The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations POLICY BRIEF 31 / 2020 The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations Oleg Shakirov RUSSIAN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS COUNCIL BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – President Herman Gref Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – Director General Aleksandr Dzasokhov Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Leonid Drachevsky Andrey Fursenko Igor Morgulov Aleksandr Dynkin Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Mikhail Komissar Igor Yurgens Konstantin Kosachev Editors: Ivan Timofeev, Ph.D. in Political Science Natalia Viakhireva, Ph.D. in Political Science Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profit Russian organization. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international conflicts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accordance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp ”On the Creation of the Russian International Affairs Council non- profit partnership,” dated February 2, 2010. FOUNDERS Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax News Agency RIAC MISSION The mission of RIAC is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world. RIAC operates as a link between the state, scholarly community, business and civil society in an effort to find solutions to foreign policy issues. The views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect those of RIAC. Russian International Affairs Council The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations Introduction term was even formalized in the 2017 National Security Strategy: “[A]fter being dismissed as a Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, the United phenomenon of an earlier century, great power States and Russia have been exchanging humani- competition returned […] In short, they [Rus- tarian aid shipments, demonstrating the readiness sia and China] are contesting our geopolitical of the two countries to temporarily put their advantages and trying to change the interna- political differences aside and come to the other’s tional order in their favor.”1 rescue. That being said, these episodes have had little effect on bilateral relations, which have been While the Obama administration’s pivot to Asia going through trying times in recent years. The can be considered a forerunner to this approach, crisis of confidence between the two countries it was not until Trump came into power that great is further aggravated by a number of problems power competition was turned into an official that have built up over the past several years. strategy. This was most clearly stated in the 2018 This report attempts to present a picture of how National Security Strategy: “Inter-state strategic bilateral relations between Russia and the United competition, not terrorism, is now the primary States may develop over the next ten years. The concern in U.S. national security.”2 first section describes the context of these bilateral Russia is at the centre of the United States’ relations, specifically, how the general approaches competition strategy: according to the official of the two countries to foreign policy, as well as to rhetoric, the United States coordinates its actions certain domestic issues, will affect their interaction in response to those of Russia and China. Wash- as a whole. The second section discusses specific ington will seek to deter its rivals by relying areas of interaction, primarily those related to on force. The increased military budget under international security, in greater detail. Trump, as well as the reluctance of the current administration to be tied to any external restric- The context of bilateral tions, increases the risks for bilateral arms control relations between the United States and Russia. Washing- In the first two subsections, we will examine two ton is also preparing for competition in new areas ideas that play a prominent role in the foreign pol- of the confrontation, namely space (through the icies of the United States and Russia, respectively. creation of the United States Space Command), These are the “great power competition” in the the electromagnetic spectrum (through the United States and the “multipolar world” in Russia. development of a special strategy) and cyber- While these ideas, which are heavily featured in space. Speaking of cyberspace, the relevant strategic documents have already been adop- the official discourse of the two countries, overlap 3 somewhat, they are not entirely commensurate. ted. And Russia being singled out as a threat prompted local legislators to draw up a draft bill Studying them will allow us to see how they could 4 affect relations between the two countries in the on the Russian Internet. future. The last subsection is devoted to the issue At the global level, we are talking about the of external interference in domestic affairs in the United States reconfiguring its military and polit- context of U.S.–Russia relations. ical capabilities, but this is not a quick process. U.S. troops will not be pulled out of Afghanistan GREAT POWER COMPETITION until the second quarter of 2021. At the same Great power competition has become a core time, despite Trump’s plans to exit the Middle idea of the Donald Trump administration. The East, the number of troops in the region has ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Oleg Shakirov, Consultant at PIR Center, Senior Expert at the Center for Advanced Governance, RIAC Expert 1 National Security Strategy of the United States of America // The White House. 12.2017. URL: https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NSS-Final-12-18-2017-0905.pdf 2 Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of The United States of America // Department of Defense. 