PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр Политических Исследований (Russia) России
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The Rise and Fall of Russia's Soft Power
The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power Results of the Past Twenty Years Vera D. Ageeva Vera D. Ageeva, PhD in International Relations Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg, Russia Department of Political Science and International Relations Deputy Head of Department, Associate Professor Paris Institute of Political Studies (Sciences Po Paris), France The Centre for International Studies (CERI) Doctoral Student ORCID: 0000-0002-5419-0968 SPIN RSCI: 3009-1828 E-mail: [email protected] Tel.: +7 (812) 644-59-11*61415 Address: 123 Griboedov Embankment, St. Petersburg 190008, Russia E-mail: [email protected] Address: 27 Rue Saint-Guillaume, Paris 75007, France DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-1-118-145 Abstract The article examines the evolution of Russia’s soft power strategy over the past twenty years. The author analyzes the goals the Russian leadership set when starting this work, and shows that those goals were not limited to improving the Russian image on the world stage. The following periodization of Russia’s soft power evolution is proposed: the rise (2000-2007/2008), institutionalization (2007/2008-2013/2014), and tightening (2013/2014- till present). The article explores how Russian soft power changed during these periods: what tools were used, what role formal and informal institutions played, and what ideas and values were used as a foreign policy 118 RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power narrative. The analysis of the evolution of the Russian strategy allows us to correlate different stages of its development with Joseph Nye’s concept, as well as to show the intermediate and final results of its implementation. -
Become More Skillful Every Day. There Is No Limit to Perfection. Hagakure
STRATEGIES FOR BUSINESS IN MOSCOW Become more skillful every day. There is no limit to perfection. Hagakure A PROPOS Robbie Williams was wrong when he referred to a Russian Today, these crimson jackets can only been businessman as “a modern Rasputin” in his famous hit found in museums. Modern Russian businessmen “Party Like a Russian.” But he’s not the only one to think have stopped wearing clothes that were popular so. A lot of businessmen abroad are convinced that doing among their predecessors in the 90s. Along with business in Russia is dangerous because anarchy and their appearance, their attitudes have changed lawlessness reign here. This is in spite of the fact that Russia as well. These days, Russian businessmen want keeps climbing up in the Doing Business rating, which is more than to make a lot of money. According to published every year by the World Bank. In just one year, one representative from the All-Russian Non- Russia jumped from 35th to 31st place. And keep in mind Governmental Organization of Small and Medium- that back in 2012, Russia was in 120th place! Unfortunately, Sized Business Opora Russia, a modern entrepreneur old habits die hard. As Karl Marx once pointed out, is, first and foremost, someone who is open to new “a person’s mind is the strongest fortress.” information. They have a different perspective on the world. Moreover, an entrepreneur's reputation Actually, the times when the first thing a foreign plays a much bigger role than it used to. Honesty and businessman did after coming to Russia was hire a reliability are valued, and partners who have stood bodyguard are long gone. -
Russian Advocacy Coalitions
Russian Advocacy Coalitions A study in Power Resources This study examines the advocacy coalitions in Russia. Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, it looks at the power resource distribution amongst the coalitions, and how this distribution affects Russian foreign policy. The power resources examined are: Formal Legal Authority; Public Opinion; Information; Mobilizable Troops; and Financial Resources. In addition to this, the study used quantitative and qualitative methods to identify these resources. There are a couple of conclusions we may draw from this study. The method is useful in identifying power resources. It is not enough to use only the distribution of resources amongst coalitions in order to explain policy changes. It is found that the distribution of resources, coupled with coalition interaction, is enough to explain changes in Russian foreign policy. KEYWORDS: Advocacy Coalition Framework, Russia, Power Resources, Natural Gas WORDS: 24,368 Author: Robert Granlund Supervisor: Fredrik Bynander Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 PURPOSE .................................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ............................................................................................................ 2 1.3 OUTLINE.................................................................................................................................. -
Russia in Global Affairs October
RUSSIA in GLOBAL AFFAIRS Vol. 5•No. 4•OCTOBER – DECEMBER•2007 Contents Elections and Changes Fyodor Lukyanov 5 Sources of Alienation Containing Russia: Back to the Future? Sergei Lavrov 8 The experience of recent years has amply demonstrated that no single state or group of states has enough resources for imposing unipolarity. This allegedly constructive simplification of interstate relations, based on a verti- cal hierarchy – however attractive this may seem – is utterly unrealistic. Unipolarity, quite simply, is an encroachment on God’s prerogatives. A New Epoch of Confrontation Sergei Karaganov 23 Many analysts in Moscow argue that the political and propaganda pressure being exerted by the West on Russia is the result of Russia’s growth. But this Western pressure is more of a counterattack against Russia than a direct attack, intended to prevent a further weakening of the West’s positions and possibly win them back. This counterattack is an important constituent fea- ture of a “New Epoch of Confrontation.” Russia and the West: Where the Differences Lie Konstantin Kosachev 37 When Russia stands firm in upholding its interests, or shows evidence of its independence in conduct and thinking, it is treated in the West as a signal for ideological attacks. Conflict of values is a matter of propaganda, rather than ideological, civilizational or psychological realities. Russia and China in the Mirror of U.S. Policies Igor Zevelyov, Mikhail Troitsky 49 Russia could learn from the Chinese the intricate overtones of public diplo- macy, even though it recognizes its own difference as a political player. Beijing skillfully lifts its partners’ concerns over the growth of China’s eco- nomic and military capability, and persistently profiles itself as a friendly country that is trying to build a harmonious world. -
