Russia 2016 Human Rights Report
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Public Contestation Practices in Russia in 2000–2020
https://doi.org/10.18778/1427-9657.09.06 EASTERN REVIEW 2020, T. 9 Roman Savenkov https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1643-2444 Voronezh State University, Voronezh, Russia Department of Sociology and Political Science e-mail: [email protected] Public contestation practices in Russia in 2000–2020 Abstract. The article analyzes the influence exerted by the limitation of legal opportunities for public contestation in the 2000s on the scope of mobilization and the repertoire of public contestation practices. The term ‘public contestation’ is used to describe forms of individual and collective political activity focused on criticizing, denying and resisting the current government project, including by introducing alternative projects. The public contestation includes constructive actions of political actors not related to causing damage or disposing of political opponents. The paper is based on political and legal analysis and on some elements of event analysis. In the 2000s, the scale of public contestation on discursive and protest platforms was smaller than over the next decade, which did not create any needs for detailed regulation of such activities. At the same time, changes in political and legal opportunities in the electoral and party field were quite intense throughout 2000–2020. The most popular forms of public contestation were public events (in 2011–2018), as well as discursive activity on the Internet and in mass media (after 2018). During the above mentioned period, we see the biggest changes in legal opportunities in this field and increasing penalties for respective violations. The electoral field shows the pendulum dynamics: decreasing and increasing opportunities in 2000–2011 and 2012–2019, respectively. -
James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture. -
Russia TC Closeout 06-30-12
American International Health Alliance HIV/AIDS Twinning Center Final Performance Report for Russia HRSA Cooperative Agreement No. U97HA04128 Reporting Period: 2009 ‐ 2012 Submitted: June 30, 2012 Preface he American International Health Alliance, Inc. (AIHA) is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit corporation created by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and leading representatives of the US healthcare sector in 1992 to serve as the primary vehicle for mobilizing the volunteer spirit of T American healthcare professionals to make significant contributions to the improvement of global health through institutional twinning partnerships. AIHA’s mission is to advance global health through volunteer-driven partnerships that mobilize communities to better address healthcare priorities while improving productivity and quality of care. Founded in 1992 by a consortium of American associations of healthcare providers and of health professions education, AIHA facilitates and manages twinning partnerships between institutions in the United States and their counterparts overseas. To date, AIHA has supported more than 150 partnerships linking American volunteers with communities, institutions, and colleagues in 33 countries in a concerted effort to strengthen health services and delivery, as well as health professions education and training. Operating with funding from USAID; the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) of the US Department of Health and Human Services; the US Library of Congress; the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria; and other donors, AIHA’s partnerships and programs represent one of the US health sector’s most coordinated responses to global health concerns. AIHA’s HIV/AIDS Twinning Center Program was launched in late 2004 to support the US President’s Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). -
Technocrat Or Silovik Special Raport on Russian Governors
