Russia in Global Affairs October

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Russia in Global Affairs October RUSSIA in GLOBAL AFFAIRS Vol. 5•No. 4•OCTOBER – DECEMBER•2007 Contents Elections and Changes Fyodor Lukyanov 5 Sources of Alienation Containing Russia: Back to the Future? Sergei Lavrov 8 The experience of recent years has amply demonstrated that no single state or group of states has enough resources for imposing unipolarity. This allegedly constructive simplification of interstate relations, based on a verti- cal hierarchy – however attractive this may seem – is utterly unrealistic. Unipolarity, quite simply, is an encroachment on God’s prerogatives. A New Epoch of Confrontation Sergei Karaganov 23 Many analysts in Moscow argue that the political and propaganda pressure being exerted by the West on Russia is the result of Russia’s growth. But this Western pressure is more of a counterattack against Russia than a direct attack, intended to prevent a further weakening of the West’s positions and possibly win them back. This counterattack is an important constituent fea- ture of a “New Epoch of Confrontation.” Russia and the West: Where the Differences Lie Konstantin Kosachev 37 When Russia stands firm in upholding its interests, or shows evidence of its independence in conduct and thinking, it is treated in the West as a signal for ideological attacks. Conflict of values is a matter of propaganda, rather than ideological, civilizational or psychological realities. Russia and China in the Mirror of U.S. Policies Igor Zevelyov, Mikhail Troitsky 49 Russia could learn from the Chinese the intricate overtones of public diplo- macy, even though it recognizes its own difference as a political player. Beijing skillfully lifts its partners’ concerns over the growth of China’s eco- nomic and military capability, and persistently profiles itself as a friendly country that is trying to build a harmonious world. Contents The Russian Model Russia as the “Other Europe” Ivan Krastev 66 The concept of ‘sovereign democracy’ succeeds in confronting the Kremlin’s two ideological enemies of choice: the liberal democracy of the West and the populist democracy admired by the rest. It pretends to reconcile Russia’s urgent need for Western-type modernization and Russia’s will to defend its independence from the West. The source of the Russia-EU crisis is in the logic of sovereign democracy more than that of competing interests. Russia and Europe: No Intermediaries Needed Leonid Polyakov 79 The state per se – no matter whether it is modern or post-modern – has the right to monopoly on power, for which Ivan Krastev criticizes Russia. And the European Union (like Russia) will not allow anyone to establish rules of their own on EU territory. From Process to Progress Svetlana Babayeva, Georgy Bovt 83 The ruling class has run into a perplexity it created on its own. On the one hand, there is governable life based on the apathy of some people and petty pragmatic readiness of others. On the other hand, the rulers have to retrieve the genuinely creative sections of society from dormancy. Governable life no longer satisfies the rulers themselves, while the unpredictability of awak- ening forces frightens them. The European Choice Funky Integration Olga Butorina 100 European integration is usually compared to a train moving toward a single destination that is known to all of its passengers. Today, however, there is a metaphor that more aptly describes European integration: a hypermarket with numerous shops, cafes, Internet outlets, beauty parlors, Laundromats, and multiplex cinemas. The Tomorrow Is Now Hiski Haukkala 116 The current state of EU-Russia wrangling is alarming: recurring problems are detrimental as they distract the parties from the real business of devel- oping a truly strategic partnership that would be to their mutual benefit. These problems – which are undeniably mounting – reveal the haggling at the tactical level and the absence of a truly strategic vision of a gen- uine partnership. About a “Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals” Yuri Dubinin 124 Khrushchev was enraged over Charles de Gaulle’s statement about a “Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals.” He has given instructions