The Letters of Alcuin

T HE LET T E RS of ALC UIN

R O LPH BARLOW PA GE , A .M . Sometime Fellow 171 European Hijtory in Columbia Unit/om it), New York C10;

SU BM I T TE D I N PARTIAL FULFIL M E NT OF THE REQUIRE M ENT S FOR THE D E G REE O F D O CTO R OF PHILO S O PHY I N THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE C OLU M BIA U NI V ER SITY

33m 33m 1909 Co r h 1 0 R. B. Pa e py ig t, 9 9, by g

ork Tbe Foru t Ff m , New Y

PREFAC E

THE life Of Alcuin has be en written many times ; and the Carolingian Age in which he played no m ean part has often been fully treated . The present work is concerned with neither of these, primarily, yet both will necessarily be dis cussed in some measure in connection with its main pur ’ to Alcu in s and pose, which is determine how far life works mirror forth his age , and to what extent they inﬂuenced the events o f that time. The author wishes to thank his colleagues in the New

o M . e o Y rk High School of Commerce, essrs Carl t n , Lewis fo r a and Wharton , the valuable assistance they h ve given him in the ﬁnal preparation Of the manuscript. To Pro fes so r . t James T Shotwell , at whose instance the au hor

U e a entered Columbia niversity, he i s speci lly i ndebted for many kindnesses and for many help ful suggestio n s in the writing and revising Of this work . His sincerest thanks

e are due to Professor Jam s Harvey Robinson, at whose suggestion this work was undertaken , and without whose encouragement it wo uld never have been completed .

R . B . P.

NE W K Y A 1 0 . YOR CIT , pril , 9 9

CONT ENT S

INTRODU CTION

’ TH E value o f Alcuin s letters as sources for the age of — ’ Charles the Great Alcuin s early li fe and career in Eng — land ; his birth and education at York His teaching at — — Yo rk His pilgrimage to Rome Meetin with Charles — the Great and invitation to Frankland Master o f the — Palace Scho ol Alcuin returns to England to make peace ff — between Charles the Great and O a , king of Mercia His return to Frankland ; o pposition to Ado ptionism and Image — Worship Abbot Of Tours ; his quarrel with Th eo d ulph o f — Orleans and King Charles His restoratio n to favor and pe aceful death .

CHAPTER I

’ A LCU I N S THEOLO GICAL ROLE

’ T H E general nature of Alcu in s theolo gy ; his attitude — to wards the Church Fathers His stru ggle against th e Ado ptionists ; dogmatic works against the latter : nature and origin Of Adoptionism co urse Of the struggle : its sig — n ificance. Other dogm atic works Part played by Alcuin i n the contro versies over filio qu e and Image- Wo rship; Exegetical works O f Alcuin ; their nature and purpose The Commentaries ; his metho d Of interpretation ; influence — and im portance Of hi s exegetical works Moral and bio — graphical works ; their lack o f o riginality Co nclusion . 6 CONTENTS

CHAPTER II

S OCIAL A ND POLITICAL CO NDITION S

T H E o d iﬁiculties Papacy as p rtrayed by Alcuin ; its , its — — weakness Relati o n s with the Frankish power The Frankish Church and Charles the Great ; his ecclesiastical ’ — policy and reforms ; Alcu in s inﬂuence upon these The ’ — Empire ; Alcuin s conception o f it Social conditi o ns in ’ Alcu in s — co m Frankland in day The clergy , princes and — mon people Social co nditions in England ; internal stri fe ; devastations by the Northmen— Remedial measures

Co nclusi o n .

CHAPTER III

ALCUI N A S A TEAC HER

GENERAL condition Of learning in the seventh an d eighth centuries— The educational ai m s of Alcuin and Charles

o f o a l r Lack schools , teachers and bo ks ; a medi eval ibra y — The sch o o ls O f Charles the Great Alcuin and th e Palace — School The subjects taught ; the Seven Liberal Arts ; ’ — ’ Alcuin s educational works Alcu in s attitude toward the — classics ; his literary style , methods and discipline Results and conclusions . INT RO D U CT ION

IN the fo llo wi n g pages an attem pt will be made to fo rm an estimate Of so m e of the mo re i m po rtant phases o f the

o r o m o to w rk of Alcuin , from the t aces which have c e d wn us in his o wn wo rks and in tho se o f the m en with who m he came most in contact . The principal so urce used is his

o e bv o o o m corresp ndence supplement d his ther w rks , d g atic ,

o . . o exegetical , m ral and didactic Where these have pr ved

a o in dequate, further evidence has been sought in the Car lin g ian Capitularies and o ther contem p o rary so urces . The

o n n o t corresp nde ce Of Alcuin , as preserved , includes merely

o w n o s o his letters , but the replies Of thers , and especially

o n o o f o . c mme ds itself by reas n its sc pe and nature In all , 1 o o there are in the c llecti n three hundred and eleven letters ,

’ ( I ) Fo r th e e arli e r e d iti o n s o f Alcu in s co rre s p o n d en ce s ee

tth a t We w eis er . . m o d e n an e e e ll n t t i th Po s , A r d v ry xc e e d i i o n s e g , p 34 n e a e ff n u l o e p r p r d by Ja é , a d p b i s h ed by Watte n bach an d D u em m le r in 1 873 in th e s ixth vo lu m e o f th e B iblio th e ca Re r u m Ge rm an icaru m . Th i s h as a d eci de d ad v an tag e o ve r th e p re c ed i n g e d iti o n s in th at it h as i n co rp o rate d wi th th e 30 6 le tte r s wh ich it co n tai n s th e th r e e m o s t l b le u e f r h l f l u n T e r th l i i va ua s o rc s o t e ife o A c i . h s e a e , e Vita A e /m n ’ u t r n n m b l e i lf ff 7 c it A c o e a o y o , p ro ab y wri tt n by S g u u s ( cf. J a é 0 1 . . p . I ), an d h e it n ti Willibro rdi an d Ve s us d e S an tis E bo rac e n s is t V a S a c , r c ’ E les ia tten b Al u n h m s e l . o e e in e o f th e n e s t a cc , wri y c i i f H w v r , vi w i v ig o n s o f k e l an o f D u em m le r h m s e l th e e d t o n w a o o n in ti S ic , d i f, i i s s n ee d o f re vi s i o n s o far as th e arr an g em e n t Of th e l e tte r s w as co n c e rn e d . M o r eo v e r th o u h th e e d ito r s h ad h e artily a ro v e d o f th e m a o r ar t o f , g p p j p ‘ th e wo rk re ar ed b th e ir d e ad fri e n d aﬂé it h ad n o t b ee n en tire ly p p y J ,

a t o th e m . d n l D u e m m le r e a e d a n e w e d t o n s ati s f c o ry t Acco r i g y, p r p r i i l 1 in th M o n u m e n tal e rm an ic? His to rica wh ich w as p ub i s h ed in 895 e G , E is to lao'um V o lu m e IV s . 1 - . It is bas e d v e ry lar ely o n th at p , , p p 493 g o f affé b ut it re e cts o n e o r tw o u n tru s tw o rthy s o u rc e s u s e d by th e J , j latte r. D u em m le r h as al s o re vi s e d th e d ate s o f m an y o f th e le tte r s

l s o n e n e . M o eo e h le o m t an d h as rearran g e d th e wh o e co rr e p d c r v r , w i i ’ tin g s ix O f th e l ette rs i n s e rte d in th e e d itio n o f Jaﬁ é h e h as m ad e u o th e s E . 28 1 an d h as co n s id erab le ad diti o n s to fo r r , ( p p 3 , , 49, 45 ) i nco rp o rate d in h is o w n e d itio n ele v e n le tte r s wh ich w e re n o t k n o w n ll to JafIé o r reje cte d by h im . It i s to th i s e d i ti o n th at re fe re n ce s wi 8 INTRODUC TION

n o O f pe ned by the ch icest spirits the age , among them such

An ilbert Ad alh ard Le id rad Th eo d ul h men as g , , , p , Bene

O f n o r dict A iane; Paulinus , Arn and Charles the G eat him

self. As an intimate friend an d zealous CO- labo rer with these in an endeavor to elevate the whole Frankish people to the level Of that civilization which still lingered o n in ’ some Of the more fo rtunate places Of the realm . Alcu in s co rrespondence with each and all Of them is well - nigh in

, o co n ce a dispensable to those who w uld Obtain a proper p

tion o f the political and social history o f his day. Therein the whole inner li fe o f the Caro lingian Age is reﬂected fo r

i o u r . inspection The Frankish nobility , as Alcuin knew it

at o o u n the court and in the Palace Scho l , vig rous , but

tiito red ; the Frankish clergy , unorganized , vitiated by

o ignorance and sloth , impelled to ref rm by the genius Of its

a o king ; the struggling Pap cy , beset by f es within and with o u t ; barbarian peoples accepting Christianity and civiliza tion at the po int of the swo rd ; a great Christian empire i n the mak ing— all these stand out in the correspondence

o f m . o Alcuin in a way that is most illu inating M reover, ’ an especial signiﬁcance and value attaches to Alcu in s

o f letters , by reason the fact that he regards himself as a mentor and father- confessor to the foremost people o f his

time . He assumed to write with the conﬁdence o f a pope

ito o o an d every regi n , parish , pr vince state Of his world , exhortin g and adm onishing the peo ple a fter the fas hi o n o f 1 l . o f the holy fathers As a matter fact , there i s scarcely a

e l o k e l T l1 . Alc u ins tud i b e m ade in th e s e p ag e s S e a s S ic , , o u in Si tz un g sbe rich te d e r Ph 1lo s o p his ch Hi s to ri s ch e n "Clas s e d e r Wi e n e r ’ s to is h e Zc 1ts cl1r1 t V o l A k ad em ie Vo l . L I . S be l s Hi r c / , X XII , XX X y X , m l E . Z u r Le bc n s cs c h wh l e A l u in m N p p . 352 365. D u e m e r , g c : e u e s ’ m m l r E . l n tr d u ct1 1 Arch iv V o l. X V III. 1 0 . D ue e , , o o 1 l o Al c u m s , p p 5 7

m V l . IV . 1 e t s e Lette rs M . G. H. E is to aru , o , p p q , , p “ l ( 1 ) Et litte ris s u b e i u s ( p ap ae ) s an cti n o m i n i s aucto ritate pe r d iv e rs as m u n d i reg io n e s po p u lo s p arro ch ias civi tate s e t p ro vi n ci as ’ ” h o rtari ; e t c ath o licae ﬁd e i r atio n e s p lu rio ribu s e xp o n e re p e rso n is .

Ep . 1 79. INTROD UC TION 9 question of the day Of any importance in church o r state o n which Alcuin does n o t express an Opinion . It is his

var a res o n s ibilit sense Of iedg w persgn l p y which makes ‘ ﬁ ﬁ w

his letters so rich i n material , and therefore so valu able a supplement to the other s can tv sources for this time. The data fo r the li fe of Alcuin are very scanty. Th e exact time O f his birth cannot be ﬁxed but it would appear that he was born in No rthum bria between the years 730 and 1 D . o m 735 A . Acc rding the statement of his biographer , 2 e he was of noble birth , and he hims lf claimed that he was ’ t . VVillibro rd s o f o m related a St father, a nobleman N rthu 3 . o to o w n o bria His early li fe , acc rding his testim ny , was

o o k in dlv spent in the m nastery at York, where he was m st ‘ m e . co m treated by his asters , Egb rt and Aelbert Here , in

o o f o pany with other y uths n ble birth , he was instructed by the go od Aelbert in all the learning Of the Seven Liberal ‘5 . Arts He evinced the liveliest interest in his studies,

V o o th e especially in irgil , and s n became the best pupil in

scho o l . As such he was the recipient o f an u n u s uallv large share o f that affecti o n which his master Aelbert was

wont to lavish o n all his pupils .

o e o C nsequently, when Aelb rt made a pilgrimage to R me .

o to o after the fashion Of sch lars of the time , ﬁnd s mething 6 o o m new in the way Of bo ks and studies , he was acc panied

1 o ben u s Mabillo n an d Lo z ( ) Fr i , ren t , who m m o s t o f th e l ate r ’ b o a h e o llo ta h l i g r p r s f w , s te t at A cu i n s birth co u ld n o t h ave o ccu rre d e arlie r th an 7 ; D uem m l e r o n th e o th e h an d a ue s th at l u n w as 35 , r , rg A c i

‘ o babl b o n abo u t 0 . . Lo en tz Alk u in . . D u e m m l e r E ZI’ p r y r 73 Cf r ., N , p 9 , Leben s g es ch ich te Alch u ins in G e s e lls ch aft fiir alte re D eu ts ch e Ge s chich tsk un de Ne u e s A h V l II , rc iv , o . XV I 1 8 . , 93, p 54 ' ' 2 V1ta A lc h m u z A u c to re an o n m h u ff B ( ) y a, c ap . 1 , ap d Ja é, iblo theca Re u m e rm an ic aru m o l I 6 r G , V . V . , p ' ( 3 ) Vita S an ct1 Willibro rd 1 cha . 1 . aﬁ é o . cit . 0 1 6. , p J , p , pp 4 , 4 , 7 E ) 20 1 N 9, 7. E . 2. Ve s u d e S S .E bo r E le . t W . 1 6 8- 1 6 2. ( 4) p 4 r s . cc s o p. a , 4 5 Cf. Epp . rs us d S S . E b . E l s it vv. 1 0 - 1 2 1 1 1 22 ( 5 ) Ve e o r cc e . o p. c , 43 45 , 5 5 , 5 , 1 530 . “ ( 6) Hie q uo que Ro m u le am v e n it d evo tas ad u rb em . Vers u s d e ' “ 5 5 . E bo . E c les . o . c1 t. W . 1 1 8. . uo s libello s h abu i r c p , 457, 45 Cf Q ( ) 10 INTROD UCTION

. o - by his favorite pupil , Alcuin The two Angl Saxon m n t o o ks , mas er and pupil , passed thr ugh Frankland , and such was the i m pressi o n made upo n the latter that he de 1 sired to rem ain wi th the Alsatian monks Of Murbach . Though Alcuin dismisses the subj ect Of his soj o urn in 2 o m o o R e with a sh rt but reverential menti n , there i s little roo m to doubt that the ancient home of the Cae sars made a great i m pression upo n h im . Their j o urney had so me

o a r notew rthy incidents ; at Pavia , they he rd Pete of Pisa o Lu llu s o n hold a disputati n with a certain , and later they 3 met King Charles himself.

On o to their return to York, Alcuin c ntinued aid Aelbert in the wo rk Of the school . Soo n a change cam e ; Aelbert succeeded to the archbishopri c o n the death of Egbert in

66 m o f o 7 , while Alcuin beca e master the scho l . and was

o f o given express care the books , th se invaluable treasures which he an d his m aster had been at such inﬁnite pains to 4 ’ c o llect. Alcu in s reputatio n as a teacher and scho lar attracted many pupils to his scho o l at York . Among these

o o were s me fr m abroad , and others whom he frequently 5 mentions in his letters . He taught them what he himsel f 6 m . had studied , na ely , the Seven Liberal Arts Like

Aelbert , he was a successful teacher ; his pupils ever remem

ff . bered him with gratitude and a ection Indeed , at this stage Of his career , his lines were cast in pleasant places , and later he speaks Of this period Of his life with regret . in p atri a p er bo n am e t d evo tis s im am m ag is tri m e i i n d u s tri am ve l eti am ” ’ u l m m u u d rem E . 1 2 1 . . Alcu in s E ta h o n m ei ip s iu s q a e cu q e s o , p Cf p i p Ae lb e rt M . G. H . Po e t. Lat. M ed . Ae v. I p . 20 6 . , ' 1 E 1 2 2 1 . 2 Ve rs us d e S S . E b o r. E ccle s . o p . c1t. W . ( ) pp 7 , 7 ( ) , 1 1 8 E 1 2. 457, 45 , ( 3 ) } 7 V zta Ale/1 11 111 1 o . a t b a . 5 . Cf. E p. 1 2 1 . ( 4 ) , p , g p n th e s e e e Ean bald th e S e o n d Arch b1s h o o f Yo k ( 5 ) A m o g w r , c , p r , an d S i ul fu s w h o fo llo wed him to Fran c e . Ch ie f am o n g th o s e fro m g , s n t o m e o o f F s a. Vil ab ro ad we r e Liu d e r an d Albe rt, e fr Gr g ry ri i a g , Liud cri M . . . S S I Al e /m in i o . c it ch a . 1 1 . Cf. Vi ta S . g , G H . I . p , p , p

. 1 1 2 2 0 . 40 7. Cf. Epp , 9 - E l es . o . c m W . 1 1 6 1 . ( 6 ) Ve rs us d e S S . E bo r. cc p , 535 5 INTRODUCTION 11

When not engaged in teaching, he spent his leisure time e with his old master, Aelb rt, whom he honored as a scholar 1 88 . D . and lo ved as a father . When Aelbert died in 7 A , h im Alcuin mourned with the most touching sorrow , and o n e Of a it may be , as his biographers suggests , that the de th Of his Old master was o n e of the factors which de t ermined h im to g o to Frankland . In 78 1 h e went to Ro me to Obtain the pallium fo r Ean 2 . D bald uring the j ourney he met Charles at Parma, was

to h es itat invited make his home in Frankland , and , after ing until he sho uld obtain the consent o f his archbishop

o and of his king, he beto k himself with their permission to the palace o fCharles at Aachen in 782 . Here he received 3 a warm welcome from the king , and was shortly after 4 given charge o f certain abbeys . The mo tive which in duced Alcuin to leave England w as probably n o t so much the death of his beloved master as his reco gnitio n Of the fact that con ditio ns there were 5 far fro m conducive to the advancement o f learning. And then it must be remembered that Frankland had a great fascinati o n fo r o u r English scholar. He was an en th u s ias tic n o t n admirer of Charles , whom he regarded o ly o f m as the defender the Church , but as a ighty conqueror extending hi s conquests to enlarge the do main o f civiliza . . ff r tion Again , Frankland O ered a splendid oppo rtunity fo wo rk as wel l as for glo ry. Th e monasteries had been de stro yed or thei r property devastated ; learning had decreased

1 E 1 8 . 2 ( ) p 4 , p 39. Cf. Vers u s d e S S . E bo r. E c cle s . o . cit v v. p , 1 589 - 1 595 , 0 Vzta Alch u1m o . cit. h a . ( ) p , c p 5 , p . 1 7. Cf. auth o riti e s q uo ted in ’a _ Jaﬁ e V I. o . c1 t. . 1 n o te . p , p . 7, I ( 3 ) V1 10 Ale/1 11111 1 o . cit. ch a . . 1 . . E n h a d Vita a o li p , p 5 , p 7 Cf i r , C r 1m p erato r1s h a . 2 M. . . S S II l , c p 5, G H . . p . 456 : Th eo d u p h Carm en 25 , ' 1d Ca lum Re em vv. 1 1 - 1 0 M g , 3 4 , . G. H . Po et. Lat. M e d . Aev. V o l. { p . 4ég

B . 1 1 (4) M 53, 54, 232. ( E . 1 0 1 1 0 2 1 0 1 22. 5 ) pp , , 9, 12 INTROD UCTION from gene ration to generation ; the very language had been debased ; the manuscripts , even those relating to the saints ,

e c o r . had b en negle ted mutilated Alcuin , as might have been expected, seems to have reg arded his mission to st s o f Frankland as an apo le hip religion , rather than Of “ “ ear . a n l ning I h ve not come to Fra kland , he says , nor fo r re remained there for love of money, but the sake of lig io n and the strengthening of the Catholic ’ Alcu in s ﬁrst and most important work in Frankland ’ was to act as Charles chief co - laborer in the restorati o n

— a o Of letters herculean task , the c nsummation Of which the king regarded as second only to the maintenance Of the

. Fo r kingdom itself this task , Alcuin was eminently ﬁtted

aﬂiliatio n s by his learning, his with the church} and above

f r all , by his practical turn of mind and his admiration o the genius and plans o f King Charles . He began his work by teaching the Seven Liberal Arts in the Palace Scho o l . o f The pupils were the youths the court , young men des

o ﬂice . tined for high in church and state Charles , himsel f,

o and his elders were w nt to participate i n the discussions , 3 when the affairs O f state were n o t to o urgent. His position as master o f the Palace School was n o sine

. Old an d cure He had a mixed class , young , men and

o f o him women ; all them curi us, eager , insistent , plying with questions that at times must h ave been most discon certing . No t the least Of his difﬁ culties was that his pupils Of gloried in the martial supremacy their race , and could

’ ' E 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 . f Alcu i ( I . 78, 8, 7 , 4 , 7 C . n s Adve rs us E h an d u m ) pp 9 , 43 p , 2 1 bk . I ch a . 1 6 , Mi n e CCI . . , p g , p 5 2 His b o a h e tate th a th o u h h e h ad n e e tak e n o s e t ( ) i g r p r s s t g v r v w , y h e live d a life n o l es s s el f- d e n yin g th an th e m o st s trict ad h e r en t o f ' n l it Al h m n i . cit h a 8. In h th e B en e d icti e Ru e . Cf. V a c o p , c p t i s ’ “ ” co n n e cti o n s ee Gask o in s article Was Alcu in a M o n k ? A p p en d ix 1 “ ” - k h n h i h t D uts h l Gask o in Al u n . 2 2 2 H auc , Kirc e es c c e e c an ds c i p p 49 5 ; g ,

II . 1 2 n o te 1 . , p 5 .

r is h a . 2 M. . . S S . II E i n h ard Vi ta Car o l i im e ator c , G H . . ( 3 ) , p , p 5 p p 456 -457. INTROD UC TION 13

ill brook the intellectual supremacy o f their Saxon master ;

o to o o at times , they dr ve him seek the pr tecti n Of Charles 1 from their j ealous levity. Nor was this all . Alcuin was wearied by the frequent j o urneyings Of the co urt. by the Of excitement Of successive wars , and by the care the abbeys

entrusted to his charge. He was disco uraged at times by

Of o o an d h 1s u the lack b ks , righteo s soul was vexed by the 2 lax mo rals Of the court. m In view Of these circu stances , the Frankish court

co uld have n o permanent attracti o n fo r Alcuin . He had been practically a recluse in England , was already past

fo r e re middle age , and must have longed retir ment and it po se . He sought in England , whither he returned in

0 79 , probably intending to end his days as the abbot of a small m o nastery o n the banks Of the Hum ber. Hi s hop es were n o t to be realized ; he found himself more than ever

o . to embr iled in secular matters In the ﬁrst place, he had Off act as peacemaker between Charles and a , king Of

o o o Mercia , wh se relations with each ther had bec me 3 . U o f seriously strained p n his arrival at York , he e fected 4 o o tw o o o a rec nciliati n between these p tentates , but he f und that the p o litical co nditions in his native state of Northum bria were such as to preclude all idea o f repo se o r study.

' D o f o be espairing acc mplishing anything in England, he gan to think o nce more o f returning to France . Accord in l fo r g y, when Charles called upon him aid in combating ‘5 the o f o m o ut fo r heresy Adopti nis , he set again Aachen . 2 This was in 79 , and , much as Alcuin loved his native land , he was never destined to return to its sho res .

1 arm en 2 M . . o e . Lat. Me d . Aev . I . 2 . ( ) C , 4 , . G H P t . p 54 ' 2 Vita Alch uim . cit h a s . 6 8. E 1 2 1 80 . ( ) , op , c p , Cf. pp. , , 244 ' ita Alch u im it. h a s . 6 8. E 1 0 1 V , op . c , c p , Cf. pp. 53 , 5 , 55 , 2 1 1 , ’ ( E . 2 . ( Cf. D uem m le r Z ur Lebeus es ch zch te Alchuins 4) p 44 5 ) , g , o . cit. Ne u e s A h . V o l . V III . 6 n o te 1 : au k o . cit. p rc iv X , p 3 , 4 H c , p , ' V o l II 2 it i i h a 6 . , p . 1 3. V a Alch u m , op . c t , c p . . 14 INTRODUCTION

After his arrival in Frankland , Alcuin wrote several letters to the leaders o f that Ado ptionist heresy which he

to o o . n o r had returned pp se Neither these, the treatises

o o f which he wr te a little later , pr ved ef ectual in stemming

o f . o Of the tide heresy Soon after , h wever , at the Council o r Frankf t in 794, he had the satisfaction of silencing the

o U ] o n o f Bish p Of rge , e o f the chief pro tagonists Adop 1 tio n i s m . And it was a source o f no little gratiﬁcation to him that the works which he had written against Ado p tio n ism were used as a weapon by the commission which

‘ ’ 2 succeeded i n uprooting that pestilent heresy in Sp ain . Just how much he had to do with the co ntro versy o ver image - worship which came up at the same Council OfFrank

o fort , is a matter Of debate ; but it is very pr bable that he

‘ assisted Charles in writing his pro tests to the Papacy 3 agai nst the doctrine Of im age - worship .

fo r o o r It was perhaps as a reward his merit ri us se vices , that Charles made him Abbot Of Tours in It is evi

' hé . dent that did not seek this honor Some time before ,

o m indeed , anxi us to be entirely free fro all further partici atio n ff p in secular a airs , he had requested the king to allow him to reti re to Fulda , but Charles set him over Tours i n order to reform the monks and re- establish learning there.

