Syllabus, 21H.466 Imperial and Revolutionary Russia, Fall 2010
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An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006 Dr. Johannes Remy Winter 2014 Office: 3314 River Building e-mail: [email protected] Office Hours: Wednesday 3:00-4:00p.m. Phone: To be announced This course will analyze fundamental political, social, and cultural changes across the lands of the Russian Empire and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This seminar course will focus on major topics in the history and historiography of the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. Themes to be explored include political culture, empire and nationality questions, socialism, revolution, terror, class and gender. In the Napoleonic wars, Russia gained greater international prestige and influence than it had ever before. However, it was evident for many educated Russians that their country was “backward” compared to the Western Europe in its social and political system and economic performance. Russia retained serfdom longer than any other European country, until 1861, and the citizens gained representative bodies with legislative prerogatives only in 1905-1906, after all the other European countries except the Ottoman Empire. Many educated people lost their trust in the government and adopted radical, leftist and revolutionary ideologies. Even after the abolition of serfdom, the relations between peasants and noble landowners contained elements of antagonism. Industrialization began in the 1880s and brought additional problems, since radical intelligentsia managed to establish connections with discontented workers. In the course of the nineteenth century, the traditional policy of co-operation with local elites of ethnic minorities was challenged by both Russian and minority nationalisms. -
American‑Russian Relations in the Times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865)
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVIII Hanna Marczewska‑Zagdańska Historical Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences American‑Russian relations in the times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865) Outline: The 1860s were marked by an exceptional affection and friendship in the bilateral relations between the United States, a young American republic, and the long‑established tsarist Russia. This phenomenon, which had never occurred with such intensity before or since, inspired Russian and American researchers and politicians to organize The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator exhibition which was displayed, inter alia, in Moscow in 2011. The following article analyses (on the basis of numerous source materials from the period) the reasons of this mutual amity and trust, as well as their military and eco‑ nomic cooperation—both internal (the Civil War in the U.S., the January Uprising in the Russian Empire), and external (the rivalry with Great Britain and France, and political calculations in the search for suitable alliances)—in the period of world power rivalry for global spheres of influence. Keywords: President Lincoln, Tsar Aleksander II, US Civil War, Russian Empire, Polish Insurrection of 1863, Russian Fleet, United States – Foreign Relations – Russia, Russia – Foreign Relations – United States, 19th Century Diplomatic History. On February 22, 2011, the seat of the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow saw the unveiling of an exhibition under the surprising and intriguing title “The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator”. Conceived on the initiative of the American‑Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation and already displayed in the United States in 2008‑2009, the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors and enthusiasts. -
Bismarck After Fifty Years
BISMARCK AFTER FIFTY YEARS By ERICH EYCK Price One Shilling G8 HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 1948 GENERAL SERIES: G 8 BISMARCK AFTER FIFTY YEARS BY ERICH EYGK Price One Shilling Members may obtain extra copies at Id, each (post free) from the Hon. Secretary of the Association, 21, Bedford Square, London, W.C.I PUBLISHED FOR THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION BY GEORGE PHILIP & SON, LTD., LONDON, E.C.4. 1948 THIS notable essay by Dr. Erich Eyck, the most distinguished Bismarckian scholar of our day, was written on the invitation of BISMARCK the Historical Association to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of Bismarck's death. Dr. Eyck, a German Liberal of the school AFTER FIFTY YEARS of Ludwig Bamberger, found his way to England in the early years of the Nazi government, and his massive three-volume Life of Bismarck, published in Switzerland between 1941 and 1944, ' THAT world history has to be re-written from time to time, was written mainly in this country. It will no doubt remain the about that there remains no doubt in our day. This necessity standard biography of Bismarck for many years to come, but, as exists, not because much about what has passed has been dis- publishing difficulties make the early appearance of an English covered since, but because new points of view arise, because the translation unlikely, this short reassessment of Bismarck's career contemporary of an advanced age is led into a position from which and summary of Dr. Eyck's conclusions is particularly welcome. the past can be surveyed and assessed anew.' Thus wrote Goethe one and a half centuries ago. -
Russia's Great Power Identity on Its Bumpy Journey Through Time
