Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
Syllabus, 21H.466 Imperial and Revolutionary Russia, Fall 2010
History 21H.466 Imperial and Revolutionary Russia, 1700-1917 Fall 2010 Elizabeth A. Wood TR 1-2:30 p.m. At the beginning of the eighteenth century Russia began to come into its own as a major European power. Members of the Russian intellectual classes increasingly compared themselves and their autocratic order to states and societies in the West. This comparison generated both a new sense of national consciousness and intense criticism of the existing order in Russia. In this course we will examine different perspectives on Russian history and literature in order to try to understand the Russian Empire as it changed from the medieval period to the modern. Students are asked to write weekly short papers of approximately 1-2 pages responding to the readings (8 in all). In addition you will write one 8-10 page research paper, due November 2. Each student will lead one class with questions prepared in advance for everyone to consider. At the end of the course there will be a final examination. Participation in the course will be evaluated as follows: 1) class participation and response papers (25%); 2) one 8-10 page research paper (50%); 3) final examination (25%). Attendance each class is mandatory. Books for the Course James Cracraft, ed., Major Problems in the History of Imperial Russia (D.C. Heath, 1994) George Gibian, ed., The Portable Nineteenth-Century Russian Reader (Viking Penguin, 1993) Leo Tolstoy, Hadji Murad (Orchises Press, 1996) * indicates readings available on the class website Week 1. R 9/9 -- Introduction to the Course map work and film, “Alexander Nevsky”: discussion of the myths of Russian history Week 2. -
American‑Russian Relations in the Times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865)
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVIII Hanna Marczewska‑Zagdańska Historical Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences American‑Russian relations in the times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865) Outline: The 1860s were marked by an exceptional affection and friendship in the bilateral relations between the United States, a young American republic, and the long‑established tsarist Russia. This phenomenon, which had never occurred with such intensity before or since, inspired Russian and American researchers and politicians to organize The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator exhibition which was displayed, inter alia, in Moscow in 2011. The following article analyses (on the basis of numerous source materials from the period) the reasons of this mutual amity and trust, as well as their military and eco‑ nomic cooperation—both internal (the Civil War in the U.S., the January Uprising in the Russian Empire), and external (the rivalry with Great Britain and France, and political calculations in the search for suitable alliances)—in the period of world power rivalry for global spheres of influence. Keywords: President Lincoln, Tsar Aleksander II, US Civil War, Russian Empire, Polish Insurrection of 1863, Russian Fleet, United States – Foreign Relations – Russia, Russia – Foreign Relations – United States, 19th Century Diplomatic History. On February 22, 2011, the seat of the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow saw the unveiling of an exhibition under the surprising and intriguing title “The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator”. Conceived on the initiative of the American‑Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation and already displayed in the United States in 2008‑2009, the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors and enthusiasts. -
12. the Tsar and Empire: Representation of the Monarchy and Symbolic Integration in Imperial Russia $
12. The Tsar and Empire: Representation of the Monarchy and Symbolic Integration in Imperial Russia $ ymbolic representation played a central role in defi ning the concept of S monarchical sovereignty in Russia. In the absence of native traditions of supreme power, Russian tsars invoked and emulated foreign images of rule to elevate themselves and the state elite above the subject population. Th e source of sacrality was distant from Russia, whether it was located beyond the sea whence the original Viking princes came, according to the tale of the invitations of the Varangians, or fi xed in an image of Byzantium, France, or Germany.1 Th e centrality of conquest in the representations of Russian rulers contrasts with the mythical history of the Hapsburg emperors, which legitimized the expansion of imperial dominion through marriage.2 From the fi fteenth century, when Ivan III refused the title of king from the Holy Roman Emperor with the declaration that he “had never wanted to be made king by anyone,” Russian monarchs affi rmed and reaffi rmed the imperial character of their rule, evoking the images of Byzantine and later Roman and European imperial dominion. Beginning with Ivan IV’s conquests of Kazan and Astrakhan, they 1 On the symbolic force of foreignness see Ju. M. Lotman and B. A. Uspenskii, “Th e Role of Dual Models in the Dynamics of Russian Culture (Up to the End of the Eighteenth Century),” in Ju. M. Lotman and B. A. Uspenskii, Th e Semiotics of Russian Culture, ed. Ann Shukman (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Contributions, 1984), 3-35. -
A Short History of Russia (To About 1970)