Here he was destined to spend the remainder of his days , m disciplining the monks , ad inistering the great possessions

2 20 2 8. ( I ) Epp. 73. 3 , 7. “ 9 uo s n o s t a arv 1tas u an tum o tm t s cr1 t1s e ccle s 1ast1c1s ( 2 ) Q r p , q p , p m o l be llo u e m n u e r e d id im u s o n t a libellu m adiu vabat ; m axi e e i , q p c r ” 20 8 200 . illiu s Fe lic is . E p . 20 7. Cf. Epp . , 0 A s is ell k n o n h e b o u h t a m e m o al a a n t th e N en e ( 3 ) w w , r g ri g i s ic D ecr e e s to Ch arle s fro m th e bi s h o p s an d p ri n ce s Of E n g lan d . A im ales cit V o l . III 1 n o te . . No rd h u m bran i M . G . H . S S . o . , , 55 , 3 Cf , , p X p, 0 : He fele o n ci h en es ch ich te V o l H au ck o . cit V o l. II . 24, 33 , C g , . , p , , p p 3 - III. . 6 1 6 . , p p 5 73 t l h u iu i o c i t h a . 6 . . E . 1 0 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 2. ( 4) Vi a A c , p , c p Cf pp , 47, , 43, 7 M . . SS . I . 1 1 . An nales Lau ris s e ns es M m o res , . G H , p 9

16 INTROD UCTION

responding, did Alcui n spend many useful , happy hours ; and we can readily believe that he would fain have em plo yed all his time in this way ; he never speaks with pleasure of the broad acres which his abbe y ruled and o wned , though he delighted in dispensing his hospitality to the numerous guests who were attracted there by reason 1 o f . ad van c its wealth and its reputation However, with f n ing age, the secular duties which his o ﬁce e tailed proved “ more and more irksome to him . We are well - nigh over whelm ed by the burden o f worldly a ffairs and the res p o n “ s ibilities o f to . O wealth , he writes Arno ther letters written at this stage o f his career are el o quent o f his desire to have done with the act1ve affairs of this world. Sickness an d feebleness oppressed him and he longed fo r Even the kind atte ntions o f the king failed to rouse him ; an d to though the latter tried to induce him visit the palace, ‘ ’ he preferred to remain amid the smo ky roofs of Tours . o In a t uching letter to Charlemagne, he plead with him l to be a lowed to retire , and when his request was granted , he expressed his satisfaction again and again to h is most 4 intimate friends . U s nfortunately , the peaceful clo e which Alcuin contem fo r plated was not yet to be his , a most unhappy quarrel Th eo d u l h O with hi s friend p , Bishop of rleans , came to sad den his last days . It seems that Alcuin gave asylum to a certain delinquent whom Th eo d u lph had tried and im

. o o f p risoned A quarrel ensued , and b th them appealed ’ C . Alcu in s m to harles To great sorrow , the e peror not

’ o Th eo d ul h nly sided with p , but, angered at Alcuin s

o o temerity in pposing his auth rity, cast aspersions on the

’ ’ o f . monks St Martin s , even hinting that Alcu in s disci

1 On o n e o as o n in ( ) cc i 80 0 A. D ., Ch arl e s h o n o red h im wi th a v s t. E 1 6 . 2 E i i 5 ( ) . , 1 0 , 1 6 1 1 6 0 1 1 . pp 53 5 5 , 59, 7, 7 , 3 ( 3 ) gpo. 1 92.229.238.253.254.240 .266 . (4) EM . x78.1 70 . Cf. E oo 237.233.234.23s.239.240 . INTROD UCTION 1?

1 lax . a pline must have been However, it is ple sing to note that Charles forgave him , partially at least , and cheered his declining years with some marks of his favor. The former intimacy was renewed ; Charles wrote asking fo r e xplanations o f hi s difﬁculties in theology and as tro n o m o o y , and Alcuin sh wed his keen appreciati n by dedicating to him most o f his exegetical wo rks written at 2 ’ . Alcuin s that time Furthermore, agreeable to wish , the

Frid u is o emperor appointed g as his success r, and invited

Alcuin himself again and agai n to the court . These invi

tatio n s o ld were humbly but firmly declined, the scholar “ infirm ities o f . o r pleading the age A little later, a year o more bef re his death , he took a dignified and pathetic fare" Of well Charles , thanking him for all his kindness and re minding him o f the importance of preparing fo r death and the j udgment. Abou t the same time he wrote to Pope Leo 4 to . III , asking him pardon his sins As he neared the end “ f d . o life, he was filled with a strange dread of eath I

o f D a tremble with terror at the thought the Judgment y , “ says he , lest it ﬁnd me He expressed a o n desire that he might die Pentecost, and yearned

with an intense longing to be buried by the side of St . Bo niface at Fulda . He was far to o weak to admit of his a was being taken to Fuld ; but part of his wish fulﬁlled , fo r his li fe wen t o ut in a beauti ful close just as the matins “ 1 th 80 . D . had been sung on Whitsunday , May 9 , 4 A

( 1 ) W h en Th eo dulp h d em an d e d th at th e d e li n qu en t be d e live re d i n to his h an d h e s eem s t h ave be en a i n s , o ct g as a m iss u s Of th e k i ng . E . 2 . E 2 2 . p 47 Cf. pp . 45 , 49 ‘ E . 2 26 1 0 6 1 6 0 . . E . 2 2 ed tio n o f aﬂé. pp 57, , 3 , 3 , 3 4 Cf p 4 , i J ( 3 ) E M . 1 78.238.239.240 .241 . ( 4) E N . 234.238. ( s) E leo 239.252.242.266. 6 V ta Alch u m i o . ci t h a . 1 1 . Ad An na es P etam an os ( ) i , p , c p s 4, 5 l , M. . S S . Vo l . III . 1 0 . H , , p 7

CHAPTER I

’ ALCU I N S TH EOLOGICAL ROLE

o o f m Caro l1n 1an e To the hist rian dog a , the g Age do s ff to not o er much , unless he wishes study the appropria tion of old and familiar material rather than the evo lution of new doctrines . For the ﬁrst creative peri o d o f Chris tian it y , after it had come under the inﬂuence of Greek i philosophy, was much anter or to that age ; nor had it yet

. os entered upon its second phase, scholasticism The phil o h f o p y and theology o the patristic period, handed d wn o e o a n ew in part thr ugh compendia , was b ing pr pag ted in abridgments . Th o se who wished to attain to the highest theo logical culture read Augustine and the other Latin fathers ; but very few scho lars o f the Carolingian Age w ent

o f e back Gregory the Great and Isidore of Seville , and non o f h o o f a them , wit the p ssible exception Joh nnes Scotus, was able to probe that patristic intellectual wo rld in its deeper ideas and perceptio ns and make it a part o f their 1 o w n experience. Thus we need look for noth ing new in the theolog y of ’ Alcu in s o f period ; deeply distrustful itself, slavish in its

o o adherence to auth rity, it gr pes after the traditio ns of the

as o to p t ; yet it is not with ut interest , owing its tendency to o n on e mysticism the hand , and to materialistic fo r

u h n an l 1 H arn ack His to ry o D o m a tran slati o n b N. B c a , V o . ( ) , f g , y

V . 2 . . b erw e is to P h i o s o h o m Th ales to , p 75 Cf U e g , H ry o f l p y fr . h res en t Tim e t an s l at o n b eo e Mo s V o l . I, . H atc P , r i y G rg rri , p 355 , _ In tro d u to Le tu e o n th e S tu d o E cles ias ti al s to 1 88 . c ry c r y f c c Hi ry, 5 19 20 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

malism on the other . These were s o much in harmony with the S pirit o f the age and s o insidious in their inﬂuence as to have been either unn o ted by the most enlightened men

f s o o the day, or , i f , to have been viewed without distrust

and even with equanimity. In matters of practice, there had long been a tendency to formalism which was marke d

o f l v by a steady decline religion into a ceremonia ser ice,

and a belief i n the miraculous. The growing inﬂuence o f

o f Rome over the west in matters faith and practice , fur thered as it was by the ecclesiastical reforms of Charles the

o Great , was a very potent factor in promoting uni f rmity and fo rmalism as well as orthodoxy ; while the tendency to m ysticism combined with the woful ignorance an d super

s titio n o f ac which characterized the people the day, will count in a large measure for thei r inveterate love o f the miraculous .

Alcuin shares the tendencies o f his age. Like his con

fo r temporaries , and his predecessors several centuries , he w i s but an echo of preceding writers ; he kne no philosophy, t no theology save what he found in the Church Fa hers , or

in an allegorically interpreted Bible . He makes this very 1 clear in a letter to Gisla and Ro dtru d a wherein he explains

that , as a physician doth compound o ut o f many d ru gs and

o f herbs a specific for the healing the sick , so he himself, fo r the spiritual upbuilding Of the faithful , doth glean ‘ ’ 2 truths fro m the Fathers as veritable flowers o f the field “ No r o h e o w n . d es presume to trust his j udgment Rather , h e says , have I been careful to follo w the be aten path o f o f the Fathers , impl ring the aid o Divine Providence that I might interpret thei r meaning ’ Alcu in s theolo gical works m ay be roughly classified as

1 S s te an d d au h t ( ) i r g e r , re s e ctiv e ly o f Ch arl e s th e Great. p , “ ” 2 lo d a u ( ) F r r ra p e rag ran d a m ih i e s s e vid eo . E . 2 1 . . “ i p 3 , p 357 3 ) Mag s h o r u m o m n i um s e n s ibu s ac ve rbis u ten s uam m ea , q e ( i ” q m cq uam p raes um p tio n i co m m itte n s. Ibid . ALCUIN’ S THE OLOGICAL ROLE 21

1 . exegetical , moral , liturgical and dogmatic In a large

o measure, they were called f rth by the exigencies of the time. This is especially true of the liturgical and dogm atic

a - fﬁcial works ; they are qu si O in character , the former hav ’ ing be en written to further Charles plan of making the

f o o f liturgy o Frankland conf rm to that Rome , and the latter to defend the o rthodox church against heresy. Of all

o o t his theological w rks , the d gmatic are certainly the ables

and possibly the most important . These consist of three 2 o f o f treatises and of a number letters , all them written

o o against the heresy of Ad pti nism and its leaders , Felix o f U rgel and E lip an d o f To ledo . They evince a direct

n o t o be ness and force f und in his other works ; possibly,

o w n cause Alcuin here found a subj ect after his heart , a subject which furnished him with an opportunity fo r the

i o fo r display of his biblical and patrist c l re, as well as the vindicati o n of his orthodo xy.

o o a o f From the d gmatic standp int , the chief import nce Adoptionism lay in the fact that it was really an assertion “ o f a duality in the personality o f Christ . Acco rding to

o n e o f o n o o Alcuin , their chief opp ne ts .the Ad pti nists main

tain ed o f the unity the divine person , but they believed in distinguishing strictly between the divi n e and the human

natures of Christ , asserting that Christ, as God . was the 4 S o n . natural , and as man , the adopted , of God That is to say, they maintained that He was born once by natural

S o n o f Go d birth as the and again , by a process beginning

culm m atin with baptism and g in the resurrection , as the

adopted Son o f Go d . Thu s they emphasized His humanity ;

’ 1 W e st s Alcuin a en d ix . 1 8 1 88. ( ) , p p , p p 7, ( 2 ) Th e B eati Alcu in i Ad vei s u s F elicis Haeres in th e B eati Alcuin i , c o n tra F e licem Ur e llitan u m E is c o um Libri VII an d th e Adve rs u s g p p , E li an d um To litan u m Li ri I i n I - 2 p b V, n Mig e , CC , p p . 83 99. Cf. Ga s k o in Alcu in . 1 0 . 3 ) , p 4 “ (4) Dicis itaq u e quo d u n u s h o m o d uo s p atre s n atu r ales n o n p o s s it

h ab e e e alte um ado t1 um e t e . F k III h a 2 . r , t r p v s q Adv. el. Bo o , c p . M n e I . 1 6 : . E 2 a n a k it V 282-28 . ig CC , p 3 Cf p . 3 ; H r c o p. c . , p p . 5 22 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

Christ was a S o n no less in His humanity than i n His divinity ; but His nature as the Son of man was different

o n . from that He possessed as the S of God Accordingly, tho se who asserted that in His human natures He was

S o n o f God properly and strictly the , confounded His two natures and denied that any difference existed between God

and man , the Word and the ﬂesh , the Creator and the 1 creature . The origin of Ad o ptionism has long been a disputed 2 point. It does not lie within o u r province to discuss it. f o n Su ﬁce it to say, that the term Adoption had lingered e from early times in the Spanish Church , where it had b en perpetuated by some passages in the s o - called M o zarabic

liturgy . It did not become a burning question i n Spain

o o Eli an d o o f o until its chief pr tag nist, p , Bish p Toled , tried to subject the province o f Asturias to his ecclesiastical “ j urisdiction . It became a matter o f great moment to the

e o f o o f U whol Western Europe, when Felix, Bish p rgel , ’ o o . o came f rward as its champi n Now , Felix s di cese lay

o o f withi n the b rders Frankland , and Charles the Great , realizing that Felix and his new doc trine were becoming

m o o re disturbing factors a ng his newly conquered pe ple ,

solved to repress them both . His ﬁrst expedient was to

have Adoptionism condemned by the co uncils of the church .

o f o That pr ved ine fectual , although Felix was f rced to re

cant at Ratisbon , and Adoptionism was condemned at the 4 Cou n cil o f Frankfort .

At this j uncture , Alcuin became prominent in the co n tro vers y . He had been received into the Co uncil o f Frank “ o fort , and it is possible t ok part in its deliberations . Ho w

ei IiI w n g i7 e c til 7 7 53 g vrr acl o c 1ié g 38 zin ii io tn / pg 7 3 o o tes He fel e o . ; , p c it III 6 2 , p p . 4 65 2 ; H au ck o . cit II . 2 0 n o te 2 , p , p 9 , Mo e l le ist i - ( 3 ) r, H o ry o h s t an h u h . 1 0 1 2. f C r i C rc , p p 3 3 He fe le o . c it. III . 66 1 6 1 6 8. ( 4) , p , p p , 7 , 7 ( 5 ) A m ale E in h ard i M. . . S S . I. . 1 . i s , G H , p 35

24 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN tran sﬁ u ratio n o n e s g , and all have borne te timony to the divinity of Christ from the very moment of His co n cep ti o n . Surely no man in his right senses would gainsay the authority o f these doctors of the Holy Catholic Church ; and most assuredly no ne save the mo st presum ptuous 1 would co ntradict the testimony o f Holy Writ . On the

o f other hand , what had the Adopti nists to o fset this tes

i n o w n t m o y save their opinions , together with several f o f phrases o the Mozarabic liturg y , and a few citations P“ doubtful autho rity from certain Spanish writers Where

m r fore , he i plo es Felix and his friends to abj ure that con “ ten tio u s o bstinacy which converts erro r into heresy . I f his opponents are not o verwhelmed by such a cloud of

to n o t witnesses , Alcuin is prepared prove, alone that the arguments with which they support thei r contention are o f inconsistent and uns und , but that their doctrine o Adop tio n is m i s but the ancient heresy of Nestorianism in a n ew “ . guise Furthermore , he declares that the Adoptionist doc trine in regard to the Incarnatio n is m o st degrading to

o f e Christ , and subversive the faith , in that it ascrib s to Him a servile condition reducing Him to the level o f man “ . kind Accordingly , he arraigns the Adoptionists for their presumption in attem pting to search out the hidden mys te ries D Of God , and to set a limit to the ivine Omnipotence. “ 1 Si tan tum ho m n reclam ant t b a o s to reclam ant r ( ) i is , i i p li , p o p h etae l m d en i ue s e e r u m n i rec a at i , e facta e st c o ce t o S iri tu s s an ctu s . q p p q p , p Ob ru itur im p u d e n tis s im u m o s tu u m c u n ctis d ivin o rum ap ic um te s ti m o n iis ; Ob ruitu r s ac ris vo lum in ibu s s an cti s te stibu s ; Obru itur d en iq u e ” n II I i so Dei Ev a e li o . Adv. F el . , . Mi n e CC , . 1 8. Cf. ibid . p g 3 g p 4 ,

s 20 . i n fra c ap . 7, 1 3 , ( 2) S e d p o st h ae c v e ritatis te s ti m o n i a n o vu m n o m e n De i Fili o ribu r it i c u m au ci s His an iae n o n d ico d o c to s , s ed ve t at s d e s e rto ribu s . p , p , ” r e u m is Adv. F e l. II Ib d . 1 8. . N s o t e i m p o n e re p a s , 3 , i , p 4 Cf i i f r e t - i t e i n c ae te ri s o leb as d e ravaris ib d . k co rum d ic ta s cu t s , p , i , b . 7,

n . 226 . c h ap . 1 3 , Mig e CCI , p “ r ti us n s ex co n te n tio n e. E . 2 . 3 ) No n e s t h e e c , i i p 3 o c t III 1 I 1 2 II 2 I III V (4) Ad v. Fel . p . i , , , ; , ; . 3 , , 7 ; , 3 H I 1 IV V II 1 1 V I I 2 Ad v. E l z . o . cit. IV , 2, 3 ; , ; , 5 ; , ; , , 9 ; p , p , 5 , Ep . 23.

Ad F l. o . cit. IV V I 1 2. ( 5 ) v. e , p , 9 ; , , ALCUIN’S THE OLOGICAL ROLE 25 The Catholic Church of the West was hardly in a position

o o o f t understand, much less to fav r, the view the Adoption is s . m o f t The latter, by e phasizing the humanity Christ , had demo nstrated a way whereby the man Christ could be app re hended as man and as intercessor . This did not appeal to

o e Alcuin and his c ntemporaries , partly b cause it was an “ ” 1 o o o f innovati n , partly because they had no appreciati n

the humanity o f Christ . Deeply ino culated with the mys ticism o f the Greeks} they saw everywhere the mystery of d e iﬁcatio n o o o ; and as was inevitable, rth d x churchmen

so on ceased to regard Him in any sense as a human being.

o While the c ntroversy was at its height , Alcuin was

mo st indefatigable in his effo rts against Adoptionism . He

o f to o ﬁrst all tried refute its able champi n , Felix, whom he

o o f adjured to ren unce his error, lest after a li fe p iety, self

sacriﬁce o o o f and devoti n , he sh uld endanger the unity ’ “ M o ther Church and his o w n soul s salvation . His appeal

. w o n was in vain Felix persisted in his heresy, and so many

co nverts that the Church was put upon the defensive . Alcuin was so mewhat despo ndent ; his letters o f this period give evidence of a rancor an d bitterness which we should hardly

have expected in a man o f his temperament . He girded

fo r o o ld o f himself manfully c mbat with the dragon heresy, which was once m o re raising its envenom ed head amid the “ briars and caves o fSpain . Soo n after the Co uncil o fFrank

fort, he wrote his ﬁrst tract against Felix , and sent it by

o f to o th ia his friend , Benedict Aniane , the monks of G to

warn them against Felix . The latter was contumaci o us

enough to write a reply, containing, according to Alcuin , worse heresies and m o re blasphem ies than those in his pre

( 1 ) E pp . 2 1 66 . 2 H arn ack o . cit . 28 . 3, ( ) , p p 9 ( 3 ) Alcu i n sp eak s o fh im as a m an o fblam el e s s life an d rem ark able san ctity. E . 2 1 66. pp 3, “ Nun te u m an ti uu s s e en s d e d um His an ici u s et (4) c i r q rp is p r ri , d e s elun cis ve n en atae erﬁd iae n um n rc u l s a p , p c o trit , o n He ea e d e v n ” e lica lava a u rel evar n a u r 1 1 1 g c , c p t e co t . E p . 39. Cf. Epp. 37, 48. 26 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

vio us . to works Truly, says Alcuin , the tract ought be a nswered since it asserts that Christ is not the t r ue Son o f ” 1 o o o f G d . His suggesti n met with the approval the king, a n d he was commissi o ned to write a second tract against

. o f Felix At his request, Paulinus Aquila , and others, were to co - operate with him . And it appears that he and Paulinus } c o ut arried their part of the program These polemics ,

o f o h wever , were no more e fectual against Felix than previ us ones had been . The next m o ve of the orthodox party w as to inveigle

Felix i nto a debate before King Charles in Open court . In a n o Leid rad e evil hour, he all wed of Lyons to p rsuade him “ to appear at the Palace in defense o f his cause. His o p ponent was Alcuin ; in the disputation which ensued, the lat ’ . ter s triumph was complete Felix , awed by his isolation in the presence o fhis enemies and borne down by the arg u m o f a . a ents his foe, at l st abj ured his error L ter he wrote

o o f a pr fession the Catholic faith for his clergy , and became “ reco nciled with Alcuin and to the Church .

Eli an d r Alcuin next turned his attention to p , who had e ’ m ained obdurate and deﬁant in spite of Felix s recantati on .

AS early as July, 799 , Alcuin had written him , imploring him to renounce his i nno vati o ns and to use his good ofﬁces “ ’ in reclaiming the Bishop of U rgel fro m error . E lip an d s reply was abusive in the extreme . He addressed Alcui n as “ o f - o o f a servant anti Christ , beg tten the devil , all reeking

o f with the sulphurous fumes the Thereupon , Alcuin

( 1 E p. 1 48. ( 23 Pauli n u s wro te th e Co n tra Fe licem Urg ellitan um Epis copum L b t e M n e I . - 68. Al u n m en t o n th in E . 20 8. i ri r s, ig XC X , p p 343 4 c i i s is p . 2 1 Cf. Ep. 1 48, p 4 .

t lc in i it h a . . . E . 1 1 208 Adv E . ( 3 ) Vi a A u o p c c p 7 Cf pp 93 , 94, . lip , I . 2 0 . bk . 1 ch a . 1 6. Mi n e CC , p p 99, 3 4 , p g 20 20 8 1 . Ye t his e an tat o n w as e th e o ed o r ( 4) Epp. 7, , 99 r c i i r f rc i n s i n c e r e. Ag o b ard d ecl ared th at Fe lix s ti ll b el ie ve d in Ad o p tio n i s m s u Fe liccm bk 1 . M n e I at th e tim e o f h is d eath . Liber Adver s , . ig C V , P 33 6 E . 1 82 1 8 . ( 5 ) Ep. 1 66. ( ) pp , 3 ALCUIN’ S THE OLOGICAL ROLE 27

wro te his Advers us E lipand um against his ﬁe ry opponent .

Eli an d Advers us This, together with his letter to p and his

licem o F e , he dedicated and sent to the c mmission which had 1 been appointed to teach an d preach against Adoptionism .

a a o f Supplied with such we lth literature, armed with the

f co m authority o the Emperor , and blessed by the Pope , the mission o f which we have j ust made mention had every

reason to hope fo r success . And succeed they did . Alcuin

o pro udly boasted that twenty th usand people , bishops ,

r re p iests, monks , and laymen , had abj ured their error, and 2 turned to the bosom o f M o ther Church . Thus did o rtho

doxy triumph , yet the struggle had all but exhausted the resources of the Church and had taxed its scholarship to the

utmost .

D th e uring Adoptionist struggle , the Frankish church , th e w to Frankish king, and the Pope had orked in unison effect the extirpatio n o f a heresy which not only i n terfered

o f o o o with their work rganizati n , but also ran c unter to the

spirit of the times . The other co ntro versies o f o u r peri o d n o t did have the same tendencies , nor was there the same c o - Operation between the papacy o n the o n e hand . and the

Frank ish church and King Charles o n the other . On two

o a . o ccasi ns , at le st, the latter lagged behind their guides

- They rejected image worship and supp o rted the ﬁlio qu e. The last- mentioned do ctrine was peculiar to the Latin fath “ o o . ers , having riginated in the Augustinian theol gy It had

o to be en inserted in the Spanish creed , whence it had c me

k o o o f the Fran ish kingd m , th ugh opini ns di fered as to whether it should be inserted in the symbol which had by

I Th e m ( ) co m i s s i o n co n s iste d o f Leid rad o f Lyo n s Ne frid o f , Na bo n n e B en ed 1ct o f r , A n i an e . E p . 20 0 . ( 2 ) E p . 208. ’ ( 3 ) . Au u n - Cf g sti e s D e Trin itate IV . 2o Mi n e V o l . XLII . 0 6 , g , , p p 9 28 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

“ degrees obtained in the Frankish church . Charles was in 2 o f Th eo d ul h . fav r o so doing , as were also Alcuin and p

o f - - 80 And at the Council Aix la Chapelle in 9 , the Frankish church decreed that the ﬁlio que belonged to the symbol . Alcuin was also drawn into the third controversy o f the

— - period that over Im age worship . While it can not be e s tablish e d that Alcuin was one o f the authors o f the Libri “ Caro lin i , it does not seem unlikely that he assisted in the — “ writing o f thi s fam o us refutation o f im age worship . Cer tain ly he was present at the Council o f Frankfo rt where the

Nicene decrees were co ndemned. It is equally certain t h at while he w as i n Northumbria he received a co py of the

to m - h Nicene decrees relating i age worship , toget er with a request that he draw up a refutation and bring it w ith him indorsed by the authority o f the princes and bishops o f h is ’ “ country . Alcuin co mplied with the king s wishes . Further

o o more , according to s me hist rians , it was upon this work “ that Charles and his theo logians based thei r memorial .