08.10.2018. URL: https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/2018-National-Defense-Strategy-Summary.pdf 3 National Cyber Strategy of the United States of America // The White House. 09.2018. URL: https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/National-Cyber-Strategy.pdf 4 Kalyukov E. State Duma Adopts Law on Sovereign Internet // RBC. 16.04.2019. URL: https://www.rbc.ru/society/16/04/2019/5cb5926d9a79470c9428e7d1 3 Oleg Shakirov The Future of U.S.–Russia Relations increased over the past year to counter another different interpretations of what multipolarity rival, namely, Iran.5 actually is. The longest running element of this strategy is An important starting point for the multipo- likely to be the confrontation with Beijing. Trade lar world is to pit it against the unipolar model and tech wars with China have marked Trump’s led by the United States and, by extension, the presidency from the very outset. By the fourth West. Sergey Lavrov summed up the idea rather year of his term in office, U.S. grievances towards laconically at the Paris Peace Forum in 2019: “[R] China had expanded to include accusations egardless of the terminology you use, be it a regarding the coronavirus infection. polycentric world, a multipolar world or a multi- Harsh policies towards China have become lateral world, the essence is the same. No one, no the norm in Washington. Future presidents single country, no group of countries, like what and other politicians will use it as a blueprint, we call the ‘historical West,’ can rule the world in rather than proceeding from an ideal vision of this situation alone.”6 At the same time, the Euro- what U.S.–China cooperation could be. In the pean Union can be seen as a separate pole.7 event that the competition between China Russian diplomats emphasize that a multipolar and the United States intensifies, economic ties world is not a reality of today, but rather a model may weaken and attempts to enact a complete that is gradually unfolding, an objective process decoupling, which is mentioned with increasing that will take time.8 In addition, multipolarity is regularity, may be made. understood not so much in the traditional terms The question of how these developments will of the balance of powers as it is in the nature of affect U.S.–Russia relations remains open: Will relations between countries. In an article on the Russia still be seen in the same light as China ten international relations system of the future, Lav- years from now? Or will the United States adopt rov noted: “It is our common interest to ensure a more differentiated approach to the country? that multipolarity is not based on a stark bal- ance of power like it was at the earlier stages of MULTIPOLAR WORLD human history (for example, in the 19th and the th As far as Russia is concerned, the concept of a first half of the 20 century), but rather bears a multipolar world encapsulates its perception of just, democratic and unifying nature, takes into the international environment or, perhaps more account the approaches and concerns of all accurately, what should be expected from it. those taking part in the international relations This is by no means a new concept, having first without an exception, and ensures a stable and 9 entered the country’s foreign policy lexicon back secure future.” in the mid-1990s thanks to then Minister of For- At the level of rhetoric, this idealized view of the eign Affairs Yevgeny Primakov. The concept is desired world order is placed in stark contrast still used today to explain international issues. to the negative aspects of politics in the United Unlike the U.S. strategy of competition among States and the West. For example, this forms the great powers, the concept of multipolarity has basis of the criticisms that Russian diplomats not been written into the country’s strategic level at the idea of “rule-based order,” which is documents, for example, the 2015 National seen as an arbitrary construct created by a nar- Security Strategy of the Russian Federation or row group of countries (the West) to serve their the 2016 Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian own interests.
Recommended publications
  • Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi Arabia
    POLICY BRIEF Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi Arabia GRIGORY KOSACH Professor at the Chair of Modern East, Department of History, Political Science and Law, Russian State University for the Humanities ELENA MELKUMYAN Leading research fellow at the Modern East Shared Problems Research Center, RAS Institute of Oriental Studies, Professor at the Chair of Modern East, Department of History, Political Science and Law, Russian State University for the Humanities No. 6, August 2016 1 BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – RIAC President Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – RIAC Director General Herman Gref Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Aleksandr Dzasokhov Andrey Fursenko Aleksey Meshkov Leonid Drachevsky Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Aleksandr Dynkin Igor Yurgens Mikhail Komissar Konstantin Kosachev Editors-in-Chief: Timur Makhmutov, PhD, political science Ruslan Mamedov The Russian International Aff airs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profi t Russian organiza- tion. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international confl icts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accor- dance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp “On the Creation of the Russian International Aff airs Council non-profi t partnership”, dated February 2, 2010. Founders: Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax news agency RIAC Mission: The RIAC mission is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world.
