potential impact is of LOW significance, and does not require mitigation measures.

Although the construction of the new jetty has the potential to impede access to a portion of the fishing grounds, this impact cannot be directly mitigated, and as such this impact will be off-set by project benefits, and community development projects (refer to 9.3.1).

Mitigation and management

Even though the construction of the jetty and increased seaborne traffic has the potential to inconvenience fisherman moving up and down the coast in search of fishing grounds, this impact cannot be avoided and as such, Toliara Sands should identify and implement community development projects for communities directly affected by this impact. These community development projects will aim to offset these impacts, and might include establishing a fisherman‟s market for improved access to the market. Community development projects would need to be identified by affected communities

Significance statement

Impact 4: Reduced access to local fishing grounds Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Long term 3 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH - mitigation With Long term 3 Study area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH - mitigation

9.3 Operational Phase Impacts

9.3.1 Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision

Cause and Comment

The project is likely to have a positive impact on project-affected areas in terms of the improvement of road networks, which are currently in a poor condition and limit access to markets, schools and healthcare facilities. The development of the transfer station and jetty will not provide direct social benefits to neighbouring communities, however, neighbouring communities will benefit from community projects aimed at economic development, and improving education, health, water and sanitation. For example, La Batterie is one of the communities neighbouring the proposed jetty site, which is littered with pollution, waste and rubbish, and in order to improve the lives of the entire community, Toliara Sands could collaborate with local leaders and government officials to establish a managed landfill.

As such the Community Development Plan (CDP) programmes in the areas of infrastructure and service provision should be developed in consultation with local government, community leaders, and key stakeholders, and should aim to assist government with rolling out infrastructure and development projects in the areas of health, water and sanitation, and education. This will also ensure that these programmes are sustainably implemented and do not lead to increased dependence on Toliara Sands as discussed in Section 7.3.1.

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Mitigation and management

In collaboration with local leaders and the regional Government, Toliara Sands should explore opportunities to:

 Develop a Community Development Plan (CDP), which ensures that communities neighbouring the proposed jetty benefit from community projects.  Consult with CDP beneficiaries to manage misplaced expectations that Toliara Sands will take the role of government in terms of infrastructure development and service provision.

Significance statement

Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Medium 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Unlikely 1 7 LOW + mitigation term With Medium 2 Study Area 2 Very Beneficial 8 Unlikely 1 13 HIGH + mitigation term

9.3.2 Impact 2: Loss of recreational facilities

Cause and Comment

The construction of the proposed jetty is likely to restrict recreational activities along a stretch of the La Batterie beachfront area.

Mitigation and management

This impact is difficult to mitigate directly, however, Toliara Sands in collaboration with local leaders and the regional Government should explore opportunities to offset this impact by:

 Developing a Community Development Plan (CDP) that prioritises the development of recreational facilities in the communities neighbouring the proposed jetty.  In collaboration with local community leaders, and key stakeholders consider constructing a sports centre, refurbishing the existing football pitch, and establishing parks in communities neighbouring the proposed new jetty.

Significance statement

Impact 2: Loss of recreational facilities Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Operational phase Without Study area Long term 3 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH - mitigation With Study area Long term 3 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH - mitigation

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9.3.3 Impact 3: Loss of mooring facilities for fishing boats

Cause and Comment

The construction of the jetty could potentially affected access to a portion of the beach front area currently used by fisherman to land their boats and sell their fish.

Mitigation and management

This is another impact, which is difficult to mitigate directly, however, in collaboration with the Fishermen‟s Association, local leaders and the Government, Toliara Sands should explore opportunities to offset this impact by:

 Ensuring effective communication between project personnel and fisherman so as to ensure that construction and operational phase activities do not significantly impact on their movements and areas required by fishermen to land their boats.  Considering the various mechanisms and structures that can be implemented or supported by the project to assist fishermen the sale of their daily catch that would reduce travelling time with their catch to existing markets.

Significance statement

Impact 3: Loss of mooring facilities for fishing boats Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Severity of Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Impact Operational phase Without Long term 3 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH - mitigation With Long term 3 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE - mitigation

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10. PORT SITE IMPACTS IDENTIFIED AND ASSESSED

10.1 Introduction

This section focuses on the assessment of the potential positive and negative socio-economic impacts of the project in the port site area and offers recommendations for enhancing the positive and mitigating the negative impacts.