. This , however, cannot be proved with the evidence at hand

o So far as the controversy itself was c ncerned , the most

I Gies el e r E es a ti al i to t an ated b a id o n V o l. ( ) , ccl i s c H s ry, r sl y D v s , II 2 n , p 77 , a d auth o ri ti e s th e re ci ted . ’ 2 ) f. Alcu in s Liber d e o e s o n e S i iti S an ti M n e CCI ( pr c s i p r c , ig , PD 63- SC ’ ( 3 ) Th e Libri Caro l i n i w e re c o m p o s e d u n d e r Ch arles n am e so m e t m e be twe e n Se te m be 8 an e te m b 1 in i r , 7 , d S e r , 7 o o s i ti o n to th e p 9 p 9 , p p D e cree s o f th e s e ve n th co u n cil o f Nicaea. Th e y are n o t to b e c o n f u s e d w i th th e m e m o ri al o f 8 ch a te rs w h ich An ilbert to o k to 5 p , g o m e E ff I i R . Cf. . 33 , a é V o p . c t . 245 . Fo r th e te xt s ee Mi n e p J , , p , g , vo l . V III . - 1 2 8. U o n th e Libri a o l n i w as as h XC , p p 999 4 p C r i b ed t e Ca itulary d e Im ag in ibu s ubl i s h ed b th e Co un cil o f Fran k fo rt in p , p y . au k o . cit II . 1 - 1 6. 94 H c , p , , p p 3 5 3

. am e Ne ue s h l. XXI ff ( 4 Cf H p , Arc iv. V o , . 86 ; a é o . c it V I ) , p J , p , , . 220 an d fo o tn o te Gies e le r o . cit II . 26 fo o tn o te He fe le p ; , p , , p 7 ( , o . cit III. . 69 ; H auck favo r s An ilbe rt as th e au th o r o f th e Libri p , p 7 g n o l II 1 6 Caro l i i. V . , p . 3 .

. . Le e s e . II I . m n ( 5 ) M. G H g , s ct , , p 78. Cf. S i e o n D u elm en s is h ar m. 2 H add o n an d S tubb s , C u rch Co un cils o Gr eat Britain III. 79 ; f , 469. au k . it II . 1 n o te am e Neue A h v. (6) H c , o p c , , p 3 5 ( H p , s rc i , elle it II . 1 2 . V o l . XXI . 86 Mo r o . c , 7 , p ; , p , p ALCUIN’ S THE OLOGICAL ROLE 29

remarkable thing was the self- reliance and power evinced by the Frankish church . Affecting an indi fference to wards

m o n e o i ages , they contended that no was b und either to

o to o . n o w rship or destr y them He ce , while they c ndemned

o f Ico n dule s o o the teaching the as superstiti us and id latrous , they deplo red the excesses o fthe Ico no clasts . The chief sig n iﬁcan ce o f the who le contro versy lies in the fact that the higher and m ore cultured Frankish clergy were n o t yet pre pared to ado pt the wo rship o f i m ages . Tho ugh the peo ple and the l o wer clergy wo uld pro bably have preferred i m age

o m n w rship , the higher clergy set the selves agai st this phase

of the materialism which was sweeping over the West . What m easure o f their o pp o siti o n was due to the desire to

o o o f advance the p litical purp ses their king , and what to

o o to . their c nscienti us scruples , it would be hard say Be

ffo m that as it may, it is largely due to their e rts that i age wo rship has never been do mesticated tho ro ughly in the

. o West There it has remained largely an access ry, whereas “ in the East it is an expressi o n o f religi o us faith .

m o The dog atic w rks with which we have dealt thus far , make it very evident that Alcuin achieved little in the way o f o o . o o o n e c nstructive w rk H wever, he wr te treatise in

which he made an effo rt to evo lve a system o f theo lo g y . 2 Thi s is the D e Fid e S an c tae Trin itatis . Dealing as it do es

o with the Trinity, the Incarnati n , the Spirit , and the Resur

o D e Fid e to o o recti n , the is an attempt give an rderly acc unt ’ o f Christianity. U nfo rtunately fo r Alcu in s reputati o n as a

o theologian , the work is entirely lacking in riginality, being

based o n a treatise of Augustine. Probably the m o st sig

n iﬁ n o o o o ca t thing ab ut the wh le w rk is the dedicati n , where in he declares that o n e o f his objects in writing it is to ’ prove Augustine s dictum , that dialectic is essential to the

1 H arn ack o . cit V . 0 6 0 7. ( ) , p , , pp 3 , 3 n e CI . -6 . ( 2 ) Mig , C , p p 9 3 30 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

“ o o . o proper study of the l gy This , and certain ther passages

w o m o f in his letters , herein he defends the empl y ent dialectic

o o o o in the l gical discussi ns , would seem to foreshad w the “ later scho lasticism .

o o f The exegetical w rks Alcuin are even less original , and

n m o o . Fo r certai ly less i p rtant , than his d gm atic treatises

m o o . the st part, they c nsist of commentaries on the Bible ‘ ’ m o o to In co p sing these , his s le aim is cull the best

o thoughts from the earlier c mmentators , and then to ex pand them into one co ntinuo us exposition o f the passage under discussi o n . It was far from his purpose to lay befo re the reader any original ideas about the texts under co nsider ation . The Fathers are infallible ; it is n o t fo r him to c riti cise but to understand the truth as they explain it . In the

o o m o f . o dedicati n of his c m entary on the Gospel St J hn , to “ . m a which we have referred , he makes this very clear It y be no ted that the ﬁrst eleven chapters o f this same com mentary o n St . John are taken word for word from that o f

Bede o n the same subject. The sam e plagiarism character is e s his other works . Hi s commentary on Genesis is de

m o n rived partly from Jerome, partly fro Augustine ; that m m the Penitential Psal s , as he himself avows , is little ore than a repro duction o f the expo sitions o f Augustine and

Cassi o do rus . The co mm entary on Ecclesiastes was based o n Jerome ; and his exposition o f the epistles o f Titus and Philem o n are a reproduction of a sim ilar work by the same

Father . The co mm entary 0 11 the So ngs o f Solom o n is de rived from Bede . Fo r his work o n the Epistle to the

' t o f fro m Ch r s o s to m Hebrews , he ob ained most his material y

o . o (in a Latin versi n ) For the Ap calypse , he drew heavily

n te n t o f h e D e d e S an tae T n itatis s e s n ( I ) Fo r th e co t Fi c ri , e Ga k o i . - Alc u i n . 1 59 1 63 . , p p “ 0 m Pau l u m l e 1m u s c u m Sto 1 d 1s u tare t e ru m ( 2 ) Cf. B e atu g c s p , u o i ” ve ritatis tran s d uc e re t e t e eo s d is c ip lin is ab e rro r e in vi am , s q . Ep . 30 7,

0 E . 1 6 an d am m at a M n e CCI . 8 . p . 47 . Cf. p 3 , Gr ic , ig , p 54 ( 3 ) Ep. 2 1 3.p . 357.

32 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN stalking He gives the old fantastic time- h o nored

o o f . th e interpretati ns to various passages Scripture Thus , ‘ ’ m o 6 seven eyes enti ned in Revelations , chapter v , verse , he thinks may refer to the Fathers o f the church who have “ illum inated it with the light o f their knowledge . And th e

o ab s s w rd y , so often encountered in Holy Writ , he explained ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ o f o f m an f e as the waste waters, the heart , the ine fabl

o o f o o n e m o t wisd m M reover , in of the least i p rtan o f Int er retatio n es No m in um Hebraicoru m his works , p , starting from the assum ption that Christ was descended

o m from all the patriarchs, he c ncluded that the ere enumera tion o fthese o ught to incite the faithful to virtue . Acco rd in l m o f Old g y, he proceeded to mention the na es the Testa

o m o ral ment worthies ; and al ng with them he gave a literal , “ and allegorical interpretation o f each name .

o f Likewise, in attempting to explain the passages “ to Scripture relating the two swords , he gives another ex ample o fhis three - fo ld interpretation . The epistle in which

o o e he d es so i s written to Charlemagne , and i s well worth s m considerati o n in view o fthe fact that it suggests the m ental attitude and fo reshadows the metho d o fthe later scholastics .

n o d us vero ro o s itae Thus , he ﬁrst states the problem , the p p

uaes tio n is . to q , as he expresses it This is none other than harm o nize two passages o f Scripture seem ingly incongruo us and irreco ncilable . To render the problem more di fﬁcult

s o o o o r and to add m re zest to its soluti n , he qu tes four othe “ relevant passages . The result i s a Go rdian kno t impossibl e “ o f soluti o n to any less skilled than Alcuin himself. If the ” “ o o f Go d sw rd is the Word , says Alcuin , and the Lord used it in that sense when He co mmanded His disciples to

ta Ale/m in i . cit. h a . 1 ( 1 ) Vi , o p c p 3. 2 Co m m en tariu m i n A o cal s in bk . 1 M n e CC ( ) p yp , , ig , p . 1 098. Av E p . M n . 2 - 2 . AA"ig e CC , p p 7 3 7 9 1 Lu k e 6 Matt. 2. A0 v xxii , 3 ; xxvi , 5 0 E h . vi 1 7 Lu k e xxii 8 Lu k e xxii 0 Jo h n xviii 1 0 . Av p , ; , 3 ; , 5 ; , ALCUIN’ S THE OLOGICAL ROLE 33 b u o h y it, then it f llows that those w o receive the Wo rd o f

Go d fo r no t shall perish by that same Word ; , did Christ “ h imself say Fo r all they that take the sword shall perish w ith the sword ’

Having stated his problem , Alcuin proceeds to the literal “ ” “ i r . nterp etation We must bear in mind , says he , that ‘ ’ ‘ o o sw rd has many possible interpretati ns , such as the pas

’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’ o o f o r o o r si n Christ , divisi n , vengeance , j udgment or ‘ the Wo rd o f Go d Thus with wearying prolixity and

- o far fetched anal gies , he wanders with keen enjoyment from o n e o o o . n irrelevant qu tati n to an ther Fi ally , having dis

o f o f o o p osed these men straw , he c mes back to the pr blem — in hand the reconciliati o n o fthe above passages . He states a s e fo r o o a premis the solution of the pr blem , that sw rd has a lways been used in these passages with a tw o - fold meaning.

o o o f o Foll wing the interpretati n the H ly Fathers , lest his “ ” o w n may seem he explains that swo rd “ is o n e o f tw o used in senses , signifying , ﬁrst, the Word of ” “ God o f , and , second , an instrument Then fo llo w the allego rical and moral interpretati o ns . “ ” . Thus , the two swords may refer to the body and the soul

co — o These operate thr ugh faith ; for the latter , latent in the

s s ho w eth o o . o oul , itself utwardly in w rks Hence , als , the “ ” tw o swords may n o t inaptly be interpreted as faith and

works . This interpretation gives him an opportunity to “ ” “ . o n e o o p oint his moral Let each , says Alcuin , l k to the

o o s ecret intents of his s ul , and see to it that he bring f rth

g oo d works . Let the priests be shining lights to their p eo

o n . o o ple , feeding them the Bread of Li fe Ab ve all , let th se in high places i n the church labor through faith and good

1 M tt. v 2. ( I ) Ep h . vi , 7 ; a xx i , 5

2 . Luk e M att. Ro m an ; Is ai ah xxxiv, ; ( ) Cf ii , 35 ; x , 34 ; s xiii , 4 5 h i 1 D eu t. xxxii 41 ; Ep . v , 7. “ ( 3 ) Ne qu id n o s tra p arvitas p rae s u m p tio s e d ice re vid eatu r. Ep.

1 6 . 20 . Matt. 2 Luk e 1 . 3 , p 7 ( 4) xxvi , 5 ; xxii, 5 34 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

ff o o f works to e ect the salvati n their ﬂocks , knowing that those who labor most will reap the greatest ’ Thus Alcu in s exegesis is com m o nly naive an d puerile. m The co mentaries are dull and li feless , unrelieved by any sudden or agreeable turn , such as meets us in the tracts against Adopti o nism . With the exception o fa few passages

m o n . o o n . i n his co mentaries St J hn and St Matthew , there

. is no personal note , no color to relieve the tedium Further

o m re , there is no speculation ; nothing in short but an inter p retatio n o f the truth as Alcuin saw it thro ugh the m edium o f . the Fathers Yet, his exegetical works exercised a cer ‘ ’ tain inﬂuence on his successors . His system o f culling from the Fathers served as a m o del both as to ideal and metho d for the co mm entato rs o f the next century . Mo re

in o S o o f over , he was s me light measure a precurs r the later

o scholastics , since there are passages in hi s w rks which foreshadow the method and attitude o f the later d iale cti “ cian s .

The moral works of Alcuin have no m o re claim to recog n itio n as original treatises than his exegetical writings .

’ They are largely based o n St . Augustine s works ; and we ﬁnd in them the sam e ideas and the sam e manner o f treat

. D e A n im ae ratio n e ment This is very noticeable in the ,

’ where Augustine s three - fold division of the functio n o f the s o ul i s reproduced . The moral treatises are three in num be r. D e Virtu tibus ci Vitiis The ﬁrst of these , the , was “ composed fo r the use of Count W ido . It begins in a char acteris tic way by asserting that obedience to God is the o nly “ . D e A n im ae ratio n e true wisdom The second work , the , deals with a kindred subj ect ; it is dedicated to Gu n d rada “ “ o r . o f Go d to Eulalia The love , he says the latter, is

( 1 ) E p . 1 36. ( 2 ) Cf. h is D iale ctica an d i ntro d uctio n to D e Fid e S an ctae Trin i t E 1 6 0 . ta is . Cf. pp . 3 , 3 7 M n e CCI . 6 1 - 6 . Ibid . . 6 -6 . E . 0 . ( 3 ) ig , , p p 3 39 ( 4) , p p 39 49 p 3 9 ALCUIN’ S THE OLOGI CAL ROLE 35 the highest goo d . Yo ur chief duty consists in loving this same highest good , and you will attain to excellence only in s o far as the lo ve o f Go d is implanted in your soul . Fo r it ’ o o o is rational to l ve ne s neighbor , the s ul itself, and the “ body . The passions which wo uld else overturn and destroy this order are to be controlled if n o t suppressed by the fo ur ” cardinal virtues . So far as the origin of the s o ul is c o n n cer ed , it remains a mystery known to God alo ne . Fu rth e r o it m re, is immaterial , impalpable , and invisible ; there are o o o f f und in it nly the functions understanding , will , and “ memo ry. ’ Al cu in s third m o ral work was a brief treatise o n con fes s io n . It was intended as a corrective against a certain indi fference among the Franks with respect to the co n fes s io n al . o . In a letter to the b ys of St Martin he writes , “ All sins are known to Go d ; there is no co ncealing them ;

c d o fo r o . V therefore, onfess and penance y ur sins erily, co nfessi o n is as m edicine to the so ul ; by it you will foil yo ur “ o o . adversary, the devil , and save y ur s uls But i f ye will not ” “ o c nfess to the priest , he says elsewhere, neither will ye co nfess to Go d . The priest has the p o wer Of binding o r lo o sing and o f reco nciling man with Go d ; but h o w can his ” o o o f o o o n o t ? g d ﬁces avail th se wh se sins he kn weth Hence, “ o to o he concludes , have rec urse the speciﬁc of confessi n , and cleanse thyself with the medicine o f penance that thou mayest be

o In c nnection with the moral treatises , the biographical

o . aim w o rks may be menti ned In and characteristics , they bear a stro ng resemblance to th o se with which we have just

m fo r m o been dealing. They are four in nu ber, and the st

E 0 n I 6 1 ( 1 ) p 3 9. Cf. Mig e CC , p . 4 . “ 2 t ta n o n h abe u a h ae o m n a ad u n u m h a tat s in ( ) S 1 o s t, q i c i c ri i h li ﬁd e i ve tate d n am efﬁc ie t ten d u n t p re cep tu m quae s o la in cat o cae ri , ig , ” an im am h abitatio n e s an ctae T rin itati s . M i n e CCI . 6 6. Cf. E . g , p 4 p

0 . D e Trin itate 1 2 M n e LII . 8 . 3 9 , X , , ig X , p 9 4 - E . 1 1 Cf. Mi n e CCI . 6 6 5 . ( 4) Ep . 1 38. ( 3 ) p 3 ; g , p p 49 5 36 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN part are adaptati o ns o r abridgments from an earlier bi o g “ raph er. Full of unbounded admiration fo r the saints whose

on ca lives he is depicting , he not only dilates their heroic ree rs , their virtues and their sanctity , but he accepts and passes on to p o sterity a goo dly number o f unauthenticated

o miracles and prodigies , which tradition or preceding bi g “ raph ers have ascribed to them . These are mo deled fo r the most part upon the miracles of Christ and of the Apo stles .

. . . V . W illibro rd St Martin and St Riquier , St edast and St , all have the gift o f pro phecy and of miraculo us po wer . St .

W illibro rd o o o , for example , pr duces fr m f ur ﬂasks wine enough to satisfy forty persons . All of these holy men heal

o the sick, rest re the lame , the halt and the blind , and bring the dead back to li fe. A helpless paralytic reco vers health and vigo r through the saving grace of St . W illibro rd three

o n e o f s o n o f re dead men , them the a widowed mother , are sto red to thei r friends by the miraculo us power o f St . Mar “ tin . No r is the human interest lacking. Alcuin does not fail

to i o f . m to appeal the martial spir t his age These sa e saints , who with self- s acriﬁc in g devotion bare their heads to the ’ o assassin s sword , upon occasion rise in righte us indigna

o o f ti n , and , with the courage Berserkers , rush into the midst o f m the heathen, ﬁring their te ples or putting them to ﬂight “ while revelling in some ungo dly orgy. Such stories as these

o o f o o f aroused the imaginati n the Sax n and the Frank , and

’ incited them to em ulati o n . They subserved Alcuin s pur

to to o re pose , which was edi fy rather than inf rm ; and the

o . o o sult is a homily rather than a bi graphy In fact , f ll wing

o the bi graphy proper , there invariably comes a homily , wherein the author dilates upon the resplendent virtues and

sk o in Al u n o . cit . 1 . ( 1 ) Ga , c i , p , p 39 t an t M a tin Tu ro n ens is h a . 8 1 2—M ( 2 ) D e Vi a S c i r i , c p s , ig n e CCI, p p - 657-661 V ta S a11c t1 W11h bro rd 1 h a . 28 a e o . c i t V I . 8 ( 3 ) i , c p , J ff , p , , p 5 . t a tin it h a M ne CI Vi a S . M r i , o . c , c . , i C . 660 . ( 4 ) p p 5 g , p

d . t n a. ( 5 ) Ibi , e i fr ALCUIN’ S THE OLOGICAL ROLE 37

the godlike deeds o f his heroes . As a ﬁtting clim ax there is an acco unt o f the translatio n o f each o f the saints to the “ beatiﬁc j o ys o f heaven .

’ o o f Alcu in s o o it From this sh rt survey the l gical works , is apparent that his predo minant characteristic is an e x ag

o fo r . o o gerated venerati n the past Like his c ntemp raries , he i s wo fully igno rant when compared with the writers o f an cient and o fmo dern times ; but he had sense and intelligence enough to perceive his lim itati o ns . His feeling Ofweakness and helplessness created i n him a deep distrust which made all original w o rk impossible. Fo r Alcuin and his co ntem

o rarie s o p , it was a param unt necessity to defend the faith in that fo rm in which it had been delivered to them by the

. saints What the Scriptures taught , what the fathers and

o o n m o the church had sancti ned , that they believed , n thi g re , ’ nothing less . Te rtu llian s cre d o i1i in tellig am was the basic principle o f their spi ritual life. Their unquestioned accept ance of tradition was s o complete as well - nigh to devitalize

fo r o m o o faith ; they accepted d g as with ut hesitati n , and failed to bring them i n to co nnecti o n with that religi o us m o tive which must inspire spiritual li fe . Yet there is co m

n s ti n . o o m p e a o For i f their the logy is f r al , utterly lacking in

o r o o f o riginality f rce , their trust is sublime, the sincerity their faith unmistakable .

e an els . Nam v id is s e ( I ) St. Willib ro rd w as bo rn e to h aven by g l m n la 1 s e tes tab atu r an im am s an ctis s im i Patri s s u i cu m m ag na u i i s c r tate cu m co n s o n a c an en tiu m lau d e ab an el1c 1s e x erc1t1bu s ad co elo ru m , , g ” h a . 26 affé o cit V I . 8. reg n a p o rtari . C p , J , p , , p 5 CHAPTER II

SOCIAL A ND POLITICAL CO NDITION S

ALTHOU GH to the theologian the Caro lingian Age has lit to f o f to tle o fer i n the way constructive work , the historian o f civilization the who le era is interesting. In the earlier

o f o f part the period , during the reign Charles the Great , the o rganizatio n of the Frankish kingdom and church was

m . to o being co pleted Then, , as a ﬁtting consummation to ’ o f re - Charles career conquest , the Empire was establi shed

. in the West Likewise , that other universal power , the

o o f Papacy, under the protecti n the Frankish king , was laying the fo undations fo r its future growth and develo p

. m o ment At the same time , there was e erging and devel p

m o f o ing the Feudal System , in a sense the ene y b th Church

o f o f m . o and State , Papacy and E pire In fact , s ciety was already taking on many o f those characteristics which dis tin g u ish ed it during the Middle Ages . On e o f the institutions to which Alcuin devotes consider

. o able attention is the Papacy As p rtrayed by him , it was

. as yet weak and dependent , but very ambitious Hadrian

o m and Leo III , the bish ps of Rome , its incu bents during

o f o o his time, were aware both the limitati ns and the p ssi bilitie s o f o o the papal p wer , and pursued a consistent p licy toward the tempo ral rulers o f their ti m e. Beset with foes in Italy and in Rome itsel f, deserted by the Eastern Empe ro rs fo r n , they saw the absolute need maintai ing the alliance

. t with the powerful Frankish kings Yet , wi h a growing 38

40 THE LE TTE RS OF A LCUIN existence has the Papacy furnished a more striking example o f pitiable dependence upo n the tem po ral po wer . Po pe Leo realized that his po siti o n had been greatly weakened by these events . In his subsequent letters to “ as Charles , he confessed that God had made the Frankish

o king the guardian of the ecclesiastical peace , the Pope l oked

to o o f to him not alone defend the temp rality the Church , “ bu t to maintain its spiritual prero gatives as well . On the o o f ther hand , he held it to be the duty the Church to second

Charles in all his plans , while he felt it incumbent on him s elf to co mmunicate to the emperor anything o f importance w hich might affect the im perial p o wer o f Italy or through “ o ut the West . Under such circumstances Charles was not “ likely to resign a single prerogative in favor of the Papacy. There were times when he actually usurped that which the

Papacy conﬁdently expected him to protect . In a letter to

o P pe Leo III , he roughly delimited the respective spheres of “ inﬂuence of the papal and temporal po wers as follows . It “ o u r to o i s task , he says , protect the H ly Church of Christ

to o from the heathen who assail it abroad , as well as enf rce a recognition o fthe Catholic faith within our borders . It is

0 to your duty , Holy Father , support our warlike service

Go d with hands upli fted to , so that the Christian people , led

f o d o G and aided by your prayers , may triumph every where Thus , there was little left to the Papacy save the “ exercise of the purely spiritual functions .

