Russkiy Mir Foundation and Rossotrudnichestvo—Are Based in Russia but Can Have Numerous Branches in the EU
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Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi Arabia
POLICY BRIEF Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi Arabia GRIGORY KOSACH Professor at the Chair of Modern East, Department of History, Political Science and Law, Russian State University for the Humanities ELENA MELKUMYAN Leading research fellow at the Modern East Shared Problems Research Center, RAS Institute of Oriental Studies, Professor at the Chair of Modern East, Department of History, Political Science and Law, Russian State University for the Humanities No. 6, August 2016 1 BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – RIAC President Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – RIAC Director General Herman Gref Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Aleksandr Dzasokhov Andrey Fursenko Aleksey Meshkov Leonid Drachevsky Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Aleksandr Dynkin Igor Yurgens Mikhail Komissar Konstantin Kosachev Editors-in-Chief: Timur Makhmutov, PhD, political science Ruslan Mamedov The Russian International Aff airs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profi t Russian organiza- tion. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international confl icts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accor- dance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp “On the Creation of the Russian International Aff airs Council non-profi t partnership”, dated February 2, 2010. Founders: Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax news agency RIAC Mission: The RIAC mission is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world. -
An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
This Central Play and Contrast
VOLUNTEERS, ENTREPRENEURS AND PATRIOTS: YOUTH AS NEW SUBJECTS OF STATE POLICY IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA An NCEEER Working Paper by Julie Hemment University of Massachusetts National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 1828 L Street NW Suite 1200 Washington, DC 20036 [email protected] http://www.nceeer.org/ TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Julie Hemment NCEEER Contract Number: 828-07 Date: September 30, 2014 Copyright Information Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded through a contract or grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research (NCEEER). However, the NCEEER and the United States Government have the right to duplicate and disseminate, in written and electronic form, reports submitted to NCEEER to fulfill Contract or Grant Agreements either (a) for NCEEER’s own internal use, or (b) for use by the United States Government, and as follows: (1) for further dissemination to domestic, international, and foreign governments, entities and/or individuals to serve official United States Government purposes or (2) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the public access to documents held by the United States Government. Neither NCEEER nor the United States Government nor any recipient of this Report may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended). -
New Agenda for Russia-EU Relations
POLICY BRIEF New agenda for Russia-EU relations M. ENTIN professor, MGIMO-University, RIAC expert E. ENTINA associate professor, NRU Higher School of Economics, RIAC expert No.4, May 2016 1 BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – RIAC President Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – RIAC Director General Herman Gref Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Aleksandr Dzasokhov Andrey Fursenko Aleksey Meshkov Leonid Drachevsky Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Aleksandr Dynkin Igor Yurgens Mikhail Komissar Konstantin Kosachev Editors-in-Chief: Natalia Evtikhevich, PhD, political science Alisa Ponomareva The Russian International Aff airs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profi t Russian organiza- tion. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international confl icts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accor- dance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp “On the Creation of the Russian International Aff airs Council non-profi t partnership”, dated February 2, 2010. Founders: Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax news agency RIAC Mission: The RIAC mission is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world. RIAC oper- ates as a link between the state, the scholarly community, business and civil society in an eff ort to fi nd solutions to foreign policy issues. The views expressed herein do not necessarily refl ect those of RIAC. 2 Russian International Aff airs Council New agenda for Russia-EU relations Russia and the European Union are neighbours. -
Censorship Among Russian Media Personalities and Reporters in the 2010S Elisabeth Schimpfossl the University of Liverpool Ilya Yablokov the University of Manchester