10.2 Construction Phase

10.2.1 Impact 1: Employment and related economic benefits

Cause and Comment

Employment opportunities will be generated for locals during construction and operations of the port site facility. These opportunities have the potential to increase the levels of income in Toliara thereby improving the livelihoods of those employed by the project. Although the number of people benefiting directly from employment opportunities is low in comparison to the number of employment opportunities generated at the mine site, this impact could potentially stimulate the local economy, and generate a number of secondary positive economic impacts including increased demand for local goods and services. Other positive impacts associated with employment opportunities include skills transfer and development.

Mitigation and management

Given that education levels in Toliara are low and that the unemployment rate is high, many locals do not have employable skills that can be utilised by the Ranobe Mine. Although this presents a challenge for the project to source local labourers, it also presents an opportunity to train and to provide local people with skills. Like in most mining projects, employment opportunities for low skilled labourers are mainly generated during the construction phase of a project, and although these jobs are temporary, they have the potential to improve local skills and to provide people with an opportunity to source alternative employment when the project moves into operations. Employment will be generated by the following activities catering, waste collection, ground and vehicle maintenance, and cleaning services.

Overall, the economic benefits generated by employment opportunities will improve livelihoods and the level of skills amongst community members, if locals are provided with training and skills development, these associated and interrelated impacts have the potential to stimulate and support local economic development in Toliara and neighbouring communities. To ensure that community members benefit from employment opportunities, Toliara Sands in collaboration with Government and local leaders must:

 Develop a Social Labour Plan (SLP) and implement HR policies and procedures that prioritise local employment; and  Establish skills development and vocational training programmes to increase local skills.

Significance statement

Impact 1: Employment and related economic benefits Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Long term 3 Site 2 Slight 1 Unlikely 1 7 LOW + mitigation With Long term 3 Site 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH + mitigation

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10.3 Operational Phase

10.3.1 Impact 1: Risk of Road Accidents and Injury

Cause and Comment

Concentrate will be transported in containers to the Toliara Port Quay. This has the potential to decrease road safety by increasing an already congested, noisy and dusty portion of the road. The transportation of the heavy minerals along the RN9 road, which is already a very busy road, will result in additional large trucks passing through densely populated areas and potentially increasing the number of road accidents along the access road to the port facility. Increased heavy traffic therefore has the potential to increase the likelihood of road accidents, and is an impact of HIGH negative significance.

Mitigation and management

Road accidents can be avoided or minimised if the access road from the transfer station to the port quay is refurbished and correct safety procedures are implemented, which might include training drivers on road safety rules, and providing drivers with adequate breaks between shifts. Toliara Sands should consider the following mitigation strategies:

 Develop a Transport Management Plan that outlines the procedures for maintaining road safety measures amongst drivers that might include: o Ensuring all drivers have valid drivers‟ licenses and are provided with appropriate training in road safety; and o Instituting a zero tolerance policy on driving under the influence of drugs or alcohol and implement random breathalyser testing and regular spot checks.  Establish partnerships with local government, and other major corporate road users to jointly implement on-going road safety education and awareness programmes in the affected and local communities particularly at schools and churches;  In partnership with local government and other major corporate road users provide road safety education and awareness. Awareness campaigns could entail distributing luminous safety vests to motorcyclists and rickshaw drivers aimed at improving visibility especially at night. These vests could be sewn by a community cooperative.  Assist local government and the Municipal Council with developing a five year Road Safety Strategy that details plans to: o Improve road safety signs; and o Build bus shelters at intervals along the RN9 Highway and access road to prevent pedestrians congregating close to the road. These shelters could also be used to market Toliara Sands and to provide an area to display awareness raising and educational posters.

After mitigation an impact of HIGH significance will have a MODERATE negative impact on road users including pedestrians, cyclists, motorists, rickshaw drivers and motorcyclists.

