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A Revisionist History of Regulatory Capture WILLIAM J
This chapter will appear in: Preventing Regulatory Capture: Special Interest . Influence and How to Limit it. Edited by Daniel Carpenter and David Moss. Copyright © 2013 The Tobin Project. Reproduced with the permission of Cambridge University Press. Please note that the final chapter from the Cambridge University Press volume may differ slightly from this text. A Revisionist History of Regulatory Capture WILLIAM J. NOVAK A Revisionist History of Regulatory Capture WILLIAM J. NOVAK PROFESSOR, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN SCHOOL OF LAW The idea of regulatory capture has controlled discussions of economic regulation and regulatory reform for more than two generations. Originating soon after World War II, the so-called “capture thesis” was an early harbinger of the more general critique of the American regulatory state that dominated the closing decades of the 20th century. The political ramifications of that broad critique of government continue to be felt today both in the resilient influence of neoliberal policies like deregulation and privatization as well as in the rise of more virulent and populist forms of anti-statism. Indeed, the capture thesis has so pervaded recent assessments of regulation that it has assumed something of the status of a ground norm – a taken-for-granted term of art and an all-purpose social-scientific explanation – that itself frequently escapes critical scrutiny or serious scholarly interrogation. This essay attempts to challenge this state of affairs by taking a critical look at the emergence of regulatory capture theory from the perspective of history. After introducing a brief account of the diverse intellectual roots of the capture idea, this essay makes three interpretive moves. -
Was the Cold War Necessary? the Revisionist Challenge to Consensus History Norman M
was the cold war necessary? the revisionist challenge to consensus history norman m. wilensky Nearly ten years ago, seventy-five distinguished students of American history participated in a poll measuring the performance of thirty-one presidents from George Washington to Dwight Eisenhower. Each par ticipant in the poll helped to place the presidents into five general categories: "Great/' "Near Great," "Average," "Below Average," and "Failure." One of the surprise rankings was the "Near Great" mark accorded to Harry Truman, ninth on the list. Only the five "Great" presidents—Lincoln, Washington, Franklin Roosevelt, Wilson and Jeffer son—and three "Near Great" executives—Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt and Polk—preceded Truman. John Adams and Grover Cleveland, who immediately followed Truman, completed the "Near Great" group. What qualities and achievements elevated Truman above many other presidents? He was, according to these historians, a strong executive who acted masterfully and farsightedly in foreign affairs. Summarizing the poll for his fellow historians, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. noted that Tru man "discharged impressively the awesome obligations devolving on the United States as the leader of the free world in the cold war with Soviet Imperialism." The Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the Berlin airlift, the Point Four program and the intervention in Korea "all con stituted landmarks in an assumption of global responsibilities undreamed of only a few years before." Yet, less than a decade after the poll, this estimate is being dramatically challenged by historians of the cold war.1 A recent book sharply critical of cold war policies as well as Truman's role is Rexford G. -
An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
Cushman Kellogg Davis
PROCEEDINGS IN MEMORY OF CUSHMAN KELLOGG DAVIS IN THE MINNESOTA SUPREME COURT AND THE MINNESOTA LEGISLATUE 1901 Foreword By Douglas A. Hedin Editor, MLHP On November 27, 1900, Senator Cushman Kellogg Davis died in St. Paul at age sixty-two. He was governor of the state from 1875 to 1877. He was elected U. S. Senator by the state legislature in 1887 and re-elected in 1893 and 1899. Memorial services were held at a joint session of the Minnesota House of Representatives and Senate on February 18, 1901, and before the Minnesota Supreme Court on April 2, 1901. They follow. They have been reformatted. Several long paragraphs have been divided for ease of reading. The photograph of Davis on the first page is from Autobiographies and Portraits of the President, Cabinet, Supreme Court and Fifty-fifth Congress (1898), and that on page 17 is from Frank Holmes, et al., 4 Minnesota in Three Centuries (1908). 2 MINNESOTA SUPREME COURT 81 Minnesota Reports xxiii - xxxv (1901) PROCEEDINGS lN MEMORY OF SENATOR CUSHMAN K. DAVIS. __________ On the afternoon of April 2, 1901, in the supreme court room at the state capitol, Hon. Hiram F. Stevens, president of the Minnesota State Bar Association, addressed the supreme court, then in session, as follows: "May it please the Court: “Since the beginning of the last term of this court, in the death of Cushman K. Davis the bar of the state of Minnesota has lost one of its brightest ornaments, the State its foremost citizen and the Republic a statesman of unsullied character and great influence. -
A New Historiography of the Origins of the Cold War