to urgently clear it up with the French what their president meant, expressing ideas like that. What if he is hatching plans to break up the Soviet Union? RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS VOL. 5 • No. 4 • OCTOBER – DECEMBER • 2007 Contents Energy – A Bone of Contention Russia-EU Energy Dialog: Filling a Vacuum Vladimir Milov 132 The approach toward the Energy Charter reflects the psychological impera- tive that exists for a large part of the Russian elite, which refuses to bear responsibility for the fulfillment of international rules that it did not estab- lish. Both the Charter and a broad range of political and economic issues concerning Russia’s relations with the outside world are today viewed from the “we don’t want to be bound by any unnecessary obligations” position. Russian Global Position After 2008 Vlad Ivanenko 143 As Russia regained its power, inherent problems of conflicting interests and cultural incompatibility, which were temporarily hidden under the cover of Russia’s powerlessness, have come to the fore. The initial EU reaction to these new circumstances is to find ways to keep Russia at arm’s length, that is, to erect legal protective mechanisms along its eastern border. The Possibility of a Gas Cartel Vladimir Feygin, Vladimir Revenkov 157 The specifics of the growing natural gas markets leave no room for rigid quo- tas – the principal method used by OPEC on the oil market. The term ‘gas OPEC’ as such should be excluded from serious professional discourse as counterproductive, unduly politicizing the problems, prospects and forms of advancing interaction between the gas exporting countries. Controversies Imaginary Contradiction Tigran Torosyan 168 The principles of the Helsinki Final Act on the inviolability of frontiers and territorial integrity indicate beyond doubt that these principles are applica- ble to relations between states, while the principle of the right to self-deter- mination applies to relations between a state and a self-determining entity that exists within its borders. Russia and Israel: A Romance Aborted? Alek D. Epstein 180 Israel regards Russia’s cooperation with Syria and Iran as an indicator of the Kremlin’s willingness to regain the previously lost status of a great power in the Middle East. It hopes to achieve this, Israel believes, by replaying a sys- tem of relationships that existed before Gorbachev’s perestroika. Personage “Generals Don’t Understand Psychology At All” Hans Blix 192 If Russia really wants to move toward Greater Europe, this cannot be achieved without ensuring a certain level of rights and freedoms of the indi- vidual. It is time to depart from traditions of a state dominated by the KGB or the FSB – depart gradually, step by step. There should be no illusion that this can be done quickly and easily, but this line should be maintained. RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS VOL. 5 • No. 4 • OCTOBER – DECEMBER • 2007 Published quarterly RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS BOARD OF TRUSTEES EDITORIAL BOARD Sergei KARAGANOV, Chairman Vladimir POTANIN (Chairman) Martti AHTISAARI Andrei KOKOSHIN Vladimir POZNER Interros Holding Company (Finland) Mikhail KOMISSAR Sergei PRIKHODKO Sergei GENERALOV Graham ALLISON (U.S.A.) Vyacheslav KOPIEV (in a personal capacity) Industrial Investors Ltd. Alexei ARBATOV Mikhail KOZHOKIN Yevgeny PRIMAKOV Andrei KUZYAEV Lev BELOUSOV Yaroslav KUZMINOV Vladimir RYZHKOV LUKoil Overseas Holding Ltd. (Deputy Chairman) Sergei LAVROV Horst TELTSCHIK Boris KUZYK C. Fred BERGSTEN (U.S.A.) (in a personal capacity) (Germany) New Concepts and Programs Carl BILDT (Sweden) Alexander LIVSHITS Anatoly TORKUNOV Holding Industrial Company (in a personal capacity) Vladimir LUKIN Lord William WALLACE Valery OKULOV Vladimir GRIGORYEV (Great Britain) (in a personal capacity) Fyodor LUKYANOV Aeroflot JSC (Editor-in-Chief) Simon VAYNSHTOK James HOGE (U.S.A) Ruben VARDANYAN Vladimir MAU Sergei YASTRZHEMBSKY Igor IVANOV (in a personal capacity) Troika-Dialog Group Thierry de MONTBRIAL Karl KAISER (Germany) Igor YURGENS Vladimir YEVTUSHENKOV (France) Sistema JSFC Irina KHAKAMADA Vyacheslav NIKONOV Alexander ZHUKOV Helmut KOHL (Germany) (Deputy Chairman) (in a personal capacity) Vladimir