1 Ten l etter s in all . H am e in M. G . H . E is to l . V o l. V . ( ) p p , p p 85 - 1 0 4. “ ( 2 ) Ad h o c o m n ip o ten s e t in vis ibilis D e u s n o s te r ve s tram a Deo p ro te ctam i m p e ri ale m p o ten tiam s an c tae s u ae e ccles i ae fecit e s s e c u s

M . . . E isto l. Vo l. V . 1 0 0 . Ibid . to d e m . E p. 9. G H p , p p ( 3 ) ,

6 M . . . E s t. V o l . V . E . 2 , 8 G H i , pp , 7 , , p u k Kirch eu es chich te D eu t h an d o . cit II . 1 0 (4) H a c , g sc l s, p , , p p 9 ,

1 1 0 .

d x o l nae E . 1 0 . M . . E is to l . V o l . V . 1 0 0 . . ( 5 ) Co e Car i , p G H p , p p Cf

n r h s . . Le e t II l In tro d u cti o n to Ad m o n itio Ge e a , M . G H g , S c . , V o . I, p 51 ’ ’ ’ m e r u r l ac tio n au o e la r1e re . Kle in clau s z L E m ( 6 ) A l E p e , P p p , n t s s t ans o m atio n . 2 1 . p ire Car o l i ng ie n s es o rig i es e e r f r s , p 3 S OCIAL AND P OLI TI CAL CONDI TIONS 41

’ ’ The great men o fAlcu in s d ay acquiesced in Charles con ceptio n o f the relations o f the Papacy to the temporal p o w

. o ﬁ rm o o f o ers Alcuin , th ugh a and l yal friend the P pe , i s in substantial agreem ent with the views o f Charles . To h im o f o to the Pope is the Head the Church , pening the faithful the gates o f Paradise ; he is the heir of all the Fathers of the Ages and sitteth in thei r place ; upo n his sho ulders their mantle o f autho rity an d o f power hath

“ ‘ . o f o o f re fallen He is the light life , the chief rnament “ li io n o f o o f . g , the vicar the Ap stles and the anointed God

m o Fro these expressi ns , it is evident that Alcuin is a ﬁrm upholder o f the Petrine traditi o n ; in matters o f do ctrine

o f o m o . the authority R e is param unt Further than this ,

o n o t m n o m fo r however , he d es go ; he akes clai the Papacy “ o f . On o o save that precedence the c ntrary , rec gnizing its d to tem angers and needs , he seeks rather draw it and the poral po wers to gether as necessary to each o ther and to “ th e Church . “ ” o n e o Power , says Alcuin on occasi n , is divided be tween the spiritual and tem poral p o wers ; the latter m ust

o f o r in s tru be the defenders the f mer , and , as such , are ments of vengeance ren ding their adversaries and punishing

fo r the wicked their evil deeds ; whereas the spiritual , full

o o f saving grace and p wer, doth open the portals Of Heaven to the faithful and do th give jo y never ending to the “ : o Again , he writes to Charles Hithert , there have been

- o . o f three powers , pre eminent above all thers Fi rst all ,

o V o f w h o there is His Eminence the P pe , the icar Christ , ,

) 2 . E 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 ( 1 ) El . 34 Cf 11 94. 7. 5. 37, 7. 79 “ 2 E e tu s an ctis s im e ate o n t e a D eo electu s a u s ( ) cc , p r , p if x , vic ri a o s to lo rum h ei es at um n e s e le s ae u n u in m ac u latae co p p r , p ri c p cc i , i s tri r E E . 2 1 2 . E 2 2 affé o . ci l u m b ac n u to . p . 94. Cf. pp 7, 5 (3 ) p. 4 , J , p t , Cf. Ep . 1 74. “ ll n t id e s ecu lare s e en s o e ve stri vo s n te e s so e (4) I i si , t s a , d f r s , i rc r s illo rum . Cf. D ivi s a e s t p o te s tas s aecu l aris et p o te stas s p iritalis ; illa ” a l ad iu m m o t in m an u h ae cl avem tae in l n ua. E . 1 . p o rt t g r is , c vi i g p 7 ( 5 ) E p . 1 7. 42 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

no w - though even most grievously ill treated , (as we know

to o from your letter), i s wont rule as the success r of Peter ,

. m the Chief of the Apostles In the second place , co eth the

o f o head the secular powers, the Emper r , who of late , as e m o m veryone knoweth , hath been st i piously depo sed by his o w n o . o pe ple In the third place , there is the royal p wer , to which dignity it hath pleased o u r Lo rd Jesus Christ to ele

vo u ch s aﬁn m o vate thee , g thee ore power , more wisd m and ” 1 more glory than to the o ther two potentates . Elsewhere

o . he describes the Papacy as the success r to St Peter , the

o f heir to a great power , the light wisdom , the shepherd of

o o o f the ﬂ ck , feeding it up n the bread li fe , nurturing it with

o o f Go d the ﬂowers of virtue and the W rd , bearing His m to o essages the pe ple , and interceding with Him for their 2 . o sins The temp ral ruler, on the other hand , is an active ,

o o o f ro a at militant f rce , enf rcing the decrees the Pope , p p g i ng Christianity , regulating and disciplining the clergy and 3 protecting the Church against heretic and heathen . It is

’ highly pro bable that Alcu in s training is partially respo nsi — . Fo r ble for his attitude the Anglo Saxon monks and clergy,

o o f o though zeal us adherents the Roman Church , had all wed their enthusiasm to find its chief vent in an advocacy o f R0 4 man doctrines and Roman liturgy. Th ey were far from being a unit in favo r o fthe dominating and immediate in ﬂu 5 ence o f the Papacy over the nati o nal church in England .

o o m More ver , the English , th ugh Ro anic i n religion , were

u . Teutonic in all things else , in literature , lang age and law S o Alcuin may well have inherited such a preference fo r nati o nal independence and fo r a strong nati o nal church as

1 ~ ( 1 ) E t o 74 “ u 1u te e ell en t s s m e ate u t V icarium s an c t13 3 1m ae e I ( 2 ) H s , xc p r , S d S i i ” a n o s co ita e t m iriﬁcae o te s tatis h e re d e m e s s e fatco r. E . 2 . g , p p 7 ( 3 ) E pp . 1 74. n o d s o f Clo ve s h o e an d Pm can h ale add an 8: Stubb s ( 4) Cf Sy , H , C o u n cils an d E ccl esias tical D o cu m en ts Relati ng to Great B ritain an d

60 6 1 . Irel an d V o l . III . , , 443 , , p p 3 3

n 2 20 22 . H ad d an 81 S tubbs Re m a i s . 08, 9 , 3 ( S) , , p p S OCIAL AND POLI TICAL CONDI TIONS 43

to induce him to suppo rt Charles in his assumpti o n o f s u p rem acy in ecclesiastical matters . Charles was but reaping the advantages o f the ecclesias

tical policy o fthe Merovingians . The latter had practically

feudalized the Church , despite its protests and in utter dis 1 regard o f its canons . During the rule o f the ﬁrst o f the

o o f may rs the Palace , the secularization of the Church had go ne o n at such a pace that the clergy fo und it all but use 2 o . o o less to pr test B niface himself , the most unc mpromis

o o f ing adv cate ecclesiastical privilege , received his archi

o f m . episcopal see Mainz fro his royal patrons It is clear ,

o f o then , that Charles had the right investiture b th by tradi

ti o n and by prescripti o n . It is equally evident fro m the

f o f m o ﬁcial documents the time , as well as fro the testimony o f o the clergy themselves , that he used this prer gative to the 3 . o be n eﬁce s o f . o full Alcuin und ubtedly received his St L up ,

o f e o f o . Ferri res and Tours fr m the king Later in li fe , he had these preferments in mind when he thanked the emperor 4 for all the kindnesses which the latter had sho wn h im .

80 m o o to o And when , in 3 , the e per r c nceded the pe ple and to o wn o o the clergy the right elect their bish ps , it was a fav r

n o t o m o f - granted , an ackn wledg ent a pre existing privi 5 lege . ’ o o In ther respects , Charles mastery ver the Frankish

church is even more evident . He was dispo sed to regard

the disciplining of . the clergy as his o w n special prero gative .

o u t In his capitularies , he enumerated their vices , mapped

o f o their line c nduct , berated their negligence , and held them

n cil a s III an n an o n 8 He fele Co n cilie n e ( 1 ) Cf. Co . P ri , 557, c , , g h h te III . 1 . Co n c il . a s V an n 6 1 an o n s 2 an d ibid . . sc ic P ri , , c , , , p 3 4 3 , p i 68. Co n cil . Re m e n s an n . 62 c an o n 1 ibid ., . 5 . Co n cil. Cab llo n , , 5 , , p 7 i d an n . 6 c an o n I o bi ., p . 93 . 44 , , - 2 e fele . cit. III . 1 8 2 1 . ( ) H , o p , , p p 5 5 Altfrid i Vi ta S . Liu d eri c a s . 1 20 M. G. H . S S . II . 1 0 ( 3 ) , g , p 9, , , p p 4 1 1 . Vita S . B o n i atii c ap . 1 0 ibid . . 4 . ( 4) E p . 238. 4 f , , , p 3 7

h u s to r . an d au tho t e th e e Le a S tu d i e s in C rch Hi y, 93 , ri i s r ( 5 ) , p cited . 44 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

u . o o f p to their duties It is evident , too , fr m the letters the

th e o f bishops , that they accepted him as head the Frankish

. m Church They humiliated themselves , accused the selves o f o f fo r negligence , and idleness ; they blessed the emperor having aroused them fro m their indi fference ; they p ro

o f o claimed the necessity obeying his rders , which , like hi s 1 . m re person , they considered as holy They see ed to have garded his consecratio n as king and empero r as having co n 2 ferred upon him special prero gatives over the Church .

- o f Moreover , it is a well known fact , that the Councils the

m e t n s Frankish Church at his biddi g , discussed the matter m which he put before them , and , what is more , decided the “ according to his will . He issued his rescripts o n ecclesias tical matters with fully as much authority as when leg is lat ” 3 o n . to o ing matters purely secular It is very signiﬁcant , ,

co n tem o raries in clu din that p , g the clergy, should have recog ’ n iz ed the king s right to approve the doctrines as well as to regulate the po licy of the Frankish Church . Alcuin . fo r ex

o n tlie o e ample , dedicated to him his tract the Trinity as n “ bes t ftted to u d e o its m erits to i j g f , nor did he presume publish hi s larger tract against Felix until Charles had “ deem ed it worthy to be presented to the clergy . Thus th e

o o f Frankish king was c mplete master the Franki sh Church ,

o o o it app inting its bish ps , disciplining its clergy , c nﬁrming s

1 E is to lae Car o l in ae E . 26 - . Cf. e s e ci ally E . 28 ) p pp 44 p pp , 34, 37, ( , — 8 2 in affé o . cit IV . 0 . 3 , 4 , J p , , p p 335 43 “ 2 Th u s Le id rad in h is Libe r d e S acram en to B a tis m i s ay s : In ( ) p , q u ib u s q uoq ue v e rbi s n o tan d u m e s t q u o d p o s t u n c tio n e m im o p e r u n ctio n e m d iri atu r s iri tu s do m i n i in David s icut in Eccle s i a cr e d i ~ g p , m u s p e r c h rrs m atis u n ctio n em e t m an u s im p o s itio n em d ari Sp iritu m s an tum . M n e I . 86 . . Th eo d u l h E . 2 M. G. . c ig , XC X , p 4 Cf p , p 4, H i l IV . Ep s to . , p 534. H fe le it. II . 6 8- 6 an d 2 1 . L e o . c , , 7 9 Cf. ea S tud ies in ( 3 ) , p pp 3 7 , Ch u rch H is to ry o . c it. . 02. , p , p “ Ne q u e e n im ue m q u am m ag i s d ece t v l m e li o ra n o s s e veI ( 4) q . e l u r u m im e rato rem u u d o c trm a o m n bus o te p a q a p , c i s p s t p ro d es s e ” i s u b e c tis . E . 2 . 1 . j p 57, p 4 5 E 20 2 E . 20 20 1 . ( 5 ) p . , p . 335 . Cf. pp 3 , S OCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDI TIONS 45

1 . Fo r o o t doctrines the m st part , he used his great p wer wi h wisdo m and discretion ; he directed his efforts along several

o o lines , n tably, the revision of the liturgy, the rganization

o f l o o f the Frankish c ergy, and the ref rm thei r morals and

those o f the pe0 p1e in general . ’ The nature and scope o f Charles liturgical reforms were determined by his desire to secure a uni fo rmity in the Church co mmensurate with that which he was trying to

secure in the realm o fpo litical affairs . The Fran kish Church ‘ ’ with its numberless lo cal uses could n o t be expected to

o . o furnish the requisite m del Acc rdingly , he decided to

o m s o o adopt the R an use, that the Frankish and R man

o n e o ou o n e Churches , in d ctrine and in faith , sh ld be in

o m . o f r and in ritual The Roman chant , the R man sacra

o m m o m o f mentary , the R an calendar and the Ro an f r bap 2 tis m were all to be appro ved . In carrying o u t his sweeping

o o f o m o o o d ifﬁ p licy ref r , Charles was at nce c nfr nted by a

culty . The Frankish uses were in the ﬁeld ; they co uld n o t be o usted by a m ere co mm and ; they must be gradually m o di

ﬁ ed an d o n o o m t o f , revised br ught i t unif r ity wi h the use

Ro me . To execute this task required a man of great tact

o wh o o n f and ripe sch larship , , while rec g izing the di ﬁculties

o f o fo r o o the w rk in hand , and the need m derati n , would yet be i n hearty sym pathy with its purpose . Such a m an was Alcuin . ’ Alcuin wh o lly approved of ‘Charles effo rts to make the

Frankish liturgy co nfo rm to that o f Rome. Yet his train

ing and experience had been such as to co unsel m o deratio n .

o w n tw o In his land , there had been a struggle between rival

o o o f o liturgies, and kn wing the hist ry that struggle fr m the compro mise under Theo do re of Tarsus to the ultimate tri

1 Kle in clau s z ( ) , o . cit. . 21 2. Pu ste l d e Co ul an es Les Tran s p , p g o ’ o m at o n s d e la Ro au te . 2 . f r i y , p 5 4 ( ) l 7u lex le atio n is E d ic tum ch a s . 2 2 . M. G. H . Le . S ect. p g , p 3, 4 g , II I 6 J p ’ 4' 46 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN umph i n his own day of the Rom an purists at the Councils 1 f l v s h o e Pin can h ale to too o C o e and , he was not likely be arbitrary nor to o radical in dealing with a similar question

k l n d m E anbald i n Fran a . This is very evident fro a reply to , Archbishop o f York w ho had requested h im to compile a new sacramentary. Have you not an abundance o f sacra ” “ m en taries o o f in the Roman style , says he, and yet thers ?” “ a larger size , representing an older use And , adds he , “ very pertinently , I would fain have had you teach your clergy something o fthe Ro man Order so that the

m e ecclesiastical cere onies might be p rformed in an orderly, ” 2 ’ . Alcuin s o f respectful way Manifestly, while love order

m — w as led him to prefer the Ro an service books , he willing to supplement them by the local uses . It was in such a spirit. of compromise that he composed the liturgical wo rks ascribed to him . ’ Alcu in s fi liturgical works may be classified , first as of cial , o r - o fficial f . To s quasi , and second as uno ficial the first clas

o belong the homiliary , a lecti nary and a sacramentary, all designed fo r use in public w o rship . Abo ut the origin o f

too . n o these, we know all little Indeed , it is by means cer

fo r s o - tain that any copy of the homiliary survives , the called

o f homiliary Alcuin , printed under his name in the ﬁfteenth 3 o f and sixteenth centuries , was the work Paulus D iaco nus . ’ Alcu in s homiliary appears to have consisted o ftwo volumes 4 o f sermons collected from the Fathers ; consequently it ﬁlled a long- felt need by thus supplying serm o ns ready to hand

ad d an an d tubb s it - I H S , o . c . III . 6 68. ( ) p , p p 3 7 3 “ , ( 2 ) Nu m q u id n o n h abe s Ro m an o m o r e o rd in ato s libello s s acra to rio s abun d an te r ? H abe s q uo q u e e t veteris co n s ue tudin is s uﬂicien te r s a am e n ta a m aio ra. u d o us e s t n o va co n d e re d um vete a ufﬁ cr ri Q i p , r s ? ” c iu n t Ep. 226, p . 370 . ( 3 ) Re ce n t r e s earch e s h ave d i s co ve red a m an u s crip t o f th e tw elfth en tu h h h as o n th e ba k o f th e las t l e a o f i c ry, w ic c f t th e i n s cri p ti o n “ Om ilie Alcu in i d e d o m in ic is p e r an n i c ircu lum e t d e q u ibu s d am allis ” ’ d iebu s . Th i s wo u ld a e ar to be Alcu in s h o m i li ary. Cf. Gask o in p p , ’ ’ cit. . 222 22 . Mo n L li o m élaire d Alcu in t o u o p. , p p , 3 ri , r e r vé. i l in i . it. h a . 2. (4) V ta A e/m , o p c , c p 1

48 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN Along with his liturgical works we may mention hi s

o n m Od win treatise baptis , written to a priest called , and desig ned as a warning to the monks o f S eptim an ia against o the various malpractices of the Spanish Church , n tably the 1 o f f r . substitution single o trine immersion This work , to

o o gether with those mentioned ab ve , c ntains the form of

fo r a . worship , both general and special , ecclesi stical services ’ Alcuin s liturgical works , based as they were principally o m up n the older Roman liturgies , ust have greatly aided ’ Charles plans fo r establishing ecclesiastical uni form ity

o . through ut the Frankish Church Moreover , though it can n o t o o be very deﬁnitely pr ved , there is s me evidence to show that Alcuin played a role in carryi n g o ut another part o f ’ o n f Charles ecclesiastical pr gram , namely , the revisio o the

Scriptures . In dedicating his Co mmentary o n the Bo o k o f “ . to Ro dtru d a St John Gisla and , he writes , I should have sent vou the whole Co m m entary o n St . John had I n o t been

' fully occupied in complying with the king s co mmand to ” 2 amend the versions o fthe Old and New Testaments . And “ o n e o f m : again , in his car ina he writes Receive, O king, o o f this little gi ft, t ken the great love thy Alcuin bears thee .

o The great ones of earth bring thee preci us stones , but I in

o l my poverty bring thee these two little b oks , est o n that

o m - o great day I should c e empty handed int thy presence , 0 most pious and revered king 3 These I have carefully co rrected and bo und to gether in o n e great volume and have

o u o th e m o f o u r sent them to y thr ugh mediu very dear son , ” 4 o u r faithful servant . Thus there i s so m e gro und fo r ac ceptin g the traditi o n that the Carolingian revision of the

Bible was the wo rk o f Alcuin .

( 1 ) E M . 1 34.1 37. ( 2) B1317. v I . Carm e n 6 M. G. H . Po et. Lat. M ed . Ae . o . a t , . 283 ( 3 ) , 5 , , p , p 2 2 2 I ea h at th ee Carm en 6 , 6 ibid . . 8 8 , 88. t a rs t r ( 4) , 5 9, , p p 3 , 4 pp Bible s w e re re vi s e d by h im o r u n d e r h is i n s ecti o n . Cf. ed icato ry — p D Po e m s Carm en 6 i bid . I . 283 285. , , 5 , , , p p S OCIAL AND POLITI CAL CONDITIONS 49

’ A large measure of Charles success in his ecclesiastical reforms was due to the effective con trol which he exercised o ver the Frankish clergy. This was made possible in the ﬁrst place by his assumption o f the right to appoint the higher clergy. But his mastery could not be co mplete until he had effected such an organization as wo uld extend his disciplinary power over every phase of ecclesiastical activity.

This was a difﬁcult task to perform . Owing to the inter

o f o ference the Mer vingian kings , the whole church had tended to disintegrate ; the system of met ropo litans and p ro 1 vin cial syno ds was gradually dying o ut in western E u ro p e ; the diocesan bishops were beco ming mo re and mo re inde

th e pendent ; while clergy, especially that portion which may ‘ ’ be called unattached, were less and less i nclined to obey

. m their Bishop The unattached clergy were very nu erous , they served a church which had been founded upon an estate

m o e by its owner and were appointed , paid and re v d by him ;

x n o r they were thus e empt from outside interfere ce, civil 2 . U ecclesiastical nder such circumstances , discipline was clearly impossible .

Charles the Great so ught a remedy . He bent his energies

to o to secure, ﬁrst , the subordination of the clergy the bish p

o f o to co - in the chief city their district ; sec nd , ordinate the bishops of a pro vince into a single bo dy with the metropoli tan at o thei r head ; and third , of c urse, to secure the de p en d en ce o f the latter up o n the ro yal o r imperial power.

h e o The administrative machinery, c ntemplated, was almost

o . n o t perfect in the ry However , evidences are lacking to sho w that it was far fro m being s o in actual practice. In his fﬁ circular letter to his vassals and administrative o cers ,

1 at h o . cit. . 1 2 - 1 26. ( ) H c , p , p p 4 ( 2 ) Men s o ld ch u rch es an d tran s fe rr ed th em . De E ccl e s n s quae ab m g en uis h o m in ibu s co n s truun tu r 1icet eas trad e r e ven d e re. ; , a itu la r C p ry Fran co u t., A .D . c a . M. . . Le . o . cit. II, f 794 , p 54, G H g , p , 50 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

Charles complained that some o fhi s clergy had presumed to disobey their bishops , contrary to the laws and the canons , and that so me o f th e priests had been installed in churches

1 without episco pal co nsent.

o to As a remedial measure , lo king especially the enforce

o f o to ment discipline, Charles rdered the priests to report the bishops once a year , while the latter were also required to visit every priest ’ s church annually ? There were three purpo ses subserved by these visitations . In the ﬁrst place , it — gave the bishops an o pp o rtunity to preach an i m portant

o duty which they commonly neglected , as is evident fr m the letters o f Alcuin . The latter never lost an o pportunity to

to exhort them preach , never failed to praise them for so

no r o m doing, forgot to repr ve the when they failed in this ? o o f o respect In the sec nd place , the visitation the bish p enabled him to check those heretical practices which tended to o f creep into the administration the sacraments , especially

o o f m . fo r in th se conﬁr ation and baptism Alcuin , example ,

o f in view of the heresies the Spanish Church , deemed it necessary to give the most complete and definite instructions as to h o w the sacram ent o f baptism was to be adm inistered 4 to catechumens . The third purpo se served was that o f dis ci lin e . o f o p From the time Charles , the bishop in his t ur o f o f of visitati n acted partly as an o ficer the church , partly as an o fficer of the state . He was co m monly invested with

o f power to investigate and adjudge cases murder, adultery,

- o - pagan w rship , and other wrong doings contrary to the laws o f . God and man Indeed , there were times when these

M . it. II I - ( I . G H . Le , o . c . 80 2 62. ) g p , , , p p , 5

2 at h . it . . ( ) H c , o p c , p 34 “ ( 3 ) Et m axi m e p raed ic ato re s e ccle s i ae Ch ri sti caritate m rede m p ” to ri s n o s tri p er v e rba s e d ulae p raed icatio n is po p ulis o sten d an t. Ep . 1 36. . E 0 1 2 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 . Cf pp . 3 , 9 , 9 , 3 , 4

E . 1 1 . . E . 68 affé V I o . cit (4) p 3 Cf p , J , , p . S OCIAL AND POLI TICAL CONDI TIONS 5 1

administrative and j ud icial duties left the bishop li ttle time 1 fo r his spiritual functi o ns . An o ther feature of the o rganization of the Frankish ’ Church in Alcu in s day was the devel o pm ent of the parochial

system . Tw o sets o f causes o perated to establish it. The

ﬁrst o f these centres aro und the sacrament o f baptism .