    [Show full text]
  • New Agenda for Russia-EU Relations
    POLICY BRIEF New agenda for Russia-EU relations M. ENTIN professor, MGIMO-University, RIAC expert E. ENTINA associate professor, NRU Higher School of Economics, RIAC expert No.4, May 2016 1 BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – RIAC President Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – RIAC Director General Herman Gref Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Aleksandr Dzasokhov Andrey Fursenko Aleksey Meshkov Leonid Drachevsky Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Aleksandr Dynkin Igor Yurgens Mikhail Komissar Konstantin Kosachev Editors-in-Chief: Natalia Evtikhevich, PhD, political science Alisa Ponomareva The Russian International Aff airs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profi t Russian organiza- tion. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international confl icts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accor- dance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp “On the Creation of the Russian International Aff airs Council non-profi t partnership”, dated February 2, 2010. Founders: Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax news agency RIAC Mission: The RIAC mission is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world. RIAC oper- ates as a link between the state, the scholarly community, business and civil society in an eff ort to fi nd solutions to foreign policy issues. The views expressed herein do not necessarily refl ect those of RIAC. 2 Russian International Aff airs Council New agenda for Russia-EU relations Russia and the European Union are neighbours.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Strategy for Reconciliation in the OSCE Area” Vienna, 18 December
    PC.DEL/1177/12/Rev.1 7 January 2013 ENGLISH only Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Workshop “Towards a Strategy for Reconciliation in the OSCE Area” Vienna, 18 December Opening Session Contribution by Prof. Anatoly Torkunov, Russian Co-Chair of the Polish-Russian Group on Difficult Matters, Rector of Moscow State Institute of International Relations OSCE Reconciliation Strategy: Notions, focal points and prospects for implementation Reconciliation-rapprochement-distress/detente: synonymous notions. After thoughtful and substantial presentation of Prof. A. Rotfeld inducing the considerations about the concept and practices of reconciliation, I just want to bring your attention back to the meaning of the definition “reconciliation”. I agree with the authors of the “Food for Thought” paper that there is no general agreement among academics and practitioners on the precise meaning. And in this context, I think that reconciliation is not a proper wording for what we are doing in Russian-Polish relations nowadays. I always stress, we (Russia and Poland) have nothing to reconcile about, since we’ve not waged war against each other, at least, in terms and scale of the WW II or Balkan conflicts. That is why, I prefer to use word rapprochement for the process where both of us, me and Prof. Rotfeld, have been involved since 2008. (Though, some practices of ‘reconciliation” was borrowed by our Russian-Polish Group on difficult matters, as well as we could share our ‘rapprochement practices’ for those who are willing to reconcile). Rapprochement is a perfectly fitting word when it comes to relations between Russia and, let us say, its neighbours from the Baltic shore or any other country where objective closeness is harmed by not linked to an immediate or direct conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Tweets and Russian Diplomacy Pdf 0.4 MB
    Valdai Papers # 114 Tweets vs. the Offi cialese: How the Language of Russian Diplomacy Is Changing amid the Global Transition Roman Reinhardt valdaiclub.com #valdaiclub June 2020 About the Authors Roman Reinhardt PhD in Economics, Associate Professor at the Department for Diplomatic Studies, Moscow State Institute of International Relations of the Russian Foreign Ministry (MGIMO University) This publication and other papers are available on http://valdaiclub.com/a/valdai-papers/ The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Valdai Discussion Club, unless explicitly stated otherwise. © The Foundation for Development and Support of the Valdai Discussion Club, 2020 42 Bolshaya Tatarskaya st., Moscow, 115184, Russia Tweets vs. the Offi cialese: How the Language of Russian Diplomacy Is Changing amid the Global Transition 3 Diplomacy is in the throes of a qualitative transformation that affects all its dimensions, with new forms of international cooperation emerging, global political processes accelerating, and contacts with foreign partners and contractors expanding. The change is also infl uencing foreign policy narrative and the language of diplomacy, Russian diplomacy included. In this connection, it is of interest to conceptualize the latest tendencies that determine its further progress. Top-Level Conversations The fi rst thing of note is a higher level of international and interstate contacts. Critical decisions in the area of global politics or economics are increasingly often taken by national leaders at their meetings, rather than in the wake of protracted talks between foreign ministry delegations. Summits consistently supplant conferences, meetings and all other classical forms of diplomatic intercourse.
