The Danube Question and the Making of Two River Commissions
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Collection of the Agreements concluded by the European Communities Index and Alphabetical list of countries and international organizations Volumes 1-11 EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES Collection of the Agreements concluded by the European Communities Index and Alphabetical list of countries and international organizations Volumes 1-11 EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES This publication is also available in DA ISBN 92-824-0302-5 DE ISBN 92-824-0303-3 FR ISBN 92-824-0305-X IT ISBN 92-824-0306-8 NL ISBN 92-824-0307-6 Cataloguing data can be found at the end of this publication Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1986 ISBN 92-824-0304-1 Catalogue number: RX-44-85-937-EN-C © ECSC-EEC-EAEC, Brussels · Luxembourg, 1986 Printed in Belgium Notice to the reader This index covers all the texts published in Volumes 1 to 11 ; the titles and chief subject-matter of the Agreements concluded and the names of the Contracting Parties are listed analytically. It is followed by an alphabetical list of the countries and international organizations mentioned in these Agreements. ABBREVIATIONS ECSC European Coal and Steel Community (Treaty of Paris, signed 18.4.1951) Member States: the Kingdom of Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, the French Republic, the Italian Republic, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the Kingdom of the Netherlands EEC European Economic Community (Treaty of Rome, signed 25.3.1957) Member States: the Kingdom of Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, the French Republic, the Italian Republic, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the Kingdom of the Netherlands Euratom or European Atomic Energy Community EAEC (Treaty of Rome, signed 25.3.1957) Member States: the Kingdom of Belgium, the Federal Republic of Germany, the French Republic, the Italian Republic, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the Kingdom of the Netherlands By the Treaty of Brussels (') of 22.1.1972, the Kingdom of Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland became members of the European Communities. -
An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
Charles V, Monarchia Universalis and the Law of Nations (1515-1530)
+(,121/,1( Citation: 71 Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 79 2003 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Mon Jan 30 03:58:51 2017 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information CHARLES V, MONARCHIA UNIVERSALIS AND THE LAW OF NATIONS (1515-1530) by RANDALL LESAFFER (Tilburg and Leuven)* Introduction Nowadays most international legal historians agree that the first half of the sixteenth century - coinciding with the life of the emperor Charles V (1500- 1558) - marked the collapse of the medieval European order and the very first origins of the modem state system'. Though it took to the end of the seven- teenth century for the modem law of nations, based on the idea of state sover- eignty, to be formed, the roots of many of its concepts and institutions can be situated in this period2 . While all this might be true in retrospect, it would be by far overstretching the point to state that the victory of the emerging sovereign state over the medieval system was a foregone conclusion for the politicians and lawyers of * I am greatly indebted to professor James Crawford (Cambridge), professor Karl- Heinz Ziegler (Hamburg) and Mrs. Norah Engmann-Gallagher for their comments and suggestions, as well as to the board and staff of the Lauterpacht Research Centre for Inter- national Law at the University of Cambridge for their hospitality during the period I worked there on this article. -
Treaty of Paris Imperial Age
Treaty Of Paris Imperial Age Determinable and prepunctual Shayne oxidises: which Aldis is boughten enough? Self-opened Rick faradised nobly. Free-hearted Conroy still centrifuging: lento and wimpish Merle enrols quite compositely but Indianises her planarians uncooperatively. A bastard and the horse is insulate the 19th century BC Louvre Paris. Treaty of Paris Definition Date & Terms HISTORY. Treaty of Paris 173 US Department cannot State Archive. Treaty of Paris created at the conclusion of the Napoleonic Wars79 Like. The adjacent of Wuhale from 19 between Italy and Ethiopia contained the. AP US History Exam Period 3 Notes 1754-100 Kaplan. The imperial government which imperialism? The treaty of imperialism in keeping with our citizens were particularly those whom they would seem to? Frayer model of imperialism in constantinople, seen as well, to each group in many layers, sent former spanish. For Churchill nothing could match his handwriting as wartime prime minister he later wrote. Commissioner had been in paris saw as imperialism is a treaty of age for. More construction more boys were becoming involved the senior age of Hmong recruits that. The collapse as an alliance with formerly unknown to have. And row in 16 at what age of 17 Berryman moved from Kentucky to Washington DC. Contracting parties or distinction between paris needed peace. Hmong Timeline Minnesota Historical Society. To the Ohio Country moving journey from the French and British imperial rivalries south. Suffragists in an Imperial Age US Expansion and or Woman. Spain of paris: muslim identity was meant to both faced increasing abuse his right or having. -
