The Idea of Gujarat History, Ethnography and Text

Edited by

EDWARD SIMPSON and MARNA KAPADIA

~ Orient BlackSwan THE IDEA OF GUJARAT. ORIENT BLACKSWAN PRIVATE LIMITED

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The external boundary and coastline of India as depicted in the'maps in this book are neither correct nor authentic. CONTENTS

List of Maps and Figures vii

Acknowledgements IX Notes on the Contributors Xl A Note on the Language and Text xiii

Introduction 1 The Parable of the Jakhs

EDWARD SIMPSON ~\, , Gujarat in Maps 20

MARNA KAPADIA AND EDWARD SIMPSON

L Caste in the Judicial Courts of Gujarat, 180(}-60 32 AMruTA SHODaAN

L Alexander Forbes and the Making of a Regional History 50

MARNA KAPADIA

3. Making Sense of the History of Kutch 66

EDWARD SIMPSON

4. The Lives of Bahuchara Mata 84 SAMIRA SHEIKH

5. Reflections on Caste in Gujarat 100 HARALD TAMBs-LYCHE

6. The Politics of Land in Post-colonial Gujarat 120 NIKITA SUD

7. From Gandhi to Modi: Ahmedabad, 1915-2007 136 HOWARD SPODEK vi Contents

S. A Potted History of Neighbours and Neighbourliness in Ahmedabad 153

RUBINA JASANI

9. Voices from Sindb in Gujarat 168 RITA KOTHARI

10. Textiles and Dress among the Rabari of Kutch 184

EILUNED EDWARDS

11. The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 207

HANNAH. KIM

Glossary 229 Refereyces 236 'i-. Index' 257 MAPS AND AGURES

Maps 1. Contemporary Gujarat 23 2. Map accompanying A. K. Forbes' Ras Mala (1878) 24-25 3. Map of Kntch from the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency (1855) 26-27 4. John Watson's map of Kathiawar (1884) 28 5. Examination of social groups in Gujarat (1947) 29 6. Proposed boundaries of Mahagujarat (1954) 30--31 '\ Figures 10.1 Vagadia dhang on the high road near Bhachau 184 10,,2 R"baran in signature black woollen veil cloths, 190 1O. 3 Dheb",rias in caste dress 191 IDA Rabarart in bodice embroidered for dowry 192 10,s The first cohort of girls at the Rabari i\.shramshala Anjar, 1997 199 10.6 The first 'suit and boot' wedding in the Vagadia sub·group, December 1997 201 10.7 Instalment of dowry 203 11 The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity*

HANNAH. KIM

The recent upturn of nationalist politics and violence has prompted many scholars to turn their gaze towards Gujarat. exposing certain assumptions about Gujarat an,d Gujaratis, and the future of India's democracy (see Needham and Sunder Rajan 2007; N?1ldy Z007; Varadarajgn 2002; Varshney 2(02). TIris chapter examines some of these assumpti~ns, wm<;b of:ten reveal more about the analysts' own politic"lviews than they do ,about life in, Gujar'lt. My "+lalysis focuses on the religious subJe,tiviti,s of devotees of the llochasanwasi Shti Akshar Pllrushottam SWilII]in'lrayan'S"!jl,st\la, abbrevi"ted here to 'Sw'!llinaraY?1l S?1lstha' 0, ,simply 'Bi)PS',' This InoYemeY\\,has attracted large nllltl,bers of GuJaratifollowers, bothin India?1ld o;"erseas, ,and, is 9ft,en thought to be ,in alignment with ,Hingll n,ationalists ,¥'p' their politi~the Hindu§"lii' the South Asian diaspora perhaps, in part, due to the success of its careful seW' presentation through exhibitions, festivals and publications that engage withtliB expectations of non-Hindus from 'religion' and 'Hinduism'. In the process,'tll; changing circumstances. , Religious people often appear in the literature as a form of 'dumb humanltJ0 (Hirschkind 2006: 206). My aim in this chapter is to challenge the assumptio!is, that underpin this form of representation and move towards an analytical spac'ol" wherein moral and ethical sensibilities are taken seriously.' Most often, this is the .. space accorded to 'religion'. Owing to the epistemologies it supports, religion 1$ not aptomatically the most useful category for understanding the Swaminarayai; Sanstba; yet, there are certain common notions of 'religion' that both the Sansth~ and its critics appear to accept as givens.' The Swaminatayan Sanstha is thus caught"; in a dilemma, one where its tenets and activities look very much like a 'religioh', and yet where its critics see 'Swaminarayan Hinduism' as problematic, potentially dangerous, and somehow less legitimate than other religions.' To understanct Swaminarayan ways of being is to acknowledge that the assumptions of agency anct individualism, and secularism and modernity, in their connections to the discourse on -"religion', mask the discourses internal to Swarninarayan devotiona1i;m' and thereby the ontological mechanisms that guide and inspire Swaminarayari followers.' The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 209

This chapter is divided into three sections: the first examines several liberal critiques of the Swaminarayan movement; the second sets out an etbnographically­ grounded perspective on BAPS' activities; tbdinal section suggests a framework for understanding Swaminarayan subjectivities.

