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Studies in THE RISE OF MERCHANT EMPIRES Comparative Early Modern History LONG-DISTANCE TRADE IN THE Center for Early Modern History EARLY MODERN WORLD, 1350-1750 University of Minnesota Cambridge University Press Editorial Board Thomas A. Brady University of Oregon Edited by Edward L. Farmer JAMES D. TRACY University of Minnesota University of Minnesota Cornell Fleischer Washington University Russell R. Menard University of Minnesota Geoffrey Parker University of Illinois Carla Rahn Phillips University of Minnesota William D. Phillips University of Minnesota James D. Tracy, Editor-in-Chief University of Minnesota CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS CHAPTER 12 Merchant communities in precolonial India IRFAN HABIB IF it were possible to have statistics of the volume of internal and external commerce around the year 1600 for different regions of the globe, it is fairly certain that India, with an estimated population of from 125 to 150 million, would at least have claimed a share propor- tionate to its population. The land-tax accounted for the larger por- tion of the surplus in India, and in most areas taxes were collected in money. This alone generated extensive trade in agricultural produce. The ruling classes were largely town-based, and an urban economy flourished, with craft production for both local and distant markets. India was undoubtedly the greatest cotton-textile producer of the world, and the finer qualities of cotton cloth sustained brisk long-distance commerce. The country exported calicoes, indigo, pepper, silk, and numerous other commodities over sea and over land, in return for which it absorbed large quantities of silver. The coinage of the Mughal Empire, issued from numerous mints all over India, was of wonderful fineness and uniformity. These facts should be sufficient to persuade us of the importance of studying how commerce in India was conducted just at the time that the merchant empires of western Europe had begun their prog- ress toward a worldwide hegemony. The present effort focuses on the merchants and selects two major mercantile communities, the Banjaras (long-distance transporters) and Banyas (village and town merchants), for description. The sketches of the two communities are followed by a discussion of the forms of mercantile organization and commercial and financial techniques of the Banyas. Financially, there will be a provisional attempt to evaluate some of the theories that have been advanced concerning precolonial Indian commerce. 371 372 Irfan Habib Merchant communities in precolonial India 373 THE BANJARAS The Bhotiyas still display these characteristics, because modern means of transport have not yet been fully extended into the Hima- We may assume as a universal fact that as an agrarian society devel- layas.4 When the railways had not yet spread their network over the ops, interregional exchanges in certain agricultural products begin, Indian plains, there were also large communities in the plains that and on this basis and, still more, on the basis of extraction of surplus performed the same functions as the Nahmardis and Bhotiyas - that from the countryside, an urban economy at last emerges. Commerce is, combining pastoralism and the carrying-trade. They were known then assumes a number of varied forms depending upon the nature collectively as Banjaras; and their role in Indian agrarian commerce and scale of the exchanges between various communities and re- was far more important than that of the hill-tribes on the margins of gions. Corresponding to such varied forms, there can be levels of the subcontinent. organization, and so a hierarchy of mercantile communities, from the The basis for the trade and, indeed, for the existence of the Banjaras seemingly barbarous or nomadic to the patrician or aristocratic. At lay in conditions of inland transport. Goods were carried on boats the lowest levels we come across communities that one would have and carts and by camels and bullocks. A bullock could travel quite readily assigned to a very primitive social stage until one realizes that fast, but it would normally be more expensive than a cart. However, the functions they performed could only have come about when so- when the pack-oxen traveled slowly, grazing as they went, and were cial development had left prehistoric conditions far behind. assembled in herds so as to reduce the cost of watching and guiding Writing in 1634, the author of a Mughal "gazetteer" of Sind tells us them, the expenses of transport were so greatly reduced as to make that it the cheapest form possible.5 Here was, then, the opportunity for hill-people such as the Nahmardis do not engage in agriculture, but possess groups of cattle breeders, who had large herds of oxen; they could capital (mal) and flocks of large numbers of animals, like camels, horses, sheep, travel with