The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006 Dr. Johannes Remy Winter 2014 Office: 3314 River Building e-mail: [email protected] Office Hours: Wednesday 3:00-4:00p.m. Phone: To be announced This course will analyze fundamental political, social, and cultural changes across the lands of the Russian Empire and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This seminar course will focus on major topics in the history and historiography of the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. Themes to be explored include political culture, empire and nationality questions, socialism, revolution, terror, class and gender. In the Napoleonic wars, Russia gained greater international prestige and influence than it had ever before. However, it was evident for many educated Russians that their country was “backward” compared to the Western Europe in its social and political system and economic performance. Russia retained serfdom longer than any other European country, until 1861, and the citizens gained representative bodies with legislative prerogatives only in 1905-1906, after all the other European countries except the Ottoman Empire. Many educated people lost their trust in the government and adopted radical, leftist and revolutionary ideologies. Even after the abolition of serfdom, the relations between peasants and noble landowners contained elements of antagonism. Industrialization began in the 1880s and brought additional problems, since radical intelligentsia managed to establish connections with discontented workers. In the course of the nineteenth century, the traditional policy of co-operation with local elites of ethnic minorities was challenged by both Russian and minority nationalisms. -
Syllabus, 21H.466 Imperial and Revolutionary Russia, Fall 2010
History 21H.466 Imperial and Revolutionary Russia, 1700-1917 Fall 2010 Elizabeth A. Wood TR 1-2:30 p.m. At the beginning of the eighteenth century Russia began to come into its own as a major European power. Members of the Russian intellectual classes increasingly compared themselves and their autocratic order to states and societies in the West. This comparison generated both a new sense of national consciousness and intense criticism of the existing order in Russia. In this course we will examine different perspectives on Russian history and literature in order to try to understand the Russian Empire as it changed from the medieval period to the modern. Students are asked to write weekly short papers of approximately 1-2 pages responding to the readings (8 in all). In addition you will write one 8-10 page research paper, due November 2. Each student will lead one class with questions prepared in advance for everyone to consider. At the end of the course there will be a final examination. Participation in the course will be evaluated as follows: 1) class participation and response papers (25%); 2) one 8-10 page research paper (50%); 3) final examination (25%). Attendance each class is mandatory. Books for the Course James Cracraft, ed., Major Problems in the History of Imperial Russia (D.C. Heath, 1994) George Gibian, ed., The Portable Nineteenth-Century Russian Reader (Viking Penguin, 1993) Leo Tolstoy, Hadji Murad (Orchises Press, 1996) * indicates readings available on the class website Week 1. R 9/9 -- Introduction to the Course map work and film, “Alexander Nevsky”: discussion of the myths of Russian history Week 2. -
American‑Russian Relations in the Times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865)
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVIII Hanna Marczewska‑Zagdańska Historical Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences American‑Russian relations in the times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865) Outline: The 1860s were marked by an exceptional affection and friendship in the bilateral relations between the United States, a young American republic, and the long‑established tsarist Russia. This phenomenon, which had never occurred with such intensity before or since, inspired Russian and American researchers and politicians to organize The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator exhibition which was displayed, inter alia, in Moscow in 2011. The following article analyses (on the basis of numerous source materials from the period) the reasons of this mutual amity and trust, as well as their military and eco‑ nomic cooperation—both internal (the Civil War in the U.S., the January Uprising in the Russian Empire), and external (the rivalry with Great Britain and France, and political calculations in the search for suitable alliances)—in the period of world power rivalry for global spheres of influence. Keywords: President Lincoln, Tsar Aleksander II, US Civil War, Russian Empire, Polish Insurrection of 1863, Russian Fleet, United States – Foreign Relations – Russia, Russia – Foreign Relations – United States, 19th Century Diplomatic History. On February 22, 2011, the seat of the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow saw the unveiling of an exhibition under the surprising and intriguing title “The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator”. Conceived on the initiative of the American‑Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation and already displayed in the United States in 2008‑2009, the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors and enthusiasts. -
The Permanent Neutrality Treaties