SPECIAL REPORT 26/02/2018 TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK SPECIAL RAPORT ON RUssIAN GOVERNORS The Warsaw Institute Foundation TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK. SPECIAL REPORT ON RUSSIAN GOVERNORS • The large-scale personnel changes in the Russian Federation indicates that such a situation is not only due to the pre-election campaign as loyal and efficient people are needed in order to ensure the proper result of the vote. It constitutes an element of a new role of the regions in the Putin regime, which may be associated with the start of his new presidential term. • The aforementioned personnel reshuffles result from the state’s increasing centralisation, which seems to be additionally fuelled by growing importance of the so-called siloviki. • The entire process has begun right after changes within the leadership of the Presidential Administration (also referred as PA). The key role is played by its head, Anton Vaino, as well as Sergey Kiriyenko who has recently replaced Vyacheslav Volodin as first deputy chief of staff of the Presidential Administration. • The fact of restoring direct gubernatorial election in 2012 has only seemingly strengthened their position. Indeed, it is getting weaker, if only because the president is given full freedom to dismiss governors and appoint acting ones, who confirm their mandate in a fully controlled election. • Importantly, none of the changes, which occurred in 2017, could be justified from economic point of view. Such regions as Mordovia, Khakassia and Kabardino-Balkar struggle with the most difficult financial situation. Even though, governors of these regions managed to retain their positions. Interestingly, it is no longer enough to maintain political calm (with no protests being organized), demonstrate economic successes and to obediently fulfill Putin’s decrees. -
The Usual Suspects Protesting in Russia Harriman Magazine Is Published Biannually by the Harriman Institute
the harriman institute at columbia university the usual suspects Protesting in Russia Harriman Magazine is published biannually by the Harriman Institute. Managing Editor: Ronald Meyer Editor: Masha Udensiva-Brenner Comments, suggestions, or address changes may be e-mailed to Masha Udensiva-Brenner at [email protected]. Cover photo by Artem Drachev: Demonstration in Moscow on Bolotnaya Square, May 6, 2012. Design and Production: Columbia Creative Harriman Institute Kimberly Marten, Acting Director (2012–2013) Timothy Frye, Director Alla Rachkov, Associate Director Lydia C. Hamilton, Program Manager, Alumni and Student Affairs Harriman Institute Columbia University 420 West 118 Street New York, NY 10027 Tel: 212-854-4623 Fax: 212-666-3481 For the latest news and updates about the Harriman Institute, visit www.harriman.columbia.edu. Stay connected through Facebook and Twitter! www.twitter.com/HarrimanInst www.facebook.com/pages/The-Harriman- Institute/165273220175750 FROM THE DIRECTOR elcome to the inaugural issue of the Harriman Magazine. Our hope is that the magazine will allow us to develop deeper and more sustained ties with W the alumni of the Institute—our MARS degree recipients and Harriman Certificate holders—as well as with our visiting scholars and postdoctoral fellows, as they progress in their careers. The Alumni Notes section will be a permanent feature; in the next issue we will begin publishing Postdoc Notes—so please send us your information. The heart of the magazine will feature in-depth profiles and stories about Institute alumni, visitors, faculty, and students and their projects. Our inaugural issue profiles two alums who have worn many hats at Harriman. -
Painful Past, Fragile Future the Delicate Balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and Others
No 2(VII)/2013 Price 19 PLN (w tym 5% VAT) 10 EUR 12 USD 7 GBP ISSN: 2083-7372 quarterly April-June www.neweasterneurope.eu Painful Past, Fragile Future The delicate balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and others. Strange Bedfellows: A Question Ukraine’s oligarchs and the EU of Solidarity Paweï Kowal Zygmunt Bauman Books & Reviews: Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Mykola Riabchuk, Robert D. Kaplan and Jan Švankmajer Seversk: A New Direction A Siberian for Transnistria? Oasis Kamil Caïus Marcin Kalita Piotr Oleksy Azerbaijan ISSN 2083-7372 A Cause to Live For www.neweasterneurope.eu / 13 2(VII) Emin Milli Arzu Geybullayeva Nominated for the 2012 European Press Prize Dear Reader, In 1995, upon the declaration of the Dayton Peace Accords, which put an end to one of the bloodiest conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Bosnian War, US President, Bill Clinton, announced that leaders of the region had chosen “to give their children and their grandchildren the chance to lead a normal life”. Today, after nearly 20 years, the wars are over, in most areas peace has set in, and stability has been achieved. And yet, in our interview with Blerim Reka, he echoes Clinton’s words saying: “It is the duty of our generation to tell our grandchildren the successful story of the Balkans, different from the bloody Balkans one which we were told about.” This and many more observations made by the authors of this issue of New Eastern Europe piece together a complex picture of a region marred by a painful past and facing a hopeful, yet fragile future. -