BACKGROUND

BAPS was founded in 1907. Tbe founder of BAPS broke away from an older Swaminarayan sampradaya (tradition) whicb was establisbed in 1801 by Sabajanand Swami (1781-1830). Tbere are several 'Swaminarayan sects in the sarnpradaya in 1ddition to the two original Swaminarayan gadis (seats) created by Sabajanand Swami.' Of tbese, BAPS is perbaps the most well"knoWn Swaminarayan community particularly in the places of the South Asian diaspora. This is due, in part, to its trans­ national presence as well as its various public projects. Tbese include organising festivals on auspicious occasions-, sponsoring humanitarian projects, and constructing temples and temple complexes. While many temples are neither elaborate nor large, BAPS bas attracted much attention for constructing traditional carved stone temples . in Lond,?", and North America.' BAPS is similarly known for its large temple and monument complexes, known as 'SWarninarayan Aksbardbam', tbat bave been constructed in Candhinagar and New DeihL Both Aksbardbarn sites are connected to specific wisbes (sankalp) expressed by one guru in the guru lineage of BAPS (guru parampara).' Tbese sites are thus of immense devotional significance for the devotees of BAPS as well as locations for the organisation to present its- teachings and sbare its perspective of the historical contexts and cultural achievements of Hinduism (see Kim 2007). Today, BAPS estimates one million followers worldwide, with approximately 40,000 devotees in America and 30,000 in Britain. Administratively, BAPS has a hierarchical management structure consiSting of both lay andrton-Iay personnel. At the apex of tbis bierarcby is the living guru, Guru Prgmukb Swami. Under him is a: male order of santo, or ascetics, numbering over 800.. These ascetics ate based in temples and are important channels for maintaining the consistency of devotional teachings through weekly lessons, meetings with youth; and other teniple or region­ specific events. Tbe lay management consists of a netWork of male and female bouseholders. Most serve on a voluntary basis and perform significant roles in supporting Swaminarayan teachings, activities and prescriptions for bebaviour. Tbe bhakti or devotional tradition of tbe Swarninarayan bas similarities to the Vaishnava bbakti communities in Cujarat and e)sewbere in India. These similarities include tbe importance of a guru and the guru's teachings, use of vernacular languages, de-empbasis of caste distinctions, recognition of varying degrees of textual and ritual mastery, and a heightened appreciation of devotional practices and postures. In core Swaminarayan texts, Sabajanand Swami explicitly and implicitly acknowledges the ritual contribution of the Pushtimarg sampradaya, a dominant and influential 210 HannaH. Kim

Vaishnava community in western India.' BAPS is distingtlished from other Gujarati Hindu communities by several prescriptions present in the. original Swaminarayan. comhlUnitywhich are still maintained in the BAPS community of today. These includ<;; the separation of women and men in temple spaces and activities and limitations o~:'~

the interaction of the always-male guru and ascetics with females. 10 '

THE LIBERAL CRITIQUE

Among the most entrenched' convictions of liberal discourse is the equation at .; .moder'nity with rationalism and secularism. The modern and secular state is assumed !to promote certain core principles, notably freedom and moral autonomy; and rd.' prOtect a private reahn for religion. These qualities stand in contrast to the nom; modern and non_secular state" where, it is assumed, freedom, individual sovereign\.)?"". and public space are rented by undemocraticand authoritarian institutions resultingin " irrational, emotional ahd intolerant forms of-governance and sociability (Asad 199!ij' 200S; Warner 2002). The discourse of secularism is one that clearly imagines a prop-et form of state; civic life and citizenship where the 'volatility of cultural multiplicitie$! " can ~ controlled, and where violence and juridical measures exist to support th~ ,; states' ultimately exclusionary principles (Asad 2003;16). Liberal discourse, in-,its conceptualisation of modern public space, does not necessarily expect the 'relocati6fu ' of religion away from secular spaces (Asad 1999: 185). However, liberal thought, wrestles with the existence of non-secular or n6n-liberal formations that app~ J to disrupt the secular imaginary; furthermore, it exercises authority to control'the _ terms of its interaction with non-liberal entities. ReligiOUS movements, if theyarii: i interested in engaging in the 'modern' public sphere, must therefore adjust to thi! terms of political participation a priori established by secular ideology (ibid.: 181). The secularist discourse sustains a set of oppositional.binaries,such as moderm""ty;i versus tradition, the West versus- the non-West, liberal versus non-liberal, toleraI1C.~<;· versus intolerance, and progressive versus non-progressive, which have permeateil { much of historical, political and anthropological analyses of religious communities, , These tropes of modernity haveaffetted the ways inwhich the SWaminarayan Sansth'l: is viewed and-analysed, In this section, through the writings of Sandhya Shukla and;' Lise McKean, I" will btiefly examine the analytical and epistemic consequences qf, liberal discourse. "This;s followed by a more extended critique of Martha Nussbaum~~ " recent work on communal-violence in Gujarat. '

CULTURAL PRODTJCTIONS AND RELIGION-MAKING

In 1985 and 1991, in Loudon and New Jersey (US) respectively, BAPS produced alid oversaw a month-long cultural event known as the 'Cultural Festival of India' (CFI;: Sandhya Shukla looked closely at the NewJersey CFI, iucluding the outdoor sculptures; musical and dance performances, handicraft and reconstructed village 'booths', and ' The_Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 211

exhibition halls (see Shukla 1997, 2003). Shukla argued that the 'presentation of India' was 'meticulous and smdied' (Shukla 1997: 308) with 'obsessive attention' to details (ibid.: 299). She noted that beneath the real and rhetorical efforts to 'welcome' guests, the BAPS volunteers revealed a startling lack of knowledge about 'the larger strategies and effects of [the festival'sjproduction' (ibid.: 308). What is clear to Shukla, but absent from the devotees she encounters', is that BAPS is engaged in creating an essentialised and reified portrait of Hinduism and Indian culture in orde~ to foster a 'new kind of diasporic nationalism' (ibid.: 309, 2003). Shukla conchldes that the creators of CFI lacked awareness of the discourses of race, immigration

the implicit higher path of not succumbing to the teachings ofa. specific religi6n; Something, in other words, is troubling about BAPS and its followers. They are clearly capable of organisational feats, but, as Shukla's research intimates, at what cost arid. to which ends?