A Short History of Russia (to about 1970) Foreword. ...............................................................................3 Chapter 1. Early History of the Slavs, 2,000 BC - AD 800. ..........4 Chapter 2. The Vikings in Russia.............................................6 Chapter 3. The Adoption of Greek Christianity: The Era of Kievan Civilisation. ..........................................................7 Chapter 4. The Tatars: The Golden Horde: The Rise of Moscow: Ivan the Great. .....................................................9 Chapter 5. The Cossacks: The Ukraine: Siberia. ...................... 11 Chapter 6. The 16th and 17th Centuries: Ivan the Terrible: The Romanoffs: Wars with Poland. .............................. 13 Chapter 7. Westernisation: Peter the Great: Elizabeth.............. 15 Chapter 8. Catherine the Great............................................. 17 Chapter 9. Foreign Affairs in the 18th Century: The Partition of Poland. .............................................................. 18 Chapter 10. The Napoleonic Wars. .......................................... 20 Chapter 11. The First Part of the 19th Century: Serfdom and Autocracy: Turkey and Britain: The Crimean War: The Polish Rebellion................................................... 22 Chapter 12. The Reforms of Alexander II: Political Movements: Marxism. ........................................................... 25 Chapter 13. Asia and the Far East (the 19th Century) ................ 28 Chapter 14. Pan-Slavism....................................................... -
History of Russia to 1855 Monday / Wednesday / Friday 3:30-4:30 Old Main 002 Instructor: Dr
HIST 294-04 Fall 2015 History of Russia to 1855 Monday / Wednesday / Friday 3:30-4:30 Old Main 002 Instructor: Dr. Julia Fein E-mail: j [email protected] Office: Old Main 300, x6665 Office hours: Open drop-in on Thursdays, 1-3, and by appointment COURSE DESCRIPTION Dear historians, Welcome to the first millennium of Russian history! We have a lively semester in front of us, full of famous, infamous, and utterly unknown people: from Ivan the Terrible, to Catherine the Great, to the serfs of Petrovskoe estate in the 19th century. Most of our readings will be primary documents from medieval, early modern, and 19th-century Russian history, supplemented with scholarly articles and book sections to provoke discussion about the diversity of possible narratives to be told about Russian history—or any history. We will also examine accounts of archaeological digs, historical maps, visual portrayals of Russia’s non-Slavic populations, coins from the 16th and 17th centuries, and lots of painting and music. As you can tell from our Moodle site, we will be encountering a lot of Russian art that was made after the period with which this course concludes. Isn’t this anachronistic? One of our course objectives deals with constructions of Russian history within R ussian history. We will discuss this issue most explicitly when reading Vasily Kliuchevsky on Peter the Great’s early life, and the first 1 HIST 294-04 Fall 2015 part of Nikolai Karamzin’s M emoir , but looking at 19th- and 20th-century artistic portrayals of medieval and early modern Russian history throughout also allows us to conclude the course with the question: why are painters and composers between 1856 and 1917 so intensely interested in particular moments of Russia’s past? What are the meanings of medieval and early modern Russian history to Russians in the 19th and 20th centuries? The second part of this course sequence—Revolutionary Russia and the Soviet Union—picks up this thread in spring semester. -
Siberia╎s First Nations
TITLE: SIBERIA'S FIRST NATIONS AUTHOR: GAIL A. FONDAHL, University of Northern British Columbia THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH TITLE VIII PROGRAM 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION:1 CONTRACTOR: Dartmouth College PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Gail A. Fondahl COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER: 808-28 DATE: March 29, 1995 COPYRIGHT INFORMATION Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded by Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within the Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials for their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, or make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U.S. Government without the written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom of Information Act 5 U.S.C. 552, or other applicable law. 1 The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research, made available by the U. S. Department of State under Title VIII (the Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended). The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author(s). CONTENTS Executive Summary i Siberia's First Nations 1 The Peoples of the -
Scandinavian Influence in Kievan Rus
Katie Lane HST 499 Spring 2005 VIKINGS IN THE EAST: SCANDINAVIAN INFLUENCE IN KIEVAN RUS The Vikings, referred to as Varangians in Eastern Europe, were known throughout Europe as traders and raiders, and perhaps the creators or instigators of the first organized Russian state: Kievan Rus. It is the intention of this paper to explore the evidence of the Viking or Varangian presence in Kievan Rus, more specifically the areas that are now the Ukraine and Western Russia. There is not an argument over whether the Vikings were present in the region, but rather over the effect their presence had on the native Slavic people and their government. This paper will explore and explain the research of several scholars, who generally ascribe to one of the rival Norman and Anti- Norman Theories, as well as looking at the evidence that appears in the Russian Primary Chronicle, some of the laws in place in the eleventh century, and two of the Icelandic Sagas that take place in modern Russia. The state of Kievan Rus was the dominant political entity in the modern country the Ukraine and western Russia beginning in the tenth century and lasting until Ivan IV's death in 1584.1 The region "extended from Novgorod on the Volkhov River southward across the divide where the Volga, the West Dvina, and the Dnieper Rivers all had their origins, and down the Dnieper just past Kiev."2 It was during this period that the Slavs of the region converted to Christianity, under the ruler Vladimir in 988 C.E.3 The princes that ruled Kievan Rus collected tribute from the Slavic people in the form of local products, which were then traded in the foreign markets, as Janet Martin explains: "The Lane/ 2 fur, wax, and honey that the princes collected from the Slav tribes had limited domestic use. -