OVCHINSKY Sergei ZVEREV BOARD OF ADVISORS PUBLISHED BY Anatoly ADAMISHIN FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH Vladimir ENTIN Georgy MIRSKY FOUNDATION Olga BUTORINA Leonid GRIGORIEV Anatoly VISHNEVSKY Yuri DUBININ Alexander LOMANOV INFORMATIONAL PARTNERS RUSSIAN EDITION Newspapers: Izvestia, Moscow News, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Sovershenno Sekretno, IS PUBLISHED • WITH PARTICIPATION OF Trud, Vremya Novostey •News Agencies: Interfax, RIA Novosti, Rosbalt •Radio Station Echo of Moscow FOREIGN AFFAIRS LEGAL PR PARTNER CONSULTANCY KROS Public Relations KLISHIN & PARTNERS Company Attorneys at Law Editorial Office: 11 Mokhovaya St., Bldg. 3B, Editor-in-Chief Fyodor Lukyanov Moscow 103873, Russia Deputies Editor-in-Chief Natalya Kostromskaya, Timofei Bordachev tel.: +7 (495) 980-7353 fax: +7 (495) 937-7611 Director Executive Assistant to Chairman Russian Edition e-mail: [email protected] Irina Palekhova of the Editorial Board http://www.globalaffairs.ru Yelena Blinnikova Copy Editors Copy Editors Alexander Kuzyakov Robert Bridge Computer Makeup Alexandra Kobzeva Rinat Yakubov Natalia Zablotskite Proof-Reader Proof-Reader Design and Layout Arnold Kun Registered with Lyudmila Kupchenko Konstantin Radchenko THE MINISTRY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Assistant to Editor-in-Chief
Recommended publications
  • PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр Политических Исследований (Russia) России
    Information Bulletin of PIR Center 2007 PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр политических исследований (Russia) России www.pircenter.org/eng CONTENTS Vladimir ORLOV: PIR Center Publishes a Russian Journal on International Security 1 From Yaderny Kontrol to Security Index 3 The Year of Russia’s G8 Presidency 4 April Conference: G8 Global Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit 6 PIR Center Summer School PIR Center staff and organizers of the conference “G8 Global 8 Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit” from L to R: Anton Khlopkov, PIR Center Internship Program Nadezhda Medvedeva, Evgeny Maslin, Vadim Kozyulin, Tatyana 10 Nefedova, Sergey Ponamarev, Ekaterina Soroka, Anastasia Small Arms and Light Weapons Project Laguta, Nadezhda Logutova, Vladimir Orlov, Kristina Kravchenko, Pavel Mansurov, Anna Shuvalova, Konstantin Khachaturyan, 11 Oleg Kulakov, and Konstantin Sirikov. PIR Center Networking 12 Centre russe d'études politiques (CREP) Set Up in Geneva 13 iSi — A Comprehensive International Security Index 14 PIR Center Online 14 The Trialogue Club 15 PIR Center in the Media 16 PIRogue PIR Center Information Bulletin, Issue 5 Editor: Anton Khlopkov Managing editor: Anastasia Laguta Layout and design: Dimitry Polukeev On the cover from L to R and top to bottom: Marian Abisheva (Deputy Proofreading: Cristina Chuen and Warren Polensky Director on Research, Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies); The text of the PIRogue bulletin may only be reproduced Victor Kholstov (Deputy Head, Federal Agency on Industry of the or quoted with the appropriate reference. Contact PIR Center Russian Federation); Konstantin Kosachev (Chairman, International for permission to reproduce printed materials.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Russia's Soft Power
    The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power Results of the Past Twenty Years Vera D. Ageeva Vera D. Ageeva, PhD in International Relations Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg, Russia Department of Political Science and International Relations Deputy Head of Department, Associate Professor Paris Institute of Political Studies (Sciences Po Paris), France The Centre for International Studies (CERI) Doctoral Student ORCID: 0000-0002-5419-0968 SPIN RSCI: 3009-1828 E-mail: [email protected] Tel.: +7 (812) 644-59-11*61415 Address: 123 Griboedov Embankment, St. Petersburg 190008, Russia E-mail: [email protected] Address: 27 Rue Saint-Guillaume, Paris 75007, France DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-1-118-145 Abstract The article examines the evolution of Russia’s soft power strategy over the past twenty years. The author analyzes the goals the Russian leadership set when starting this