GURUS AND CAPITALISING IMPERATIVES

For Lise McKean, Hindu nationalist organisations share a consistency in thefr' rhetorical strategies, modes of operation and means of attracting supporters. SudK· orgauis;ltions, while ostensibly engaging in charitable work, appealing for unity,­ a~d promoting spiritual upliftment and universal love are, according to McKealf, leveraging social and 'spiritual' capital to achieve political and econoruic power. Wi'S the Hindu orgauisations led by the gotuS that McKean views to be especially capab\¢ of translating 'spirituality' into enhanced material realities, both for the goru aile;! his' followers. McKean looks at gronps, such as BAPS, that do not overtly fit th~' stereotype of hate-mongers, but whose soft-core rhetorical framings, she argo~&\ nevertheless convey; 'a toned-down version of militant Hindu nationalism' (McKeal;- 1996: 22:~). ·'iF Itt 1987, McKean attended the centenary events of Swarui Sivananda Sarasw~fj and the Divine Life Sbciety and during this time, she observed t:l).e goru, ascetics 'lti(L devotees of BAPS participating in the 'Grand Finale'. Describing BAPS as a powerfli!' and prominent Hindu organisation, McKean observes that the presence of thii. guru of the BAPS on the Divine Life Society centenary stage signals the prestigiQli1 position of BAPS, one that would also reflect well on its host. She argoes that th~ . decision of BAPS and other Hindu groups to celebrate each other's events and offet speeches that repetitively emphasise Hindu identity and togetherness results in the ideolOgical reinforcement of certain truths. For the audience, McKean intimates thi!t the repeated messages of univer~al Hindu identity and unity; 'operates ideologically- tiil make specific ideas intensely familiar and (to) gloss them with the patina of inevitaN~ truth' (ibid.: 227). ·.il McKean unambigoously describes goru-Ied Hindu orgauisations as those whete 'followers flock to' because they believe the leaders 'possess the power to transform material reality'. Her interpretations are motivated by a keen intent to unmask th~· operational mechauisms of gurus. She sees gorus and their organisations as using­ the langoage of adhyatmikta, or as she translates, 'spirituality', for political arid econoruic advancement while simultaneously denying or appearing to ignore thel\! profit and power-seeking desires (ibid.: 12). McKean contextualises the 'capitalised' model of guru movements by situating them in the light of the political exigencies of liberaliSing India. Spirituality; she argoes, fills in the gaps left by an Indian state mbr¢. focused on global capitalism and less able to reduce the growing distance between the classes. Guru movements, in espousing ideas of control, discipline and chatity; woulll thus' serve to comfort and contain a variety of classes while also serving the neeas The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 213

of the State. Hence, gurus, for McKean, are useful to the state: in commodifYing spirituality, they receive material benefits while simultaneously supplying the state with the language and means to enhance its own agendas. McKean sees Hindu groups and their spiritual programmes as inseparable from Hindu nationalist groups that promote a universalisihg and inclusive message of cultural and national integration while simultaneously legitimising a 'hierarchical structure of power and authority' (ibid.: 272-3). GutuS and their organisation, no matter how seemingly respectable or reputable, contribute to 'circuits of power and domination in India' (ibid.: 312). Thus, McKean suggeststha.tthe '.silence' she observed among Hindu organisations regarding their economic ahd political "activities', and tllis in spite of 'the garrulous repetitiveness of spea.kersdiscoursing on spitituality', obscures the transactional bias of guru organisations towards their: owil self-in:terests (ibicl.: 268). In her ethnography, McKean does not address orproblem,!tise the category 'spirituality' or what it might mean. It appears that the spiritual is anything which the observer determines is set apart from other arenas of cultute.'MtKean, informed by this Western framing of the spiritual as separate from' the ma.terial thereby interprets any conjunction of 'spiritual' with 'material' as suspIcious. In establishing a dicho~OIl)y between the spiritual and more profane realms in the Hindu groups she observes~ McKean sees these groups and their activities as oVerly illS1t"UlUental and calculating in motivation. Charitable works, for example, are seen as.pa!"t"of a larger econ0111k and political agenda whereby groups pr c~stes if! pow~ <;:an nWjJJ,tam rheir position. And, iu other situations, iu alignment with state power,..th"tmoral allthority of a group is positioned as higher than that of others and therefore vio\<;nce may be necessary for its enforq::ment. , "".,' -' Though grounded iu impressive ethnography, McKean's tra9ng of t:1l.e political economy of guru organisations reduces gurus and their follo~~~s tg llf~~m~nts of, and conscious particip.ants in, webs of power. ReligiollS diS~OW;se\t~elfk~s.:?en\ialised to a on.e·dimensional 'spirituality' that is further collapsed iut" a st!"ategy"f capital, one that depends on the discourse of secularism. In the Indian context, McKean argues that 'secularism' is not separable from the Hindu natip!I

CLASHING WITH SECULA.~ LIBERALISM

Finally, for a clear example of the secular liberal perspective and its epistetnlt: ramifications, I turn to a recent book, The Clash Within: Dempcracy, Religipus Violence, and Indja's Future, by an American scholar of law, Martha Nussbaum (2007). In tl:Ji§. book, Nussbaum analyses the relationship between Gujarat, its diaspora, and th~ communal violence in Gujarat during 2002. In a chapter that looks closely at .BAPS", Nussbaum narrates a visit to the Swaminilrayan temple located outside of Chicagqli whe,e. she is met by a temple volunteer. She writes, 'with the beatifi<; smile. 9')9: the iJ.J;t:~nse earnestness that one associates with members of authoritarian clj.Lt~; he lectures us about the sect's beliefs' (Nussbaum 2007: 303). The guide points'olj~ that the temple is illuminated with fibre optic cables. Nussbaum remarks: Was the climate of religious hatred in Gujarat made in the USA? Many people think thatth~ Hindu Indian American community has played a -slgnificant role in funding­ tb~ .spreaq of hatrep, in 1l1diCl in gener?-I, in yujarat in particular ..... And how does my " guide~s stJang~ cQmbinaJion of ideoJog.ical docility with technological sophisticatiQ';1. cqntrlbute to' this situation? (Nussbaum 2007: 303)

NU~baum also comments on the guide's face and what clues this might proVi,d" for conne<;ting the dots between a Swamjnarayan devotee, his psychological.'!r\,~ intellectual. capacities, and his attitudes towards authority: Our guide's rigid, unmotivated smile troubled us, suggesting a kind of culfk" obedience that Americans typically associate with authority and the abnegation of critical independence (ibid.: 326). Nussbaum concludes her discussion on the Sanstha by noting:

The sect's practices of isolating [and implicitly denigrating] women are certqinly unhelpful in the context of both the US and the Indian democracies, and its emphaSIS" on absolute obedience to the words of Pramukh Swami surely reinfbrces th~'~ devaluation of critical and independent thinking that is all too prominent in Gujatati (ibid.: 326).j Implidtly, Nussbaum conveys a portrait of what a democratic, plural and seculai~fate would 160k like and what the dtizen of such a place would not look like. 'Unmot:iv~led' expressions (notwithstanding the difficulty of discerning when expressiOIls"'are motivated or unmotivated) are correlated with diminished coguitive functidJ;"fo be both technologically sophisticated and committed to a religious tradition .Is"ffbt possible in one who has submitted to a non-rational way of being; observing ceWtin disciplinary rules (such as gender separation) is synonymous with the absen~elof 'critical and independent thinking'. Nussbaum's assessment of the Swamin~r~~lm Sanstha is a striking example of politicised secular liberal discourse, which upho'ids certain ideals of personhood, sociability and religious subjectivity while excludThg or rendering other ways of subjectification as troubling and therefore in need,"of ''t correction. From Nussbaum's secular liberal perspective, religion and technology do ''"'!1: The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 215