COERCION OR CONFORMISM? CENSORSHIP AND SELF- CENSORSHIP AMONG RUSSIAN MEDIA PERSONALITIES AND REPORTERS IN THE 2010S ELISABETH SCHIMPFOSSL THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL ILYA YABLOKOV THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER Abstract: This article examines questions of censorship, self-censorship and conformism on Russia’s federal television networks during Putin’s third presidential term. It challenges the idea that the political views and images broadcast by federal television are imposed coercively upon reporters, presenters and anchors. Based on an analysis of interviews with famous media personalities as well as rank-and-file reporters, this article argues that media governance in contemporary Russia does not need to resort to coercive methods, or the exertion of self-censorship among its staff, to support government views. Quite the contrary: reporters enjoy relatively large leeway to develop their creativity, which is crucial for state-aligned television networks to keep audience ratings up. Those pundits, anchors and reporters who are involved in the direct promotion of Kremlin positions usually have consciously and deliberately chosen to do so. The more famous they are, the more they partake in the production of political discourses. Elisabeth Schimpfossl, Ph.D., teaches history at The University of Liverpool, 12 Abercromby Square, Liverpool, L69 7WZ, UK, email: [email protected]; Ilya Yablokov is a Ph.D. candidate in Russian and East European Studies, School of Arts, Languages and Cultures, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, -
Of the Conventional Wisdom
M ASSAC H US E TTS INSTITUT E O F T E C H NO L O G Y M ASSAC H US E TTS INSTITUT E O F T E C H NO L O G Y December 2007 M IT Ce NT er F O R I NT er NATIONA L S TU D I E S 07-22 of the Conventional Wisdom Russia: An Energy Superpower? Carol R. Saivetz MIT Center for International Studies s Vladimir Putin nears the end of his second term as Russian Apresident, it is clear that energy exports have become a major component of a resurgent Russia’s foreign policy. According to the conventional wisdom, Russia’s vast resources make it a superpower to be reckoned with. Not only is it a major supplier of natural gas to the states of the former Soviet Union, it sells oil and natural gas to Europe and it has made new contract commitments for both oil and gas to China. Additionally, as the January 2006 cut-off of gas to Ukraine, the January 2007 oil and gas cut-off to Belarus, and Gazprom’s threat (again) to Ukraine in the wake of the September 2007 parliamentary elections indicate, Russia is willing to use its resources for political purposes. The conventional wisdom continues that none of this is surprising. Putin acceded to the Russian presidency resolved to restore Russia’s superpower status and to use energy Center for International Studies to that end. The Russian Federation’s Energy Strategy, dated August 28, 2003, formally Massachusetts Institute of Technology Building E38-200 states that Russia’s natural resources should be a fundamental element in Moscow’s diplo- 292 Main Street macy and that Russia’s position in global energy markets should be strengthened.1 In his Cambridge, MA 02139 own dissertation, Putin argued that the energy sector should be guided by the state and T: 617.253.8093 used to promote Russia’s national interests.2 And, the rector of the Mining Institute in F: 617.253.9330 which Putin wrote his dissertation and currently one of his energy advisors wrote: “In the [email protected] specific circumstances the world finds itself in today, the most important resources are web.mit.edu/cis/ hydrocarbons . -
The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр Политических Исследований (Russia) России
Information Bulletin of PIR Center 2007 PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр политических исследований (Russia) России www.pircenter.org/eng CONTENTS Vladimir ORLOV: PIR Center Publishes a Russian Journal on International Security 1 From Yaderny Kontrol to Security Index 3 The Year of Russia’s G8 Presidency 4 April Conference: G8 Global Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit 6 PIR Center Summer School PIR Center staff and organizers of the conference “G8 Global 8 Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit” from L to R: Anton Khlopkov, PIR Center Internship Program Nadezhda Medvedeva, Evgeny Maslin, Vadim Kozyulin, Tatyana 10 Nefedova, Sergey Ponamarev, Ekaterina Soroka, Anastasia Small Arms and Light Weapons Project Laguta, Nadezhda Logutova, Vladimir Orlov, Kristina Kravchenko, Pavel Mansurov, Anna Shuvalova, Konstantin Khachaturyan, 11 Oleg Kulakov, and Konstantin Sirikov. PIR Center Networking 12 Centre russe d'études politiques (CREP) Set Up in Geneva 13 iSi — A Comprehensive International Security Index 14 PIR Center Online 14 The Trialogue Club 15 PIR Center in the Media 16 PIRogue PIR Center Information Bulletin, Issue 5 Editor: Anton Khlopkov Managing editor: Anastasia Laguta Layout and design: Dimitry Polukeev On the cover from L to R and top to bottom: Marian Abisheva (Deputy Proofreading: Cristina Chuen and Warren Polensky Director on Research, Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies); The text of the PIRogue bulletin may only be reproduced Victor Kholstov (Deputy Head, Federal Agency on Industry of the or quoted with the appropriate reference. Contact PIR Center Russian Federation); Konstantin Kosachev (Chairman, International for permission to reproduce printed materials. -
Russia's Knowledge Economy Decline