work, and shows that those goals were not limited to improving the Russian image on the world stage. The following periodization of Russia’s soft power evolution is proposed: the rise (2000-2007/2008), institutionalization (2007/2008-2013/2014), and tightening (2013/2014- till present). The article explores how Russian soft power changed during these periods: what tools were used, what role formal and informal institutions played, and what ideas and values were used as a foreign policy 118 RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power narrative. The analysis of the evolution of the Russian strategy allows us to correlate different stages of its development with Joseph Nye’s concept, as well as to show the intermediate and final results of its implementation.
    [Show full text]
  • Dartmouth Conf Program
    The Dartmouth Conference: The First 50 Years 1960—2010 Reminiscing on the Dartmouth Conference by Yevgeny Primakov T THE PEAK OF THE COLD WAR, and facilitating conditions conducive to A the Dartmouth Conference was one of economic interaction. the few diversions from the spirit of hostility The significance of the Dartmouth Confer- available to Soviet and American intellectuals, ence relates to the fact that throughout the who were keen, and able, to explore peace- cold war, no formal Soviet-American contact making initiatives. In fact, the Dartmouth had been consistently maintained, and that participants reported to huge gap was bridged by Moscow and Washington these meetings. on the progress of their The composition of discussion and, from participants was a pri- time to time, were even mary factor in the success instructed to “test the of those meetings, and it water” regarding ideas took some time before the put forward by their gov- negotiating teams were ernments. The Dartmouth shaped the right way. At meetings were also used first, in the early 1970s, to unfetter actions under- the teams had been led taken by the two countries by professionally quali- from a propagandist connotation and present fied citizens. From the Soviet Union, political them in a more genuine perspective. But the experts and researchers working for the Insti- crucial mission for these meetings was to tute of World Economy and International establish areas of concurring interests and to Relations and the Institute of U.S. and Cana- attempt to outline mutually acceptable solutions dian Studies, organizations closely linked to to the most acute problems: nuclear weapons Soviet policymaking circles, played key roles.
    [Show full text]
  • Become More Skillful Every Day. There Is No Limit to Perfection. Hagakure
    STRATEGIES FOR BUSINESS IN MOSCOW Become more skillful every day. There is no limit to perfection. Hagakure A PROPOS Robbie Williams was wrong when he referred to a Russian Today, these crimson jackets can only been businessman as “a modern Rasputin” in his famous hit found in museums. Modern Russian businessmen “Party Like a Russian.” But he’s not the only one to think have stopped wearing clothes that were popular so. A lot of businessmen abroad are convinced that doing among their predecessors in the 90s. Along with business in Russia is dangerous because anarchy and their appearance, their attitudes have changed lawlessness reign here. This is in spite of the fact that Russia as well. These days, Russian businessmen want keeps climbing up in the Doing Business rating, which is more than to make a lot of money. According to published every year by the World Bank. In just one year, one representative from the All-Russian Non- Russia jumped from 35th to 31st place. And keep in mind Governmental Organization of Small and Medium- that back in 2012, Russia was in 120th place! Unfortunately, Sized Business Opora Russia, a modern entrepreneur old habits die hard. As Karl Marx once pointed out, is, first and foremost, someone who is open to new “a person’s mind is the strongest fortress.” information. They have a different perspective on the world. Moreover, an entrepreneur's reputation Actually, the times when the first thing a foreign plays a much bigger role than it used to. Honesty and businessman did after coming to Russia was hire a reliability are valued, and partners who have stood bodyguard are long gone.