not sit comfortably together. Instead of being interested in why this should be the case, she is simply dismissive. 12 Nussbaum does not acknowledge that the Swaminarayan Sanstha encourages independent and critical thinking through formal education alongside its traditional religious instruction." In her view; the existence of disciplinary rules that allow for moral autonomy and ethical ways of being in-the-world which are not dependant on external structu:res such as the State or law, but are reliant instead on internal structures specific to the religious discourse, are signifiers of an anti,.progressive movement, In short, those modalities of agency which are not otiented towards the endpoint objective of becoming an autonomous and self-authorising self are excluded frqm the secular liberal perspective. The authorising discourse of secular liberalism, in other words, is quick to excise certain kinds of religious subjectivity which do not fit its assumptions of freedom, individualism and autonomy or its expectations, not always explicit, of reassurance, knowability and individual responsibility (see Chakrabarty 2002).

CULTIVATING SUBJECTIVITY , Many o{,tside" observers are disturbed by what seem to be anachronisms or contradictions within the Swaminarayan community. Critical discussion is 'common. on the wealth of the movement, the practice of gender segregation, the strong focus on temple-building, and the perceived hegemony of the Gujarati middle class within the movement. In this section, I discuss the movement from its own point of view. The need for this intervention is not merely ethnographic, but to establish the basis for understanding the discursive foundation of Swarninarayan devotion. From this point only can we then make the move to see how the seeming incommensurable stances of secular liberalism and Hindu devotionalism, individual autonomy and bodily submission, responsibility and deference, can be part of the same dialogital space, with both sides dehistoricised and irreducible. Perhaps the most common rational and material reasOnS offered by outside observers to explain the success of the BAPS moveme.nt is that.Gujaratis feel that they can benefit socially and economically from the Sanstha's Sanskritising practices, its support of upwardly mobile attitudes, and the opportunity to 'network and expand one's connections in a business-caste community. However, the empirical reality is that the majority of followers in India are overwhehningly from the lower classes and, increasingly, lower castes. 14 Other explanations are commonly offered, especially to account for the transnational presence and growth in membership of BAPS: these are the emotional and material needs of immigrants to seek places for belonging as minorities, the desire to find solace for their ruptured lives, and the need to reaffirm their nostalgia in a collective way. While these explanations resonate with many immigrants and not just devotees in the Swaminarayan diaspora, they obscure the ideals of personhood and agency supported by the devotional logic 216 HannaH. Kim

of Swaminarayan bhakti. From the perspective of devotees, the most common reasons for joining BAPS are the inspiration of its religious leadership, the vibrancy of the devotional community, and the meaningfulness of its teachings. To become Swaminarayan, in other words, is to recognise that there are other ways in which to cultivate an ideal of being which cannot be reduced to merely rational and material explanations. In the following sections, I explore three elements of Swarllinarayan bhaktiin order to show how devotional subjectivity is shaped. First, it is necessary to grasp the broad outline of the Swaminarayan subject and the relationship of this subjecttq Swaminarayan bhakti teachings and structures of authOrity, It will be seen that this Swaminarayan self is a thinking and sensible agent whose actions are consciously directed towards the cultivation of an ideal devotee (ekantika bhakta). Secondly,d will examine the importance of the temple (maMir) in establishing and su~taining certain desired dispositions and sensibilities; it will be argued that these dispositions or postures are the precondition for followers to then form themselves into the ideal' devotee. Thirdly, I will examine the practice of stri-purush maryada, or the separation of men and women. I will argue that this division is a matter of discipline throug\!. which indlviduals transform into Swaminarayan subjects. c. I " • SUBJECT AND AGENT

The ultimate objective for the Swaminarayan devotee, or satsangi, (and therefore the basis for Swaminarayan epistemology) is to achieve a state known as brahmarupa (or aksharupa). In this state, the devotee's jiva (soul) achieves a pOSition in the eternal abode known as Akshardham and it can, according to Swaminarayan teachings, eternally serve God as an akshar mukta, or eternally released jiva. In achieving this go.al,the· jiva, conceived of as an eternal self, is understood to become a disembodied soul (alSo. atma), freed from the encumbrances of the body. In order to attain the status. of akshar mukta, the satsangimust recognise that the jivais an eternal and separate entit;}: distinct from the sensible self (atmanishtha); this makes. possible the identification pC jiva with the qualities of aksharbrahman, an. eternal entity whose manifested fOJ;1P­ is that. oeguru. In becoming like (but never merging with) aksharbrahman,the jiva acquires the knowledge. of its own sentience, thereby securing its release from samsara (cycle of rebirth), attaining the state of brahmarupa, and achieving moksl;w, or liberation from rebirth. '.~, In the context of daily life, the ideal satsangi (ekantika bhakta) is one who ca;, spontaneously maintain a continuous devotional stance towards God and guru;).he latter of whom is known as aksharbrahman and who is understood to embody mi· living presence and power of God on earth (antaryami shakti). Thus, whik liviiig in-the-world, ideal satsangis are able to control their sentient and somatic self su.ch that external stimuli as well as internal desires do not interfere with their desired, devotional aims. The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 217