Significance statement

Impact 2: Risk of Road Accidents and Injury Effect Risk or Total Overall Impact Temporal Severity of Spatial Scale Likelihood Score Significance Scale Impact Construction phase Without Medium 2 Regional 3 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH - mitigation term With Medium May 2 Site 2 Moderate 2 2 8 MODERATE - mitigation term occur

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11. SUMMARY TABLE OF IDENTIFIED IMPACTS

Table 11-1: Summary table of identified and assessed impacts MINE SITE IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: Increase in employment opportunities and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study area 2 Slight 1 Unlikely 1 6 LOW With mitigation Medium term 2 Study area 2 Moderate 2 May Occur 2 8 MODERATE Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located in the mine lease area Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE MINE SITE IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 May occur 2 8 MODERATE With mitigation Long term 3 Study area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH Impact 2: Increased competition and conflict between communities Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Local 1 Moderate 2 Probable 3 8 MODERATE With mitigation Medium term 2 Local 1 Slight 1 May occur 2 6 LOW Impact 3: An increase in social pathologies Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase

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Without mitigation Long term 3 Study area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE Impact 4: Loss of productive land and natural resources due to mining Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH Impact 5: Loss of sacred, and culturally important heritage sites Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Severe 4 Probable 3 13 HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE Impact 6: Exhumation of tombs and gravesites Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH HAUL ROAD IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: Loss of land and access to natural resources Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 14 HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study area 2 Moderate 2 Probable 3 11 MODERATE Impact 2: An increase in employment and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium-term 2 Study Area 2 Slight 1 May occur 2 7 LOW With mitigation Long-term 3 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH Impact 3: The physical and economic displacement of structures and fields located along the haul road Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Very Severe 8 Definite 4 18 VERY HIGH With mitigation Permanent 4 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 12 HIGH

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HAUL ROAD IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE Impact 1: Increased road accidents and safety risks Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Regional 3 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 Regional 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE Impact 2: Decrease the illegal use of natural resources Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Short term 1 Local 1 Slight beneficial 1 Unlikely 1 4 LOW With mitigation Short term 1 Local 1 Beneficial 4 Unlikely 1 7 LOW TRANSFER STATION AND JETTY AND IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: An increase in employment and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 May occur 2 8 MODERATE With mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 May occur 2 10 MODERATE Impact 2: The in-migration of large numbers of economic migrants and job seekers Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 National 3 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE Impact 3: Increased economic displacement resulting from the loss of land Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH Impact 4: Reduced access to local fishing grounds Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH TRANSFER STATION AND JETTY AND IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE

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Impact 1: The expansion of infrastructure and service provision Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Unlikely 1 7 LOW With mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Very Beneficial 8 Unlikely 1 13 HIGH Impact 2: Loss of recreational facilities Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Severe 4 Definite 4 13 HIGH Impact 3: Loss of mooring facilities for fishing boats Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Operational phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 Definite 4 11 MODERATE PORT SITE IMPACTS: CONSTRUCTION PHASE Impact 1: Employment and related economic benefits Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Slight 1 Unlikely 1 7 LOW With mitigation Long term 3 Study Area 2 Beneficial 4 Probable 3 12 HIGH PORT SITE IMPACTS: OPERATIONAL PHASE Impact 1: Risk of Road Accidents and Injury Effect Total Overall Impact Risk or Likelihood Temporal Scale Spatial Scale Severity of Impact Score Significance Construction phase Without mitigation Medium term 2 Regional 3 Very severe 8 Definite 4 17 VERY HIGH With mitigation Medium term 2 Study Area 2 Moderate 2 May occur 2 8 MODERATE

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12. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This report has considered the socio-economic impacts of the Ranobe Mine project at local level. The project will some positive impacts in terms of creating development and providing employment. However certain negative impacts may manifest themselves. The loss of access to land and natural resources and at the same time additional pressure on natural resources will, if not well managed lead to disruptions of people‟s livelihood. The strategies and input of the various local stakeholders need to be carefully worked out in order to optimise fair and widely accepted compensation strategies.

Local residents are sensitive to the potential disruption of their tombs. It is recommended that, if possible, these remain intact. In case tombs will need to be removed, careful negotiation with the local leaders and families will need to take place.

Expectations of job opportunities and development projects are high amongst local residents, however only relatively few job opportunities will be available. It is very important to instil realistic expectations with regards to benefits from the mining project and to develop a strategy of equitable distribution of job opportunities amongst the affected parties. The skills base in the area is poor, in order to optimise local employment opportunities, skills training will be necessary. Particular attention will need to be given to women and youth.