    [Show full text]
  • CSCE Testimonies Jaakko Iloniemi / Finland Jiří Opršal / Czechoslovakia Jacques Andreani / France
    CSCE Testimonies Jaakko Iloniemi / Finland Jiří Opršal / Czechoslovakia Jacques Andreani / France Edouard Brunner / Switzerland Peter Steglich / GDR Mario Michele Alessi / Italy 1972–1989 CSCE Oral History Project / Occasional Paper – 2013 Evarist Saliba / Malta Yuri V. Dubinin / Soviet Union Spencer Oliver / USA CSCE Testimonies Time line 1990–2012 Organization for Security and 1972–1989 CSCE Oral History Project Time line 1972 –1991 Q Bodies no longer in existence Co-operation in Europe Causes and Consequences of the Helsinki Final Act QThe “Helsinki process” Qx CSCE/OSCE Institutions QPreparatory Meetings to Follow-up Qx Follow-up meetings 1972–1989 Meetings Q Summit meetings QFollow-up Meetings Q Ministerial Councils QVenues of a politico-military nature Q Economic and Environmental Forum QVenues concerning economic and environmental issues Q Permanent Council Venues concerning Human Dimension discussions Q Q humanitarian issues Politico-Militray negotiations Q Venues concerning the CSCE Q Q Activites with Mediterranean Mediterranean region and Asian Partners for cooperation OSCE Prague Office Archives CSCE OralCSCE History Oral Project History / Occasional Project 2013 Paper – 2013 CSCE Testimonies Causes and Consequences of the Helsinki Final Act 1972–1989 Published by the Prague Offi ce of the OSCE Secretariat náměstí Pod Kaštany 2 160 00 Prague, Czech Republic Compiled by Alice Němcová © OSCE 2013 All rights reserved. Written contents of this publication may be used freely and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes provided that such usage and reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE Prague Offi ce Archives as the source ISBN 978-92-9235-018-5 Design & Layout: © Jan Dvořák/HQ Kontakt Ltd.
    [Show full text]
  • Paul De La Morinerie MGIMO's French Connection He Relationship Between France and Russia Has “Tsomething Unique
    #2/2018 The Trianon Dialogue in Versailles Aleksandar Vučić “Serbia is a genuine friend of the Russian people” MGIMO – Patrick Sciences Po Pouyanné 25 years “We need a renaissance of Excellence of courage in our leaders” Paul de La Morinerie MGIMO's French connection he relationship between France and Russia has “Tsomething unique. It arises from the attraction and mutual recognition of two peoples enamored of absolute, beauty and truth” Jacques Chirac CONTENTS A number of anniversaries 34 26 were celebrated at MGIMO: School of International Relations has turned 75, School of International Economy – 60, Journalism School – 50 101 12 MGIMO’s exchange agreement with Sciences Po 128 and Business School of Konstantin Palace is the state residence of Nancy opened doors for the Russian President just outside St. international students to 210 Petersburg. It is often referred to as Russia and France ‘Russian Versailles’. And it is no coincidence that V. Putin chose this venue for negotiations with his French counterpart 206 Anton Tokovinin (left) is in charge of MGIMO’s Proxenos Chorus. In 1948, a most high-profile Boris Belozerov is a member of diplomatic scandal took place two clubs – of the popular Russian between USSR and USA, which TV game show “What? Where? resulted in the consulates being When?” and of “World Energy 202 closed down 52 Policy” club START History and Modernity of the State Early in 2020, the current MGIMO VIP SERBIA Dialogue, which has emerged from a of Israel. The Ambassador of Israel Development Strategy will expire, meeting