In Swaminarayan bhakti, 'God and guru' are the two highest existential entities and are always with form (sakar), eternal and separate, and 'are also referred to variously as 'Bhagwan Swaminarayan and GunatitGuru', 'Lord Swaminarayan and the Ideal Guru', 'Parabralunan and Aksharbrahrnan' and 'God and Satpurush'.15 For the devotee, it is the guru in a living form who provides both the example and means for acquiring the desired existential endpoint, that is to acquire atmauishtha and to achieve the state of brahmarupa. Achieving this goal depends on a sequence of transformations beginning with the devotee's desire to mouitor the sensory body for its tendency to become attached to worldly desires, relationships and instirutions and thereby obscure the necessary knowledge that jiva is only temporarily resident ij1 the somatic self. It is the guru who, as manifest form or living presence (pragat swamp) of God, guides seekers (mumukshu) in their quest to cultivate themselves into ideal devotees, As supported by Swaruinarayan bhakti tenets, the guru is the perfect servant (sevaka) of God as evidenced by his conrinuous devotion towards God, This is the posrure that the devotee hopes to achieve, specifically a conrinuous devotional orientation towards God and guru, Yet, realiSing this goal is not possible without the necessary re-fas~oning of the sensory self, which is seen to be attached to desires and needs 'provoked by living in-the-world, The challenge is to live in-thecworld while simultaneously positioning the somatic self to achieve atmanishtha, the necessary condlrion for becoming an ideal devotee. This translates to the reorientation nf the sensory body to practices and 'postures that will assist the devotee's interpretation of received sensations, perceprions, and feelings, These feelings, or What might be conceived of as somatic experiences, then become the basis for mental consolidation, which if regularly recollected or meditated upon, would support the subsequent cultivation of the self into the bhakti ideal. In the Vachanamrut, the central text of the Swaminarayan movement, there is an outline of the ontological progression the mumukshu experiences as he or she moves from initial contact with God to the desired ideal state of having an unbroken devotional stance towards God, one where the devotee's somatic body no longer requires conscious efforts to direct every action to pleaSing and serving God." This trajectory contains four stages and recoguises that the mnmukshu, in -order to be able to offer eternal devotion to God, must attain control over the mind, senses, and object of the senses (antahkarana, indriyas, panchvishays), The first phase is shravana, or sensing, perceiving, or experiencing, via the senses, the talk (or presence) of God, The secol;ld phase is manana, the mental consolidation of the talk. The third phase is nididhyasana, where there is repeated meditation of the talk, And, the fourth phase, sakshatkar, is a collective realisation of the three previous phases where there is a sensory re-organisation resulting in the spontaneous emergence, within the devotee, 'of that talk that has been "shravana-ed", "manna-ed", and "uidhidyasan-ed"'." To achieve sakshatkar is to exist in a continuous and automatic state of devotion tow~ds pleasing God. 218 HannaH. Kim

For the devotional seeker embarking on ontological transformation, the guru provides the template for ideal behaviour and the living example of sakshatkar. As guide and example, the guru makes visible the possibility of achieving are-fashioning of the self where the devotee, composed of the eternal self and mind-senses-object of the senses, becomes the existential ground for transformation. From the initial sensory reception of the aural percept or being of God, to the emergence later of embedded and embodied knowledge, the individuals who find Swaminarayal1 bhakti appealing are those who have taken individual decisions with respect to how they wish to cultivate their selves as sevaks of God and guru. This agency is not. motivated by an autonomous self-accommodation; nor is it an act of resistance to the lexternal structures of governance or law. Rather, the agency of the Swaminarayaii­ devotee is a product of the actions of an individual with a sense of responsibility turning internally in .order to cultivate self-directed goals !.hat are specifically tied tl) Swaminarayan teachings. The Swaminarayan seeker or devotee is thus not engaged. in reacting against or towards !.he endpoint of humanistic conceptions of freedoIlli one !.hat depends on seeking and desiring !.he existential grounds for free will and a concomitant removal of authority over the self. The secular liberal ideal of!.h~ autoRomous self, in contrast, does desire !.he conditions !.hat would allow for !.hil; .. . exercise of free will. These conditions, such as !.he juridical measures !.hat sUppOt.t; 'rights', uphold a certain conception of society. The notion of the autonomous selff in liberal !.hought is !.hus one mat is always moving towards an ideal state of freedoml'­ And, paradoxically; !.he desire of me autonomous self to attain a state of freedom from external au!.hority requires institutional controls in order for the possibility of freedom to exist. ".T; . The devotee's ontological goals and corresponding conceptions of !.he s¢ff are fuelled by a deCidedly different discourse, one !.hat seeks aumority and is nl'l' motivated by !.he relation of one's self to anomer or of one's relative freedorn .{)); capacity of will over anomer self,18 Ra!.her, !.he satsang (fellowship or community q,f satsangis) conception of !.he agentive self is one !.hat does not engender 'othering'·.~o much as it directs !.he sentient seeker to grasp and grapple with the sense of 'o!.her· ·wit.hin oneself and thereby, ideally, initiate its liberation.

CONSTRUCTING' TEMPLES AND SUBJECTIVITIES

Temple (maIldir) building takes on anew significance when one considers me practical, emotional, and metaphysical needs of devotees who willingly and self.consciousl)' choose to cultivate !.hemselves according to Swaminarayan bhakti ideals. Since devotees seek and require opportunities by which to hone !.heir worldly concepti6iis of self-body into an ideal bhakta, practices and instit;utional mechanisms are necessary to assist and sustain this highly contingent process. Temple-building, renovation a6d improvement provide arenas where individuals can perform devotional voluntary work (seva) on behalf of !.he Sansma in order to achieve !.heir devotional goals. Anet The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 219

following the completion and inauguration of a temple, devotees can participate in many ways in its community thereby increasing the possibility of-finding the avenue most appealing and suitable for each aspirant. Most temple activities are separated into male and female divisions and, within the temple community males and females interact with age-grade groupings in various ways. Notwithstanding these divisions, all devotees and visitors have the opportunity, in the temple, to listen to teachings, participate in discussions and debates, and take on leadership roles. Particularly in the diaspora community, the temple also provides a location in which to share the pleasures of eating familiar foods and speaking the Gujarati language, Perhaps most irnportandy; the temple exposes devotees to the ideal postures and b~haviour associated with and exemplified by the life of their guru. They can choose to experience the temple in ways that will maximise, from their perspective, their capacity to embody the necessary knowledge for self-transformation. The temple makes possible the collection of sensations and memories, which become embodied and can then be recalled for the self-cultivation of the mind-body-senses. Whereas in the past, feeling fatigue or frustration with some activity might be the cause for abandoniog it, devotees rdate to seva in the temple and satsang events in a different manner. Followi]?-g the example of the living guru, Pramukh Swami, who is noticeably always preoccUpied with seva to Bhagwan (God) arid who, therefore, is seen as sustaining a continuous devotional posture towards Bhagwan, devotees strive to emulate this ideal stance. The consequent fatigue, physical and economic strain, and the challenges posed by working with other devotees in the maintenance of the temple leave. imprints on the mind-body-senses of devotees. These sensations become bodily reminders of the obstacles which impede the somatic self from transcending its own bodil)' needs, Since devotees desire to overcome the disruptive tendencies of the mind, body and senses, the temple becomes a necessary disciplinary tool for addressing exacdy these .areas in need of control. Sensations, feelings and bodily needs are viewed as given aspects of the physical self However, they are also seen as the medium through which the devotee can move towards an ideal state of being, one guided and fr·amed by the discourse of Swaroinarayan bhakti. k devotees frequendy and emotionally acknowledge; Prarnukh Swami has made possible a wonderful gifr for the ·benefit of .all present and future devotees. By providing the inspiration for temple construction and.otheractivities, Guru Pramukh Swami represents the ideal model of the perfect devotee; and his example encourages individual acts of mimesis in the quest to become cl(lser to God. Devotees therefore willingly submit to the authority of their guru; both submission and authority are informed by notions of bhakti and not the liberal conception of the autonomous self which desires freedom from any constraints.