Russia’s Knowledge Economy Decline: Views From Inside Harley Balzer Summary This paper begins with an overview of Russian assessments of knowledge economy challenges. It then focuses more specifically on problems in science and education. Special attention is devoted to bureaucratic competition, funding, personnel and the limited role of business in the knowledge economy. This is followed by examining several issues that merit particular attention in the aftermath of Crimea: potential partners for development; whether military R&D is an exception to prevailing difficulties; and the impact of sanctions. The concluding section focuses on consequences of decline and considers potential tipping points that could change the trajectory in positive or negative directions. * * * The two questions that have consumed the Russian intelligentsia since the 18th Century are kto vinovat’ (who is to blame) and chto delat’ (what is to be done). I have often joked that most Russians devote so much time and energy to the first question that they barely touch on the more crucial second question. In the case of Russia’s declining capacity in the knowledge economy, this is hardly a joke. The Russian discourse is focused overwhelmingly on how bad things are and who caused the problems. Those who disagree that the current trajectory means long-term decline invoke Russia’s great tradition in the natural sciences or Soviet successes in space and atomic energy, and they argue that the government simply needs to restore funding to an appropriate level in order for Russia’s vast pool of talent to restore the nation’s proper place in global science. -
M. Korostikov / Russian State and Economy
’Ifri ’Ifri _____________________________________________________________________ Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies _____________________________________________________________________ Mikhail Korostikov August 2015 . Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-435-5 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2015 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
The Rise and Fall of Russia's Soft Power
The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power Results of the Past Twenty Years Vera D. Ageeva Vera D. Ageeva, PhD in International Relations Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg, Russia Department of Political Science and International Relations Deputy Head of Department, Associate Professor Paris Institute of Political Studies (Sciences Po Paris), France The Centre for International Studies (CERI) Doctoral Student ORCID: 0000-0002-5419-0968 SPIN RSCI: 3009-1828 E-mail: [email protected] Tel.: +7 (812) 644-59-11*61415 Address: 123 Griboedov Embankment, St. Petersburg 190008, Russia E-mail: [email protected] Address: 27 Rue Saint-Guillaume, Paris 75007, France DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-1-118-145 Abstract The article examines the evolution of Russia’s soft power strategy over the past twenty years. The author analyzes the goals the Russian leadership set when starting this work, and shows that those goals were not limited to improving the Russian image on the world stage. The following periodization of Russia’s soft power evolution is proposed: the rise (2000-2007/2008), institutionalization (2007/2008-2013/2014), and tightening (2013/2014- till present). The article explores how Russian soft power changed during these periods: what tools were used, what role formal and informal institutions played, and what ideas and values were used as a foreign policy 118 RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power narrative. The analysis of the evolution of the Russian strategy allows us to correlate different stages of its development with Joseph Nye’s concept, as well as to show the intermediate and final results of its implementation. -
Annual Report 2017 CONTENTS
Alfa Group Annual Report 2017 CONTENTS 3 Alfa Group’s Principal Businesses 4 Supervisory Board of Alfa Group 9 Alfa Group’s Investment Philosophy 11 ABH Holdings S.A. 16 Alfa Capital 18 AlfaStrakhovanie Group 20 Alfa Asset Management (Europe) S.A. 21 A1 23 X5 Retail Group 26 Rosvodokanal Group 27 IDS Borjomi International 28 Serving our Communities 30 Contact Information ALFA GROUP’S PRINCIPAL BUSINESSES Founded in 1989, Alfa Group* ("Alfa") is one of the largest privately owned financial-investment conglomerates in Russia. Alfa Group* is a combination of independent businesses operating mainly in Russia and the CIS. Alfa* companies’ businesses include commercial and investment banking, asset management, insurance, retail trade, water utilities, mineral water production as well as special-situation investments. Companies of Alfa* typically focus on value-oriented, longer-term opportunities, primarily in Russia and the CIS, but also invest in other markets which form part of their strategic business objectives. ABH Holdings S.A. Alfa Capital AlfaStrakhovanie Group ABH Holdings S.A. (ABHH) Alfa Capital manages investment One of the largest Russian is a privately owned Luxembourg- portfolios for a wide range of insurers with a diversified based holding company investing clients. portfolio of insurance products. into several banking groups in the CIS and Europe. Alfa Asset Management (Europe) S.A. А1 X5 Retail Group Luxembourg-based asset One of the leading investment Leading multi-format food retailer in management company for private businesses in Russia and the CIS. Russia. X5 Retail Group’s shares are and corporate clients in Europe. listed on the London Stock Exchange (LSE) and Moscow Exchange (MOEX) in the form of Global Depositary Receipts under the ticker “FIVE”.