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Advocacy Coalitions
    Russian Advocacy Coalitions A study in Power Resources This study examines the advocacy coalitions in Russia. Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, it looks at the power resource distribution amongst the coalitions, and how this distribution affects Russian foreign policy. The power resources examined are: Formal Legal Authority; Public Opinion; Information; Mobilizable Troops; and Financial Resources. In addition to this, the study used quantitative and qualitative methods to identify these resources. There are a couple of conclusions we may draw from this study. The method is useful in identifying power resources. It is not enough to use only the distribution of resources amongst coalitions in order to explain policy changes. It is found that the distribution of resources, coupled with coalition interaction, is enough to explain changes in Russian foreign policy. KEYWORDS: Advocacy Coalition Framework, Russia, Power Resources, Natural Gas WORDS: 24,368 Author: Robert Granlund Supervisor: Fredrik Bynander Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 PURPOSE .................................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ............................................................................................................ 2 1.3 OUTLINE..................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Gabinete Adjunto De Crisis KGB Guerra Fría
    Gabinete Adjunto de Crisis KGB Guerra Fría 12 DE MARZO DE 1947 [email protected] Manual de Procedimientos COSMUN 2020 Manual de Procedimientos GAC Presidente: Gregorio Noreña Vice-Presidente: Ilana Garza 1. Página de portada 2. Cartas de la mesa 2.1. Carta del presidente 2.2. Carta del vice presidente 3. ¿Qué es un GAC? (Composición) 3.1. Gabinetes 3.2. Sala de crisis 3.3. Funcionamiento 4. Historia 4.1. Creación de la KGB 4.2. La KGB en el bloque socialista 4.3. Esctructura 5. La Guerra Fría 5.1. Introducción 5.2. Antecedentes históricos 5.3. Información general 5.4. Guerras subsidiarias 5.5. Final de la guerra 6. Situación Actual 6.1. (1947) 7. Cargos 7.1. Presidente del consejo de ministros de la Unión Soviética 2 7.2. Presidente del presidium del Soviet Supremo 7.3. Primer viceprimer ministro de la Unión Soviética (3) 7.4. Secretario general del partido comunista de la Unión Soviética 7.5. Director de la KGB 7.6. Ministro de relaciones exteriores de la Unión Soviética 7.7. Embajador de la Unión Soviética a los Estados Unidos 7.8. Representante permanente de la Unión Soviética ante las Naciones Unidas 7.9. Ministro de justicia de la Unión Soviética 8. Personajes importantes 8.1. Iósif Stalin 8.2. Nikita Jrushchov 8.3. Leonid Brézhnev 8.4. Nikolái Bulganin 8.5. Vasili Mitrojin 8.6. Albrecht Dittrich/Jack Barsky 8.7. Andrei Zhdanov 8.8. Mijail Gorbachov 8.9. Aleksei Kosyguin 8.10. Nikolai Podgorni 8.11. Konstantin Chernenko 8.12.
