A New Historiography of the Origins of the Cold War
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A Revisionist History of Regulatory Capture WILLIAM J
This chapter will appear in: Preventing Regulatory Capture: Special Interest . Influence and How to Limit it. Edited by Daniel Carpenter and David Moss. Copyright © 2013 The Tobin Project. Reproduced with the permission of Cambridge University Press. Please note that the final chapter from the Cambridge University Press volume may differ slightly from this text. A Revisionist History of Regulatory Capture WILLIAM J. NOVAK A Revisionist History of Regulatory Capture WILLIAM J. NOVAK PROFESSOR, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN SCHOOL OF LAW The idea of regulatory capture has controlled discussions of economic regulation and regulatory reform for more than two generations. Originating soon after World War II, the so-called “capture thesis” was an early harbinger of the more general critique of the American regulatory state that dominated the closing decades of the 20th century. The political ramifications of that broad critique of government continue to be felt today both in the resilient influence of neoliberal policies like deregulation and privatization as well as in the rise of more virulent and populist forms of anti-statism. Indeed, the capture thesis has so pervaded recent assessments of regulation that it has assumed something of the status of a ground norm – a taken-for-granted term of art and an all-purpose social-scientific explanation – that itself frequently escapes critical scrutiny or serious scholarly interrogation. This essay attempts to challenge this state of affairs by taking a critical look at the emergence of regulatory capture theory from the perspective of history. After introducing a brief account of the diverse intellectual roots of the capture idea, this essay makes three interpretive moves. -
Was the Cold War Necessary? the Revisionist Challenge to Consensus History Norman M
was the cold war necessary? the revisionist challenge to consensus history norman m. wilensky Nearly ten years ago, seventy-five distinguished students of American history participated in a poll measuring the performance of thirty-one presidents from George Washington to Dwight Eisenhower. Each par ticipant in the poll helped to place the presidents into five general categories: "Great/' "Near Great," "Average," "Below Average," and "Failure." One of the surprise rankings was the "Near Great" mark accorded to Harry Truman, ninth on the list. Only the five "Great" presidents—Lincoln, Washington, Franklin Roosevelt, Wilson and Jeffer son—and three "Near Great" executives—Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt and Polk—preceded Truman. John Adams and Grover Cleveland, who immediately followed Truman, completed the "Near Great" group. What qualities and achievements elevated Truman above many other presidents? He was, according to these historians, a strong executive who acted masterfully and farsightedly in foreign affairs. Summarizing the poll for his fellow historians, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. noted that Tru man "discharged impressively the awesome obligations devolving on the United States as the leader of the free world in the cold war with Soviet Imperialism." The Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the Berlin airlift, the Point Four program and the intervention in Korea "all con stituted landmarks in an assumption of global responsibilities undreamed of only a few years before." Yet, less than a decade after the poll, this estimate is being dramatically challenged by historians of the cold war.1 A recent book sharply critical of cold war policies as well as Truman's role is Rexford G. -
Racing the Enemy Roundtable, Alperovitz on Hasegawa -1
H-Diplo Roundtable- Racing the Enemy Roundtable , Alperovitz on Hasegawa Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, Racing the Enemy: Stalin, Truman, and the Surrender of Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005) Roundtable Editor: Thomas Maddux , CSU Northridge Roundtable Participants: Michael D. Gordin, Gar Alperovitz, Richard Frank, Barton Bernstein, David Holloway Commentary by Gar Alperovitz, University of Maryland, College Park Tsuyoshi Hasegawa’s new book Racing the Enemy is subtitled “Stalin, Truman and the Surrender of Japan,” and the author clearly believes a central contribution to be the emphasis he gives to the concept of a “race” between Truman and Stalin as World War II in the Pacific drew to a close. Hasegawa does offer important new insights in connection with this issue, much of which will be of particular interest to specialists (especially information drawn from Soviet materials). However, by far the most important contribution of the