O o to o f wing to the disorganizati n , incident the disruption

o e o the R man empire, the elaborate cer m nial which had once attended the perfo rmance of this sacram ent had alm o st died o ut f fo r , inasmuch as it had become increasingly di ﬁcult the

o n e an d catechumens to assemble at place at one time, as ? o they had done f rmerly Consequently, there was a great lack of unifo rm ity and much irregularity in the administra ti o n o f this sacrament. Hence it became necessary to restrict preaching at the celebration o f the sacra

o f ments baptism , mass and conﬁrmation , to certain ? ‘ ’ churches These were called baptismal churches , and they naturally o btained precedence and developed into the parish church . The s eco nd cause which contributed to the establishm ent o f . in the parish was the tithes The latter , as a Christian s titutio n to , would seem date from the eighth century ; they are hardly mentio ned during the ﬁrst seven centu ries ; the

o m regulations of c uncils practically ignore the , and there ? are no civil enactm ents in regard to them They came from the state to the church and were o riginally rents paid fo r the church lands with which the Frankish kings rewarded

V ( 1 ) De an g usti a m en tis v es trae p ro s e rvitio s acculari adv e rs us s an ctitatis ves trae d i n itatem ita u t n o n lic eat m elio ribu s i n s tar e o f g , ” ﬁc iis e an im r re r ir 26 . , n a um g g is Ch ri s ti lne ri s in s e v e . E p . 5 ( 2 ) H atch o . c it . 8 8 . , p , p p 3 , 4

C n ci n n fel it. III . 8 . ( 3 ) o l. Ver e s e c . AD . He e , o . c , , p 5 9 , 7, 755 p Cf. E . 68 Jaffe V I . 1 6. p , , , p 3 ( 4) Th e ﬁrs t s p e ci al m en ti o n o f th em o ccu rs in a l ette r o f Po p e

a h a in 8 A D . affé Re e s ta No . 2 1 6 1 . Th e ﬁ s t l e n a t Z c ry 74 J g , r civi c ’ m en t in re g ard to th em is Ch arle s Capitu lary Rh is pacens io e t Fris ing en s ia 1 . e II I 228 , c . 3, M G. H . L g ., S e ct. , , p . . 52 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN their soldiers . It was this which made Charles so anxious

o to enf rce their collection , but thi s was not his only mo ‘ ’ tive . The fact that they were paid only to the baptismal churches tended to develope the parochial system , and

. H e strengthen greatly the episco pal authority ence, Charl s was particularly desiro us that the Saxons and other bar barian s o sh uld pay tithes , inasmuch as they furnished him wi th the means o f o rganizing and of supporting the church upon which he relied fo r help in civilizing these people . ’ o Alcu in s o H wever , it is evident from lukewarm supp rt of tithes that they were as yet far from being a ﬁxed tradition “ ” . i n the church It may be questioned , says he , whether tithes w ere anywhere exacted by the apostles ; and i f we o ur

o d o to s selves , b rn and bred in the faith , not care give tithe , h o w much more must the ﬁerce barbarians , lately converted, ”1 t . S o resent heir exaction far as the latter were concerned ,

o to fo r he felt that it w uld be wise relinquish them a time, ”2 ' even at the expense of the public need . ’ Alcu in s objectio n was well taken . The whole ecclesi as tical po licy o f the great king towards the barbarians lacked something o f that spirit o f moderation which marked his dealings with his own peo ple. He wished to make the bo unds of Christend o m co terminous with tho se o f his

o m o m kingd ; in acc mplishing this end he was i patient, harsh and unscrupulo us in his dealings with the barbarians . Thus. priso ners o f war who forswore paganism and accepted bap tis m o , were restored to liberty and freed fr m tribute ; while ? tho se wh o refused to do so were beheaded Alcuin deplores this policy and ven tures to suggest to Charles that he entreat “ ” the barbarians gently as the ﬁrst fruits of the faith ,

1 1 0 . ( 1 ) E p. , p “ 2 u a o te m eh u e s t vel al i uan to s at o u t re m ittatu r ub ( ) Q i f r s , q p i p ” a n e e s a o n ﬁd e c o rd ibus rad ic itu s in le s cat. E 1 lic c s i t s , d ec s o p . 74, p . 289.

. E 1 1 0 . 1 8. Cf p. , p 5

t r i M . . S S . o cit. II 6. Vi ta S u m z G H . . , , . 7 Cf. E . 1 0 ( 3 ) , p p 3 pp 7, ’ 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 n d aﬁ e . cit. V I E . 68 . 1 1 - 1 8. , , 3 , a J , op , , p , p p 3 3 S OCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 53 teaching them and encouraging them with words o f advice 1 “ ” “ . o and comfort If, says he , m re boldly , elsewhere , the s ame pains had been taken to preach to them the easy yoke

o and light burden of Christ as has been d ne to collect tithes , and to punish the slightest infringement o fthe laws on their ”2 n o o o . part, then they would l nger abh r and repel baptism k ’ However mista en C harles policy towards the barbarians , there can be n o question but that he exercised a salutary in

ﬂu en ce o n the Frankish Church in general . U nder his im

o f pelling genius , the Church the West acqui red , in a large

o o measure, that rganizati n which characterized it during the

. o m o o Middle Ages The par chial syste t ok shape and f rm ,

o f o au the j urisdiction the bish ps was extended , and their th o rit . y greatly streng thened The latter , in turn , were sub jecte d to the metro po litan. But the system was not carried o o o o to to its log ical c nclusi n ; for the metr p litans, contrary

o f . o o n o t the plan St B ni face, were the sub rdinates , of the

o . o Papacy, but of the King and Emper r The archbish ps

o o o f and the pr vincial c uncil , except in matters internal dis c i lin e o . p , were superseded by the nati n And the great Frankish Church he had o rganized was contro lled by the

o to m an d nati nal assemblies , which he summoned lay en ecclesiastics alike. The third i nstitution o f which Alcuin treats is the Em pire. Though there is nothing in his letters that sheds n ew

m o light upon the circu stances of its f unding, they serve well as an illustratio n o f the co ncep ti o n o f the empire which o b tain e d in his day . Co ntem poraries are at o n e in regarding it as a glori o us acquisitio n o f the Fran kish kingdo m . Alcuin “ speaks o f the right n o ble Charles w h o go verned the king ” 3 dom o f the Franks m o st glo rio usly . He and his con

( 1 ) E p . 1 1 3. ( 2 ) Ep. 1 1 1 . “ ( 3 ) Ou 1 m o do cu m triu m p h is m ax im is e t o m n i d n tate g lo rro s is ” ig i s m e Fran co rum re i m e u m . t an ti Will ibro rd i c a . 2 i g t i p ri V i a S c , p 3 , “ affé o . cit. V I . 6. Cf. u i r e n um Fran co rum n o b ili te r am J , p , , p 5 Q g 54 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

tem po raries view Charl es as king and em peror from the

int o f the Old Testam ent ideal . To them he is a 1 - o - . Go d prophet priest , a warri r king Chosen of to lead His

o a faithful pe ple , he i s thei r we pon and defence , their law ? D giver and judge ivinely inspired , he uses his marvellous

o .to in gi fts to humble the proud , to defend the l wly and

t o f s ruct all his people in the ways of truth , of justice and

. virtue Before his terrible face , the pagans ﬂee i n terror ;

r o under his ove shad wing wing, a Christian people rest in

o o h is peace. In his hand he h lds a conquering sw rd , from ? mouth he proclaims Catholic doctrine Christianity follo ws in the wake of his army ; he makes the bo unds o f Christen do m coterminous with those of his kingdom and of his em

o f pire, and by enlarging both these he secures peace and

fo r . To h as e safety his subjects these glorious ends , he b en endowed with the government of the Church and of the ? o o e0 1 to w o r w rld Like unto J shua , he recalls the p p e the ship o f the true Go d by m eans of his warni n gs and o f his

m . D m punish ents He is a second avid , a ighty prince and

fo r e0 1 o ruler, decreeing laws his p p e, defending the ppressed ,

o n o n e cherishing the f reig er , doing j ustice to and all , and enlightening his people w ith the light o f knowledge and of ? o truth His greatest glory, Alcuin says , c nsists in this , that he has most earnestly striven to lead the peo ple e n

” liavit. V ta l h a . 1 i p i Car o i , c 3 , M . G. H . S S ., o . c t. II . 60 . p p , , p 4 “ ” Pro p te r d ig n itatem i m p erii q u am av u s r eg n o F ran co ru m ad iece rat. it/t r N a d , IV ch a . bid . . 66 . . E rm o ld i Ni elli bk . 2 vv. 6 , p 3 , i Cf , p 9 g , 3, 64.67.68.ibid ..p p . 479.489 .

1 E . 1 . . E . 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 ( ) 74 Cf , , 1 . p pp 7 , 7 4 7, 77

2 E . 1 . E 2 2 ff V I ( ) p 74 Cf p . 4 , J a e, . Cf. A n ilbe rt, Carm e n V I g , , - W . 6 6 2. . M. . o et. Lat. Med . Ae v. I . 66 - 6 3 4, 9 93 G P , , p p 3 3 9. ( 3 ) E M . 4 1 . E p . 242 ' ( 4 ) E p. 242.Jaﬁ e .V I.p . 779.789 . ( ) A d m o n itio G e n e ral is M . G. H . Le .. S e ct. II I . . 5 , g , , p 54 “ 6 Ita e t D avi d o lim raec e d e n tis o u li re x a Deo e le ctas e t ( ) p p p , D e o d ilectu s e t eg reg iu s p s alm is ta Is rah eli v ictric i g l ad i o u n d iq ue g e n te s s ubic ie n s le is u e D e i e x im iu raed ic ato r in o u l x ti it 1 , g q s p p p i e t . Ep . 4 . . E 1 1 1 . Cf pp . 7 , 98, 309

56 THE LE T TERS OF ALCUIN sho uld have admonished him not to let vain babblings nor ” 1 s currilous language pro ceed o ut of his mouth .

th e t u The capitularies , ac s of church councils , and the reg latio n s o f the bishops all co ntain even more speciﬁc charges against the clergy. They accuse the latter o f wasting thei r ? . time in hunting, hawking and feasting Worse still , they indict them for drunkenness and all manner of lewdnes s . They assert that some clerics sat up until midnight carousing

e with their companions ; aft r which some , drunken and to gorged , returned to their churches quite unﬁt perform the daily and nightly services of the Church , while others , ‘ ’ o ff straw drunk , sank down and slept their debauch in ? o f the place revel Moreover, devoted as they were to

a . worldly ple sures , the clergy found their duties irksome

o They dis beyed thei r Rule , and neglected their spiritual

o to t e duties , delegating their pastoral w rk vicars , who c e ive d the spiritual reward which should have been theirs .

o Alcuin declared them to be robbers rather than past rs , seeking their o w n interests rather than those which be of God ?

o Evidently, the wh lesale gi fts made to the Church during the seventh and eighth centuries had had a baleful inﬂuence upon it . It had become very wealthy . Alcuin himself as abbo t o f Tours ruled over a vast tract of territory ? With o f the increase wealth , the Christian ministry became a 6 lucrative pro fession ; sim o ny was ri fe ; the clergy be came secularized . Bishops and abbo ts so ught to extend thei r p o s

( 1 ) E p. 1 1 4. Cf. Ep . 40 . 2 a t. 1 0 K arlm a n M. . Le - . ( ) C p i , , , G H . g , S e ct. II, I, p p . 24 43

M . Le II - ( 3 ) G. H . S e ct. , I . 1 1 0 0 g , , p p 9 99 , 7, 44 “ ” S n t rae d icato re s n o n r e t r ( 4) i p , p a d a o e s . Ep . 1 1 1 . Cf. Vi ta Al ch u i n i ch a . 6. , p li n ( 5 ) E p a d taun ts h im w ith h avi n g s lav e s . Ep . 20 0 . “ h ra i u i ( 6 ) Et o c p ec p e in te n d te , u t s im o n i ac a h e re s is fu n d itu s s ub ve rtatu r u ae m ale d o m in atu r in m ul s r i , q ti , ad c em a iu d icibu s s accu li s u m e n s am o s u ue ad ecc le s ias tic a t n d n s , r sq s e e p er s o n as p e n e ap o s ” i m n r ru n e m . to l c a i ep s e t s d e Ep. 258, p . 41 6. S OCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDI TIONS 57 sessions by encroaching on their weaker vassals . Alcuin himself co mplained that the abbo t o f Limoges was trying to

o exact dues from his monks , over and ab ve those sanctioned 1 m . n o t by custo Moreover, it appears that the clergy did scruple to use t h e weapon o f ex co -m m u n icatio -n as a means o f o . m o f a ext rting wealth Charles accused the buying sl ves , allo dia and other property for themselves and gaining wealth ? .by preying upon the ign o rance o f rich and p o o r alike U m o f der such pastors, it was not strange that the morals the peo ple became vitiated ; that the churches were left without

o o r fo r o o a ro f used as storehouses hay and pr visi ns , and ? the altars d eﬁle d by birds and dogs

do o o in The evil that men lives after them , the g d is terred o . o with their b nes Hence , Alcuin as a ref rmer de votes m o -re attention to the mo ral obliquity o f the clergy than to their good qualities . Yet he ﬁnds so m ething worthy

s o f . o Leid rad in the ecclesia tics his day His friends Arn , , Th eo du l h o fo r o f Paulinus , p and others c me in their share

an d o n o f S e tim an ia praise ; he c mmends the mo ks p , of Ire

o f m o . Of a land and Yar uth most highly the l tter he writes , “ It is yo ur greatest glo ry that you have followed yo ur Rule

o o o o consistently, b th in dress and in all ther p ints of m nastic ”4 discipline , even as your founder did establish them . ’ Alcu in s intere st lay prim arily with the Church and the clergy ; he says little of the laity, and that little does n o t

m . T o serve to put the in a favorable light begin with , the no bles o f the court undo ubtedly vexed his righteo us soul .

- a In a letter to his pupil N thaniel , he warns him against the “ o f o e o ladies the court , th se crown d d ves who ﬂy about the “ ( I ) Dicu n t en im ; ves tri m is s i m an d as s en t p re sbite ro s n o s tro s ; d e p an e m o d io I et d im idio d e vi n o m o d i o I ; d e an no n a ad caballo s m o d i a ” q u attuo r ; c as i o s V I ; o va C. E p . 298. 2 ) Capitu lo m is s o ru m M . G. H . Le Se ct. II I . 1 1 . ( , g , , , p 5 “ ( 3 ) V id im u s q uo que aliq u ibu s in lo ci s n eg leg en te r altaria D e i ” ab s u e te to av u m t r o i u m i u q c , i s e c r b s vel c an um ct fe d ata. E p . 1 36.

. E n h a d Vita a li o it. h a . 1 M . S S. II . 2. Cf i r , C ro , p. c , c p 7, . G. H , p 45 (4) EP 284. 58 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

”1 . L s ~ palace windows ikewise, he enjoins the cha te Gund o f to rada to be an example to the other ladies the court ,

e m the end that they may keep themselv s fro falling, and so ? M a h arius th e remain noble in morals as in birth g , too ,

o wise counsell r of the king , is warned not to let worldly ? pleasure or carnal delight impede him in his labo rs Even

m o An ilbe rt ore p inted is the counsel which he gives to g , and ? o f to Pippin , king Italy To Charlemagne himself he 5 e o n o f o n o n e xpatiates the charms temperance , and occa

' o to o f sion , at least , is bold en ugh speak the king s short “ ” “ c . o o u r o o omings Beh ld S lom n , says he , resplendent in his diadem and crowned with virtue ; imitate his virtues and ”6 a void his vices . The no bles are as venal and as corrupt as they are im

moral . Alcuin intimates that so me o f the ofﬁcials were not

o to o w n ab ve taking bribes , and subverting j ustice thei r

7 - e nds . He has this in m ind when he admonishes Charles

o - to have wise counsellors about him , pi us , God fearing men ,

o o f n o t to o . n e l vers truth , given c vetousness Let no o ” t o o arnish your g d name by dishonesty, says he, for the ” 8 faults of the servants are o ften ascribed to the Prince .

Likewise, he urges the j udges and princes to rule the people m h wisely, and to j udge the honestly, being fathers to t e w ido w and o rphans ; fo r in the j ustice of the prince lieth the ? happiness o f the people Th eo d ulph o f Orleans is even “ more outspoken than Alcui n in this co nnection . I have “ .s w t een j udges , says he, who were slo to attend o the

o f f o to duties their o ﬁce, though pr mpt enough take its re

. wards Some arrive at the ﬁfth hour, and depart at the

o o n ninth ; thers , i f the third hour sees them the bench ,

2 . 2. 2 E 2 1 ( 1 ) Ep. 44, p 39 ( ) p. 4 . Cf. Ep. 309. E . . E . 22 1 2 1 1 . ( S p 33 (4) pp , 37, 9 t i n I 1 ( 5 i D e Rh e o r ca M g e CC , p . 94 . (6) E . 30 . , p 9 “ i ( 7) Neq u e s ubie cto s tu ae p o te s tati i n d ice s p e rm ittas p er sp o rtulas ” v el p raem ia i u d icare . E p. 1 88. Cf. E p . 2 1 7. (8) Ep. 2 1 7. (9 ) E p. 1 8. S OCIAL AND P OLI TICAL CONDI TIONS 59 will rise therefro m at the sixth . But i f there is a bribe to ” 1 o rim a. receive, the same men will be in c urt before the p o f n o t More ver, where perchance the o ﬁcials were actually

o o r rapaci us unjust , they were inclined to neglect their ‘ ’ ? ’ placita fo r the pleasures of the chase No doubt Charles m is s i had a strenuo us time in enforcing justice thro ughout

the Frankish realm . And it w o uld appear that the mo re c o u n onscienti usly they fulfilled their duties , the more popular they becam e ? Yet Alcuin finds so mething to praise in the laity of his d a . o o m o y There are some h n rable, upright men a ng them , some virtuo us wo m en ; first and foremost amo ng the latter

‘ ’ o f Gu n d rad a. i s the noblest the noble, the fair She it

o f to was who , amid the license the court , had attained the enviable reputation o f being chaste as no other lady o f the ? m D o f o f day A ong the men are Eric , uke Friuli , Gerald

a M e en frid ea o f B varia , and g the Tr surer , all whom Alcuin

to o . ﬁnds it in his heart praise m st warmly Naturally,

t e however, it is his master , Charles h Great , who comes in fo r most o f his attentio n and adiilatio n . As the life- long

o f friend and trusted counsellor the king, he had ample

o o o s o d o pp rtunity to bserve his character , and well did he s o that C harlemagne stands fo rth from his pages in all

o o his maj esty, a sublime ﬁgure, c mmanding the admirati n o f the ages . There is a signiﬁcant lack o f legend and o f

. myth in his portrayal It is a living being that he depicts , a m an with great faults no twithstanding hi s splendid vir

o f tues As we see him through the medium Alcuin ,

o f o f he is a mighty man war , tireless energy ,

1 Th e u l h s u o n t u d i 1- 6 M o et. ( ) o d p , Ve r s C ra I ces , vv, 39 39 , . G . H . P

Lat. M ed . Aev. . cit. I . et s e . , op , , p 493, q “ ( 2 ) V o lum u s atqu e jube m u s u t co m ites n o s tri p ro p te r ve n atio n em ” et al i a i o ca p l aC1ta s ua n o n dim ittan t n e c ea m i n uta faci an t. Cap itula e us i D i r is e e II I 1 . d Ca s ve s M . G. H . L , S ct. , . 35 , g , p 0 Ca 1tu la a m i s is d o min icis ad o m tes d ireeta h a . i bid. I ( ) p s c i , c p 5 , , , p . 1g4. ( 4) EP. 309 60 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

o f o f quick thought , prompt to act ; in fact , a born leader

. l men with a genius for organization and command Witha , there is m uch o f the barbarian about him ; he is in

o describably ﬁerce towards his f es , ruthless and wantonly

m . n o n ece s cruel at ti es O several occasi ns , Alcuin ﬁnds it “ ” to m . sary to plead with him be erci ful Be not forgetful , “ h e o f says , the captives which Providence granted thee in

o thy victory over the Avars ; i f it be p ssible, spare some ” 1 o f . them Again , he suggests that his lord the king should

o f vary the clash arms and the strident peal of the horn ,

th e o o f to with s fter notes music , the end that the ﬁerce ? souls of the warri o rs m ight be softened

n o t o f While blind to the faults his great master , Alcuin ,

m . like the rest of his conte poraries , i s dazzled by his genius m e At times he see s to be under a spell , and then he is quit

o o as extravagant as ther contemp raries , whose j udgment is less discriminating than his . In such a mood he pic

Ch arles as a o tures y great Christian emper r , whose piety ? shines fo rth as bright as the rays o f the sun The em

m o f m h is bodi ent virtue hi self, he incites all classes of pe0 p1e to deeds of virtue ; to the soldiers he teaches ‘ skill

o in the use of arms , inspiring them with c nstancy and courage ; the clergy and the peop le he enj oins to obey i n all humility ; his co unsellors and j udges he leads in th e “ o f . o path wisdom and j ustice Thus d es he rule his people ,

n o th e decreei g laws , defending the ppressed , cherishing o o n d f reigner , and enlightening his pe ple with truth a ? “ ” o 0 1 o kn wledge Happy the pe p e , says Alcuin , ver whom

h as s o s o Providence placed wise and pious a ruler, who

( 1 ) Ep. 1 1 8. ( 2 ) E p. 1 49. E 2 2 aﬁ é . . An lbert a m n V I W 1 2 1 ( 3 ) . 4 (J Cf , C r e , , M. G. p ) , 5 ,

. i t i ul H Po et. Lat. Me d . Aev , o c , , . 366 . Th e o d h Carm en 6 p p p , , 35 , 3 , - b d . 26 28. i i , p p 5 5 1 1 6 Th eo d u l h E 2 M ( 4) Epp. 77 , 3 . Cf. p , p. 4, . G. H . Ep is to laru m ,

IV . . l s o au l n u s A u la E . . M n e I . 0 8- 0 . , p 534 A P i q i , p 43 i g , XC X , p p 5 5 9 22 1 E n h d ta i t. h a 2 1 ) E . , . Cf. i ar , Vi o . c c . M. G. H . ( 5 pp 9 77 , p , p , S . II . . S , p 455 S OCIAL AND P OLI TICAL CONDITIONS 61

n o t excelleth all , alone in majesty and power, but in wis ” 1 do m and religi o us zeal as well . These expressions are

o n e repeated, until feels that Alcuin had some merit as a courtier as well as a scholar. With immorality and license prevailing among the

n o t fo r o r nobility, we need look enlightenment religious zeal amo ng the lower classes in Frankland . The peo ple

to m gave free reig n their passions , and i itated the vices o f the nobility. They were especially given to drunken ? to o f o Im ness , and prone deeds vi lence and bloodshed ’ o ve rish ed o o f o p by the c ntinual wars Charles reign , p

o to o pressed by their superi rs , lay and ecclesiastical , brutal

to o o to o to f to command respect, ign rant and helpless e fect

o o o f o o lo t any ameli rati n their c nditi n , their was a hard o n e. They were being reduced to beggary and even to “ ” . o m an slavery , as Charles himself admits If a po r , says “ no t i o o o n he, will g ve up his prop erty to a bish p , abb t or c u t , these make some excuse fo r getting him into tro uble with

o o r him o o n the c urts , they order c ntinually military ” 3 service until the man surrenders o r sells his pro perty . The no blest spirits o f the time were alive to the fearful degradati o n o f the pe0 p1e ; n o r did they fail to express their

. o o o f pity Nevertheless , there was a g d deal contempt

m . mingled with their sy pathy Thus Alcuin, while enjoin ing upon the lords the necessity o f being j ust an d m erciful

0 1 to o towards the pe p e, felt that the latter ought bey a j ust ruler with thankful hearts . Alcuin expressly repudiated ‘ ’ V o x vo x D e i m the maxim , populi , , aintaining that the ? voice o f the pe0 p1e was the voice o f m adm en

as o Bad were the social conditi ns in Frankland , those ’ in England were even w o rse. Alcuin s acco unt is o n e l o ng

1 E . 1 1 22 1 21 . 2 E . 2 6 2 1 1 1 8 1 2 1 8 1 2 1 0 . ( ) pp 7 , 9, ( ) pp 4 , 49, 9, , , 5 , 7 , 5 e t II I 1 6 D e Re bus E x ercitalibus M . G. H . Le , S c . , p . 5 . ( 3 ) , g , “ Ne u d i n i l n e e vo x o u l vo x De i. Cu m (4) e a e d , q ui s o e t d ic r ; p p , . ” i tum u ltu o srtas v u lg i s em p e r in s an iae p ro xim a s 1t. E p . 1 32. 62 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

o f m o f chronicle invasion fro without , schism and disorder fro m w ithin . He cries out in despair over the ruin of the

o o o f m nasteries , ver the decline learning, over the social “ ” t o . Lo and poli ical dis rder rampant everywhere , he says , “ o o u r a pagan pe ple lay waste shores , pillaging and plunder ing at will ; the princes and pe0 p1e are rent with dissen ” 1 sions ; while learning perishes in o u r midst . With touch ing sorro w Alcuin depicts the desecration of the churches . “ ” “ o f . o Alas , says he, the Church St Cuthbert, so h nored

0 1 o f by all the pe p e Britai n, hath been given over wholly to

fo r o f o the pagans plunder ; despoiled its rnaments , bereft o f o o f its gl ries , it has been spattered with the blood its

. V o . priests erily, i f the H ly St Cuthbert cannot defend his o w n in that place where religion w as ﬁrst implanted

m a in our race , verily there re aineth n ught for us to do save ‘ o ut O o to cry , Spare, L rd , spare thy people , and give not thine inheritance unto the heathen , lest they say, where ’ ’ ” 2 is the Christians Go d ? The internal dissensions among the princes and people o f England were even m o re baleful in their inﬂuence than

o f m . the devastations the Norse en The political unrest , which had characterized the Anglo - Saxons befo re an d since

’ their advent into Britain , was much i n evidence in Alcu in s

. to day According his testimony, the English kingdoms had been most unhappy as to the princes who had been chosen to rule over them . Everywhere they had declined in those qualities which had been wont to make t hem a blessing to thei r people and a terro r to the enemy ? They

e w re tyrants , not rulers ; for they plundered their people shamelessly ? The whole land was a prey to intestine to stri fe ; rival claimants the throne murdered and pillaged , regardless of their subjects nobles warred on nobles , and

( 1 ) Ep. 1 29. ( 2 ) Ep . 1 6. Cf. Ep . 2 ( 3 ) Ep 1 30 (4) EM EM 1 22

64 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

? Fathers , as their Rule commands As might be expected ,

' the pe0 p1e are much harmed by such conduct ; they follow not in the footsteps o f their fathers ; neither in dress n o r in good living do they pattern themselves after their worthy o ut ancestors ; but in their mad folly, they seek some new thing as unproﬁtable to themselves as it is displeasing to ? “ God A time o f great tribulation has come over o u r “ ’ land wails he, the faith is losing ground ; God s truth i s to not spoken , malice and arrogance everywhere abound the misery of the people. The sacred places are devastated by the heathen , the altars desecrated by perjury, the mon as trie s deﬁle d by adultery , and the soil of England stained ’ ‘ . V w e by the blood of its princes erily , concludes Alcuin ,

a — e0 1 are race of evil doers , a p p e laden with iniquity, a

n Go d o sinful natio , whom will punish as in the lden time,

v o f Him unless we deser e well by earnest prayer , stead ” ? fast faith and upright living Against the degradation o f so ciety which we have j ust f described , the church e fected a partial remedy through monasticism . The latter had worked silently for at least

o o n a century, before its inﬂuence sh wed itself the comm o n li fe o f the clergy in the tangible form of a canonical rule. This was o n e o f the chief results o f the great ecclesias tical

o ref rmation of the Carolingian Age , brought about by th e ? co -o peration o f church and state The i m mediate purpo se subserved by the rule was that o f discipline ; at the same

ediﬁcatio n time it made for education and , inasmuch as

1 E . 1 2 . 1 8 . 2 E 1 22 1 ( ) p 4, p 3 ( ) p. , p . 79. E . 1 22 20 1 22. ( 3 ) pp , , 7, ( 4) Th e ﬁr st m e n tio n o f a c an o n ical r ul e w as in th e d e cre e o f th e — Co u n cil o f V e rn o n in 75 M . . . Le S e t. II 1 . 6. A l ttle 5 G H g , c , , p 3 i h r d e an e z e u h i am u l 0 l ate r C o g g o f M t d r w p s f o s ru e , an d in 8 2 a c ap itu lary o f Ch arle s r eq u ire d his p ri e s ts to l ive acco rd i n g to th e c an o n s o l n i u n d e r th e s up e rvi s io n o f a bi s h p , s e ep i g n a c o m m o n d o rm i to ry ,

n l n d n m o n ule . e ati n g at a c o m m o n r e fecto ry , a d ivi g acco r i g to a co m r itul i u n le h a . 2 1 22 M. Le S e t. II Cap are M s s o r m G e e ra , c p s , , G. H . g , c , I.p p . 95 -96. S O CIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 65 the hours o f the day and night were apportioned to deﬁnite o . ccupations These, as Alcuin intimates , were chieﬂy ? o f reading and praying Thus , by means the canonical r o f ule , the prevalent ignorance the clergy was lessened , learning became more and more a necessary ingredient o f

. their lives Furthermore , such great bishops as Arno ,

Th eo dul h Leid rad p , , and others , arose to lend their whole ’ s o u lecb support to Charles noble effort to enlighten his p e0 p1e.