The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ...................................................................................... -
PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр Политических Исследований (Russia) России
Information Bulletin of PIR Center 2007 PIR CENTER ПИР-ЦЕНТР Center for Policy Studies Центр политических исследований (Russia) России www.pircenter.org/eng CONTENTS Vladimir ORLOV: PIR Center Publishes a Russian Journal on International Security 1 From Yaderny Kontrol to Security Index 3 The Year of Russia’s G8 Presidency 4 April Conference: G8 Global Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit 6 PIR Center Summer School PIR Center staff and organizers of the conference “G8 Global 8 Security Agenda: Challenges and Interests. Towards the St. Petersburg Summit” from L to R: Anton Khlopkov, PIR Center Internship Program Nadezhda Medvedeva, Evgeny Maslin, Vadim Kozyulin, Tatyana 10 Nefedova, Sergey Ponamarev, Ekaterina Soroka, Anastasia Small Arms and Light Weapons Project Laguta, Nadezhda Logutova, Vladimir Orlov, Kristina Kravchenko, Pavel Mansurov, Anna Shuvalova, Konstantin Khachaturyan, 11 Oleg Kulakov, and Konstantin Sirikov. PIR Center Networking 12 Centre russe d'études politiques (CREP) Set Up in Geneva 13 iSi — A Comprehensive International Security Index 14 PIR Center Online 14 The Trialogue Club 15 PIR Center in the Media 16 PIRogue PIR Center Information Bulletin, Issue 5 Editor: Anton Khlopkov Managing editor: Anastasia Laguta Layout and design: Dimitry Polukeev On the cover from L to R and top to bottom: Marian Abisheva (Deputy Proofreading: Cristina Chuen and Warren Polensky Director on Research, Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies); The text of the PIRogue bulletin may only be reproduced Victor Kholstov (Deputy Head, Federal Agency on Industry of the or quoted with the appropriate reference. Contact PIR Center Russian Federation); Konstantin Kosachev (Chairman, International for permission to reproduce printed materials. -
Interview with Yulia Malysheva
A Revolution of the Mind INTERVIEW WITH YULIA MALYSHEVA ulia Sergeevna Malysheva is one of the leading youth activists in Russia. An elected Y municipal deputy in Moscow, a researcher at the Institute for the Economy in Transi- tion, and leader of the youth organization Oborona (which she cofounded) and of the youth branch of the SPS party, Malysheva also later became the leader of the youth branch of the People’s Democratic Union, the political movement led by former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov. In this interview, she speaks about the possibility of a color revolution in Russia, cooperation with other domestic and international youth groups, the Kremlin’s worried reaction, the nature of the Nashi pro-Kremlin youth group, the attempts to unite the Russian democrats, the successes of Oborona, the chances the democrats have of returning to power, and what she expects from the West. Demokratizatsiya: Tell us about Oborona. Malysheva: Oborona is a youth organization that appeared with the Orange wave in Ukraine. It was important for us that many others were waiting for us, since youth have always been in the avant-garde. At that time, our adult colleagues kept arguing as to who was more important. In the end, they got 3 percent [in the Duma elections]. It was evi- dent that they were not well presented before the Russian voters. We founded Oborona not only with young people who sympathize with SPS, Yabloko, the [former SPS leader and independent candidate Irina] Khakamada movement and other such formations—but also with those who support the democratic process and oppose the Putin regime. -
Russia Macro-Politics: Political Pragmatism Or, Economic Necessity