    [Show full text]
  • PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр Политических Исследований (Russia) России
    Information Bulletin of PIR Center 2007 PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр политических исследований (Russia) России www.pircenter.org/eng CONTENTS Vladimir ORLOV: PIR Center Publishes a Russian Journal on International Security 1 From Yaderny Kontrol to Security Index 3 The Year of Russia’s G8 Presidency 4 April Conference: G8 Global Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit 6 PIR Center Summer School PIR Center staff and organizers of the conference “G8 Global 8 Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit” from L to R: Anton Khlopkov, PIR Center Internship Program Nadezhda Medvedeva, Evgeny Maslin, Vadim Kozyulin, Tatyana 10 Nefedova, Sergey Ponamarev, Ekaterina Soroka, Anastasia Small Arms and Light Weapons Project Laguta, Nadezhda Logutova, Vladimir Orlov, Kristina Kravchenko, Pavel Mansurov, Anna Shuvalova, Konstantin Khachaturyan, 11 Oleg Kulakov, and Konstantin Sirikov. PIR Center Networking 12 Centre russe d'études politiques (CREP) Set Up in Geneva 13 iSi — A Comprehensive International Security Index 14 PIR Center Online 14 The Trialogue Club 15 PIR Center in the Media 16 PIRogue PIR Center Information Bulletin, Issue 5 Editor: Anton Khlopkov Managing editor: Anastasia Laguta Layout and design: Dimitry Polukeev On the cover from L to R and top to bottom: Marian Abisheva (Deputy Proofreading: Cristina Chuen and Warren Polensky Director on Research, Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies); The text of the PIRogue bulletin may only be reproduced Victor Kholstov (Deputy Head, Federal Agency on Industry of the or quoted with the appropriate reference. Contact PIR Center Russian Federation); Konstantin Kosachev (Chairman, International for permission to reproduce printed materials.
    [Show full text]
  • Security Index Should Become an Effective and Reliable Aide in Solving the Significant Issues That Stand Before Russia’S Nuclear Branch
    ABOUT THE PIR CENTER'S NEW JOURNAL THE PUBLICATION OF THE FIRST ISSUE OF SECURITY INDEX… IS NO DOUBT A VERY NECESSARY AND TIMELY EVENT To the EditorinChief, Today no one would doubt that by combining efforts on the basis of the observance of inter national norms and principles, the global community can successfully oppose the threats and challenges of our time. Understanding the importance of collective efforts in solving these problems, Russia is work ing to develop the most active cooperation in the security sphere. In this regard, the level that has been reached on questions of Russian cooperation with lead ing European and EuroAtlantic organizations is particularly significant. Even very recently it would have been difficult to imagine, but in the 21st century we have been successfully tackling the most urgent problems of mutual interest in many areas. The publication of the first issue of Security Index, which is intended as a clear and reliable source of objective information on Russian foreign and defense policy not compromised by politics and ideology, is no doubt a very necessary and timely event. I am certain that the new publication will engender a lively response, not only from politicians and experts in the sphere of international relations but also from representatives of scientific and business circles. Sergei Ivanov The First Deputy Chairman The Russian Federation Government Krasnopresnenskaya Quay, 2 Moscow, 103274, Russia I AM COUNTING ON YOUR EXPERT ASSISTANCE To the EditorinChief, LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Congratulations on the publication of the first issue of Security Index. I view this as persuasive confirmation of the need for the research that your Center has been carrying out over the SECURITY INDEX No.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Russia's Soft Power
    The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power Results of the Past Twenty Years Vera D. Ageeva Vera D. Ageeva, PhD in International Relations Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg, Russia Department of Political Science and International Relations Deputy Head of Department, Associate Professor Paris Institute of Political Studies (Sciences Po Paris), France The Centre for International Studies (CERI) Doctoral Student ORCID: 0000-0002-5419-0968 SPIN RSCI: 3009-1828 E-mail: [email protected] Tel.: +7 (812) 644-59-11*61415 Address: 123 Griboedov Embankment, St. Petersburg 190008, Russia E-mail: [email protected] Address: 27 Rue Saint-Guillaume, Paris 75007, France DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-1-118-145 Abstract The article examines the evolution of Russia’s soft power strategy over the past twenty years. The author analyzes the goals the Russian leadership set when starting this work, and shows that those goals were not limited to improving the Russian image on the world stage. The following periodization of Russia’s soft power evolution is proposed: the rise (2000-2007/2008), institutionalization (2007/2008-2013/2014), and tightening (2013/2014- till present). The article explores how Russian soft power changed during these periods: what tools were used, what role formal and informal institutions played, and what ideas and values were used as a foreign policy 118 RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS The Rise and Fall of Russia’s Soft Power narrative. The analysis of the evolution of the Russian strategy allows us to correlate different stages of its development with Joseph Nye’s concept, as well as to show the intermediate and final results of its implementation.