book has to do with our understanding of a related but different matter-namely, how, precisely, Japan came to surrender, and what the critical factors were which led to the final decision. Non-specialists are not always aware of the difficulties which have faced historians concerned with this question. For almost half a century after World War II American scholars have been seriously handicapped by their lack of Japanese language skills and by the paucity of Japanese documents. Robert Butow’s 1954 book Japan’s Decision to Surrender was the primary and often only source of basic information on Japanese decision-making. In recent years this has begun to change. Herbert Bix, a researcher with language sophistication and knowledge of modern Japanese scholarship, offered his analysis in his 2000 Pulitzer Prize-winning Hirohito . -
NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
And the Dynamics of Memory in American Foreign Policy After the Vietnam War
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) ‘Whose Vietnam?’ - ‘Lessons learned’ and the dynamics of memory in American foreign policy after the Vietnam War Beukenhorst, H.B. Publication date 2012 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Beukenhorst, H. B. (2012). ‘Whose Vietnam?’ - ‘Lessons learned’ and the dynamics of memory in American foreign policy after the Vietnam War. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:25 Sep 2021 2. Haig’s Vietnam and the conflicts over El Salvador When Ronald Reagan took over the White House in 1981, he brought with him a particular memory of the Vietnam War largely based on the pivotal war experiences of his generation: World War Two and the Korean War. -
Bibliography
Bibliography [I] Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation: nry Years in the State Department (New York, 1969). An elegantly written account by Truman's last Secretary of State, who was the chief architect of containment. [2] G.M. Alexander, The Prelude to the Truman Doctrine: British Policy in Greece 1944-1947 (Oxford, 1982). The Truman Doctrine was the first overt expression ofAmerican support for Western security. This book examines the background of Britain's intervention in the Greek civil war. [3] Richard A. Asiano, American Defense Policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy: the Politics of Changing Military Requirements (Ohio, 1975). A comprehensive account ofthe vicissitudes ofAmerican defence policy from Sputnik to the presidential election of John F. Kennedy. [4] Gar Alperovitz, Atomic Diplomacy: Hiroshima and Potsdam (New York, 1965). A 'New Left' historian who believes that the atomic bomb was intended as much to blackmail the Soviet Union into making concessions as to serve as an instrument to defeat Japan. [5] Stephen E. Ambrose, Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy 193~1970 (Baltimore, 1970). A useful textbook by one of the leading historians of the Cold War. [6] Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower: the President 1952-1969, vol. II (London, 1984). An account ofEisenhower's internal and foreign policy based on his letters and papers. This is a sympathetic approach to the President's achievements. [7] Stephen E. Ambrose, Nixon: 1913-1962 (New York, 1982). The first volume of a biography of Richard M. Nixon dealing with his earlier years as US Senator and Vice-President of the USA. It tries hard to be objective and to show that Nixon was not as black as he was painted by his contemporaries. -
If You Don't Like Capitalism & You Don't Like Socialism... What Do You Want?
Gar AlperovitzALPEROVITZ AND DUBB: IF YOU DON’T LIKE CAPITALISM, AND YOU DON’T LIKE SOCIALISM, WHAT DO YOU WANT? and Steve Dubb If you don’t like capitalism & you don’t like socialism... what do you want? THE POSSIBILITY OF A PLURALIST COMMONWEALTH AND A COMMUNITY-SUSTAINING ECONOMY It is increasingly obvious that the United For the most part, serious scholars and ac- States faces systemic problems. When protestors tivists have addressed the possibility of progres- occupy Wall Street and Ben Bernacke, the Chair- sive change in capitalist systems from one of two man of the Federal Reserve, not only responds to perspectives: The “reform” tradition assumes that the protestors, but actually casts the actions of the corporate institutions remain central to the design protestors in a favorable light, it is clear these are and structure of the system and that “politics” in not ordinary times: Testifying to the Joint Economic support of various “policies” (e.g. taxation, spend- Committee of Congress, Bernanke observed that ing, incentives, regulation) will contain, modify and [OLWYV[LZ[VYZ¸ISHTL^P[OZVTLQ\Z[PÄJH[PVU[OL WYVISLTZPU[OLÄUHUJPHSZLJ[VYMVYNL[[PUN\ZPU[V This paper has been prepared by the Democracy Col- [OPZTLZZHUK[OL`»YLKPZZH[PZÄLK^P[O[OLWVSPJ` laborative at the invitation of the organizing committee response here in Washington. And at some level, I for the American Sociological Association’s 2012 annual meeting. The meeting’s theme is “Real Utopias”: can’t blame them.”1 Income and wealth disparities have become The goal is to elaborate utopian ideals that are severe and corrosive of democratic possibilities. -