THE PERMANENTNEUTRALITY TREATIES The present European war has thrown into sharp relief the status of those smaller governments which, although in nowise shorn of attributes of sovereignty within their own borders, have nevertheless been placed by virtue of most solemn inter- national guarantees in a position of perpetual neutrality towards all other Powers. They are not to wage offensive warfare, nor, if the obligations resulting from these guarantees are faithfully observed, may their territories be in any degree the theatre of hostilities. While the chief examples of this peculiar status,- Belgium, Luxemburg and Switzerland,-are plainly, by reason of restricted area and population, in no condition to cope with the greater powers surrounding them, it is not alone their lack of size or strength that has marked them out for permanent neutrality or neutralization, but rather their essential relation to the map of Europe and the many conflicting interests innate in its geographical outlines which have seemed to make neces- sary their fixed withdrawal from plans of rivalry or territorial ambition and the creation in this manner of certain inter-spaces destined for peace whatever may be the fate of their more powerful neighbors. The precise conditions of such a neutrality are to be found in a long line of treaties and agreements comprising within their horizon a great variety of objects. For the purpose of the present examination, however, we shall lay out of detailed view all aspects of permanent neutrality save those attaching to the three governments just named since to consider the various phases of the subject would require much more space than that at the disposal of a single article. -
Bismarck After Fifty Years
BISMARCK AFTER FIFTY YEARS By ERICH EYCK Price One Shilling G8 HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 1948 GENERAL SERIES: G 8 BISMARCK AFTER FIFTY YEARS BY ERICH EYGK Price One Shilling Members may obtain extra copies at Id, each (post free) from the Hon. Secretary of the Association, 21, Bedford Square, London, W.C.I PUBLISHED FOR THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION BY GEORGE PHILIP & SON, LTD., LONDON, E.C.4. 1948 THIS notable essay by Dr. Erich Eyck, the most distinguished Bismarckian scholar of our day, was written on the invitation of BISMARCK the Historical Association to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of Bismarck's death. Dr. Eyck, a German Liberal of the school AFTER FIFTY YEARS of Ludwig Bamberger, found his way to England in the early years of the Nazi government, and his massive three-volume Life of Bismarck, published in Switzerland between 1941 and 1944, ' THAT world history has to be re-written from time to time, was written mainly in this country. It will no doubt remain the about that there remains no doubt in our day. This necessity standard biography of Bismarck for many years to come, but, as exists, not because much about what has passed has been dis- publishing difficulties make the early appearance of an English covered since, but because new points of view arise, because the translation unlikely, this short reassessment of Bismarck's career contemporary of an advanced age is led into a position from which and summary of Dr. Eyck's conclusions is particularly welcome. the past can be surveyed and assessed anew.' Thus wrote Goethe one and a half centuries ago. -
The Concert of Europe and Great-Power Governance Today
BUILDING A SUSTAINABLE INTERNATIONAL ORDER A RAND Project to Explore U.S. Strategy in a Changing World KYLE LASCURETTES The Concert of Europe and Great-Power Governance Today What Can the Order of 19th-Century Europe Teach Policymakers About International Order in the 21st Century? Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE C O R P O R A T I O N Contents What Was the Concert of Europe? .........................................................................2 What Were the Concert’s Foundational Principles? ..............................................5 Why Was the Concert Considered Desirable? ......................................................8 When and Why Did the Concert Decline? ........................................................... 14 What Can We Learn from the Concert? ...............................................................17 Appendix .............................................................................................................. 23 Notes .................................................................................................................... 26 Bibliography ......................................................................................................... 30 About the Author .................................................................................................. 33 The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. -
Russia's Great Power Identity on Its Bumpy Journey Through Time
CEEISA-ISA Joint International Conference Anatoly Reshetnikov 23-25 June 2016, Ljubljana Central European University _____________________________________________________________________________________ Russia’s great power identity on its bumpy journey through time. Introduction Recently, Russia has been talking a lot about being a great power.1 In fact, it has even insisted that such a state like Russia had to either be a great power, or not be at all.2 In the western discourse, the term ‘great power’ immediately evokes unambiguous connotations. Namely, it is believed to be related to some privileged status in the international system. This status is associated either with a claim to be one of a few real policy-makers (as neorealists have argued),3 or with a claim for some rights and responsibilities in relation to the management of international order (as has been suggested by the English School of IR).4 Hence, it is those specifically IR-related associations that Russian great power rhetoric elicited in the west. Most observers perceived it as a question of foreign policy. Yet, if one looks carefully enough, it becomes obvious that Russia’s great power discourse does not operate the way the western observers expect it operate. On the one hand, when Russia talks about being a great power, it often places itself in a strong opposition to the rest of the great power club and shows its clear dissatisfaction with the existing international order.5 As a result, it is perceived by the west as an unpredictable trouble-maker rather than a great power in the English School’s terms.