their herds over long distances, moving slowly and hav- and oxen, and their sustenance is obtained from [sales made in] the subdis- ing their beasts graze directly off the land. They had to move in large tricts (parganas) of Sehwan and Chakarhala. Thus they bring and sell here groups for safety, and were kept together by strong clan ties and sub- camels, horses, sheep, felt, carpets, and other hill-products, and take away ordination to headmen. from here food grains, weapons, and cloth. (My translation)1 Such carriers are first described in any detail in a historian's account Such hill-tribes thus maintained a pastoral life, supplying cattle to of the price-control measures of Sultan cAla3-ud-Din Khaljl (1296-1316). the agricultural communities and distributing products of the plains On the one hand, the sultan tried to ensure that the peasants sold in the hills. The author considered them a lawless, troublesome lot, food grains at low, fixed rates to the kdrwanis (literally, people of the for he urged the governor of Thatta (Sind) to forbid their trade alto- caravans); on the other hand, the headmen (muqaddams) of the kdr- gether in order to prevent the thieving or marauding activities with 2 wanis were put in chains until they agreed to bind themselves "like which they apparently combined their commerce. one" and establish encampments for their "women and children, oxen The Bhotiyas of the central Himalayas offer a parallel to the no- and cattle" on the banks of the Yamuna, as hostages for their good madic Nahmardi traders of Sind and Baluchistan. Here too we have conduct. So food grains began to be brought to Delhi in large quan- the same combination of pastoralism and commerce, which is pos- tities, enabling the sultan to have grain sold at approved prices.6 An- sible only when advanced agricultural communities exist between other account (c. 1355) calls the carriers ndyaks: which the nomads can act as carriers and to which they supply pastoral products.3 4 1 The author adds that merchants from the plains also went into the hill-country, tak- Where modern transport and commerce disrupted traditional trade, the Bhotiyas had ing cloth, food grains, and weapons and bringing back camels, horses, and sheep. to leave their age-old occupation. Already by 1896, Bhotiyas in the Kumaun district So the hill-tribes did not monopolize the commerce. See Yusuf MIrak, Mazhari-i of Uttar Pradesh were reported to be tenant-cultivators and field laborers and to be Shahjahani, ed. Sayyid Husamuddin Rashidi (Karachi, 1962), 239. in the midst of a process of Brahmanization (W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North- 2 western Provinces and Oudh [Calcutta, 1896], 61-3). Ibid., 239-41. 5 3 "At the highest level [in the Himalayas] live the Bhotiyas, among whom pastoralism From data for the seventeenth century presented in my Agrarian System of Mughal India (Bombay, 1963), 63 (and nn. 8, 9). and trading are more important than agriculture" (O. H. K. Spate and A. T. A. Lear- 6 1 month, India and Pakistan: A General and Regional Geography, 3d ed. [London, 1967], Zia Barani, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahl, ed. Saiyid Ahmad Khan, Bibliotheca Indica (Calcutta, 462). 1862), 305-7. 374 lrfan Habib Merchant communities in precolonial India 375 These are people who bring food grains to the City [Delhi] from various parts. Theis Banjaras carrie all their howsehold along with them, as wives and chil- Some bring ten thousand [laden] oxen, others twenty thousand. (My trans- dren, one Tanda consisting of many families. Their course of life is somewhat lation)7 like Carriers, continually driveing from place to place. There may bee in such a Tanda 6 or 700 persons, men, women and children. There men are The name Banjara is not used by either Zia3 Barani or Nasiruddin, very lustie, there weomen hardie, whoe in occasion of fight, lay about them our two informants. But their descriptions make any argument against like men. Theis people go dispersedly [i.e., well spread out], driving their such an identification superfluous. Kablr's allegorical verse (c. 1500) laden Oxen before them, their Journey not above 6 er 7 miles a day att most, about "one nayak, five Banjaras with twenty-five oxen laden with bau- and that in the Coole.14 ble" shows that Nasiruddin's nayaks were really the chiefs or headmen (muqaddam) of the Banjaras.8 The Banjara headmen are still called Tavernier makes a similar statement about these carriers, whose by that name.9 name is misprinted in his text as "Manaris": The name Banjara, first used apparently in the sixteenth century, They never dwell in houses and they take afong with them their women and is derived from Sanskrit vanij (also the source of the name for the 10 children. Some of them possess 100 oxen, others have more or less, and they Indian mercantile caste of Banyas).

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