DISCIPLINE AND GENDER

Within the temple and at many temple-sponsored events, it is expected that devotees will observe the discipline of female-male separation (stri-purush maryada). In 220 Hanna H. Kim

practice, this accounts for the literal structuring of space in the temple. While the lines of demarcation are often as symbolic as they are physical, in many temples there are separate entrances, offices and dining areas for men and women. This separation also extends to the structure of lay leadership where most leadership positions have parallel male and female roles. Gender separation pertains to the relationship between females, males, the living guru or male ascetics. Since only men can interact with the all-male religious hierarchy, women must go through lay or householder male intermediaries in order to express their concerns and questions. This gendered behaviour has been seen by some critics as repressive, but it is seldom questioned within the movement. It is; however, important to point out that there are no specific prescriptions for women to remain- distant from the guru Or ascetics but, rather, it is the santo who are proscribed from contact with women. It was explained to me many times, by both women and men, that women are able to display their respect for the guru and ascetics by aVOiding physical propinquity to them. On occasion, of course, women are frustrated by the limitations or ,miscommunication of their intermediaries. It does not seem to me, however, that women's dissatisfaction is due to the lack of access ther have to the guru but with the imperfections in the sodety of men that mediate their access. Within the devotional framework of Swaruinarayan bhakti, gender separation is understood to be a powerful and effective disdplinary strategy, one that supports.. women and.men in the attainment of their ontological objectives. It allows for the orientation of the mind:body-senses away from 'natural' desires and attachments· that are understood to interfere with self-cnltivation. Since this transforming project is one that most often co-exists in the same social spaces with many other ways of. being, gender separation eliminates one dimension of worldly life that is perceived to interfere with the desired devotional posture and ontological objectives. Outside of the temple, there is no expectation that gender separation be observed. However; many devotees acknowledge that the disdpline of male-female separation developed,. in the temple is useful for negotiating certain domains of life in>the-world. The need-' to monitor the mind,body-senses is synonymous with the desire to become an ideal devotee; outside of the temple, this is of course a voluntary orientation. Thus, for some devotees, gender separation also applies to the domestic sphere of the home.. For others, the disdpline of separation has heightened their awareness for each devotee's individual degree of devotional commitment. The point here is that gender" separation is a strategy for ontological transformation and not a means for crafting. visions of an ideal society and the relation of persons to this society. ' Women devotees, particularly overseas, are often asked to explain why they partidpate in a community that segregates the sexes and proscribes their guru ang. . ascetics from interacting with them. From the many women I have met, there is, ' striking unanimity that gender separation has strengthened women's commitment and devotion. Women point to their numbers and note, without irony, that unlike., The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 221

the fathers, husbands, sons, and brot.1-ters in their lives, their devotional relationship to Pramukh Swami is strong even without the advantage of close personal contact with him. They roo point out the number of women who have readily given permission for their only sons to become ascetics." They also note with satisfaction that the example of self-transformation in their lives has compelled other women and men to join the Sanstha. Swanrinarayan women assert that the structural separation of women from guru and ascetics has prompted the realisation, sometimes after many years, of the consdous effort needed to overcome bodily- desires and emotions, including envy, frustration and longing. Hence, as numerous young women have pointed out to me, 'unlike men, we don't need to sit up close to Bapa (Pramukh Swami) to experience I antaryami shakti (all-pervasive power of God) ... we have him with us all the time, in our hearts'. From within the Swaminarayan framework, gender separation makes possible a receptive mind-body, which can then be imprinted with the necessary concepts required to form the Swaminarayan subject. Not unlike the veil in the Cairene Islamic revivalist world described by Saba Mahmood (2005), SWaminarayan women's willingoess to observe gender segregation is not a reminder of their subordination to men, itpr a reflection of their submissiveness to a patriarchal, and discriminatory religion. Gender segregation is a visible, concrete and tangible means of reminding the sensory self of its devotional aims, aims which are not tethered to ideas of autonomy, freedom, and individual rights or teleological processes of history, secnlarism and modernity. In other words, female devotees recagoise that men have privileges that are not available to them such as feeling the guru's hand on one's head or the opportunity to discuss, in person, the deeper philosophical aspects of Swaminarayan bhakti with learned ascetics. Younger women devotees have occaSionally and privately confessed feelings of periodic sadness at not having these intimacies with their guru. However; women who are committed devotees understand that in accepting certain structural and relational limitations, they acquire the capacity to condition their selves to receive higher order desire, the total submersion of the sensory self and the concomitant continuous devotional stance towards God and guru. The point here is that Swaminarayan women are involved in a spiritual project that is not anchored . to the expectations and assumptions of modernity or secularism, feminism or progressivism, or any number of other binaries derived from the epistemic world of liberal secularism. Devotees of BAPS have, in other words, another discursive formation to which their ideals of being and being in-the-world are anchored.

