Freedom of Expression in Russia As It Relates to Criticism of the Government
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James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination
Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture. -
Young People and Human Rights in Russia: Paradoxes and Controversies
YOUNG PEOPLE AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN RUSSIA: PARADOXES AND CONTROVERSIES Pavel Chikov A large-scale representative survey has been conducted In this essay, we would like to focus on how public by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation jointly with Russia’s opinion and state propaganda influence the youth. Last Levada Center targeting the Russian youth. A total year, our organization produced a report under the title, of 1500 young people aged from 14 to 29 years old Society vs. Authorities: the Difficulties of Voicing Public responded to a questionnaire; and a number of focus Concerns¹. In it, we talked about how society in Russia groups were organized to address its questions. When has been finding ways to make the state notice and listen asked to name a value that matters most to them, the to serious public concerns and analyzed how perceptive youth collectively answered that it was human rights. As the general public is to a formalized public opinion. Our many as 42% of the respondents selected human rights conclusion was that yes, it is very perceptive, that the as their top value, and 76% included human rights in general public can produce active or passive response the top three values of their choice. This essay seeks to [depending on circumstances], has a tendency to trust identify the reasons behind that choice. [the authorities] and does not always think critically. In this report we looked at how society has been making In general, one way to describe the assessments given progress over the past 10 years in getting human rights by the Russian youth to the country’s social and political issues on the publicly discussed agenda. -
Songs by Artist
Reil Entertainment Songs by Artist Karaoke by Artist Title Title &, Caitlin Will 12 Gauge Address In The Stars Dunkie Butt 10 Cc 12 Stones Donna We Are One Dreadlock Holiday 19 Somethin' Im Mandy Fly Me Mark Wills I'm Not In Love 1910 Fruitgum Co Rubber Bullets 1, 2, 3 Redlight Things We Do For Love Simon Says Wall Street Shuffle 1910 Fruitgum Co. 10 Years 1,2,3 Redlight Through The Iris Simon Says Wasteland 1975 10, 000 Maniacs Chocolate These Are The Days City 10,000 Maniacs Love Me Because Of The Night Sex... Because The Night Sex.... More Than This Sound These Are The Days The Sound Trouble Me UGH! 10,000 Maniacs Wvocal 1975, The Because The Night Chocolate 100 Proof Aged In Soul Sex Somebody's Been Sleeping The City 10Cc 1Barenaked Ladies Dreadlock Holiday Be My Yoko Ono I'm Not In Love Brian Wilson (2000 Version) We Do For Love Call And Answer 11) Enid OS Get In Line (Duet Version) 112 Get In Line (Solo Version) Come See Me It's All Been Done Cupid Jane Dance With Me Never Is Enough It's Over Now Old Apartment, The Only You One Week Peaches & Cream Shoe Box Peaches And Cream Straw Hat U Already Know What A Good Boy Song List Generator® Printed 11/21/2017 Page 1 of 486 Licensed to Greg Reil Reil Entertainment Songs by Artist Karaoke by Artist Title Title 1Barenaked Ladies 20 Fingers When I Fall Short Dick Man 1Beatles, The 2AM Club Come Together Not Your Boyfriend Day Tripper 2Pac Good Day Sunshine California Love (Original Version) Help! 3 Degrees I Saw Her Standing There When Will I See You Again Love Me Do Woman In Love Nowhere Man 3 Dog Night P.S. -
In Search of the Law Governed State
THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH TITLE: IN SEARCH OF THE LAW-GOVERNED STAT E Conference Paper #17 of 1 7 Commentary : The Printed versions of Conference Remarks by Participant s AUTHOR: Berman et al . CONTRACTOR: Lehigh University PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Donald D. Barry COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 805-0 1 DATE : October 199 1 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research. The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author. NCSEER NOTE This paper is #17 in the series listed on the following page. The series is the product of a major conferenc e entitled, In Search of the Law-Governed State: Political and Societal Reform Under Gorbachev, which was summarized in a Council Report by that title