Evelyn Goh, “Nixon, Kissinger, and the 'Soviet Card' in the US Opening T
H-Diplo Article Commentary: Kimball on Goh Evelyn Goh , “Nixon, Kissinger, and the ‘Soviet Card’ in the U.S. Opening to China, 1971- 1974”, Diplomatic History , Vol. 29, Issue 3 (June 2005): 475-502. Commentary by Jeffrey Kimball , Miami University of Ohio Published by H-Diplo on 28 October 2005 Evelyn Goh, a professor at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, describes how and asks why Henry Kissinger increasingly emphasized the Soviet military threat to China’s security in his negotiations with Beijing between 1971 and 1973. Drawing from the archival record and the literature on U.S. relations with the People’s Republic of China during the Nixon presidency, she traces Kissinger’s evolving policy through three phases: parallel détente with a tilt toward China (1971 to early 1972); “formal symmetry” but “tacit alliance” (mid 1972 to early 1973); and strategic shifts, attempted secret alliance, and stymied normalization (mid 1973 to 1974). Her purpose is to “understand and assess the nature and value of the Soviet card to the Nixon administration in the development of Sino- American relations” (477), because, she asserts, histories of triangular diplomacy have given more attention to Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s playing of the China card vis-à-vis the Soviet Union than of the Soviet card vis-à-vis China. Goh argues that in pursuing rapprochement Nixon and Kissinger “sought to manage . Chinese expectations” about improved Sino-American relations and dissuade Beijing from thinking that the U.S. aim was really that of playing “the China card in order to persuade the Soviet Union to negotiate détente with the United States” (479, 489). -
MORE COLD W AR 50 Rather, the System Evolved As a Result Preservation of Good Relations with the of Unilateral Actions Taken by Each of the Soviet Union
FEATURE 3 AIO R E Are we facing a new Cold War? The blusterings and sabre rattlings of the Reagan Administration COLD together with its sinister activities in the Central America would indicate that we are already in one. But what about the WAR Russians? Do they also have their nuclear hawkes and their worst-case theorists? The balance of the world’s forces has substantially altered since the ig50s. The People’s election of Ronald Reagan that the West will let them have the marked the culmination of a concerted world without a fight."1 Nitze and his Republic of China, a wild campaign by those on the extreme Right colleagues believe that mos_t of the card in the world power of American politics to refreeze their world's ailments are attributable to the game, is now a major nation's relations with its principal Soviet Union: "For example, it appears adversary, the Soviet Union, and to probable that the Red Brigades in Italy, nuclear power. The non- return the world to the Cold War the assault on the Mosque in Mecca, and aligned movement has atmosphere of the nineteen forties, fifties the seizure of the American hostages in developed and expanded and sixties. And despite the monumental Iran were supported and perhaps changes which have taken place irf the instigated by agents of the Soviet bloc."2 its influence and the anti world since the Cold War was at its The fact that there is no hard evidence for war movement seems to height, the campaign has met with such allegations is irrelevant,3 for the spectacular, if temporary, success — at a hawks base their case largely on recent be riding the crest of a governmental level at least. -
Vietnam: Anatomy of a Peace Gabriel Kolko London: Routledge, 1997
Vietnam: Anatomy of a Peace Gabriel Kolko London: Routledge, 1997 Reviewed by Kenneth J. Hammond Northwest of Ho Chi Minh City, the former Saigon, in Long Anh province lies the district of Cu Chi. Here, during Vietnam's long war against the Americans in the 1960s and early 1970s, a massive system of tunnels was constructed which allowed major forces of the Liberation Army to operate in close proximity to the nerve centre of the American military-sponsored regime. Thousands of soldiers and cadres of the National Liberation Front worked and lived in these tunnels, suffering under harsh jungle conditions, repeated incursions by American and ARVN units, and relentless bombing from unseen 8-52s. In July 1997, I visited Cu Chi and observed two very different legacies from the wartime era. The