SOSHUM Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora [Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities] Volume 9, Number 2, 2019 p-ISSN. 2088-2262 e-ISSN. 2580-5622 ojs.pnb.ac.id/index.php/SOSHUM/ A New Historiography of the Origins of the Cold War Adewunmi J. Falode 1 and Moses J. Yakubu 2 1 Department of History & International Studies, Lagos State University, Nigeria 2 Department of History & International Studies, University of Benin, Edo, Nigeria Lasu, Ojo Campus Ojo Local Government, 102101, Lagos, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Article Info ABSTRACT ________________ ___________________________________________________________________ History Articles The Cold War that occurred between 1945 and 1991 was both an Received: international political and historical event. As an international political event, Jan 2019 the Cold War laid bare the fissures, animosities, mistrusts, misconceptions Accepted: June 2019 and the high-stakes brinksmanship that has been part of the international Published: political system since the birth of the modern nation-state in 1648. As a July 2019 historical event, the Cold War and its end marked an important epoch in ________________ human social, economic and political development. The beginning of the Keywords: Cold War marked the introduction of a new form of social and political Cold War, Historiography, experiment in human relations with the international arena as its laboratory. Structuralist School, Its end signalled the end of a potent social and political force that is still Revisionist School, st Orthodox School shaping the course of the political relations among states in the 21 century. ____________________ The historiography of the Cold War has been shrouded in controversy. -
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006 Dr. Johannes Remy Winter 2014 Office: 3314 River Building e-mail: [email protected] Office Hours: Wednesday 3:00-4:00p.m. Phone: To be announced This course will analyze fundamental political, social, and cultural changes across the lands of the Russian Empire and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This seminar course will focus on major topics in the history and historiography of the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. Themes to be explored include political culture, empire and nationality questions, socialism, revolution, terror, class and gender. In the Napoleonic wars, Russia gained greater international prestige and influence than it had ever before. However, it was evident for many educated Russians that their country was “backward” compared to the Western Europe in its social and political system and economic performance. Russia retained serfdom longer than any other European country, until 1861, and the citizens gained representative bodies with legislative prerogatives only in 1905-1906, after all the other European countries except the Ottoman Empire. Many educated people lost their trust in the government and adopted radical, leftist and revolutionary ideologies. Even after the abolition of serfdom, the relations between peasants and noble landowners contained elements of antagonism. Industrialization began in the 1880s and brought additional problems, since radical intelligentsia managed to establish connections with discontented workers. In the course of the nineteenth century, the traditional policy of co-operation with local elites of ethnic minorities was challenged by both Russian and minority nationalisms. -
Syllabus, 21H.466 Imperial and Revolutionary Russia, Fall 2010
History 21H.466 Imperial and Revolutionary Russia, 1700-1917 Fall 2010 Elizabeth A. Wood TR 1-2:30 p.m. At the beginning of the eighteenth century Russia began to come into its own as a major European power. Members of the Russian intellectual classes increasingly compared themselves and their autocratic order to states and societies in the West. This comparison generated both a new sense of national consciousness and intense criticism of the existing order in Russia. In this course we will examine different perspectives on Russian history and literature in order to try to understand the Russian Empire as it changed from the medieval period to the modern. Students are asked to write weekly short papers of approximately 1-2 pages responding to the readings (8 in all). In addition you will write one 8-10 page research paper, due November 2. Each student will lead one class with questions prepared in advance for everyone to consider. At the end of the course there will be a final examination. Participation in the course will be evaluated as follows: 1) class participation and response papers (25%); 2) one 8-10 page research paper (50%); 3) final examination (25%). Attendance each class is mandatory. Books for the Course James Cracraft, ed., Major Problems in the History of Imperial Russia (D.C. Heath, 1994) George Gibian, ed., The Portable Nineteenth-Century Russian Reader (Viking Penguin, 1993) Leo Tolstoy, Hadji Murad (Orchises Press, 1996) * indicates readings available on the class website Week 1. R 9/9 -- Introduction to the Course map work and film, “Alexander Nevsky”: discussion of the myths of Russian history Week 2. -
American‑Russian Relations in the Times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865)