    [Show full text]
  • International Relations in South Asia: Russia's and Sri Lanka's Views
    Russian International Affairs Council Pathfinder Foundation POLICY BRIEF International Relations in South Asia: Russia’s and Sri Lanka’s views ALEXEY KUPRIYANOV, Ph.D. in History, Senior Research Fellow, Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations of RAS, RIAC Expert KULANI WIJAYABAHU, Transitional – Senior Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Colombo (Sri Lanka) SHAKTHI DE SILVA, Temporary – Assistant Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Colombo (Sri Lanka) No. 24, November 2019 1 RUSSIAN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS COUNCIL BOARD OF TRUSTEES PRESIDIUM Sergey Lavrov – Chairman Mikhail Margelov Petr Aven of the Board of Trustees Yury Osipov Igor Ivanov – President Herman Gref Sergey Prikhodko Andrey Kortunov – Director General Aleksandr Dzasokhov Anatoly Torkunov Fyodor Lukyanov Leonid Drachevsky Andrey Fursenko Igor Morgulov Aleksandr Dynkin Aleksandr Shokhin Dmitry Peskov Mikhail Komissar Igor Yurgens Konstantin Kosachev Editors: Ivan Timofeev, Ph.D. in Political Science Elena Karpinskaya Ksenia Kuzmina Alevtina Larionova Daria Terkina Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) is a membership-based non-profit Russian organization. RIAC’s activities are aimed at strengthening peace, friendship and solidarity between peoples, preventing international conflicts and promoting crisis resolution. The Council was founded in accordance with Russian Presidential Order No. 59-rp ”On the Creation of the Russian International Affairs Council non- profit partnership,” dated February 2, 2010. FOUNDERS Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation Russian Academy of Sciences Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Interfax News Agency RIAC MISSION The mission of RIAC is to promote Russia’s prosperity by integrating it into the global world.
    [Show full text]
  • Become More Skillful Every Day. There Is No Limit to Perfection. Hagakure
    STRATEGIES FOR BUSINESS IN MOSCOW Become more skillful every day. There is no limit to perfection. Hagakure A PROPOS Robbie Williams was wrong when he referred to a Russian Today, these crimson jackets can only been businessman as “a modern Rasputin” in his famous hit found in museums. Modern Russian businessmen “Party Like a Russian.” But he’s not the only one to think have stopped wearing clothes that were popular so. A lot of businessmen abroad are convinced that doing among their predecessors in the 90s. Along with business in Russia is dangerous because anarchy and their appearance, their attitudes have changed lawlessness reign here. This is in spite of the fact that Russia as well. These days, Russian businessmen want keeps climbing up in the Doing Business rating, which is more than to make a lot of money. According to published every year by the World Bank. In just one year, one representative from the All-Russian Non- Russia jumped from 35th to 31st place. And keep in mind Governmental Organization of Small and Medium- that back in 2012, Russia was in 120th place! Unfortunately, Sized Business Opora Russia, a modern entrepreneur old habits die hard. As Karl Marx once pointed out, is, first and foremost, someone who is open to new “a person’s mind is the strongest fortress.” information. They have a different perspective on the world. Moreover, an entrepreneur's reputation Actually, the times when the first thing a foreign plays a much bigger role than it used to. Honesty and businessman did after coming to Russia was hire a reliability are valued, and partners who have stood bodyguard are long gone.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chronology Is Drawn from a Variety of Sources Including