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Docs/253 Is-Pro-Russian-Campaign.Pdf
    The information battle: How governments in the former Soviet Union promote their agendas and attack opponents abroad The information battle: How governments in the former Soviet Union promote their agendas and attack their opponents abroad The information battle: The information battle examines the ways in which the governments of former Soviet How governments in the former Soviet Union promote Union (FSU) countries look to shape international narratives about themselves by their agendas and attack their opponents abroad using media, social media, advertising and supportive organisations to promote their worldview and exert pressure on the people, institutions and ideas that oppose them. The essay collection looks at the impact of this influence both within the region and increasingly across the world. The publication contains contributions by: Natalia Antelava, Coda Story; Ana Dvali and Revaz Koiava, Caucasian House; Arzu Geybulla; Richard Giragosian, Regional Studies Center; Melissa Hooper, Human Rights First; Adam Hug (ed.), Foreign Policy Centre; Rasto Kuzel, Memo 98; Dr David Lewis, University of Exeter; Ben Nimmo, Atlantic Council; and Dr Justin Schlosberg, Birkbeck, University of London. This publication is the fourth in a series entitled Exporting Repression supported by the Open Society Foundations. The Foreign Policy Centre (FPC) Unit 1.9, First Floor, The Foundry 17 Oval Way, Vauxhall London, SE11 5RR www.fpc.org.uk [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2017 All rights reserved ISBN 978-1-905833-33-7 ISBN 1-905833-33-4 The
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Strategy for Influence Through Public Diplomacy and Active
    Journal of Strategic Studies ISSN: 0140-2390 (Print) 1743-937X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjss20 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg To cite this article: Martin Kragh & Sebastian Åsberg (2017): Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case, Journal of Strategic Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Published online: 05 Jan 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 20943 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjss20 Download by: [95.43.25.137] Date: 11 January 2017, At: 10:08 THE JOURNAL OF STRATEGIC STUDIES, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2016.1273830 Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish case Martin Kragha,b and Sebastian Åsbergc aHead of Russia and Eurasia Programme, Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm; bUppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden; cRussia and Eurasia Studies, Swedish Institute of International Affairs ABSTRACT Russia, as many contemporary states, takes public diplomacy seriously. Since the inception of its English language TV network Russia Today in 2005 (now ‘RT’), the Russian government has broadened its operations to include Sputnik news websites in several languages and social media activities. Moscow, however, has also been accused of engaging in covert influence activities – behaviour historically referred to as ‘active measures’ in the Soviet KGB lexicon on political warfare.
    [Show full text]
  • History, Memory and National Identity Understanding the Politics of History and Memory Wars in Post-Soviet Lands
    History, Memory and National Identity Understanding the Politics of History and Memory Wars in Post-Soviet Lands Igor Torbakov Abstract: Over the past several decades, the “politics of history” has become a significant aspect of domestic politics and international relations within Europe and around the world. The politicizing and instrumentalizing of history usually pursues two main objectives: first is the construction of a maximally cohesive national identity and rallying the society around the powers that be; second is eschewing the problem of guilt. The two are clearly interlinked; having liberated oneself of the sense of historical, political, moral or whatever responsibility, it is arguably much easier to take pride in one’s newly minted “unblem- ished” identity based on the celebratory interpretation of one’s country’s “glorious past.” This article intends to explore how the memories of some momentous developments in the tumultuous 20th century (above all, the experience of totalitarian dictatorships, World War II, the “division” and “reunification” of Europe, the collapse of the Soviet Union) and their historical interpretations relate to concepts of national identity in the post-Soviet lands. Keywords: history, memory, identity, politics of history, Russia, Eastern Europe Tell me what you remember and I’ll diagnose your condition —Aleksandr Kustaryov1 t the end of June 2010, a remarkable text appeared on the website of the Russian A liberal radio station Ekho Moskvy. Its author, the prominent Russian lawmaker Kon- stantin Kosachev, suggested that it was time for Russia to elaborate upon what he called a comprehensive “set of principles, an ‘historical doctrine’ of sorts” that would help Moscow Igor Torbakov is currently a Visiting Fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations
    POLICY BRIEF 31 / 2020 The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations Oleg Shakirov RUSSIAN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS COUNCIL BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – President Herman Gref Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – Director General Aleksandr Dzasokhov Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Leonid Drachevsky Andrey Fursenko Igor Morgulov Aleksandr Dynkin Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Mikhail Komissar Igor Yurgens Konstantin Kosachev Editors: Ivan Timofeev, Ph.D. in Political Science Natalia Viakhireva, Ph.D. in Political Science Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profit Russian organization. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international conflicts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accordance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp ”On the Creation of the Russian International Affairs Council non- profit partnership,” dated February 2, 2010. FOUNDERS Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax News Agency RIAC MISSION The mission of RIAC is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world. RIAC operates as a link between the state, scholarly community, business and civil society in an effort to find solutions to foreign policy issues. The views expressed
    [Show full text]