The National Projects December 2019 Population and GDP (2020E data) The long and winding road Population 146.8 GDP, Nominal, US$ bln $1,781 Plans are worthless. Planning is essential” GDP/Capita, US$ $12,132 Dwight D. Eisenhower GDP/Capita, PPP, US$ $27,147 Source: World Bank, World-o-Meters, MA The National Projects (NP) are at the core of the Russian government’s efforts to pull the economy out of the current slump, National Projects - Spending* to create sustainable diversified long-term growth and to improve Rub, Bln US$ Bln lifestyle conditions in Russia. It is the key element of President Putin’s Human Capital 5,729 $88 effort to establish his legacy. Health 1,726 $27 Education 785 $12 We are now initiating coverage of the National Projects strategy. We Demographics 3,105 $48 will provide regular detailed updates about the progress in each of Culture 114 $2 the major project sectors, focusing especially on the opportunities Quality of Life 9,887 $152 Safer Roads 4,780 $74 for foreign investors and on the mechanisms for them to take part. Housing 1,066 $16 ▪ What is it? A US$390 billion program of public spending, designed Ecology 4,041 $62 to stimulate investment, build infrastructure and improve health Economic Growth 10,109 $156 and well-being by 2024, i.e. the end of the current presidential Science 636 $10 Small Business Development 482 $7 term. Digital Economy 1,635 $25 ▪ Is this a return to Soviet-style planning? For some of the NPs, Labour productivity 52 $1 Export Support 957 $15 especially those involving infrastructure, it certainly looks like it. -
Putin's Trick in Donbass
MONTHLY January 2018 CONTENTS 6 16 24 NEW YEAR, RUSSIANS BOTHER MOSCOW PLAYS SAME WAR U.S. ALLIES THE OSSETIAN CARD RUSSIA’S INVESTIGATIVE BLACK CLOUDS COMMITEE FACES 3 OVER BASTRYKIN 15 IMMINENT REVOLUTION PURGES RUSSIANS BOTHER 5 IN LUHANSK 16 U.S. ALLIES NEW YEAR, FSB “CLEANS UP” AFTER 6 SAME WAR 18 THE FAILED OPERATION PUTIN’S TRICK WHY MOSCOW LEFT KURDS. 8 IN DONBASS 19 FIVE REASONS HOW RUSSIA AVOIDS ANOTHER “LIBERAL” 10 SANCTIONS. EPISODE 2 21 IS GOING TO JAIL ROSGVARDIYA’S RUSSIA STRENGTHENS ITS 11 IRON FIST 22 FORCES ON THE BATIC SEA NO CHANCES OF RUSSIAN MOSCOW PLAYS 13 MILITARY BASE IN SUDAN 24 THE OSSETIAN CARD www.warsawinstitute.org 2 © KREMLIN.RU 3 January 2018 BLACK CLOUDS OVER BASTRYKIN In the last days of December, officers of the Investigative Directorate of the FSB detained another important person in the case against Zakhar Kalashov aka Shakro Molodoy. As a result, a former colonel of the Investigative Committee was charged with corruption. His detention occurred one and a half years after other high-ranking officers had been arrested. Such a state of affairs may mean the beginning of massive personal purges within the Investigative Committee and further weakening of the position, and perhaps even resignation, of the influential head of the service, Alexander Bastrykin. ntil July 2016, Colonel Alexey Committee. In addition, the investigation on UKramarenko had been the Head of bribes from Shakro Molodoy was initiated the Main Investigation Directorate of the by the FSB and not by the Investigative Investigative Committee (ICR) of Russia in Committee. -
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 18 March presidential election took place in an overly controlled legal and political environment marked by continued pressure on critical voices, while the Central Election Commission (CEC) administered the election efficiently and openly. After intense efforts to promote turnout, citizens voted in significant numbers, yet restrictions on the fundamental freedoms of assembly, association and expression, as well as on candidate registration, have limited the space for political engagement and resulted in a lack of genuine competition. While candidates could generally campaign freely, the extensive and uncritical coverage of the incumbent as president in most media resulted in an uneven playing field. Overall, election day was conducted in an orderly manner despite shortcomings related to vote secrecy and transparency of counting. Eight candidates, one woman and seven men, stood in this election, including the incumbent president, as self-nominated, and others fielded by political parties. Positively, recent amendments significantly reduced the number of supporting signatures required for candidate registration. Seventeen prospective candidates were rejected by the CEC, and six of them challenged the CEC decisions unsuccessfully in the Supreme Court. Remaining legal restrictions on candidates rights are contrary to OSCE commitments and other international standards, and limit the inclusiveness of the candidate registration process. Most candidates publicly expressed their certainty that the incumbent president would prevail in the election. With many of the candidates themselves stating that they did not expect to win, the election lacked genuine competition. Thus, efforts to increase the turnout predominated over the campaign of the contestants.