    Chronology and Background to the Horowitz Report The chronology is drawn from a variety of sources including, principally, The Russia investigation and Donald Trump: a timeline from on-the-record sources (updated), John Kruzel, (Politifact, July 16, 2018). Spring 2014: A company, the Internet Research Agency, linked to the Kremlin and specializing in influence operations devises a strategy to interfere with the 2016 U.S. presidential election by sowing distrust in both individual candidates and the American political structure. June 16, 2015: Donald Trump announces his candidacy for president. July 2015: Computer hackers supported by the Russian government penetrate the Democratic National Committee’s (DNC) computer network. Summer and Fall of 2015: Thousands of social media accounts created by Russian surrogates initiate a propaganda and disinformation campaign reflecting a decided preference for the Trump candidacy. March 19, 2016: Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign chairman, John Podesta, falls victim to an email phishing scam. March 2016: George Papadopoulos joins the Trump campaign as an adviser. While traveling in mid-March, Papadopoulos meets a London-based professor, Josef Mifsud, who Papadopoulos understands to have “substantial connections to Russian government officials.” March 21, 2016: Trump identifies Papadopoulos and Carter Page as members of his foreign policy team, in an interview with the Washington Post. March 29, 2016: Trump appointed Paul Manafort to manage the Republican National Convention for the Trump campaign. March 31, 2016: Following a meeting with Josef Mifsud in Italy, Papadopoulos tells Trump, Jeff Sessions, Carter Page and other campaign members that he can use his Russian connections to arrange a meeting between Trump and Putin.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Advocacy Coalitions
    Russian Advocacy Coalitions A study in Power Resources This study examines the advocacy coalitions in Russia. Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, it looks at the power resource distribution amongst the coalitions, and how this distribution affects Russian foreign policy. The power resources examined are: Formal Legal Authority; Public Opinion; Information; Mobilizable Troops; and Financial Resources. In addition to this, the study used quantitative and qualitative methods to identify these resources. There are a couple of conclusions we may draw from this study. The method is useful in identifying power resources. It is not enough to use only the distribution of resources amongst coalitions in order to explain policy changes. It is found that the distribution of resources, coupled with coalition interaction, is enough to explain changes in Russian foreign policy. KEYWORDS: Advocacy Coalition Framework, Russia, Power Resources, Natural Gas WORDS: 24,368 Author: Robert Granlund Supervisor: Fredrik Bynander Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 PURPOSE .................................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ............................................................................................................ 2 1.3 OUTLINE..................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Present at the Transformation: an Insider's Reflection on NATO
    Present at the Transformation 425 Chapter 18 Present at the Transformation: An Insider’s Reflection on NATO Enlargement, NATO-Russia Relations, and Where We Go from Here Alexander Vershbow It’s now twenty years since NATO’s first post-Cold War enlarge- ment when Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic became the 17th, 18th and 19th members of the Alliance in March 1999. This began a process that has added a total of 13 new democracies from Central and Eastern Europe to NATO’s ranks, with Northern Macedonia set to become the 30th member in 2019. NATO enlargement was only one dimension of U.S. and NATO policy at the end of the Cold War aimed at consolidating peace and security across Europe, overcoming the division of the continent im- posed by Stalin at the end of World War II and ratified at the 1945 Yalta Summit. The enlargement of NATO membership went hand in hand with the forging of a strategic partnership with Russia, formalized in the NATO-Russia Founding Act of 1997. A transformed NATO Al- liance and an institutionalized NATO-Russia partnership were envis- aged as the main pillars of a U.S.-led pan-European security system that sought to realize the vision of a Europe whole, free and at peace first articulated by President George H.W. Bush and reaffirmed by President Bill Clinton. The ensuing twenty years have witnessed a lot of second-guessing about the wisdom of the decision to open NATO to the East, with more and more critics arguing that it was the “original sin” that led to the confrontational relationship with Moscow that we are dealing with today.
    [Show full text]