Religious Subjectivity To be Swaminarayan is to undertake an ethical and moral project that is likely to last at least one lifetime and requires tremendous time and energy, Dedicated devotees are thus never in a state of rest for the sensory body's requirement for being monitored and guided is a ceaseless one. These devotees are the ones who accept any opportunity for seva and utilise their individual abilities and resources to support the 222 HannaH. Kim

Sanstha's projects in order to maximise their own ontological transformations. ,To assume that Swaminarayan devotees are unthinking and llncritical is to judge that there are religious subjectivities that do not fit some preconceived framework for what constitutes thinking behaviour. Furthermore, devotees, due to their willingness to accept restraints on their personhood, i.e, in their desire to embody certain limitations of self and agency; are problematically deemed to be irrational and un­ progressive. The secular liberal conception of religious subjectivity; in its capacity to discep1 uncritical, unthinking and unmotivated qualities in Swaminarayan devotee's, illuminates the exclUSionary ditp-ensions of this discursive formation. In contra:st t to the liberal project of self-mastery through freedom, Swaminarayan devotees have chosen a lifestyle which openly welcomes the submission of the self, or rnore specifically, the mind-body-senses, in order to satisfY devotional ohjectives. 'Tile Swaminarayan subject does not see herself as choosing the 'lack of agency' in orcih to be subordinated to men or to have her will suppressed. Instead, her volunt"ry decision to become a devotee is inspired by her desire to achIeve a certain id~al underwritten hy another kind of authority; This view of Swaminarayan subjectiViioJ suggfsts, horrowing from Dipesh Chakrabarty (2002), that there is a gap between totaUSing and universal discourses and those which appear to be fragmentary#J:d incommensurable. Swaminarayan religious suhjectivity, in other words, has to.·be understood as one that is not in opposition to modernity or to non-modetnity but is instead a way to inl1abit both the past and present through the discoUts.e of Swaminarayan bhakti. This devotional discourse is not dependent on a specific conceptualisation of society or a totalising vision of the future; neither does;i;t depend on discourses beyond its own to sustain its ontological assumptions i;JJ;id aims. Swarrnnarayan bhakti is thus able to exist and flourish in various historicd and cultural environments as well as accommodate other potentially competip.g discourses, most notably those of religion and secularism. The irony here is that the secular episteme, fuelled hy a sense of movement towards a specific kind;ijf future where public spaces and sovereign domains are not influenced or affectedhy 'religion', is, in fact, an episteme that is comprehensihle only through the lens of·the category 'religion' (see Pecora 2006 for parallels). Secularism, as an· ideology and a sociological reality, is an authoritative discourse that cannot exist outside of. th~ existence of 'religion'. FollOwing Asad, it must be askedi

Why are secularists alarmed at the thought that religion should be allowed to invade' the domain of our personal choices when the process of speaking and listening freely implies precisely that our thoughts and actions should be opened up to change by. our interlocutors? (Asad 1999: 181) It appears thus that liberal secular ideology, in order to sustain itself in its multi]Ji~ forms, must necessarily control the parameters of acceptable discourses, discurs;~c, formations, and modes of subjectivity. Paradoxically, secularism clearly, has i\s heretical forms. . The Swaminarayan Movement and Religious Subjectivity 223

The problem here is that Swaminarayan religious subjectivity, though historically independent of the epistemological edifice that supports religion, is nevertheless not immune to the discourse on religion. For example, outside of India, where its devotees are mostly members of ethnic or social minorities, BApS has made adjustments to its self-presentation, the text of some of its publications, and to the nature of public events it promotes. These adjustments locate Swaminarayan bhaJ

acknowledge Llris irreducibility in a way Lhat allows the Swaminarayan Sanstha to pursue its own ontological goals.

CONCLUSION

The questions which animate the discussion of this chapter are not simply mattef, of intellectual hermeneutics. Gujarat is unambiguously mired in various crlsd's, especially where sovereignty, law and civic life overlap. In Gujarat, the state's response to crisis has often been couched in religious idioms, while the natiohal ,government has responded in the language of secularism and modern progrd" I ~ , This difference only demonstrates the ways in which religion and secularism are not two ends of a spectrum or two separate discourses, or even two separate c

continnally affects the clarity of that space (Asad 1999: 192). Against this mapping of religion with secularism, notions of religious subjectivity, and the preoccupations of states, the Swaminarayan Sanstha has managed to sustain its central devotional tenets from its early colonial to post-colonial formations, and has successfully taken them overseas too. As a Hindu community with non-liberal ideals of personhood and religious subjectivity, the Sanstha is readily assumed to support the agenda of Hindu nationalism in Gujarat and elsewhere. This is an lllexamined assumption and forecloses the possibility of looking critically at the Sanstha and. its ethical programmes; it also immobilises efforts to rethink post-colonial India in.terms other than those of Western lilleralism. Why, as Chakrabarty queries (2000), has the state in India persisted in accepting a universal conception of political modernity in favour of other indigenous possibilities? The study of the Swaminarayan Sanstha suggests one alternative way in which indigenous categories can guide people to live ethlcallives. As for the criticism that the Sansth4 is cOfuplicit with the political and power structures of Gujarat, and has not levetag:~d i~s resources to assist minority commlllities, it must be noted that tht( 'Sanstl:ta .hos mostly maintained, from its perspect;jve, a resolutely apolitical posi!ioiJ.>'rhts Gandhinagar, In September 2002, twO armed men entered the c.pmplex·lffid kiUedarO!1nd 30 people before they themselves were killed by security forces. The media frllmed the attack in the language of 'unknown terrorists', a turn of phrase many Gujaratis understand to mean 'Muslims'. Unlike the aftermath of the blaze in the railway carriage at C;odhra some months earlier, no public violence foIlqwer peace; IWalso

are interpreted as evidence of a narrow interest group with pro-Hindu nationalist sympathies. The same charges are not necessarily made for other groups who make or seek similar state accommodations. How might we then fe-imagine a Gujarat where the juxtapositions between tradition and modernity, religion and secularism, Hindu and Muslim are not played out with tragic consequences? How might the politicisation of religion by the state be dammed and space made for 'other normative and theoretical thoughts enshrined in other existing life practices and their archives' (Chakrabarty 2000: 20)1 The Swaminarayan Sanstha has demonstrated its ability to thrive and sustain a highly partienlar and non·liberal way of life amidst the exclusionary, hierarchical, sometimes violent, and yet theoretically open and plural ways of democratic seenlar society. In contemporary Gujarat, where the modernist project has not always resulted in reasonable ways of living, the Swaminarayan framework has provided an alternative way of living for many people. For devotees, to be Swaminarayan is to recognise the plurality of ways of being without assessing the progressiveness or backwardness of other ontologies; it is, as well, to accept the potentialities for beiog that lie beyond the Swamioarayan path. This argument is neither to suggest that Swaminarayan bhakti is the only, :option for contemporary Gujarat, nor is it to overlook other existing iostitutions and ideologies; rather, it is a call to consider epistemologies where the body is both sensorium and the basis for ontological and social transformations. My purpose in this chapter has been to critically consider how our interlocutors, however distant they appear, may provide possibilities for a new understanding of modernity, public life and living io·the·world; it has also been an attempt to look, from vvithin, at one aspect of social life originating in Gujarat.