( 1 ) Ep. 1 14. C HAPTER III

ALCUI N AS A TEACHER

D U NG the seventh and the early part o f the eight en ' turi e intellectual li fe o f Fran k lan d had reach ed it very

o low The dis rders incident to the Frankish invasion ,

o f o n and the anarchy the Merovingian rule later , had forced learning to take refuge in the church and in the monastery. These asylums of learning became so demot aliz ed h ad o that those traditions, which f und their way from the ancient Gallic s chools into those of the Franks were almost completely lost ; o f philo sophy and literature t there was nothing ; the La in language was being forgotten , and when spoken it was without rule o r grammar . Worse o f in still , the voice the teacher was all but silent th .e city and i n the monastery ; idleness and vice had follo wed hard upon the decline of learning, until monk and priest who

n o f ought to have been the intellige t teachers their people, had degenerated so far as to lose well- nigh even the instinct 1 o for m ral li fe , Co nditions would probably have been even worse had n o t Charles Martel introduced som e semblance of order and quiet into society , not alone by his defeat of the Saxons and Saracens , but also by his determined suppressi o n o f the Frankish nobles and bishops . By freeing Frankland

1 Hauréau . t h l h ( ) , B His o ire d e la P i o s o ie S c o las ti u e art I p q , p , - 6 . M u ll n e . . S h o o ls o Ch arIes th e eat an d th e Res t 3 , 7 ; cf i g r , J B c f Gr o ra t o n o E d u at o n in th e N n th e n tu . : E i f c i i C ry, p p 37 39 be rt Ad . Allg e m e in e Ge sch ich te d er Li te ratur d es M i ttelalte rs in Aben d lan d e V o l . II , , PPM 3 1 1 - ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 1 67

o fr m dangers without and from dissensions within , by teaching the bisho ps and abbots that they must do s o me u ﬁ h t 1 thing more than h nt, drink and g , he prepared the way fo r Alcuin and Charles , and made possible that intel lectual revival which their efforts inaugurated ? Nor were evidences o f im pro vem ent lacking even befo re their day .

H o o o f ere and there some scholar, like Abb t Greg ry

U o r s ucce s s full to trecht , had tried more less y redeem the

o f o to character his scho l , and revive learning in his j uris

o . Ch ro d e an m o dicti n At Metz , g g had drawn up his fa us rule and inculcated the urgent duty o f educating the yo ung.

. o W in idh ar to At St Gall , the m nk had begun transcribe manuscripts and s o laid the fo undati o ns o f the noble library ? there Thus the Frankish peo ple were ripe fo r a literary

e o revival ; realizing their ne ds they had bec me receptive, an d o already they possessed eager students , both Angl

o n w h o Sax n and Fra kish , would give their hearty sympathy and co - Operation to him wh o would pro mo te and organize learning. Such a perso n was Charles the Great . It was the aim o f Charles to spread secular and ecclesias

o 0 1 to tical learning am ng his pe p e, the end that religion

o m o o o e might be p r ted , thei r m rals reformed , and their wh l

. n o to be intellectual life deepened Ma ifestly, his w rk had

w t fo r o o gin i h the clergy , thr ugh them , and them al ne, ‘ as o o f o the nly teachers the day , could he h pe to advance

1 Cf. Ca itu lar o Karlm an n d ated A l 2 1 5 t 2 ca . 2 M. ( ) p y f , p ri , 74 , p ,

G . H . Le . S e ct. II I . 2 . g , , p 5 ’ 2 u ré u it. I - L E n s e i n m n Ha a o . c art , . 6 . . Ro e e e t ( ) p , p p p 7 Cf g r , g ’ ‘ d es Le ttre la s u e d A us o n e cx A l u in . 28- au k II o . cit. s c s iq s c , p p 4 9 ; H c , , p , . 1 68- 1 Gas k o in A lcu in . 1 1 - 2 We s t A lcu in . 1 . p p 7 ; , , p p 7 ; , , p 4

au k . it II 1 68- 1 1 Ro e it. . 28- 2 ( 3 ) H c , o p c . , p p . 7 ; g r , o p . c , p p 4 4 9 ; Gas k o in o . cit. 1 7 3. F. A. S ch t es h h te d es Un terr1 ch ts w es e n s , p , ﬂe , G c ic h h h u n t 1 0 - 1 2 in D e u ts ch lo n d bis z ur M i tte d es d r e iz e n te n J a r d e r . , , p p 266- 268. (4) Th at Ch arl e s fo u n d ch to am en d in th e l ive s o f h is cle rg y “ e s u i te n o n is evid e n t fro m ca i tu tar 1 c a s . 1 81 1 6 : S ac e rdo t , q ri p y 9, p 5 s ap iu n t adim p le re m i n i s te rium s u u m n e c disc ere iu x ta p raec e p tu m qu i a g n o ran te s l eg em D e i earn aliis an n u n tiare et p raedicare ” i n o n n 6. p o s s u t. M . G. H . Leg . I, p . 4 68 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

i 0 1 . A x the civilization o f h s pe p e ccordingly, he e horted the clergy to the study o f the Scriptures and of the Liberal "“ ” w . o ur , Arts , hich they had so long neglected It is wish “ o u says he , that y may be what it behooves the soldiers o of Christ to be , religi us in heart , learned in discourse , pure o ih in act , so that all that approach your house in rder to D o r o f re voke the ivine Master , to behold the excellence li io u s ediﬁe d o u g life, may be in seeing y and instructed by o hearing y ur discourse and chant Likewise, the whole

0 1 m pe p e were to devote the selves to learning, laymen were ‘ ’ o to send their s ns to study letters , and the youths , work ing with all diligence , were to remain in school until they had been instructed in learning ? f Fortunately for the furtherance o his educational policy , Charles co uld count o n the support of such able men as

o f Leid rad o f . Alcuin , Paulinus Aquila , Lyons , and others Alcuin set the seal o f his enthusiastic approval upon the plans o f Charles for the education o fhis people . In a letter to l the latter , he praised him for his zea in pursuing the “ o f : o study the stars , and added If nly a great many would

fo r n ew imitate your splendid zeal such studies , mayhap a

n and even more excellent Athens might arise in Frankla d ,

o u r fo r for this Athens , having Christ the Lord its master , wo uld surpass all the wisdom o f the studies o f the ” Academy? Evidently Alcuin had high hopes o f acco m p lish in g great things fo r the enlightenm ent o f Frankland . The tasks which awaited Alcuin and his royal master

. o were many and varied Fi rst , the Palace Scho l was to be ’ o re rganized , and the king s own energetic attempts at self educati o n superintended ; there were the parish . monastic

to o r and cathedral schools be established improved , and a

( 1 ) Oblitte ratam p en e m aio rum no s tro rum d e sid i a rep arare vi il ” g ian ti s tud i o litte raru m . M. G. H . Le . S e ct. II I . 80 . g , , p 2 Ib d . V o l. I n i i ( ) i , ., . 79. ( 3 ) Ad m o t o Gen e ral is ibid . I . 60 . p , , , p ( 4) E p. 1 70 . ALCUIN AS A TE ACHER 69 clergy sufﬁciently learned and worthy to administer the sac ram en ts to . was be created Finally , it was necessary to revise the liturgy so as to make it conform to the Roman

n l use, and it was equally urgent to ame d the biblica and o m o ther manuscripts , which were in a ost depl rable condi tion owing to the igno rance o f the Merovingian tran scribers .

Their task was a gigantic o n e . The schoo ls were few i n number and wo efully defective while teachers were ? r to o o in ve y hard to procure Then , , bo ks were scarce, as m uch as many had been lost o r destroyed during the

o ? m o f Merovingian peri d In g his letters to Charles , Alcuin asked permission to send so me of his pupils from

o f o Tours to obtain some the bo ks he had left at York , i n order that the rich fruits of learning might be fo und

o o not nly in the gardens there, but als by the pleasant ”3 waters o f the Lo ire . And i f the rich abbey o f St. Mar ’ — tin s lacked for books , the abbey supervised by Alcuin him

o w n o self, and doubtless enriched by his bo ks , as well as

o f o o — o n e by copies those in use at the Palace Sch l , can readily imagine that there must have been scanty i f any traces o f a librarv in the majority o f the monasteries else where . many of the bo oks were quite untrust worthy, manuscripts had been carelessly copied , and

to o o f often mutilated , owing the gr ss ignorance the tran s . o o cribers Furthermore, the c nditi ns prevailing at that time increased th e difﬁculties of the mediaeval scholar . The roads were well- nigh impassable ; the seas swarmed with

( 1 ) S ch o lam in eo d em co en o bio e s s e in s tituit quo n i am o m n es p en e i n o s liter r m n n im i u n til n a o n s uan u m g ar a u i v e it Op t s q e c a e e s i , q t te m o ri o in e u i s tu n t n l n s iu a p s rdo s b at, e d o c t. Ge ta Abbo m F o a e le m .

M . I 2 2 787 . G H . S S . I , p . 9 . 2 e x u m h rvul ve s tro e x uis itio re s e u d ( ) S d e p arte d e s n t i i , s e o , q r i tio n is s co l as ticae l ib elli quo s h abui in atri a e r bo n am et d e vo tis s im am , p p ” m agis tri m e i i n d u s tri am vel e ti am m ei ip s ius q uale m cum q u e s u d o re m . Ep . 1 2 1 . Cf. Ep . 80 . ( 3 ) E p . 1 2 1 . 70 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

? H pirates , and the land was a prey to chronic warfare ence communication was uncertain and messengers were not to ? be relied upon On more than o n e occasi o n Alcuin co m plained rather bitterly o f these untoward circum stances. In ’ “ to Si u lfu s e tell : Our m a letter g , h g us emory is ﬁckle at ' . iwh at w e o times We forget ught to retain , especially f a when we are distracted by worldly a fairs , and in smuch as

o o u r o o f we cann t carry bo ks with us because thei r weight , we m ust abbreviate at times in order that the precious pearl of wisdom be light enough fo r the weary traveller to bear ” ? it wi th him fo r his refreshment Alcuin gives us elsewhere even mo re striking picture of the difﬁculties and lim itatiﬁ o f scho lars in his day . In

m D e S an ctis E bo ro cens is E ccles iae his poe , he describes for

o f o . us the library the Cathedral Scho l at York The latter ,

m o o n e which Alcuin hi self had helped to c llect , though of m the largest in its day , see s piti fully small and inadequate to m o dern eyes . It is hardly likely that it co mprised m o re than o n e or two hundred bo oks ; and yet these contain prae tically all o f the learning o f that time . It is signiﬁcant that Alcuin begi n s his description of the libra ry by en u m erat ing the Church Fathers to be fo und there. At the head o f o m Hilarv m u u s tin e the list are Jer e , A brose a g , o O o after whom c me Athanasius , r sius , Gr Leo and “ . Fu l e n tiu s o m o Basil g , Cassi dorus , Chrysosto and J hn com

le te . o o p the list Then f ll w the teachers , philosophers , his to rian s o : V , rhet ricians these are Aldhelm , Bede , ictorinus , ‘ Po m eiu s Boethius , p and Pliny, together with the subtle

1 E . 6 1 6 20 2 1 22 82 1 . ) pp , 7, , , , , , 0 9 “ (2 ) S e d m u ltu m m c ae n o c e t d e vo tio n i in ﬁd elitas accip ien tiu m l it ” m e b iri e n E 2 . E 2 28. te ras as vo i s d g d as . p . 54 Cf. pp. 53 , “ ( 3 ) t 11ia p o n d e ra libro ru m n o bis c u m p o rtari n eq u e u n t i d eo l i i r vit ti tu d e n d u m e s t u l s i o n d e e re tio s a s a 1e n tiae a q u o t e s b e a s , t evi t p r p p m arg are ta ; e t h abe at fes s u s e x i ti n e r e vi ato r . q uo s e rec reat ; l ice t e x ” p o n d e r e p o rtan tis m an u s n o n g rave tu r. E p . 80 . o babl o n h o f am a u s . . a n a k V . 28 . ( 4) Pr y J D sc Cf H r c , , p 9

72 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

Libe ral Arts are the supports of his whole educational sys

' ‘ tem . They are the Seven columns which support the dome

’ ‘ ’ o a o f wisd m , the seven grades of wisdom le ding up to its m ? su mit, which is evangelical perfection They are the

‘ ’ - seven water pots , which have been kept till now to furnish ? forth the wine that maketh glad the heart o f man As the sole means of arriving at perfect knowledge , the youths ‘ o ught to study them until maturer age and riper judg

’ ? ment have ﬁtted them for the study o f the Scriptures “ ” On t hese, says Alcuin , in urging his pupils to study the “ o n Liberal Arts , these, philosophers have bent their

o energy ; through these, c nsuls and kings have become illus trio u s o f ; through these, the venerable Fathers the church have defended the faith and d is co m ﬁte d the o f However, the Seven Liberal Arts themselves appear ’ to have had little attracti o n fo r the scholars of Alcu in s day ;

. theirs was a relative value , measured by their utility to the ? church Latin grammar was studied as the key to the o f reading and understanding the Scriptures ; metre , rhetoric and dialectic gave the future cleric skill in speech o r a debate, or in the practical tre tment of religious topics ; music was of value in connection with the liturgy ; arith metic and astronomy were largely used to determine the d ate of Easter ; while geometry aided the ch

U o nder such circumstances , there c uld be but little under standing o r appreciation o f the classical spirit. The

’ 1 E . . . 280 an d Alcu in s ram m ati a M n I ( ) p 34 Cf , G c , ig e C , p . 853. ( 2 ) E 1 399 m m ti a M n I ( 3 ) Gra a c , ig e C , p . 854. ram m at a M n e 1 0 1 . ( 4) G ic , ig , p 854. i i M . Le I r D e L tteris Co le n d s . . .‘ S e t I I ( 5 ) , G H g c . , , p . 79 : G am t n 1 0 1 : R b n r ' m a ica, Mig e , p . 853 a a u s Mau u s D e Clei ic o ru 1n In s tit. , , b o o k III c a . 1 6 - Mi n e V II . 2. No d e n D i e A n tik , p g C , p 39 r , e Ku ns tro ps a r1 6t l ah rh un d ert vo r Ch ris ta bis in d ie e t d e r Ren ais an e Vo l . Z i s c , 1m ggo Bu rs ian e h i hte d er Clas s is ch e n h i o o e in eu ts hlan d , G sc c P l l g i D c , l I 2 -2 V o . , p p . 4 5. ALCUIN AS A TE ACHE R 73 medi aeval churchmen regarded the classics merely as an indispensable aid for the study of the Scriptures ? The early medi aeval writers had used the classics wherever they

o r fel t that these would avail Christianity, serve to embel ? lish their o w n style But they had felt impelled to apolo gize fo r those V ergilian phrases which adorned their pages . They held that amid the noxious supe rstitions o f the ah cien ts there was much which would serve the interests of truth and o f Christianity : they likened themselves to the Israelites w h o carried o ff the go ld and ornaments o f “silver ? ‘ ’ the Egyptians This no tion o f despoiling the Egyptians

’ o f Alcu in s an d . still obtained course i n day, far beyond In

to o m a letter Arn , Alcuin ad onished him to wash the ” ” o s o gold of the classics free fr m all dross , that it might be puriﬁed and rendered acceptable to Go d and his glorious

. o Church Then would the pagan p ems , purged from all “ o o n ﬁlth , be like a rose bred am ng th rns, exquisite i frag ” 4 o m . o rance, in beauty inc parable Alth ugh Augustine and others of the fathers had thus assumed an apo logetic atti

o tude towards the classics , there had been a gr wing ten d en cy o n the part o f some churchm en to regard the study

o f . of the classics as a species idolatry Yet, try as they

n o t would , the Christian fathers could get along witho ut them at any time during the Middle Ages : the classics were as necessary to the study o f the Liberal Arts as the latter were fo r theolo gy. They were particularly essential

o for grammar and rhet ric, as Alcuin admitted upon on e

u ro d en o un cm V occasion when , tho gh undly g ergil as a de

“ i r i i n LXX . 1 Cas s o d o u D e In s tit. D v n . litte r . c . 28 Mi e , p p ( ) , , g - 1 1 1 . D e Litteris Co len dis M. G . H . Le . S ect. II I . 79. 4 43 , g , , p

2 o m t i n h M id l A es . 6 . ( ) C p are ti , Virg l i t e d e g , p 5 Au u st n e D e D o t in a h is tiana II ca . 0 -M n e IV ( 3 ) g i , c r C r , , p 4 i g XXX , p . 63 . “ ri t OIOI‘ IS i n co n Nam ro s a i n te r s i n as n ata. m iri o do s e C , p . . ” arab111 r i m i i r 20 . p s g at a h aber e d n o s c tu . Ep. 7, p . 345 74 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

c eiver o f m was , he conceded that in matters gra mar he an authority not to be contemned ?

As might be expected , the attitude of Alcuin towards the classics was a reﬂex o f that o f his predecessors . He e xhibited the earlier apologetic but enthusiastic tone o f the

. fathers , together with their later attitude of hostility Like r Augustine, Jerome , and many othe s , he found the classics

. to o o ro necessary Like them, , he d ubts somewhat the p

riet o f p y using them , and i s careful at times to explain ‘ fo r o . On his grounds so d ing the other hand , he is even more o utsp o ken in hi s o ppositio n to the classics than Ter

tullian himself. As a bo y he had lo ved the po ems of V ergi l m ? better than the Psal s With riper age and experience,

s however , he adopted a more con ervative attitude towards

to the latter, and professed despise what he had formerly

a . o f dmired As he neared the close his life , he became s o mewhat narrower in his views and less charitable in t .‘ m ’ ‘ spiri That sa e man , says his biographer , who in hi s y outh had read the lives o f V ergil along with the Holy

o f o o ld Writ , and the books the phil sophers , in his age w ould not allow his monks o f Tours to fo llow the example ’3 “ which he had set at Yo rk . Are not the divine poets s u fﬁ ” “ o u o r o cient for y , says Alcuin , must you p llute your s elves with the smooth ﬂo wing phrases o f V ergilian ’ s peech Certain passages in Alcu in s correspondence a lso , appear to bear eloquent testimony to a continued

. acerbity against the classics Thus he reproached his friend ,

Ri bo d u s o f o f c , Archbishop Treves , because his fondness

r iliu s h au o n te m n en dae auc o rit ti fal s t ( 1 ) V e g d c p t a s a o r, Ep. 1 36.

n 2 t d . Ae v I . 2 0 . Cf. Carm e 3 , Po et. La . Me . , p 5 l h u in i a . 1 . ( 2 ) Vi ta A c , c p “ ( 3 ) Leg e rat is d em vir Do m i n i libro s iuve n is an tiq uo rum p h ilo s o r ili u m en d a a u ae n o lebat iam s e n ec aud e n e u p ho ru m V i g q e ci , q i p ir q e ” “ d is ci ulo s s uo s le e re Vi ta Alc h uin i c a . 1 0 . Cf. H aec in V ir p g , , p ietu r m en ac iis s e d in e uan elica aﬂiue n tcr re g iliac is n o n inve n d , g p ” ri u e E . 0 . . . E . 1 6. V ta Aleh u in i o p e et r v e ri tat . p 3 9 , p 475 Cf p 3 ( 4) i , p

i . c t , cap . 1 0 . ALCUIN AS A TE ACHER 75

V . Lo o for ergil , a wh le year has passed , he writes , “ . and I have had no letter from you Ah , i f only my name

V o were ergil , then w uldst thou never forget me, but have ‘ r n im iu m my face eve before thee ; then should I be felix ,

’ ” “ n o n fe licio r u llus . quo And , he concludes , would that the four Gospels rather than the twelve .ZEn eid s ﬁlled your ” 1 heart.

o H wever, at the very time that he was inveighing most ﬁercely against the classics in general and V ergil in par ticular to , he was using the latter illustrate a fact or point a moral . When King Charles sought to inveigle h im into

to o to o h o coming the c urt, in order debate with s me sc lars

o o m . there up n certain astr no ical questions , he declined His “ refusal is co uched in V ergilian phrase. As the ass is 2 fo r s o whipped his sluggishness , perhaps I , too, have felt n o t undeservedly the lash o f the palace yo uths . The aged 3 Entellus has l o ng laid aside the cestus and left it fo r others in the ﬂo wer o f yo uth . S o me o f these would strike

o ld m an o be the a mighty blow , so that a mist w uld come fo re his eyes and his bloo d scarce warm again aro und his ? heart Of what avail wo uld the feeble o ld Flaccu s be amid the clash o f arms ? What can the tim id hare do against ” o r o ? the wild boars , the lamb avail against the li ns “ ’ V o erily, c ncludes Alcuin , i n declining the king s invita “ ‘ o V to s o to o u . ti n , as ergil wrote Augustus , do I y Tu ’ ” 5 ’ s ectaris a ro s e o o . Alcu in s o p , g retia serv letters ab und ? in such references to V ergil In fact they outnumber three

o o n e to o . To t the references all ther authors be precise, there are twenty- eight references to the classics in the co r

( 1 ) E p . 1 3.p . 3

2 E . 1 . . e r e . I 2 . ( ) p 45 Cf V g . G o rg , 73

V e r . E n . V et s e . V er . eor . II 8 . ( 3 ) g , 437 q ( 4) g G g , 4 4

E e l . III in E . ( 5 ) , 75 , ( p 6 Cf. E . 1 8 2 1 1 1 1 6 1 62 1 3. ( ) pp 7 , 5, 45 , 75 , 4, , 76 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

o f . o f H O respondence Alcuin Seven these are to orace , vid , 1 ? Terence and Pliny ; whereas twenty- o n e are to V ergil h e Thus , Alcuin , like his predecessors , is inconsistent ; abuses the classics roundly , but uses them upon occasion ,

m f . f and with so e e fect The style o Alcuin , like that of most ’ o f literarv the coterie which gathered at Charles court, is

m l m . gram atica ly correct, and someti es elegant To be sure , it lacks spontaneity and tends to mere prettiness o f expres

o to b . o n e o f si n , which at times degenerates ombast Thus, ’ hi s letters to Th eo d ulph o utdoes Lyly s E uph u es in the wealth o f its rhetorical ﬁgures and fantastic conceits . He ‘ ’ Th eo du l h o f th addresses p as the father the vineyards , as e ‘ ’ o f n - h as custodian the wi e cellars , wherein been kept until ‘ ’ n o w the good old wine to be broached in these latter days . “ ” “ No w o f Go d D by the mercies , says he , a second avid

o f o i s the ruler a better people, and under him a n bler Zabdi i s set over the cellars ; fo r the King hath set his love upon 3 11 1m - , and brought him into the wine cellars , that the scholars may there wreathe h im with ﬂowers and comfort ‘ him with the ﬂag o n s of that wine which maketh glad th e heart o f man . It was passages such as these which led Th eo d ulph and other contemporaries to give Alcuin the ? palm over all the o ther writers o f the day Occasionally we catch glimpses o f an imaginatio n try ing to soar ab o ve the l imitations imposed o n it by ecclesias