authored by Donald D . Barry, and distributed by the Council i n October, 1991. The remaining papers were distributed seriatim . This paper was written prior to the attempted coup of August 19, 1991 . The Conference Papers 1. GIANMARIA AJANI, "The Rise and Fall of the Law-Governed Stat e in the Experience of Russian Legal Scholarship . " 2. EUGENE HUSKEY , "From Legal Nihilism to Pravovoe Gosudarstvo : Soviet Legal Development, 1917-1990 . " 3. LOUISE SHELLEY, "Legal Consciousness and the Pravovoe Gosudarstvo . " 4. DIETRICH ANDRE LOEBER, "Regional and National Variations : The Baltic Factor . " 5. JOHN HAZARD, "The Evolution of the Soviet Constitution . " 6. FRANCES FOSTER-SIMONS, "The Soviet Legislature : Gorbachev' s School of Democracy . " 7. GER VAN DEN BERG, "Executive Power and the Concept of Pravovo e Gosudarstvo . -
Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress
Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress The best road to progress is freedom’s road. John F. Kennedy The only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impeded their efforts to obtain it. John Stuart Mill To cull the inestimable benefits assured by freedom of the press, it is necessary to put up with the inevitable evils springing therefrom. Alexis de Tocqueville Freedom is necessary to generate progress; people also value freedom as an important component of progress. This chapter will contend that both propositions are correct. Without liberty, there will be little or no progress; most people will consider an expansion in freedom as progress. Neither proposition would win universal acceptance. Some would argue that a totalitarian state can marshal the resources to generate economic growth. Many will contend that too much liberty induces libertine behavior and is destructive of society, peace, and the family. For better or worse, the record shows that freedom has increased throughout the world over the last few centuries and especially over the last few decades. There are of course many examples of non-free, totalitarian, ruthless government on the globe, but their number has decreased and now represents a smaller proportion of the world’s population. Perhaps this growth of freedom is partially responsible for the breakdown of the family and the rise in crime, described in the previous chapter. Dictators do tolerate less crime and are often very repressive of deviant sexual behavior, but, as the previous chapter reported, divorce and illegitimacy are more connected with improved income of women than with a permissive society. -
Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
The Usual Suspects Protesting in Russia Harriman Magazine Is Published Biannually by the Harriman Institute
the harriman institute at columbia university the usual suspects Protesting in Russia Harriman Magazine is published biannually by the Harriman Institute. Managing Editor: Ronald Meyer Editor: Masha Udensiva-Brenner Comments, suggestions, or address changes may be e-mailed to Masha Udensiva-Brenner at [email protected]. Cover photo by Artem Drachev: Demonstration in Moscow on Bolotnaya Square, May 6, 2012. Design and Production: Columbia Creative Harriman Institute Kimberly Marten, Acting Director (2012–2013) Timothy Frye, Director Alla Rachkov, Associate Director Lydia C. Hamilton, Program Manager, Alumni and Student Affairs Harriman Institute Columbia University 420 West 118 Street New York, NY 10027 Tel: 212-854-4623 Fax: 212-666-3481 For the latest news and updates about the Harriman Institute, visit www.harriman.columbia.edu. Stay connected through Facebook and Twitter! www.twitter.com/HarrimanInst www.facebook.com/pages/The-Harriman- Institute/165273220175750 FROM THE DIRECTOR elcome to the inaugural issue of the Harriman Magazine. Our hope is that the magazine will allow us to develop deeper and more sustained ties with W the alumni of the Institute—our MARS degree recipients and Harriman Certificate holders—as well as with our visiting scholars and postdoctoral fellows, as they progress in their careers. The Alumni Notes section will be a permanent feature; in the next issue we will begin publishing Postdoc Notes—so please send us your information. The heart of the magazine will feature in-depth profiles and stories about Institute alumni, visitors, faculty, and students and their projects. Our inaugural issue profiles two alums who have worn many hats at Harriman. -
Environmental Courts in Russia: to Be Or Not to Be?