NOTES

I am grateful to Edward Simpson, Aparna Kapadia and Rachel Dwyer for commenting on this material. For matters specific to BAPS Swarninarayan teachings and practices, I sincerely thank the devotees, householder leaders, and male ascetics who responded to my many questions, the latter through a male intermediary. And not least, I thank Fram;:oise Mallison for sharing her material. 1. Bochasan is a village in central Gujarat where the founder, Shastriji Maharaj, built the fust temple to reflect the relationship of Akshar to Purushottam. As early as the 1950s, the acronym

are viewed by outsiders and what this suggests about anthropology's conception of Christianity see Cannell (2005). 5. In pointing to the relationship between secularism and modernity; and its discursive capacity to obscure other ontologies, this is not to imply that modernity and secularism are identical processes or states of being in all historical and cultural contexts. There are many kinds of modernities and secularisms. 6. During his lifetime, Sahajanand Swami made provisions fur the continuation of the Swaminarayan sampradaya through hereditary succession. He divided the territory of the Indian subcontinent into two administrative sections (from Dwarka to Calcutta) creating a northern and southern division. His two nephews inherited the administrative responsibilities for the north and south gadis (seats). These gadis still exist (see Williams 1984). 7. The use of 'traditional' to describe the carved stone temples is to signal the differences between the carved and non-carved temples. The former have been co:n~tructed according to Sanskrit textual manuals known as the shilpashastras, and the latter are buildings not originally constructed as temples that have been converted into such following the ritual installation of murtis (images). 8. In Gandhinagar, the Akshardham complex is inspired by Guru Pramukh Swami's desire to honour both Bhagwan Swaminarayan and his own guru and predecessor, Guru Bra'4maswarup Yogiji Maharaj, on the latter's birth centenary. Yogiji Maharaj had, in 1970, expressed a wish to see a mandir constructed on a particular section of uninhabited land in Gandhinagar. Regarding the Akshardharn Delhi complex, this is Guru Prarnukh Swami's recognition of his Guru's 1968 wish to have a BAPS temple on the banks of the Yamuna. 9. This can be seen in the injunctions in the Shikshapatri to follow 'Vitthalnathji' (son of Vallabha) in matters of temple observances such as rituals before the images and the selection of Hindu festivals to be observed. There are also other sources that have possibly influenced the style and content of Swaminarayan texts. Schreiner has studied the Bhagavat Purana as well as the Satsangijivanam, _a Swaminarayan text written by a senior sant (sing. for male ascetic) who lived during the time of Sahajanand Swami. Schreiner notes that certain content, grammatical choices, imagery, and metaphors in the Satsangijivanam indicate-its author's close familiarity with the Bhagavat Purana (see Schreiner 1999; Purohit 2007), who has argued that there is textual evidence to support the influence of early Ismaili ginans (Ismaili Muslim devotional poems) on Swaminarayan writings, particularly the Shikshapatri. 10. It should, however, be noted that gender separation and restrictions on ascetics' interaction with women are .not exclusive to BAPS. In the original Swarninarayan sampradaya, these rules are still observed. Elsewhere in Gujarat, for example. gender separation can be observed at the Ranchhodrai temple in Dakar and the Santram temple in Nadiad. Furthermore, the mode of vegetarianism and abstemiousness prescribed by BAPS is relatively common throughout western India. ' 11. For other critical perspectiyes on BAPS, see Mukta (2000), Simpson (2008c),' and Sugirtharajah (2003). As critics of BAPS, the scholars hc::re named do not share a singular perspective or common conception of secular liberalism. While the secular liberal perspective supports certain epistemologies, how these are deployed by scholars in the interpretation of BAPS practices and activities varies widely. 228 HannaH. Kim

12. This, one might consider, is more Nussbaum's problem than that of devotees for whom technology is relevant insofar as it supports their devoti9~al, objectives. For devotees, hence, there is no startling contradiction in acquiring or learning the latest technologies and subscribing to a Hindu devotional tradition. 13. For a very different perspective, see Kantor-Swerdlow (1997), whose findings, based on nearly two years of fieldwork, underscore BAPS' emphasis on academic and critical thinking" 14. BAPS sees its membership as inclusive of a wider range 'of castes -than that assumed by its·- critics-. While its diaspora membership is more visibly located in the middle to upper classes, this is 'a self-selecting artifact of immigration- rather' than a mirror of the overall BAPS membership. In Gujarat, according to BAPS, the caste composition of its followers reflects the caste composition of the population at a more general level. 15, There ~e five eternal eJ9stential entities in BAPS teachings: jiva, ishwar; maya, Brahmin, Ptjrabrahman. This distinguishes SwaJ;l1inarayan bhakti from earlier Vaishnava teachings of RainIDujacharya who';specified three eternal entities, ant, cit and ishwar, '16-:. -The progression of. mumukshu experience described here is one of several ways out1ine~t in the Vachanamrut for acquiring the knowledge to achieve the state of brahrnarup<1:" , 17., I am grateful for the 'cohunents of Swam,inarayan ascetics, as relayed through a rtH\l(:,~ intermediary, for- clarification On this last phase' of sakshatkar (see also Vachanant"ry-it:: ~, \ , '\. Amdavail: S:waminarayan Aksharpith, 2001), Sarangpm 3, , . " 18-. For another example'of the process of voluntarily seeking'bodily transformation 'ti6t - ,for- reasons of resistance or: agenuve reaction to external in'stitutions suCh as law (whit'h makes possible the -language of right5 -'and freedom), but for reasons aligned- With\~ established tradition and its ontological goals see Mahmood (2005). ~;; 19_ In a culture that values sons for rituals, kinship, and social prestige, women -in -BAP'S recognise that permitting one's, son(s) to become an ascetic is permitting him to s,eyer ties with his worldly family. TIlls is perceived by many, but not all, men and women ~~ 3 tremendous and worthy sacrifice. 20_ See the discussion above of Shukla, 'Building diaspora and nation', and McKean; -·rnylttc enterprises. Also :see Mukta, 'Public face of Hindu nationalism'. REFERENCES

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