1 Th e e are tw o e e e n e to e h ) r r f r c s Ho rac , t ree to Ovid, o n e e ach to T e re n ce an d Pli n y. 2 Th e e e e en e s ar o h eo ( r r f r c e t t e G r ic s , s e v en to the IE n e id ) g , ’ e lev en to th e E clo g ues . In r eg ard to Alc ai n s atti tu d e to w ard s th e “ ” l n t c as s ic s , cf. 0 . F. Lo Le c u res in o n o r o a l L. ld e s leeve g , f B si Gi r , “ H ” . -86 o m a il in th id d l A e an s late p p 377 ; C p r etti , Virg e M e g s , tr d ’ b E . F. M . B en eck e. ( ) E . 1 2. S o l o m o n S o n II . y 3 p 9 ( 4) s g , , 5 ’ P s lm 1 T e n l ( 5 ) a civ, 5 . h abo ve tra s atio n is tak en fro m W e s t s “ ” Alc u in . , p 79 “ 6 S it ae s o e Fl acc u s n tro rum lo a tum ( ) p r t t , o s g ri va , Qu i p o ti s e s t ly rico m u lta bo are p ed e . u u e o h i t te n s e s t u ue et m e lo d us i q s p s a p o , q iq p o a Q ” u u e o te n s s e n s u u u e o te n s o e e e s t. a m en 2 Q iq p , q iq p p r C r , 5 , e . La . e d . A I . 86. M. G . H . Po t t M ev. , p 4 ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 77 tical traditions . Here and there we light upo n passages o f

m . 2 fo r p oetic char In carmen 3 , example, he paints a picture which glows for us with something o f the beauty an d warmth of nature. It may be freely translated thus : “ o n i Beloved cell , sweet habitati mine , g rt around with

be whispering trees , and all hidden by the foliage green , o o m f re thee stretch the meadows , bl o ing with fragrant — ﬂowers and li fe giving herbs ; babbling at thy door , the

o n o n streamlet meanders by, wh se ba ks , all embowered in

o to . ﬂowers , the ﬁsher l ves sit and tend his net The lily

o o pale, the blushing r se, mingle their od rs with the sweet smelling fruit hanging in rich pro fusion fro m thy orchard trees , while, all around , the feathery denizens of the wood ” 1 sw ell o ut their matin so ng i n praise of thei r Creator.

o m o f o f o Again , there is s ething the spirit eternal y uth in the sprightly lines where he describes himself as “rub

o f o a o bing the sleep night fr m his eyes , and le ping fr m his couch as so on as the ruddy charioteer o f dawn suffuses the

o f liquid deep with the new light day, and then running straightway into the ﬁelds o f the ancients to pluck their ﬂowers o f co rrect speech and scatter them in sport befo re ” 2 . to o his boys Then , , there are passages , such as his car

2 o n to men 5 Rome , and his farewell epistle Charles , where something o f the dignity o f his them e imparts itself to 3 his lines ; an d his pro fo und grief at the death o f his old

m ea e lla m h h ab tat o d u am ata. ( 1 ) O e , i i i i lcis ,

i m e so n an tibu s s U n d iq ue te c in g t ra i s r arbo , S i lvula ﬂo rig e ri s s e m pe r o n u sta co m i s n m m e h erbi s Prata s al ut1feri s ﬂo rebu t o a t ,

n ﬂ ren tibu u n di u e ri is Flu m i n a te e in g u t o s q p , ” u e n d o an s . a m en 2 M . Re ti a p i s cato r q ua s a t it v C r , 3, G. H .

I 2 . Po et. Lat. M e d . Aev. , p . 43 “ u ilat r s eis Au o a uad ri is ( 2 ) Sp l en d id a d u m r t o r r q g , ” P rfu n d e n el a u s lu e n o a li u id u m e t s e . a m en 2 e s p g c v q , q C r , 4 , 2 t an s lat o n b e t . M . G. H . Po et. Lat. M e d . Aev . I, p . 53 , r i y W s , 9 47.

L . Me d . Aev. I . 2 . Carm en 2 M . G. H . Po et. at , p 45 ( 3 ) , 5, 78 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

e master, Elbert, which he so touchingly expr sses i n his

o n o r verses Y rk , strikes a chord which ﬁnds an answe ing echo in our o w n hearts . And certainly much may be for given one wh o could write those beautiful lines o f the car “ me n Ih D o rm itu rio : May he who stillest the roaring

od o f winds and raging seas, the G Israel , who hath never slept throughout the ages , may He who apportions the day

fo r for work , the night rest, grant to the weary brethren sweet refreshing sleep , and dispel with omnipotent hand ”1 the fears which disturb their slumbers . There i s so me

o f thing here the serenity, the restfulness and the charm ’ “ ”2 o f Go ethe s immo rtal poem Ein Gleiches .

. Alcuin is , however, no stylist and no great scholar His forte lay in teaching. He found his oppo rtunity at the _ _ ' é th edral o school at York , the palace scho l at Aachen , and

o o f the monastic sch ol at Tours , in each which he taught

. n the Seven Liberal Arts Naturally , he paid most atte

s in e ua tion to grammar , the ﬁrst and most important, the q ? n o n o f Gram m atica the other six arts He himself wrote a , based in the main o n the earlier grammars o f Donatus and

. o f a Priscian The treatise is in the form a di logue ; ﬁrst , there i s an explanation by the teacher, which is followed by questions and answers exchanged between the pupils o r between the master and pupils . The boo k itself is divided i nto tw o parts ; in the ﬁrst part is discussed the end and

o f . to o method education According Alcuin , the nly thing ‘ ’ “ o m o r o w rth while i s wisdo philos phia , the chief adorn ” “ “ . n o ment of the soul And , says he , it will t be hard

o ut to o f u to point you the path wisdom , i f only yo will

6 1 Carm en , M. G . H . Po et. Lat. Me d . Aev. I, . 21 . ( ) , 9 p 3 “ 2 be alle n if e le n is t Ruh e t . n ele P em s o ( ) U e r G p , , s eq , i S c t o f

h d o f S n n e n s h e n . 6 . Go e t e E . o c i , , p “ o o e un d am en tum e s t a t um b um Rab an ( 3 ) H ae c e t rig t f r i li erali , i ,

M n e II . 6 . . D e Cleric o r. In s tit. III, 1 8 o . c d . V , Cf , i C , 395 39 p p , g p p 6 - a A v. I Th eo d ul h Carm en 4 vv. 1 8, M. G. H . Po et. L t. M ed . e , p , , ,

P~ 544

80 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

— o f . is Master There is , but similar import The letter

a indivisible, bec use we divide the sentences into parts , and the parts i nto syllables and the latter into letters , which are thus indivisible.

— o u ? Both Why do y call letters , elements — Master Because as the members ﬁtly joined together

. make the body, so the letters make speech — . Frank State, my fellow pupil , the kinds of letters

— o be Saxon They are vowels and cons nants , which may — further sub divided into semi - vowels and mutes . a After they have discussed the vowel and the conson nt , they proceed to treat of the syllable in a similar way. Alcuin next proceeds to treat o f the parts of speech . His deﬁnitions o f these are as faulty as those of the older

. h is grammarians upon which they are based Thus , from 1 d eﬁn itio n of the noun , it appears that he confuses it with the adj ective, as the earlier grammarians had done, and

o while it i s true that he feels thi s confusi n , and attempts

a to give another deﬁnition , he fails to make his me ning

. clear Evidently , his untrained mind could not distinguish between the obj ect itself and its mani festations o r quali ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ? ties : to him sanctus and sanctitas are both nouns

a re Moreover , he i s not always able to understand and pp

f tw o D s ciate the di ferences between his chief guides , onatu

. Fo r r and Priscian example , he i s greatly puzzled whethe he should fo llow D o natus and treat o f six divisions under

o r o the noun , whether , like Priscian , he sh uld limit him sel f to ﬁve. The chief things which he explains under the

o n un are its kind , gender , number , case and ﬁgures .

The other parts o f speech are discussed in a similar way . The verb is treated most extensively ; and in the course

( 1 ) No m en e s t p ars o ratio n is q uae un icu iq ue co rp o ri vel ” l ro riam u alitatem dis tribu it ib d . . 8 . re i c o m m u n em ve p p q , i , p 59 “ ” “ ” ( 2 ) Th u s h e clas s e s s an ctu s an d s an ctitas am o ng th e d en o m i n at e n o un . Ib d . . 860 . iv s i , p ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 81 o f the dialogue the Saxon g ives an appalling list of irreg u ? larities in mode and tense So fo rmidable is it that the “ ” o . Lo Saxon himself is dismayed and disc uraged , Frank , “ s " u ays he, what a burden yo have laid upon me What a n o u "m o thor y path y have led me into Let us have a ’ “ ” o u . e ment s breathing space , I pray y So be it , r plies “ ‘ : V the Frank As ergil saith , I shall crush you with this ’ ‘ ’ ”2 ’ ” . o o . weight Yet fear not Lab r vincit mnia Ti s so , ” a . grees the Saxon wearily, let us continue And they do,

o f o n treating the adverb, participle , c njunctio and inter ectio n j , which discussion ends the treatise. ’ Thus Alcuin s conception o f grammar is a somewhat di f feren t o n e from that o f the grammarians o f the late

o . a er . . m R man empire The l tt had regarded it , as so ething m o o f s e k n n d w ritin co rrectl , , re than the art p a i g g w g y and ﬂ ‘ — ' ‘ ' ’ h ud i li a fm o n . Alcu in s a ad s fé tﬁ , t f g with it , gramm r on n id - m ' the other n td literary form ; it i s

“ s ﬁ EEW st Ent ifel with c m p Whatever o f value y; a u , “ attac em found in the older grammars of Do na

. tus and Priscian Yet, imperfect and childish as it is , the Gram m atica must not be to o hastily judged ; it may be ques tio n e d whether any o ther kind o fgrammar would have bee n as intelligible to the untutored Frank . Its method was

o simple and attractive ; the content, apart fr m a certain dis

o f c to o play erudition , alculated to inspire respect, is not difﬁcult fo r the ign orant Frank ; on the whole it is well a dapted to his need . ’ Gram m atica Alcuin s Next to the , most useful educa

‘ tio n al wo rk i s his Orth og raphy.. Th 1s was

1 Ibid . . 8 8- 886. 2 Ibid . . 88 . ( ) , p p 7 ( ) , p 5 0 0 Th i s o f co u rs e d o e s n o t m ean th at Alcu i n p a d no at en t1o n ( 3 ) , , i . t to s yn tax o r p ro s o dy. It is e vi d e n t h e p racticed his p up 1l s m th e

“ ‘ 2 h an all . D aro o . M. writi n g o f d ictam i n a. E p. 1 7 . Cf. Mo n ac . S g , e C l afe IV . 6 . I, 3 : J f , , p 33 82 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

- h im ff at Tours , and was designed to help e ect an immediate o o f o o f ref rm in matters spelling and c pying the , manu s Erip ts . Tours had once been famous for its learning and its copyists ; but the writing had degenerated , the manu o f o scripts were full the grossest errors , and the c pyists ? o f sorely in need instruction They were , also , too much given to triﬂing and worked to o hurriedly. On e o f his in 2 s cri tio n s o r p in the library , Scriptorium , warned them against these faults . Elsewhere he admonished his pupil s n t to o ut o only seek the best possible manuscripts , but k also to transcribe them accurately, ta ing care not to neg lect the punctuation . The reader in the Scriptorium was “ also given who lesome advice not to read falsely o r to o ” . rapidly, lest he cause the copyist to make mistakes Fur th erm o re , in an interesting letter to Charles , Alcuin com plained that punctuation , though lending much to the clear

o f n to ness and beauty se tences , has been neglected owing ? o f o the ignorance the scribes In fact, the pronunciati n and

o f so spelling words had, become so unsettled and confus ing as to render some such work as the Orth og raphy im erative p , if Alcui n and his contemporaries were to leave to thei r successors reasonably accurate copies of the manu scripts .

Orth o ra h In his introduction to the g p y , Alcuin says , Let him who would reproduce the sayings o f the ancients read me ; for he who fo llo ws m e not will speak without ” 4 regard to law . Then he proceeds to call attention to some of the mistakes in form and spelling made by the barbarian “ ” “ . o ae tern us ae tas o Franks Such w rds , says he , as , , sh uld ‘ ’ d i th o n cc. be spelled with a p g Another common mistake ,

1 S ul u S e e u V ta S . M a t n M n e . 1 66 . . ( ) p ici s v r s , i r i i, ig XX , p Cf ‘ Ad m o n itio en e alis c a . 2 M. . . Le Se t. II 60 . G r , p 7 , G H g , c , a m e n M. . . o et. Lat. Me d . A ev. I . 20 . C r , 94, G H P , p 3 ( 3 ) 151 . “ M a n t l u ro fe rre l ( 4) e leg t a q uas vu t q i p oq uelas , Me q u i no n i ” e u u ul n e le l u i n I . 2. s q i t r, v t s i g e oq , Mig e C , p 90 ALCUIN AS A TEACHE R 83

‘ ’ to o f b n o t according Alcuin, was the confusion , alone with ‘ ’ ‘ ’ “ ” “ v , but even with f and Thus , says Alcuin , i f you ” 1 w o o l vellus beauti ul bellus . mean , write ; i f f , write The misuse o f the aspi rate i s another subject of which Alcuin “ treats . Habe o should be written with an and as pir

o f abeo No r ated , whereas the reverse is true . must it be ” “ ‘ ’ o o h f rg tten , he adds , that aspirate may be used before

o c t all vowels , but after four consonants nly , namely, , , p, ” ? r o o f I m The d ubling such consonants as , , as well

o f tw o ﬁ as the interchange the last , in pre xes , comes in for

m o . o e so e considerati n Alcuin , more v r , is aware of what the m o dern grammarians call the principle o f ease ; fo r ex

m o o u t n o f b o o r a ple, he p ints that the freque t change int f

e o f su ffero s u ero g in preﬁxes , as in the cas and g g , i s due ? to a desire to secure ease o f pro nunciatio n By far the mo st divert ing features o f the Orth o g raphy are those p o r

o m o f irre u ti ns where he intersperses his treat ent rules , g ‘ laritie s and mistakes by som e very peculiar examples o f der ’ ‘ ’ ivatio n s fo r Co ele bs ui s ibi iter acit ad , as, instance, , q f ” 5 co elum . o f h ilo lo Ortli o From the standp oint , p g y , the g raphy"is quite i m po rtant as illustrating a transiti o nal

. stage of the Latin language The latter, which had

ea o the t a to alr dy c nquered Cel ic l nguage, is here seen be

o e m confr nted with the G r anic , and their reaction upon each other resulted in great co nfusi o n . ’ rem ain in cr o Tr1o iu 111 th e D e Rhe Alcuin s —v w rks on the , w ' m "a ﬂ

1 M n e I 2- . I t k I ( ) ig C , p p . 90 90 3 Cf. s ido re E m o lo iaru m B o o , , y g ,

ca . 2 . M n e V o l. L II . 1 0 1 . p 7 ig , XXX , p “ ( 2) H as p i ratio an te vo cal es o m n e s p o n i p o test ; p o st co n s o n an te s ” u e m u atu n u a t q o r ta t m o d o c t r Mi n e CI . 1 0 . Cf. Is id o r e, , , , p, , g , p 9 o . ci t. M i n e LXXXII p , g , p “ Mal o id e s t m a volo e l id n o er u n u m ( 3 ) , i s I ; t n o o e st e v o l p g , l e l . Mal e , ve ll e e t n o lle e r d u e Ibid . CI . 1 1 . Cf. Is id o r , p , , p 9 o . cit. L II . 1 0 2 p , XXX , p p “ ( 4) Saep e b in p raep o s itio n e s ub eup h o n iae cau s a im s e q u en te rn ” m u tabitu r co n so n an te m u t s u ife r a s u e ro Mi n e CI . 1 6 . Cf. , g g , g , p 9 Is id o r e o . cit. c a . 2 . 1 0 1 1 0 2. , p p 7, p p ( 5 ) Mig n e .CI p 90 6 84 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN to rica e t Virtutibus and the Dialectica are less impo rtant. ’ They bear testimony to Alcu in s weaknes s in the ﬁeld o f f rhetoric and dialectic. They are based o n the works o his predecessors, and not the least rem arkable thing about them is the uncontrovertible evidence they afford that Alcuin allowed himself to copy wh o le sentences and even paragraphs ad libitum from the works o f Isidore o f Seville and the Fathers . It is plain that he fears to disagree with e these ; he considers himself happy, i f, peradventur , he understand the tho ughts of the ancients thro ugh their in ter retatio n . to D ialectica p Thus i n his introduction the , he “ says : He who reads this book will praise the wonderful o f h im genius the ancients , and will strive so far as in ” 1 lieth to attain unto like wi sdom . The ﬁrst of these works , the D e Rh etorica e t V1rtu tibus is based o n the writings o f ic o f C ero and Isidore , whose ideas Alcuin reproduces with great loss to their originals as far as form and fo rce

. Fo r are concerned the rules , principles , and main divisions ’ o f w D I his rhetoric, he dra s largely upon Cicero s e n ven ? tio n e , which he quotes at times word for word His second

r . e source?i s Isido e, whom he cites quite as freely Henc , Rhe to ric we ﬁnd in the a the ﬁve divisions , the three kinds o f o o f rhet rical speech , the six parts an oration , which meet ’ ’ ? us in Cicero s D e Inven tio n e and Isidore s E tym o lo g ies h o f T ere is , however , one part the treatise where he is more

1 D e D i alec tic a M n e CI . 1 . . a m en M. . . ( ) , ig , p 95 Cf C r , 77, G H t. Lat. M d . A ev. I 2 8. Po e e , p . 9 ’ 2 ) Th u s Alcu i n bo rro w s Cic e ro s w ell k n o w n ass a e Nam Fu i t ( p g , uo d d am te m u c um in a s h o m n es as s m b e s tiaru m m q p s , g ri i p o do vag a ” i n tu . e a Rh e t ri ca Ed . . ed e h l I t b a r. Cf Op r o , G Fri ric , V o . , . I . 1 1 8. p , p A t s Rh eto ric ae a tes u n ue s u n t n en t o ( 3 r i r i q ; i v i , d i s o s i ti o e lo ) p q p , c utio m em o a e t ro n u n tiatio M i u e CI . 2 1 . . Is d o e E t , ri , p , g , p 9 Cf i r , y ’ i r 2 a o l LXXXII 1 2 m o l o g a um f B o o k , c p . 3 , V . , p . 5 . A rs q u id e m rh e to ricae in tribu s ve rs atu r en e rib u s id e s t d e m o n s trativo d e libe ra g , i n I 22 I tivo u d 1c1ah Rh eto r ca Mi e C , . 9 . Cf. s id o re o . cit. ca . , j g p , p , p “ . 1 2 S e x s u n t a tes e r u as ab o ato e o rd in arid a e s t o at o . 4 , p 5 . p r , p q r r r i ” u m at o o n ﬁrm atio artitio re r h en s i n C au s ae e xo rd i n arr i c , , e o c o clu s i o , , p p , , Mi n e CI . 2 . Is id o re h as b ut fo u r o f th es e. g , p 9 9 ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 85 original . This is the po rtion that deals with the applica tibn of rheto ric to suits at law. In the dialogue between Charles and Alcuin which serves as an intro duction to this “ ” o f work , he deﬁnes rhetoric as the art good speaking, but ? he go es o n to explain that it also treats o f civil questions “ ” “ to Just as , says he, it is natural for us attack an enemy

o so o and to defend urselves , we are pr ne to j ustify our

wh o selves and blame others , but he has perfected him self in the art o f rhetoric will protect himself more skil

o fully ; he will excel all thers in debate, even as the skilled s o ldier will overcome him who has n o training in the use ” o f arms . It was this practical side o f rhetoric which ap “ to . o f pealed Charles Teach me the rules rhetoric , I pray ” “ ”2 fo r o f thee , the latter says , every day I have need them

to o Accordingly , Alcuin proceeds deﬁne rhet ric , to state its

? divisions and to sho w h o w it may be applied i n conduct ing and determining civil suits . Herei n lies its chief s ig n iﬁ-L cance : it is o n e o f those wo rks that serves to mark the transition from the earlier technical treatment o f the sub ject in ancient times to the later and more practical treat ment in the Middle Ages as seen i n the text- bo o ks o f the ’ D ictam en . Such a work as Alcu in s Rh eto rica go es far ’ to bear o ut Rash dall s contention that it was customary in the Middle Ages to study rhetoric as an aid in the com ? p o sition of legal do"cu inen ts “ ’ But the 111 531 characte ri stic thing abou t Alcu in s Rh eto rica is the persistence with w hich the moral aspects o f the subject are emphasized . This is apparent even in the l a . ear ier and more technic l part of the treatise Thus , there 13 a tendency to explain rheto rical principles by illus

In c ivilibu s u ae s tio n ibu s uae n atu al an m n en o o n c i ( I) q , q r i i i i g i c p i s s i n t ibid . . 2 1 . . I d o e i t o , , p 9 Cf s i r o . c ., . 1 0 wh e re th e s am e h ras e p , p p 4 , p c c rs o d fo r o d . . a m e n 82 w r w r Cf C r , , M . G. H . Po et. Lat. M ed . Aev. p pu30 0 . Mi n e CI . ( 2 ) g , 921 .