The mining project may have several socio-cultural impacts, including tensions within villages (between those employed by the mining company and those who are not), between villages (competing for development projects sponsored by the mining company) and between local residents and outsiders (cultural clashes and HIV/Aids increase). The development of a Stakeholder Engagement Plan (SEP), and the employment of a strong community liaison manager and the development of a representative community liaison working group is important.

Post-mining communities often suffer hardship as a result of disruption of their traditional live styles exacerbated by a sudden collapse of the temporary support of the mine. Plans should be put in place early on in the mining process for post mining activities. In terms of land, a rehabilitation forum should be created of all relevant stakeholders, including representatives of local communities, to develop a rehabilitation plan.

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 Minten, Meral, and Swinnen. 2010. Trade Liberalization and Rural Poverty and the Environment: Two Studies of Agricultural Exports in Madagascar, chapter five of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / World Bank‟s Vulnerable Places, Vulnerable People: Trade Liberalization and Rural Poverty, Washington DC Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative. December 2011. Country Briefing: Madagascar Multi-dimensional Poverty Index, at a Glance, University of Oxford, Oxford

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 Sharp, M, and Kruse, I. 2011, Health, Nutrition and Population in Madagascar 2000- 09, World Bank Working Paper no 216, The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / the World Bank, Washington DC

 Teyssier, A, Ratsialonana, A, Razafindralambo, R, and Razafindrakoto, Y. 2008, Decentralization of Land Management in Madagascar: Process, Innovations and Observation of the First Outcome (first draft)

 Tucker, B, Tsimitamby, Humber F, Benbow, S and Iida, T. 2010. Foraging for Development: A Comparison of Food Insecurity, Production and Risk Among Farmers, Forest Foragers, and Marine Foragers in Southwestern Madagascar, Human Organization, Vol 69, No 4

 United Nations Development Program. 2008, Programme de travail annuel 2008 – Appui a l‟urbinisation et aux collectivities territoriales decentralizes

 United Nations Development Program and Vondrona Ivon‟ny Fampandrosoana Toliara. 2009, Plan Communal de Développement de la Commune Rurale de Belalanda, District de Toliara II, Region Atsimo Andrefana, Toliara

 USAID. November 2007, Toliara Regional Expanded Impact Project: Atsimo Andrefana Region, Madagascar, Annual Report 2006-2007, Silver Spring, Maryland

 USAID. 2010, USAID Country Profile, Property Rights and Resource Governance, Madagascar

 Widman, M. 2012, The Outcome of “Gender Neutral” Reform: Why Don‟t Couples Apply for Joint Land Certificates for Co-Owned Land in Madagascar? (draft version)

 Van Vlaenderen, 2006, Toliara Sands Social Impact Assessment, Coastal Environmental Services, South Africa.  World Bank. 2010, Labor Markets Conditions in Madagascar, Human Development Department‟s Social Protection Unit, Report No 57-652

 World Bank. 2010, Madagascar Economic Update: Aid Effectiveness During Political Instability – A Look at Social Sectors

 World Bank. 2010, Governance and Development Effectiveness Review – A Political Economy Analysis of Governance in Madagascar, Public Sector and Capacity Building Unit Africa Region

 World Bank. April 2011, Reproductive Health at a Glance, Madagascar, report 62937 World Economic Forum. The World Bank and the African Development Bank, 2011., The Africa Competitiveness Report 2011, World Economic Forum, Geneva

 World Food Program. 2010, Protracted Relief and Recovery Operation (PRRO 200065), Response to Current Recurrent Natural Disasters and Seasonal Food Insecurity in Madagascar

 World Trade Organization. 2009, Trade Policy Review: WT/TPR/S/197

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Online Resources

 CIA factbook (accessed July 21st, 2012)

 Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, http://eiti.org/Madagascar (accessed July 21st, 2012)

 Global Finance Magazine, Madagascar Country Report (accessed July 30th, 2012)

 Madagascar Land Observatory (accessed July 21st, 2012)

 Reef Doctor, Vezo People: The Stakeholders (accessed July 31st, 2012)

 WWF “Madagascar Drought Forces Farmers in Charcoal Deforestation”, posted August 20th, \ 2010, (accessed July 30th, 2012)

 World Bank, Madagascar Country Brief, (accessed July 30th, 2012)

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