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Archdiocesan History FINAL
A History of the Archdiocese of Pittsburgh and Western Pennsylvania Kristie Bosko Mertz, Ph.D. “…the more I study the history of the Orthodox Church in this land, the more convinced I become that our task here is God’s task, that God Himself helps us.” 1 — St. Patriarch Tikhon, Farewell Address, March 7, 1907 Introduction The history of our archdiocese is inextricably bound to the larger history of Orthodoxy in America. What is now known as the Archdiocese of Pittsburgh and Western Pennsylvania began in 1916 with the tonsuring and consecration of Fr. Alexander Dzubay as Bishop Stephen, within the former North American Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church. His situation, in terms of being an immigrant of Carpatho-Russian ethnicity and a convert to Orthodoxy from the Byzantine Catholic (Greek Catholic) faith, was in no way unique at that time. However, it provides us with a glimpse of the evolving religious landscape and the foundation that was laid for the creation of the archdiocese and for its subsequent development. The Beginning of Orthodoxy in America Orthodoxy in America began in 1794, when Russian missionaries from Valaam Monastery arrived at Kodiak Island in the Aleutian Islands.1 The beginning of Orthodoxy in this country was found mainly in the future state of Alaska (which was a part of Russia) and in California, but very quickly grew up in the industrial areas of the United States such as Minnesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, New York, and West Virginia. The entirety of North America and Canada was one large diocese with very scattered Orthodox communities. -
An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
Petromacho, Or Mechanisms of De-Modernization in a Resource State
Russian Politics & Law ISSN: 1061-1940 (Print) 1558-0962 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/mrup20 Petromacho, or Mechanisms of De-Modernization in a Resource State Alexander Etkind To cite this article: Alexander Etkind (2018) Petromacho, or Mechanisms of De-Modernization in a Resource State, Russian Politics & Law, 56:1-2, 72-85, DOI: 10.1080/10611940.2018.1686921 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10611940.2018.1686921 Published online: 18 Dec 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=mrup20 Russian Politics and Law, vol. 56, nos. 1–2, 2018, pp. 72–85. © 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1061-1940 (print)/ISSN 1558-0962 (online) DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/10611940.2018.1686921 ALEXANDER ETKIND Petromacho, or Mechanisms of De-Modernization in a Resource State I am an impartial observer of the events of Russia in 2012, and I would define them as a conflict between knowledge and capital. Both sides are continually surprised, each by their own things, while smart people become increasingly poorer, and rich people increasingly stupid. Trying to understand the perplexity of both sides, I would firstly like to say that the situation is unmodern, or anti-modern. Modernization and meritocracy are two sides of the same coin. Without open access to the elite, social lifts, and creative destruction, modernity is unimaginable. -
THE BRITISH ARMY in the LOW COUNTRIES, 1793-1814 By
‘FAIRLY OUT-GENERALLED AND DISGRACEFULLY BEATEN’: THE BRITISH ARMY IN THE LOW COUNTRIES, 1793-1814 by ANDREW ROBERT LIMM A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY. University of Birmingham School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law October, 2014. University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The history of the British Army in the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars is generally associated with stories of British military victory and the campaigns of the Duke of Wellington. An intrinsic aspect of the historiography is the argument that, following British defeat in the Low Countries in 1795, the Army was transformed by the military reforms of His Royal Highness, Frederick Duke of York. This thesis provides a critical appraisal of the reform process with reference to the organisation, structure, ethos and learning capabilities of the British Army and evaluates the impact of the reforms upon British military performance in the Low Countries, in the period 1793 to 1814, via a series of narrative reconstructions. This thesis directly challenges the transformation argument and provides a re-evaluation of British military competency in the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. -
Russia's Foreign Policy Change and Continuity in National Identity
Russia’s Foreign Policy Russia’s Foreign Policy Change and Continuity in National Identity Second Edition Andrei P. Tsygankov ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK Published by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http://www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright © 2010 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tsygankov, Andrei P., 1964- Russia's foreign policy : change and continuity in national identity / Andrei P. Tsygankov. -- 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7425-6752-8 (cloth : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-7425-6753-5 (paper : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-7425-6754-2 (electronic) 1. Russia (Federation)--Foreign relations. 2. Soviet Union--Foreign relations. 3. Great powers. 4. Russia (Federation)--Foreign relations--Western countries. 5. Western countries--Foreign relations--Russia (Federation) 6. Nationalism--Russia (Federation) 7. Social change--Russia (Federation) I. Title. DK510.764.T785 2010 327.47--dc22 2009049396 ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Printed in the United States of America It is the eternal dispute between those who imagine the world to suit their policy, and those who arrange their policy to suit the realities of the world. -
Nikolay Luzin, His Students, Adversaries, and Defenders (Notes
Nikolay Luzin, his students, adversaries, and defenders (notes on the history of Moscow mathematics, 1914-1936) Yury Neretin This is historical-mathematical and historical notes on Moscow mathematics 1914-1936. Nikolay Luzin was a central figure of that time. Pavel Alexandroff, Nina Bari, Alexandr Khinchin, Andrey Kolmogorov, Mikhail Lavrentiev, Lazar Lyusternik, Dmitry Menshov, Petr Novikov, Lev Sсhnirelman, Mikhail Suslin, and Pavel Urysohn were his students. We discuss the time of the great intellectual influence of Luzin (1915-1924), the time of decay of his school (1922-1930), a moment of his administrative power (1934-1936), and his fall in July 1936. But the thing which served as a source of Luzin’s inner drama turned out to be a source of his subsequent fame... Lazar Lyusternik [351] Il est temps que je m’arr ete: voici que je dis, ce que j’ai d´eclar´e, et avec raison, ˆetre inutile `adire. Henri Lebesgue, Preface to Luzin’s book, Leˇcons sur les ensembles analytiques et leurs applications, [288] Прошло сто лет и что ж осталось От сильных, гордых сих мужей, Столь полных волею страстей? Их поколенье миновалось Alexandr Pushkin ’Poltava’ There is a common idea that a life of Nikolay Luzin can be a topic of a Shakespeare drama. I am agree with this sentence but I am extremely far from an intention to realize this idea. The present text is an impassive historical-mathematical and historical investigation of Moscow mathematics of that time. On the other hand, this is more a story of its initiation and turning moments than a history of achievements. -
MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties ......................................... -
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800S-1900S
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800s-1900s February 2003 Katrin Bozeva-Abazi Department of History McGill University, Montreal A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 Contents 1. Abstract/Resume 3 2. Note on Transliteration and Spelling of Names 6 3. Acknowledgments 7 4. Introduction 8 How "popular" nationalism was created 5. Chapter One 33 Peasants and intellectuals, 1830-1914 6. Chapter Two 78 The invention of the modern Balkan state: Serbia and Bulgaria, 1830-1914 7. Chapter Three 126 The Church and national indoctrination 8. Chapter Four 171 The national army 8. Chapter Five 219 Education and national indoctrination 9. Conclusions 264 10. Bibliography 273 Abstract The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. -
The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
Transformation of Stereotypical Perception of „The Image of Poles” in the Russian Empire Society During the World War I
The Person and the Challenges Volume 7 (2017) Number 2, p. 151–164 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.2188 Olga Bilobrovets Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University, Ukraine Transformation of stereotypical perception of „the image of Poles” in the Russian Empire society during the World War I Abstract The cohabitation of different nations in the border of one state creates certain ethnic, social, mental collective nation’s image which changes very slowly. These processes are enhanced during the global historical processes with significant devastating effects which lead to an alteration in public consciousness. During World War І, under the influence of the external crisis circumstances, the necessity to take into account the strategic interests and fundamental values of the nations involved in the war, led to a change in perception of the image of the Pole. The image of a Pole as a disloyal person to Russian statehood had changed into the image of a true confederate in the mutual striving with the enemy. Perception of the Poles as partners in state‑building and international cohabitation became possible only due to global geopolitical changes, the policy of powerful nations, including the Polish territory and the ability of Polish political powers to consolidate their efforts around the idea of statehood restoration. Keywords Russian Empire, the image of the Pole, loyalty, World War І. The Person and the Challenges 152 Volume 7 (2017) Number 2, p. 151–164 1. Introduction The cohabitation of different nations in the border of one state always has its own features caused, among other things, by their status, historical circumstances and conditions of development. -
Eugene Miakinkov
Russian Military Culture during the Reigns of Catherine II and Paul I, 1762-1801 by Eugene Miakinkov A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History and Classics University of Alberta ©Eugene Miakinkov, 2015 Abstract This study explores the shape and development of military culture during the reign of Catherine II. Next to the institutions of the autocracy and the Orthodox Church, the military occupied the most important position in imperial Russia, especially in the eighteenth century. Rather than analyzing the military as an institution or a fighting force, this dissertation uses the tools of cultural history to explore its attitudes, values, aspirations, tensions, and beliefs. Patronage and education served to introduce a generation of young nobles to the world of the military culture, and expose it to its values of respect, hierarchy, subordination, but also the importance of professional knowledge. Merit is a crucial component in any military, and Catherine’s military culture had to resolve the tensions between the idea of meritocracy and seniority. All of the above ideas and dilemmas were expressed in a number of military texts that began to appear during Catherine’s reign. It was during that time that the military culture acquired the cultural, political, and intellectual space to develop – a space I label the “military public sphere”. This development was most clearly evident in the publication, by Russian authors, of a range of military literature for the first time in this era. The military culture was also reflected in the symbolic means used by the senior commanders to convey and reinforce its values in the army. -
© in This Web Service Cambridge University
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-63941-6 - The Cambridge History of Russia: Volume II: Imperial Russia, 1689–1917 Edited by Dominic Lieven Index More information Index Abaza, A. A., member of State Council 471 Aksakov, Konstantin Sergeevich, Slavophile Abdul Hamid II, Ottoman ruler 20 writer 127 Ablesimov, Aleksandr, playwright 86 Fundamental Principles of Russian abortion 324 History 127 About This and That (journal) 86 Aksel’rod, Pavel, Menshevik 627 Abramtsevo estate, artists’ colony 105 Alash Orda (Loyalty) party, Kazakh 221 Adams, John Quincy 519 Alaska Adrianople, Treaty of (1829) 559 Russian settlements in 36 adultery 309, 336, 339 sold to USA (1867) 564 advertising 320, 324 alcoholism 185, 422, 422n.77 Aerenthal, Count Alois von, Austrian foreign Alekseev, Admiral E. I., Viceroy 586 minister 570 Alekseev, A. V.,army commander-in-chief Afanasev, Aleksandr, anthology of (1917) 664 folk-tales 98 Aleksei see Alexis al-Afgani, Jamal al-Din, Muslim reformer Alexander I, Tsar (1801–25) 219 conception of Russian destiny 149 Afghanistan 563, 566, 569 and conspiracy theories 153 Africa, ‘Scramble’ for 576 court agricultural reforms favourites 152, 438 Stolypin’s 181, 389, 417, 464, 613 liberal advisers 149, 526 and vision of social justice 24 and economy 399–400 agriculture 232, 379, 410 and Europe 149, 520 1870s depression 241 ‘Holy Alliance’ 556 arable 375 foreign policy 519–28, 554, 556–8 and environment 373, 390 and Britain 523, 524, 525 expansion southwards 493 and France 520, 523 extensive cultivation 374, 375, 387 and Jews 190