. Ras h d all n ve itie in th e Middle A e V o l. I . . ( 3 ) H , U i rs s g s, , p 94 86 THE LE T TE RS OF ALCUIN

? tratio n s from the scriptures Again , when Charles asks en Alcuin how he may strengthen the memory , the latter o f j oins him to avoid intemperance , the chief foe all liberal

o f studies , the destroyer bodily health , and of mental sound ness? Here Alcuin implies that rhetori c will avail the o rator but little unless he be v irtu0 u s : i f he have not a

o o f pr per knowledge the human heart, its j oys , its sor

n o . rows and its virtues , his words will have power It is this conviction , probably, which led Alcuin to close his treatise with a short descripti o n of the four cardinal vi r

. tues , prudence, j ustice , fortitude and temperance In the “ o o f : introducti n to this part the treatise, he says There are certain things so splendid and so noble that the mere po ssession o f them is a s uﬂicien t reward in it self ; o n e ” h o n o rs and loves them for a dignity which is all their own . “ . Charles , much impressed , asks what these may be They ” o are virtue , knowledge , truth , pure l ve, rejoins Alcuin , “ and they are ho n o red by Christians and philosophers ” 3 alike . A d iscussio n o f the abo ve menti o ned cardinal vir tues and their various subdivisions ends the treatise . ’ Cl o sely associated with rhetoric in Alcu in s day was the

o f . Dial ectica th e r ela study dialectic In his , he explains i r “ ’ ‘ o . f ti n to each other They di fer says he , as the clenched ﬁ s t from the open hand ; the o n e masses its arguments with

o o directness and precisi n , while"the ther develops them o thr ugh discoursive eloquence As is well known , the D ialectica is based o n the pseudo - Augustinian work o n the ’ ? categ o ries and o n Isidore s E ty n zo lo g ies A1cu in does not ’ 1 No tabl h is at o n o f au l d e en e b e e l ( ) y ci t i P s f s fo r Fe ix , as an i n stan ce o f th e u s e o f th e d e liberativu m Mi n e CI . 22. 2 Ibid . , g , p 9 ( ) , - . 1 . w d . p 94 ( 3) i e 90 943 4 1 l 1 rh ri t uo in m an u h m i m u n u (4 ) D a ec t ca e t e to ca e s , q d o s p g s

r u lm 1s t n i . . Is as t ic t s c t a a d e ta e t s e . bid . 3 Cf. ido re o . c1 t., p q , p 95 , p l 2 he s am e d ea is o u n d in alm o s t de n t al B o o c 2, cap . 3 , wh e r e t i f i ic wo rd s . — - Cate o riae d ecum M n e V o l . II . 1 1 1 0 . ( 5 ) g ig , XXX , p p 4 9 44 , cf Pran tl C. G es ch ich te d er Lo ik iiii Aben d lan d e II . 1 . E t m o l o , , g , , p 4 y

iaru nz o . it a k 2. g , p c ., i n fr , Bo o

88 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

- u those found in the pseudo Aug stinian work , but they are discussed in just the same way and at ti m es in identical ? language Nor is Alcuin any m o re original in the last part o f the treatise , where he once more reverts to Isidore as “ ” “ his source i n his discussion o fthe topics and the p erih er ” 2 ’ . Alcu in s o o menics Thus , proud b ast made in the intr “ duction to the effect that he had brought treasurers of wis ”3 d o m from over the sea was not without foundation .

n o t These treasures were his own , however, nor, to do him

o . j ustice, w uld he have claimed that they were In conclu si o n we may say that a study of the Rh eto rica and the D ia lectica goes far to prove that while the reign o frhetoric was ’ Alcu in s ae ré im e over i n day , the medi val g of dialectics ’ . Alcuin s a had not yet begun Nevertheless , inferior as tre

D ialec tises on these subj ects were, it would seem that the tica must have played a great part in promoting the study

lo ic o f o f of g in Europe , by reason the number his pupils ? and the inﬂuence he exerted o ver them

The quadrivium , (or mathematical subjects ), consisted

o . of arithmetic , ge metry, music and astronomy In com ’ ? o parison with these , the trivium was c nsidered child s play While secular educatio n was by no means restricted to the

o f n o study the latter, there can be doubt but that the quadrivium was much mo re essential to the clergy than to the laity. Arithmetic and astronomy were particularly in ? dispensable fo r computi n g the correct date of Easter

Fo r a o m a s o n o f tat o n s o m th e two o k s s ee Mo n ( 1 ) c p ri ci i fr w r , ’ “ ” I o e ca 0 n i e r s Alc u i n . 8. 2 Th e to ic s is b as ed o n s id r , p 3 , , p 4 ( ) p “ ” M n e V o l. L II . 1 1 - 1 th at o n th e erih erm en ies is bas ed ig , XXX , p p 5 53 ; p 2 n L II 1 . o n c a . Mi e , . 45 p 7, g , XXX p D iale ctica M n e CI . 1 . . a m en M. . . o et. , ig , p 95 Cf C r , 77, G H P I 2 Lat. Me d . Aev. , p . 98 ts 80 n o te I. Cf. P . Abe l so n S even Libe ral Ar , . , , p Bo n ifatii E . aﬂé o . cit. III . . , p. 3 J , p , p 33 ’ ( 6 ) Ch arl e s i n s i ste d o n h is cle rg y s k n o wi n g h o w to c alculate th e d ate s o f ch u rch h o lid ay s an d to arran g e th e c ale n d ar fo r th e ye ar. Cf. “ II I 60 . . uae a Ad m o n itio Ge n e ral is C 2 M. G. H . Le . S e ct. , Cf , , 7 , g , Q n t . 8 Ibid . I . 1 1 0 . p re sbyte ris d i s ce n d a s i , c , , p ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 89 Alcuin bore witness to this and at the same time complained ? that m athem atics were almo st entirely neglected in his day

to fo However , thanks the personal interest and earnest e f rts o f ? Charles , much progress was made in these subjects

Alcui n himself wrote little o n the quadrivium . So far

o o re as arithmetic is c ncerned , it is just p ssible that he

o f garded it as so indispensable a part education , that he did

o not think it worth while to write up n it , unless to explain ? some o f its special o r difficult phases It is certain from ’ Alcuin s descripti o n o f th e school at York that he knew enough o f arithmetic to teach the subj ect? It do es n o t seem likely that he went beyo nd the simple operations o f ? o o co n additi n , subtraction and multiplicati n These were ducted by means of finger recko ning and . the reckoning 6 7 o o n n u m m i o r calculi . o b ard , which fl were used It d es n o t seem very pro bable that he knew the abacus o r the a ices o m o p , inasmuch as these did not c e i nt general use ’ ? until after Alcu in s day o n ar1thm e t1cal o c b to h is o s The , w rk as ri ed Alcuin is p y _ s ibly spurious P ro pos itio n es ad acu en d os juvenes . These

“ r riu m n d u im i m u e i ( 1 ) Obp o b e st g ra e, t d tta s as p erire d ebu s n o s ” tri s . E . 1 48 . 2 . p , p 39 ( 2 ) Ch arle s bro ug h t co m p u ti s ts fro m Italy. No ta ad an n ales Lau ris s a. 8 M . G. H . S S . I 1 1 . Co m ar e E . E in h art Vita , 7 7, , 7 p p , 2 M II Caro l i c . , . G. H . S S . . , 5 th ti h it u u ltu e b l ( 3 ) Can to r, M ., M a em a s c e B e rag e z m K rl en d er Vo ” 286 . k er, p .

u S an tu E r c. E l es. 1 e t s e (4) Ve rs s d e c s bo a cc v , 445 , q . n t M. rles un n ii b r s hi t M th tik V o l . Ca o r , , Vo g e e Ge c ch e d er a em a , I . 8 . B all W. R. R. A S h o r t A cco un t o th e His to ry o M ath e , p 39 , , f f . 1 2 . m a ties , p 5 6 Frie d le in G. Die ahlz e h en u n d d as E le m en ta e Re h n e n d er ( ) , , Z ic r c i h en u n d Riim er u n d d es h ris tl h e n A ben dlan d es 1/o m ten bis Gr e c C ic , 7 ah rh u n d ert . 0 . Han k e1 H. Zu r es h h te d er M ath e m atik 1 3 ten I , p 5 , , G c ic 1 tt t r 0 . m u l us ve l lo u e la d i ito rn m im A lter tum. u n d M e lal e , p . 3 9 Ca p q g , 2 . B e d e Mi n e V o l . C , p . 95 , g , X ( 7 ) E 1 1 49.p . 243 an k e l o . cit. . 1 . . Ca o ri A is to o f E le m en tary (8) H , p , p 3 7 J j , H ry e th n k s th at l u n m a h a e th e m atics . 1 1 2. Can to r , h o w e v r , i A c i y v M a , p ‘‘ tw o h ad s o m e k rio w l edg e o f th e ap ic e s . He base s h is o p i n io n u p o n s u e S an tu E bo rac. E l e . r e fer en c es (Ep . 1 33 an d Ver s d c s cc s , v . cit. . 8 . Cf. Can to r, o p p 39 90 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN are problems or rather riddles , designed to entertain or ? please the reader Some o f them are soluble by algebraical and geometrical means ; others are insoluble save by an ex e rcis e o f wit and o f dialectics . To the latter class belongs ? o ba e- the pr blem of the wolf, the goat, and the cab g head o f In some the problems , Alcuin is the immediate imitator ? o f o m o f the R mans , the indirect i itator the Greeks Thus

o f the famous problem the hound and the hare, and the

o f equally noted one the will , as well as many others , came ? down to him from the Greeks and the Rom ans A slight study o f the problems sho ws us that even i f Alcuin be their

o o f auth r, the mathematicians his day knew little more than a o . ddition, subtracti on , multiplicati n and division They appear to have had so me knowled ge o f square roo t and o f k fractions , but they new no geometry, save a few useful

a fo r formul e practical purposes in measurement, while in algebra they did not go beyond simple equations . Alcuin put arithmetic to a use other than o f the ordi nary o n e o i computing Easter. After the example o f . o Augustine, Cassi dorus , and Gregory the Great, he applied the theory of numbers to the explanation of Scripture . He knew h o w to ﬁnd a signiﬁcance in every number used in the Bible, and he strongly recommends that all clerics be “ ” educated in the science of num bers ? In hi s treatment o f

. numbers , he classiﬁes them as perfect and imperfect Thus , six is a perfect num ber because it is equal to the sum o f

o n e its divisors , , two , three, whereas eight is a defective

o f ne number, being greater than the sum its divisors , o ,

1 Ca o ri o . cit. . 1 1 . an to o . cit. . 8 . a en ( ) j , p , p 3 C r, p , p 35 H g , H A n t k e 11n M tt lalt l h R t l s i z n . - i d i e e r ic e a s e p o e e, ud Ed , p p . 29 34. ( 2 ) Pro blem 1 8 Mi n e CI . 1 1 . , g , p 49 ' an to M . D ie Rom is ch e n A rim ens o re n 11n d ih te un in ( 3 ) C r , , g re S ll g d er Ge schich te d er Feld m es s e rk u n s t . 1 4 - 1 . , p p 3 44 . o le m s 1 an d 26 ib . 1 1 0 1 1 . ( 4) Cf Pr b 9 , id ., p p 5 , 55 Al uin i x t lm . n t r e . d rn n m M ne ( 5 ) c E p o si . in ps a P o i . p a f a A o e , ig C.p . 573. ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 91

o n two, four, and he goes to explain that the number of beings created by God is six , because six is a perfect num

. ber, and God created all things well Seven , likewise, being composed o f o n e and six is a perfect number . And he adds that Go d com pleted the creati o n in six days to ? sho w that he had do ne al l things well An even better ex f 2 60 ample o his science o f numbers is in Epistle , where he

o n e to deals with the numbers from ten , and explains their “ ” “ . o n e signiﬁcance As there is ark , says Alcuin , in which

i o the faithful were saved amid a perish ng w rld , so there

' h erein th e is one Holy Church w faithful may be saved , though the sinners perish ; and as there was one ﬂight o f the children o f Israel thro ugh the Dead Sea to the promised m land , so there is one baptis , through which alone one may ” 2 attai n to etern al life . A knowledge o f astronomy was quite as important as arithmetic 1n co mputi n g the date o f Ea ster. King Charles did much to pro m o te the study of this subj ect ; his letters to Alcuin n o t o nly attest his desire to have a correct calen 3 fo r dar, but they also evince a genuine liking the subject

. o m itself Astr nomy, in fact, beca e a sort of fad ; the ladies ? ’ o f o o Alcu in s bo o k D e cu r u e t the c urt t ok it up , the s s altu lun co ac bis s e to dealt me ely with th e as tro no m o f gg n r y the computus; but it is quite evident that he knew a great deal more of the subject than the m ere technical skill re

. To be in w ith quired in calculating Easter g _ , Alcuin was ’ D e Natnra Re ru m familiar with Bede s Book , that cosmo

( 1 ) Lik ewi s e th ree an d fo u r are al s o e rfe ct n u m be rs th e ﬁr st b e p , c au s e 1 t rep res e n ts th e Tri n ity th e s e co n d be cau s e it stan d s fo r th e fo u r , a ts o f th e o l p r w r d , o r th e fo u r c ard in al virtu e s o r th e fo u r Go s el s . , p . Co m em n tar o n A o al m n t o n Cf y p c s e , Mi n e C . 1 1 0 . Co m e ary yp , 3 — g p ene s s 1 bid . . 20 2 1 G i , , p p 5 5 . Cf. E p . 8 1 . 2 I i ( ) b d . Cf. Cajo ri o . c it. . 1 1 . , p , p 3 E ’ I 6 (3 ) l P 4S.45 1 1 0 . E n h a d Vita a o li o . cit. ca . 2 , , 55 , 7 i r , C r , p , p 5 “ M . . . S S. Vo l . II . 6 . N c ib in i i ael m ea ﬁl1a G H , p 45 ( 4) o t u s sp c at c i s te las . a m en 26 v. 1 6 l C r , , 4 , M. G. H . Po et. Lat. M ed . Aev. I . 24 , , p 92 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

m ? graphical , cos ological encyclopedia It was a compre hen s ive - o text b ok , giving instruction in such things as

o f chronology, the course the sun, moon and stars , the

o f o m o . changes the season , meteorol gy, cli ate, and ge graphy And we have it on reco rd that Alcuin himself studied these ? things at York Moreover, he knew enough about as ’ tro n o m e o Natural His to r y to go b yond Bede t Pliny s y, whose second book he asked Charles to send him ?

m o f The remaining embers the quadrivium , music and

m . geometry , may be dis issed with a word The latter was u ? practically neglected until the eleventh cent ry It dealt, n o t so much with geometry as we understand the term ,

. as with mensuration, geography and kindred subj ects

h o w o f s Thus it taught to ﬁnd the area triangles , rectangle and circles by the same formula o f approximation which ? the Egyptians and Boethius had used And it wo uld seem that it taught so mething o f the size and form o f the

o f o f t earth , the disposition land and water , of zones, ides , ? r fo r and eclipses , together with some natural histo y As m u s ic o f , it was indispensable for the services the church ,

o n e o f o f and as such , was the most important the quad rivium . Charles did much to prom o te it in the monastic

o and cathedral scho ls by bringing singers from Rome , and 7 by establishing special schools to teach the chant . Alcuin

o f o pai d special attention to the teaching singing at T urs ,

e n e ed d e r E h r urdi e . M o n u m e n ta e r ( 1 ) W r r , B e w g , p . 93 Cf. G m an ia P ae d o o ica V o l . III . . Watte n bach G es ch ich ts ue llen g g , , p 5 , q , p . 1 30 . u r . E es . . it. vv 1 0 - E . ( 2 ) Ve rs s d e S an ct. E bo ac , ccl , o p c , , 43 1 445 . p 1 55.P 250 . ( 3 ) E p . 1 55.p . 250 . S e h t Un terr1eh ts w es e ns i n eu ts h an d . 1 . ( 4) p c , D c l , p 44 i cu cn d o uve n es . M n e CI . ( 5 ) Alcu in i prop o s tio n es ad ac s j ig , , pp 1 1 43 60 u S an t. E bo rac. E l es o . a t. W . 1 - 1 . (6 ) Ve rs s d e c , cc , p 439 445 d t m E n o lis m . ad . an n. Lauris s . m a . a. 88 M. . . S S . ( 7 ) Ad i u . g ] 7 , G H I . 1 0 1 1 . Cf. Ch r o n ic. M o is s iac. ad . a. 80 2 M. G. H . S S. I . , p p 7 , 7 , , p 30 6 ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 93 and is said to have written a book o n music which has o o f disappeared . Througho ut his period, music was m re a speculative science than an art . to o n As a teacher , Alcuin had ample opportunity carry his great work under circumstances which were calcul ated to make him the mo st potent educati o nal force o f his day.

o o f a Y rk was the educational centre Engl nd , Tours was o ne o f o o f the oldest and greatest m nasteries France , while ’ the Palace Schoo l was the capsto ne of Charles educational ’ system. It was Alcu in s go o d fortune to teach in all o f

e . o f on th se places The system educati planned by Charles ,

o ut o and partially carried by his bish ps and archbishops , made p ro vis ibn fo r elem entary and seco ndary instruction in 1 o o . a parish scho l , presided ver by the parish priest Next

o o r o o came the m nastic cathedral sch ls , which likewise fur n ish ed o o elementary instruction ; th ugh in s me cases , they also gave instructio n in the higher branches o f learning. Over them was the abbo t o r scho lasticus appo inted by the

o . m bish p At the head of the system , intended in a easure ? fo r o o o as a model the lower scho ls , sto d the Palace Sch ol The origin o f this scho o l which thus occupied an unique po sition in the system o f Charlemagne has lo ng been a ? debated question It w o uld be idle fo r us to enter into a discussi o n o f it here. Sufﬁce it to say 1 hat it seems safe

o o t c nclude , that the Great King gathered around him the — no ble vo uth s o f his kingdo m youths destined fo r high pre o r and ferment in church state , that thes yo uths consti

uted o t the Palace Sch ol that furthermore , he school ho ld

dm o nitio en e ali a. 2 1 A G r s, 789 , c . 7 . M . G. Le . S e ct. II 1 ( ) g , , p 60 . E s to la Litteris Co l en dis ib d . I . . ( 2 ) p i , i , , p 79 (3 ) Fo r th e o rig i n o f th e Palace Sch o o l s e e th e fo llo wi n g : Mu lli n au k II . 1 21 Mo n m e r . 6- er . 68 o o tn o te 3 ; H c , , p ; , p p 5 59 ; Lo re n z , f , g , p - e n e . 22 D en k allo F ran k 1s eh es n te h ts u n d B il p . 23 ; W r r, p ; , G U rric es en . 2 6 S e h t es h h te d es n te i h ts w es en in d un g s w , p 4 ; p c , G c ic U rr c e u ts hlan d . - 1 8 to eth e r wi th auth o ri ti es th e re ci ted . D c , p p 3 5 , , g 94 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN

ing its sessions wherever the King had his court, fulﬁlled a noble purpo se in ﬁtting such yo ung men for their li fe

e o f work , through the agency of the great st teacher his ’ time. There can be little doubt but that Charles well known penchant fo r well educated servants in church and s fo r tate , brought many aspi rants his favor to the Palace

. o School C nsequently , as he was aiming to produce states men as well as churchmen , he desired Alcuin to instruct the pupils of the school in something more than the chant ,

o f o f a . the reading Latin, and the calculating E ster Fur th erm o re e o a , the latt r not nly did imp rt to his pupils the practical knowledge that ﬁtted them for preferment in ch u rch and state, but , as he himself proudly states? he also gave them instruction in all those branches of knowl edge that had come do wn from the Romans .

o o o f The Palace Sch l was composed the royal family,

o f o f the young n bles and o ficials the King, together with all 2 o o m those who sought p siti n and prefer ent , the only ’ avenue to which lay in co mpliance with Charles wish that they should first fit themselves for it by education ? Gun d rada o , together with ther ladies of the royal fami ly , were

to present , lending grace and brightness that charmed

o f . circle , the Round Table the Franks , as it might be called

n o t And of course, the Round Table would be complete

n without its Arthur , the mighty Charles , whom Alcui

n c sometimes designates as Solomo , be ause of his wisdom , though more frequently he calls him David on account o f ? o f his warlike prowess To the members this circle, their e teacher gave new nam s , partly in accordance with cus tom , partly as a reminder that they were going to begin a

1 Alcuin i d e S tu d n s in au to re a arm en 26 M . . . o et. Lat. ( ) g i , C , , G H P I 2 6 2 E n h a d ta c a . 1 . M e d . Aev. . 2 . i r , Vi , , , p p 45 , 4 ( ) p 9 tula e 22 8 1 1 6 1 1 a s o M o na h . S an all. o o k ( 3 ) Capi ri s , 3 , 43, , 7, l c g B a S II 2. 1, c p . 3 , M. G. H . S . , p . 73 ( 4) £11 . 229.23 1 . 1 43

96 THE LE TTE RS OF ALCUIN to establish a schoo l which would serv e as a model fo r the ? other monasteries in Frankland Alcuin assumed the task with great zeal . The monas tic school at Tours as well as those elsewhere had greatly declined . Since these were the main outﬁtters for the

fo r . parish priest, Alcuin felt that it was high time reform He regarded the monasti c and cathedral schools as meces sary to perpetuate a priesthoo d which would be able to de fend the doctrines o f the C atholic Church and defend her

. o o f ritual And the troublous c ndition the times , together with the fate o f learning in his o w n country o f Northum bria , may well have made him anxious as to the outlook in Fran k lan d . His letter to the Archbisho p o f Canterbury admoni shing him “to promote learning among the house

o f Go d hold , teaching the youths to study the books , and to learn the chant so that the dignity of the church may be ” 2 upheld , probably represents the position which he would have the monastic and cathedral schools in Frankland

cup y . ’ The instruction imparted in Alcu in s school at Tours was necessarily mo re in accordance with the traditions o f the church than that which he had dispensed as Master of the

. Palace School True, he pursued the same studies , but in a narrower spirit , taking as his model his old school at York .

He h o himself describes what he taught at Tours , and w he “ directed his pupils . In accordance with your exhortation ” “ to Flaccus and desire, he writes Charles , I , your , strive

m o o f o . to inister unt some the Br therhood at St Martins ,

o f o the honeys Holy Scriptures ; thers, I seek to inebriate o ld o f with the wine the ancient Scriptures ; others , I am ‘ beginning to nourish on the apples o f grammatical s u b

1 E uu s uattuo r h abe n ed e s s ae e ad t uan to m a h o m ) q , q s p , p c i ; q g is o , ” u n am h abe n s lin u am e r ? , vices c ad i t in v e rbo E . 1 . Cf. Carm e n g p p 49 , 2 M . . o 4 , . G H P et. Lat. M ed . Aev. o . cit. I . 2 2 . , p , , p p 53, 54 2 E . 1 28 . 1 0 . . E 1 226 ( ) p , p 9 Cf pp. 3 , . ALCUIN AS A TEACHER 97

’ tlet y ; others , again, I try to initiate into the mysteries of the stars 1 He taught the Liberal Arts at To urs as he had taught them at York and at the Palace School . Nat u rall re y , however , a school whose chief purpose was to p pare priests for the church would emphasize the teaching o f grammar, the study of the Scriptures and the Fathers , o f o an d the learning of the chant , and the art c pying illu ? m in atin g the manuscripts That was the pro gram for the maj o rity o f the pupils ; a few o f the o lder and more ma “ o o o o ture, h wever, studied in additi n astr n my, the science ” o f o o r numbers t gether with philosop hy, as Alcuin terms “ o o f it , the acute disquisiti ns the wise men on the nature

- ” 3 o f things . Some of the most advanced pupils who e n ' joyed h is co n ﬁden ce and affection were m ade companions

o i n lab r, collecting and veri fying patristic citations for his ? controversial wo rks

Alcuin was very much at ho me in Tours . He was en gaged in the vocation o f teaching fo r which he was best

ﬁtted . He worked along traditional lines after the mo del of the cathedral scho ol at York . We cannot con ceive of

o o in his t lerating at Tours th se irregularities , digressions , formal discussions and excursi o ns into all sorts of unbeaten paths which had vexed his patient soul while teaching in the Palace Scho o l . We may be sure that he fo llowed i n his own classes that advice which h e had given to his “ friend E an bald o f Yo rk : Pro vide masters bo th for the . ” “ o h e b ys and the clerks, says , arrange into separate classes those who practice the chant , those who study the ”5 o o books , and th se who do the copying. Such a divisi n

o n e fo r gave each the work which he was best ﬁtted , while it also made for discipline .

1 E . 1 2 1 . 1 6- 1 n l . 66 . ( ) p , p p 7 77, tr a s ati o n by We st, 9 2 a m e n D ie S l c h s ti i o et t e C r , 93 , c o a e t S o la c s M. G . H . P . La . M d . ( ) ,

v . cit. I . 1 - 2 2 1 Ae ., o , 0 . Cf. E . 1 . p , p p 3 9 3 p Gas k o in o . cit. 1 . 1 . 2 . ( 3 ) , p , p . 93. ( 4) Ep 49, p 44 (5 ) Ep. 1 1 4. 98 THE LE TTERS OF ALCUIN

Alcui n would tolerate neither idleness n o r levity . In that “ same letter to E anbald he wrote : Let each class have its .

o n o t t own master, so that the b ys be allowed to run abou 1 n o r in idleness, engage in silly play The pupils , more ” t tual ; Adm o n itio uven u m over, were to be p mg the j urged the bo ys to Open their eyes im mediately when th e ? bell rang fo r matins Another inscripti o n over the door o f o : the scho l recommended the students to be diligent, and the masters to be indulgent ? Thus was j ustice tempered

. l h o w to be with mercy Alcuin , himse f, though he knew

e m at ﬁrm , was very sympath tic and at ti es playful in hi s titud e towards his pupils . His inscripti o n over the dormi tories wishing his bo vs sweet repose in the name o f On e ? who never slept is a veritable benedictio n A In other respects lcuin was a modern , nay, a model

. d eﬁn iten es s o f f in teacher Hi s aim , his e forts to arouse te rest to , and to awaken the imagination , his ability adapt ’ o f fo r himself to his pupils needs , his high idea learning

. its own sake , all are admirable Yet it was his personality,

fo r u ils ‘ h is fo r his sympathy his p p , untiring e f rts in thei

o f behal f, above all , the force his own example, which were the most potent factors in giving him an ascendancy over their hearts and minds . The enthusiasm w ith which they studied under him , the veneration in which they held him , the loyalty with which they follo wed the narrow but safe

o f o ut fo r e path tradition which he had marked them, leav no room fo r doubt as to his pre - eminence in his day as a

. e scholar and teacher His name, his methods , b came a tra dition ; a hundred years a fterwards , an ardent admirer gave

1 abea in li hi o r in ibu m is ro s u s n e a an tes ( ) H s et s gu s s d s ag t s o , , v c is u rr n n x v lii n o tio , vag i d c a t p e r lo ca vel i an e s e ercean t l ud o s e l a s m a ci ” “ ” in ii 1 r m is rre te et p en tu r ep t s , E p . 1 4, p . 1 69. Cf. No n p e ca p o s d cu n s 2 I . 21 s eq , p . 1 68. ( ) Carm e n , 97, M. G. H. Po et. Lat. M ed . Aev., , p p 3 , 322. a m en ibid . . 1 20 . ( 3 ) C r , 93, , p p 3 9, 3 I n o m ita a a m en 6 ibid. . 21 . (4) D r ri , C r , 9 , , p 3

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