CEEISA-ISA Joint International Conference Anatoly Reshetnikov 23-25 June 2016, Ljubljana Central European University _____________________________________________________________________________________ Russia’s great power identity on its bumpy journey through time. Introduction Recently, Russia has been talking a lot about being a great power.1 In fact, it has even insisted that such a state like Russia had to either be a great power, or not be at all.2 In the western discourse, the term ‘great power’ immediately evokes unambiguous connotations. Namely, it is believed to be related to some privileged status in the international system. This status is associated either with a claim to be one of a few real policy-makers (as neorealists have argued),3 or with a claim for some rights and responsibilities in relation to the management of international order (as has been suggested by the English School of IR).4 Hence, it is those specifically IR-related associations that Russian great power rhetoric elicited in the west. Most observers perceived it as a question of foreign policy. Yet, if one looks carefully enough, it becomes obvious that Russia’s great power discourse does not operate the way the western observers expect it operate. On the one hand, when Russia talks about being a great power, it often places itself in a strong opposition to the rest of the great power club and shows its clear dissatisfaction with the existing international order.5 As a result, it is perceived by the west as an unpredictable trouble-maker rather than a great power in the English School’s terms. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 10:26:07AM Via Free Access the Lower Danube and Romanian Nation-Making 229 of Europe’
Chapter 8 The Lower Danube and Romanian Nation-Making We accept the strictest regulations designed to ensure freedom for all flags, we accept the most rigorous control for the application of these regulations, but we want to see that in Romanian waters these regulations are applied by Romanian authorities. King CHARLES I of Romania, 1881 ∵ 1 An Invitation to Transnational Expert Cooperation On 17 September 1883, Friedrich Martens, an Estonian-born diplomat and law professor, better known as the editor of a large collection of Russian diplo- matic documents and as an active supporter of international arbitration and conciliation, sent a letter to Alphonse Rivier, the Swiss scholar who at the time served as secretary general of the Institute of International Law (IIL). The or- ganisation had been founded a decade earlier in Ghent (Belgium) by several dozen legal scholars who aimed ‘to contribute to the progress of international law and become the legal conscience of the civilised world’.1 Martens’ missive, published in the Institute’s journal, Revue de droit international et de législation comparée, was an appeal for the IIL to get involved, according to its status, in settling the juridical principles ‘upon which the international regulation of navigable rivers accessible to all nations should be based’. Such a normative work would render ‘a great service both to the practice and to the science of international law’, given the ‘exceptional importance’ that the navigation of international rivers enjoyed at the time.2 Martens bolstered his intellectual endeavour with references to the devia- tions from the legal principles proclaimed in 1815 as part of the ‘public law 1 Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law 1870–1960 (Cambridge 2001), 41. -
Report West Point Undergraduate Historical Review
Report West Point Undergraduate Historical Review Spring 2020 Volume 10 Report West Point Undergraduate Historical Review Volume 10 Issue 1 Spring 2020 Report, 2 Report West Point Undergraduate Historical Review Volume 10, Issue 1 Spring 2020 Editors Daniel Berardino (2020) Editor-in-Chief Military History Gregory Brookover (2020) Supervising Editor Military History Andrew Carter (2020) Supervising Editor Military History Nicholas Lunsford (2020) Copy Editor Computer Science Collin Keogh (2021) American History Brandi Braggs (2021) American History Seth Bolden (2022) International History Holland Pratt (2022) Military History Report, 3 Copyright and photocopying © 2020 Department of History United States Military Academy West Point, New York 10996 Acknowledgments The Editorial Board would like to thank the faculty of the History Department for their submission recommendations, all the students who submitted papers, and Captain Louisa Koebrich for her advice and guidance on historical scholarship. Without their help, Report would not have been possible. About The Review Report is a non-profit publication produced by undergraduate cadets at the United States Military Academy. It accepts and encourages submissions from undergraduates in the fall and spring. Reproduction in whole or in part without written permission is prohibited. On The Internet https://digitalcommons.usmalibrary.org/report/ Disclaimer The contents of Report, including words, images, and opinions, are unofficial and are not to be considered as the official views of the United States Military Academy, the United States Army, or the Department of Defense. Readers accept and agree to this disclaimer in the use of any information obtained from Report. Report, 4 Letter from The Editor Dear Reader, It is my distinct honor to present the 2020 edition of Report, the West Point undergraduate history review. -
FROM Fostering Interdependence to Managing
Kristi Raik & András Rácz (eds.) post-crimea shift in eu-russia relations: from fostering interdependence to managing vulnerabilities Title: Post-Crimea Shift in EU-Russia Relations: From Fostering Interdependence to Managing Vulnerabilities Language editing: Refiner Translations OÜ; Martin Rickerd (freelance) Layout: Kalle Toompere Project assistants: Kristi Luigelaht, Kaarel Kullamaa Keywords: EU, Russia, interdependence, security, energy Disclaimer: The views and opinions contained in this report are solely those of its authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the International Centre for Defence and Security or any other organisation. ISBN: 978-9949-7331-5-6 (PRINT) ISBN: 978-9949-7331-6-3 (PDF) ©International Centre for Defence and Security 63/4 Narva Rd. 10152 Tallinn, Estonia [email protected], www.icds.ee 3 Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... 4 List of Tables, Figures and Maps ............................................................................................ 5 List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................ 6 1. Introduction: Competing Perspectives on Interdependence – Kristi Raik ............ 8 Part I: THE EU’S AND RUSSIA’S APPROACHES TO INTERDEPENDENCE 2. From Ostpolitik to EU-Russia Interdependence: Germany’s Perspective – Stefan Meister ...................................................................... -