tunnel complex has been turned into a kind of theme park for tourists, mostly foreigners. The tunnels themselves have been widened to accommodate the girth of Western visitors, and lined with concrete to spare travellers the dirt and dampness of the underground world. A firing range has been set up to allow returning veterans or the merely curious to shoot off bursts of bullets, getting the 'feel' of war, and lending a surreal soundtrack to the scene. Cu Chi was the only place in Vietnam, North or South, where physical signs of the war could stilI be seen - craters from B-52 bombs dot the jungle, looking almost as if they have been preserved to maintain the ambience of battle. The tunnel site is a favourite, almost a mandatory destination for tourists, and the souvenir stands and soda stalls were packed with sweaty Caucasians. -
Theater of Rescue: Cultural Representations of U.S. Evacuation from Vietnam (「救済劇場」:合衆国によるベトナム 撤退の文化表象)
Ayako Sahara Theater of Rescue: Cultural Representations of U.S. Evacuation from Vietnam (「救済劇場」:合衆国によるベトナム 撤退の文化表象) Ayako Sahara* SUMMARY IN JAPANESE: 本論文は、イラク撤退に関して 再び注目を集めたベトナム人「救済」が合衆国の経済的・軍 事的・政治的パワーを維持する役割を果たしてきたと考察し、 ベトナム人救済にまつわる表象言説を批判的に分析する。合 衆国のベトナムからの撤退が、自国と同盟国の扱いをめぐる 「劇場」の役割をいかに果たしたのかを明らかにすることを その主眼としている。ここで「劇場」というのは、撤退が単 一の歴史的出来事であっただけではなく、その出来事を体験 し目撃した人々にとって、歴史と政治が意味をなす舞台とし て機能したことを問うためである。戦争劇場は失敗に終わっ たが、合衆国政府が撤退作戦を通じて、救済劇を立ち上げた ことの意味は大きい。それゆえ、本論文は、従来の救済言説 に立脚せず、撤退にまつわる救済がいかにして立ち上がり、 演じられ、表象されたかを「孤児輸送作戦」、難民輸送と中 央情報局職員フランク・スネップの回想録を取り上げて分析 する。 * 佐原 彩子 Lecturer, Kokushikan University, Tokyo and Dokkyo University, Saitama, Japan. 55 Theater of Rescue: Cultural Representations of U.S. Evacuation from Vietnam It wasn’t until months after the fall of Saigon, and much bloodshed, that America conducted a huge relief effort, airlifting more than 100,000 refugees to safety. Tens of thousands were processed at a military base on Guam, far away from the American mainland. President Bill Clinton used the same base to save the lives of nearly 7,000 Kurds in 1996. But if you mention the Guam Option to anyone in Washington today, you either get a blank stare of historical amnesia or hear that “9/11 changed everything.”1 Recently, with the end of the Iraq War, the memory of the evacuation of Vietnamese refugees at the conclusion of the Vietnam War has reemerged as an exceptional rescue effort. This perception resonates with previous studies that consider the admission of the refugees as “providing safe harbor for the boat people.”2 This rescue narrative has been an integral part of U.S. power, justifying its military and political actions. In response, this paper challenges the perception of the U.S. as rescuing allies. -
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 984 9 October 2020
H-Diplo ARTICLE REVIEW 984 9 October 2020 James G. Hershberg. “Soviet-Brazilian Relations and the Cuban Missile Crisis.” Journal of Cold War Studies 22:1 (Winter 2020): 175-209. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00930. https://hdiplo.org/to/AR984 Editor: Diane Labrosse | Commissioning Editor: Michael E. Neagle | Production Editor: George Fujii Review by Felipe Loureiro, University of São Paulo f there is one single event that represented the dangers and perils of the Cold War, it was the US-Soviet confrontation over the deployment of Soviet ballistic missiles in Cuba in October 1962, which is best known as the Cuban Missile Crisis. The world had never been closer to a thermonuclear war than during that tense thirteen-day standoff between U.S.I President John F. Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. For decades, the Cuban Missile Crisis was studied as a classic example of a U.S.-Soviet bilateral confrontation, with Fidel Castro’s Havana playing at most a supporting role. Over the last two decades however, scholars have globalized and decentralized the crisis, showing that countries and societies of all parts of the world were not only strongly impacted by it, but also influenced, in multiple and sometimes key ways, how the superpowers’ standoff played out.1 As the geographic theater of the story, Latin America stood out as one of the main regions where the U.S.-Soviet stalemate produced major social and political impacts. Scholars have explored how President Kennedy’s 23 October public announcement about the existence of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba sent shockwaves across the continent, prompting different reactions from state and non-state actors, including government crackdowns against local Communists and leftist groups, as well as a multilateral initiative for the establishment of a nuclear free zone in the hemisphere, which culminated years later with the signing of the Treaty of Tlatelolco in 1967.2 Latin American countries also played direct roles in the crisis itself.