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVIII Hanna Marczewska‑Zagdańska Historical Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences American‑Russian relations in the times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865) Outline: The 1860s were marked by an exceptional affection and friendship in the bilateral relations between the United States, a young American republic, and the long‑established tsarist Russia. This phenomenon, which had never occurred with such intensity before or since, inspired Russian and American researchers and politicians to organize The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator exhibition which was displayed, inter alia, in Moscow in 2011. The following article analyses (on the basis of numerous source materials from the period) the reasons of this mutual amity and trust, as well as their military and eco‑ nomic cooperation—both internal (the Civil War in the U.S., the January Uprising in the Russian Empire), and external (the rivalry with Great Britain and France, and political calculations in the search for suitable alliances)—in the period of world power rivalry for global spheres of influence. Keywords: President Lincoln, Tsar Aleksander II, US Civil War, Russian Empire, Polish Insurrection of 1863, Russian Fleet, United States – Foreign Relations – Russia, Russia – Foreign Relations – United States, 19th Century Diplomatic History. On February 22, 2011, the seat of the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow saw the unveiling of an exhibition under the surprising and intriguing title “The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator”. Conceived on the initiative of the American‑Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation and already displayed in the United States in 2008‑2009, the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors and enthusiasts. -
Spanish American War 8/6/11 1:19 PM Page Iii
DM - Spanish American War 8/6/11 1:19 PM Page iii Defining Moments The spanish- American War Kevin Hillstrom and Laurie Collier Hillstrom 155 W. Congress, Suite 200 Detroit, MI 48226 DM - Spanish American War 8/6/11 1:19 PM Page v Table of Contents Preface . .ix How to Use This Book . .xiii Research Topics for Defining Moments: The Spanish-American War . .xv NARRATIVE OVERVIEW Prologue . .3 Chapter One: American Expansion in the 1800s . .7 Chapter Two: Spain and Its Colonies . .23 Chapter Three: The Call to Arms: Remember the Maine! . .35 Chapter Four: A “Splendid Little War” in Cuba . .53 Chapter Five: The War in the Philippines . .71 Chapter Six: American Imperialism in the New Century . .85 Chapter Seven: Legacy of the Spanish-American War . .103 BIOGRAPHIES Emilio Aguinaldo (1869-1964) . .121 Filipino Rebel Leader and Politician George Dewey (1837-1917) . .124 American Naval Commander of U.S. forces in the Pacific during the Spanish-American War William Randolph Hearst (1863-1951) . .128 American Newspaper Publisher of the New York Journal and Leading Architect of “Yellow Journalism” v DM - Spanish American War 8/6/11 1:19 PM Page vi Defining Moments: The Spanish-American War Queen Lili’uokalani (1838-1917) . .132 Last Monarch of the Kingdom of Hawaii Antonio Maceo (1845-1896) . .136 Cuban Military Leader in the Ten Years’ War and the Spanish-American War José Martí (1853-1895) . .140 Cuban Revolutionary Leader and Writer William McKinley (1843-1901) . .143 President of the United States during the Spanish-American War Theodore Roosevelt (1858-1919) . .147 Hero of the Spanish-American War and President of the United States, 1901-1909 Valeriano Weyler (1838-1930) . -
MORE COLD W AR 50 Rather, the System Evolved As a Result Preservation of Good Relations with the of Unilateral Actions Taken by Each of the Soviet Union
FEATURE 3 AIO R E Are we facing a new Cold War? The blusterings and sabre rattlings of the Reagan Administration COLD together with its sinister activities in the Central America would indicate that we are already in one. But what about the WAR Russians? Do they also have their nuclear hawkes and their worst-case theorists? The balance of the world’s forces has substantially altered since the ig50s. The People’s election of Ronald Reagan that the West will let them have the marked the culmination of a concerted world without a fight."1 Nitze and his Republic of China, a wild campaign by those on the extreme Right colleagues believe that mos_t of the card in the world power of American politics to refreeze their world's ailments are attributable to the game, is now a major nation's relations with its principal Soviet Union: "For example, it appears adversary, the Soviet Union, and to probable that the Red Brigades in Italy, nuclear power. The non- return the world to the Cold War the assault on the Mosque in Mecca, and aligned movement has atmosphere of the nineteen forties, fifties the seizure of the American hostages in developed and expanded and sixties. And despite the monumental Iran were supported and perhaps changes which have taken place irf the instigated by agents of the Soviet bloc."2 its influence and the anti world since the Cold War was at its The fact that there is no hard evidence for war movement seems to height, the campaign has met with such allegations is irrelevant,3 for the spectacular, if temporary, success — at a hawks base their case largely on recent be riding the crest of a governmental level at least.