Download/Docs/253 Is-Pro-Russian-Campaign.Pdf
The information battle: How governments in the former Soviet Union promote their agendas and attack opponents abroad The information battle: How governments in the former Soviet Union promote their agendas and attack their opponents abroad The information battle: The information battle examines the ways in which the governments of former Soviet How governments in the former Soviet Union promote Union (FSU) countries look to shape international narratives about themselves by their agendas and attack their opponents abroad using media, social media, advertising and supportive organisations to promote their worldview and exert pressure on the people, institutions and ideas that oppose them. The essay collection looks at the impact of this influence both within the region and increasingly across the world. The publication contains contributions by: Natalia Antelava, Coda Story; Ana Dvali and Revaz Koiava, Caucasian House; Arzu Geybulla; Richard Giragosian, Regional Studies Center; Melissa Hooper, Human Rights First; Adam Hug (ed.), Foreign Policy Centre; Rasto Kuzel, Memo 98; Dr David Lewis, University of Exeter; Ben Nimmo, Atlantic Council; and Dr Justin Schlosberg, Birkbeck, University of London. This publication is the fourth in a series entitled Exporting Repression supported by the Open Society Foundations. The Foreign Policy Centre (FPC) Unit 1.9, First Floor, The Foundry 17 Oval Way, Vauxhall London, SE11 5RR www.fpc.org.uk [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2017 All rights reserved ISBN 978-1-905833-33-7 ISBN 1-905833-33-4 The -
Russia's Strategy for Influence Through Public Diplomacy and Active
Journal of Strategic Studies ISSN: 0140-2390 (Print) 1743-937X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjss20 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg To cite this article: Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg (2017): Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case, Journal of Strategic Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Published online: 05 Jan 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 20943 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjss20 Download by: [95.43.25.137] Date: 11 January 2017, At: 10:08 THE JOURNAL OF STRATEGIC STUDIES, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragha,b and Sebastian Åsbergc aHead of Russia and Eurasia Programme, Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm; bUppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden; cRussia and Eurasia Studies, Swedish Institute of International Affairs ABSTRACT Russia, as many contemporary states, takes public diplomacy seriously. Since the inception of its English language TV network Russia Today in 2005 (now ‘RT’), the Russian government has broadened its operations to include Sputnik news websites in several languages and social media activities. Moscow, however, has also been accused of engaging in covert influence activities – behaviour historically referred to as ‘active measures’ in the Soviet KGB lexicon on political warfare. -
History, Memory and National Identity Understanding the Politics of History and Memory Wars in Post-Soviet Lands
History, Memory and National Identity Understanding the Politics of History and Memory Wars in Post-Soviet Lands Igor Torbakov Abstract: Over the past several decades, the “politics of history” has become a significant aspect of domestic politics and international relations within Europe and around the world. The politicizing and instrumentalizing of history usually pursues two main objectives: first is the construction of a maximally cohesive national identity and rallying the society around the powers that be; second is eschewing the problem of guilt. The two are clearly interlinked; having liberated oneself of the sense of historical, political, moral or whatever responsibility, it is arguably much easier to take pride in one’s newly minted “unblem- ished” identity based on the celebratory interpretation of one’s country’s “glorious past.” This article intends to explore how the memories of some momentous developments in the tumultuous 20th century (above all, the experience of totalitarian dictatorships, World War II, the “division” and “reunification” of Europe, the collapse of the Soviet Union) and their historical interpretations relate to concepts of national identity in the post-Soviet lands. Keywords: history, memory, identity, politics of history, Russia, Eastern Europe Tell me what you remember and I’ll diagnose your condition —Aleksandr Kustaryov1 t the end of June 2010, a remarkable text appeared on the website of the Russian A liberal radio station Ekho Moskvy. Its author, the prominent Russian lawmaker Kon- stantin Kosachev, suggested that it was time for Russia to elaborate upon what he called a comprehensive “set of principles, an ‘historical doctrine’ of sorts” that would help Moscow Igor Torbakov is currently a Visiting Fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin. -
The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations
POLICY BRIEF 31 / 2020 The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations Oleg Shakirov RUSSIAN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS COUNCIL BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – President Herman Gref Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – Director General Aleksandr Dzasokhov Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Leonid Drachevsky Andrey Fursenko Igor Morgulov Aleksandr Dynkin Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Mikhail Komissar Igor Yurgens Konstantin Kosachev Editors: Ivan Timofeev, Ph.D. in Political Science Natalia Viakhireva, Ph.D. in Political Science Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profit Russian organization. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international conflicts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accordance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp ”On the Creation of the Russian International Affairs Council non- profit partnership,” dated February 2, 2010. FOUNDERS Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax News Agency RIAC MISSION The mission of RIAC is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world. RIAC operates as a link between the state, scholarly community, business and civil society in an effort to find solutions to foreign policy issues. The views expressed -
Collection of Reports on Situation with Human Rights in the Russian Federation in 2015 2