Russkiy Mir Foundation and Rossotrudnichestvo—Are Based in Russia but Can Have Numerous Branches in the EU
The Bear in Sheep`s Clothing This paper sheds light on organisations operating in Europe that are funded by the Russian government, whether officially or unofficially. These include government-organised non-governmental organisations (GONGOs), non- The Bear in governmental organisations (NGOs) and think tanks. Their goal is to shift European public opinion towards a positive view of Russian politics and policies, and towards respect for its great power ambitions. In light of Russia’s annexation Sheep’s Clothing of Crimea and Russian aggression in Eastern Ukraine, the overt or covert support for these organisations must become a matter of concern to the EU. Russia’s Government-Funded Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova Vladislava Vojtíšková, Organisations in the EU The EU’s politicians and citizens should look at the activities of the Russian GONGOs and think tanks as challenges that can help improve national and Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, EU-level decision-making mechanisms, increase transparency in policymaking Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova and deepen the involvement of citizens and civil society organisations in the democratic process. The paper recommends, among other measures, fostering the EU’s own narrative, which is based on human rights, freedom and equality; supporting pro-democratic civil society so that Europeans become more resistant to Russian propaganda; and increasing transparency requirements for NGOs and lobbyists by setting up a mandatory lobbying register at the EU level. The Bear in Sheep’s Clothing Russia’s Government-Funded Organisations in the EU Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova Credits Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE - 1000 The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP), dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. -
The Crimean War & Its Challenge to Russian Autocracy
Heroes, Cowards, & Traitors: The Crimean War & its Challenge to Russian Autocracy Alexis Peri Summer 2008 Alexis Peri is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures at the University of California, Berkeley. Acknowledgements I would sincerely like to thank all those who were kind enough to read this essay and provide such thoughtful feedback: Professor Irina Paperno and fellow graduate students Victoria Smolkin and Erik Scott. I would especially like to thank Professor Victoria Frede for her discerning advice as well as her overall support and enduring patience. Abstract: Russia's defeat in the Crimean War cast new doubt upon the fundamental political traditions, social structures, national myths of the Nikolaevan era. It precipitated wide-ranging reforms, including military reforms, which were predicated on a shift in mentality. This essay examines the new notions of heroism that circulated among Russia's emerging public sphere during and after the war. It analyzes the types of heroes that were celebrated as reflections of critical changes in attitude and mindset, which prefigured the liberalizing era of Alexander II. The Crimean War was a devastating event for Russia. Among its cultural casualties were the empire’s traditional models of heroism and, by extension, some of the core values and tenets of Russian autocracy. The 1856 defeat cast new doubt upon the fundamental political traditions, social structures, national myths of the Nikolaevan era. It precipitated wide-ranging reforms, including military reforms, which, I argue, were predicated on a shift in mentality.1 In this essay I examine heroism as a reflection of the changes in attitude and mindset that prefigured the liberalizing era of Alexander II. -
European Relations After Austrian Crimean War Threats
Security Studies, 21:232–265, 2012 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0963-6412 print / 1556-1852 online DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2012.679204 Long-Term Consequences of Aggressive Diplomacy: European Relations after Austrian Crimean War Threats ROBERT F. TRAGER There is a large literature on the impacts of explicit threats on the outcomes of crises between states, but the longer-term impacts of threats on dyadic state relationships and on international outcomes have been much less studied because of the difficulty of establishing causal connections between events separated in time. By comparing nearly identical foreign policy contexts before and after the Aus- trian Crimean War ultimata to Russia, this article demonstrates that, contrary to the prevailing view in much of the international relations literature, such long-term effects are not marginal ones that theoretical simplification with the goal of analyzing the central tendencies of the international system can usefully ignore. Under conditions discussed below, when a state is threatened in a way that attempts to deny one of its key policy objectives, that state will be less likely to come to the aid of the threatening state in the future and more likely to join the other side in future wars, realign its alliance commitments, and adopt strategies to drain the resources of the threatening state. Among the implications of these findings are that policymakers should take greater account of the long-term consequences of aggressive negotiating stances than current theo- ries imply and that scholars have underestimated the information conveyed by private threats in crisis bargaining. Robert F.