Teaching of History of 19Th Century Russia in the Visegrád Group Countries
European Journal of Contemporary Education, 2017, 6(2) Copyright © 2017 by Academic Publishing House Researcher s.r.o. All rights reserved. Published in the Slovak Republic European Journal of Contemporary Education ISSN 2304-9650 E-ISSN 2305-6746 2017, 6(2): 341-351 DOI: 10.13187/ejced.2017.2.341 www.ejournal1.com WARNING! Article copyright. Copying, reproduction, distribution, republication (in whole or in part), or otherwise commercial use of the violation of the author(s) rights will be pursued on the basis of Russian and international legislation. Using the hyperlinks to the article is not considered a violation of copyright. The History of Education Teaching of History of 19th century Russia in the Visegrád Group Countries Miroslav Kmeť a , a Matej Bel University, Slovakia Abstract The study focuses on the content and extent of teaching of Russian history, or history of Russian culture and civilization, in the teaching of history in the states of the Visegrád Group (i.e. in Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia). In each of these states, the subject of history (sometimes in different names) has a different status, time subsidy, and content in the framework programs. The study therefore examines the extent to which content and performance standards – concerning the history of Russia in the 19th century – are set out in state educational programs (plans) and their presentation in selected secondary school textbooks. The author comes to the conclusion that the history textbooks in the states of Visegrád Group reflect the basic facts of Russian history of the 19th century, but it is evident that since the 1990s, more and more facts from general history have gradually disappeared in favour of national history. -
Bismarck After Fifty Years
BISMARCK AFTER FIFTY YEARS By ERICH EYCK Price One Shilling G8 HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 1948 GENERAL SERIES: G 8 BISMARCK AFTER FIFTY YEARS BY ERICH EYGK Price One Shilling Members may obtain extra copies at Id, each (post free) from the Hon. Secretary of the Association, 21, Bedford Square, London, W.C.I PUBLISHED FOR THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION BY GEORGE PHILIP & SON, LTD., LONDON, E.C.4. 1948 THIS notable essay by Dr. Erich Eyck, the most distinguished Bismarckian scholar of our day, was written on the invitation of BISMARCK the Historical Association to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of Bismarck's death. Dr. Eyck, a German Liberal of the school AFTER FIFTY YEARS of Ludwig Bamberger, found his way to England in the early years of the Nazi government, and his massive three-volume Life of Bismarck, published in Switzerland between 1941 and 1944, ' THAT world history has to be re-written from time to time, was written mainly in this country. It will no doubt remain the about that there remains no doubt in our day. This necessity standard biography of Bismarck for many years to come, but, as exists, not because much about what has passed has been dis- publishing difficulties make the early appearance of an English covered since, but because new points of view arise, because the translation unlikely, this short reassessment of Bismarck's career contemporary of an advanced age is led into a position from which and summary of Dr. Eyck's conclusions is particularly welcome. the past can be surveyed and assessed anew.' Thus wrote Goethe one and a half centuries ago. -
Russia's Great Power Identity on Its Bumpy Journey Through Time
CEEISA-ISA Joint International Conference Anatoly Reshetnikov 23-25 June 2016, Ljubljana Central European University _____________________________________________________________________________________ Russia’s great power identity on its bumpy journey through time. Introduction Recently, Russia has been talking a lot about being a great power.1 In fact, it has even insisted that such a state like Russia had to either be a great power, or not be at all.2 In the western discourse, the term ‘great power’ immediately evokes unambiguous connotations. Namely, it is believed to be related to some privileged status in the international system. This status is associated either with a claim to be one of a few real policy-makers (as neorealists have argued),3 or with a claim for some rights and responsibilities in relation to the management of international order (as has been suggested by the English School of IR).4 Hence, it is those specifically IR-related associations that Russian great power rhetoric elicited in the west. Most observers perceived it as a question of foreign policy. Yet, if one looks carefully enough, it becomes obvious that Russia’s great power discourse does not operate the way the western observers expect it operate. On the one hand, when Russia talks about being a great power, it often places itself in a strong opposition to the rest of the great power club and shows its clear dissatisfaction with the existing international order.5 As a result, it is perceived by the west as an unpredictable trouble-maker rather than a great power in the English School’s terms.