Collection of Reports on Situation with Human Rights in the Russian Federation in 2015 2 Contents Article20 3 page Freedom of assembly and freedom of associations January-June 2015 in figures Golos 7 page Final ‘Golos’ Statement on Citizen Observation of Elections held on Single Voting Day, September 13, 2015 15 page Analytical Report Memorial 33 page Politically-motivated criminal prosecutions and political pris- oners in the Russian Federation. September 2015 41 page List of people recognised as political prisoners by the Memorial Human Rights Centre on September 15, 2015 SOVA 57 page Brief Review of Xenophobia, Freedom of Religion and Inappropriate Use of Anti-Extremist Legislation in Russia from January 2014 to August 2015 The Public Verdict Foundation 73 page Crackdown on civil society in Russia Collection of Reports on Situation with Human Rights in the Russian Federation in 2015 3 Article20 E-mail: [email protected] News and publications: http://www.article20.org/ Freedom of assembly and freedom of associations January-June 2015 in figures Freedom of assembly for the first half of 2015 The right to peaceful demonstrations is violated in 2015. Thus, the number of days of administrative arrests for actions (including agreed actions, one-man pickets, performances) is not less than 368 days. As well as 2 months of house arrest for “repeated violations” of the legislation on public meetings. So in Galperin’s case “previous violations” in February, March and June 2014 were counted – before the article about the repeated violations started to act. In addition, Ionov and Galperin are accused, among other things, in holding pickets, which, in accordance with Russian law, do not require concordance, what means that there can be no question of a violation of the rules of concordance. -
Russkiy Mir Foundation and Rossotrudnichestvo—Are Based in Russia but Can Have Numerous Branches in the EU
The Bear in Sheep`s Clothing This paper sheds light on organisations operating in Europe that are funded by the Russian government, whether officially or unofficially. These include government-organised non-governmental organisations (GONGOs), non- The Bear in governmental organisations (NGOs) and think tanks. Their goal is to shift European public opinion towards a positive view of Russian politics and policies, and towards respect for its great power ambitions. In light of Russia’s annexation Sheep’s Clothing of Crimea and Russian aggression in Eastern Ukraine, the overt or covert support for these organisations must become a matter of concern to the EU. Russia’s Government-Funded Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova Vladislava Vojtíšková, Organisations in the EU The EU’s politicians and citizens should look at the activities of the Russian GONGOs and think tanks as challenges that can help improve national and Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, EU-level decision-making mechanisms, increase transparency in policymaking Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova and deepen the involvement of citizens and civil society organisations in the democratic process. The paper recommends, among other measures, fostering the EU’s own narrative, which is based on human rights, freedom and equality; supporting pro-democratic civil society so that Europeans become more resistant to Russian propaganda; and increasing transparency requirements for NGOs and lobbyists by setting up a mandatory lobbying register at the EU level. The Bear in Sheep’s Clothing Russia’s Government-Funded Organisations in the EU Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova Credits Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE - 1000 The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP), dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. -
Conspiracy Discourse in Post-Soviet Russia: Political Strategies of Capture of the Public Sphere (1991-2014)
Conspiracy Discourse in post-Soviet Russia: Political Strategies of Capture of the Public Sphere (1991-2014) A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2014 Ilya Yablokov School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Table of Contents Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................................................2 Abstract .....................................................................................................................................................................4 Declaration ................................................................................................................................................................5 Copyright Statement ................................................................................................................................................5 Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................................................6 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................7 Historical Background ........................................................................................................................................9 Literature Review ............................................................................................................................................ -
A Russian Chronology: January – March 2009 Research & Assessment Branch ISBN 978-905962-65-5 April 2009 09/03 Dr Mark a Smith
Research & Assessment Branch 09/03 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom 09/03 Russian Domestic Policy: A Chronology January – March 2009 1 January 2009 One of the leaders of the Solidarity opposition movement, Boris Nemtsov, says he thinks that 2009 will be a year of social protest, due to the economic crisis: This will result in the end of Putinism. This is the deal between Putin and citizens. The deal was money in exchange for rights. Putin gave citizens money - pensions, salaries, work etc - and in exchange took away from citizens their rights - the right to independent information, the right to elect its authorities, the right to independent courts, the right to opposition activities. Co-chairman of the Right Cause party Leonid Gozman says "the transformation of the economic and social crisis into a political one, mass unrest and the situation getting out of control and sliding into the extralegal field cannot be ruled out" in the new year. He says it is preferable "that stability remains in the country in the next two to three years if only to bar from power people in comparison with whom Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin will look white and fluffy". 2 January 2009 Yabloko leader Sergey Mitrokhin says that in 2009 "we may witness mass unrest across the country, a further clamp-down in connection with this unrest and the country being brought to a dangerous point." 2 January 2009 Vesti TV reports that many of the largest iron and steel mills in Russia are putting production on hold, due to the global financial crisis.