Environmental Courts in Russia: To be or Not to be? ALEKSEY PAVLOVICH ANIsimov* AND ANATOLY YAKOVLEVICH RYzHENKov** Abstract This article presents an analysis of the theory and practice of the establishment of nationalspe- cialized environmental courts. It is suggested that Russia ought to be included in the list of coun- tries that have such courts. The authors consider this issue in the context of a discussion about the necessity for an internationalenvironmental court, as well as offer certain suggestions concerning the structure and the competence of a Russian environmentalcourt. The establishment ofa Russian environmentalcourt is impeded by the government and the legal community's misunderstandingof the importance of the problem. But the establishment of environmental courts in the majority of other countries was preceded by many years of academic discussions. The authors of the article suggest commencing such a discussion. Introduction Politicians, lawyers, economists, and representatives of public authorities worldwide in- creasingly discuss environmental protection issues as a relevant problem. These issues are the subject of hundreds of international documents urging countries and peoples to miti- gate their negative impact on the environment at a national and international level. On top of environmental requirements for various types of activity or protection of natural sites, the international community devotes much attention to environmental jus- tice issues. We will not refer to every relevant document regarding this issue but instead mentioning the following important examples: the Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (Aarhus, Denmark, June 25, 1998)1 and the declaration adopted at The World Summit on * Aleksey Anisimov is Professor of the Chair of Civil Law at Volgograd Institute of Business, Doctor of juridical sciences. -
Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction
RUSSIA 2012-2013 : Attack on Freedom Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, February 2014 / N°625a Cover photo: Demonstration in front of the State Duma (Russian Parliament) in Moscow on 18 July 2013, after the conviction of Alexei Navalny. © AFP PHOTO / Ivan Novikov 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 1. Authoritarian Methods to Suppress Rights and Freedoms -------------------------------- 6 2. Repressive Laws ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 2.1. Restrictions on Freedom -
Public Service
THE DUTCH PUBLIC SERVICE Organisation and functioning of the government in the Netherlands, the position of civil servants and the main developments PAGE 2 The Dutch Public Service Foreword The Dutch government is traditionally an for themselves on the right form of action I highly recommend this book to you. It attractive employer, with an unusually in the dynamics of the network society. provides excellent insight into how the high degree of social involvement and Dutch government is organised. relevance. Virtually no other sector allows There is also the issue of good profes- us to look behind the scenes so often. sional skills. The key to this is profes- sional knowledge. Such knowledge is According to international comparative essential to maintain a high performance research, the Netherlands does this very level and to be able to anticipate the well. I believe that we can be justifiably many changes occurring inside and proud of the quality of our government outside government. The core of good system and the people who work in it. performance remains unchanged: a good The same vigour that we applied to build civil servant realises that he or she is up this position is now being used to working in exceptional circumstances. maintain and expand it. In the A civil servant serves democracy, impos- Netherlands, we do this along two tracks: ing high demands on integrity. firstly, by aiming to provide a government that is better equipped for the future and Integrity is a topic that became current in secondly, by ensuring that we have a good the Netherlands 20 years ago and has lost civil service. -
Background Guide, and to Issac and Stasya for Being Great Friends During Our Weird Chicago Summer
Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) MUNUC 33 ONLINE 1 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________ CHAIR LETTERS………………………….….………………………….……..….3 ROOM MECHANICS…………………………………………………………… 6 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM………………………….……………..…………......9 HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM………………………………………………………….16 ROSTER……………………………………………………….………………………..23 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………..…………….. 46 2 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online CHAIR LETTERS ____________________________________________________ My Fellow Russians, We stand today on the edge of a great crisis. Our nation has never been more divided, more war- stricken, more fearful of the future. Yet, the promise and the greatness of Russia remains undaunted. The Russian Provisional Government can and will overcome these challenges and lead our Motherland into the dawn of a new day. Out of character. To introduce myself, I’m a fourth-year Economics and History double major, currently writing a BA thesis on World War II rationing in the United States. I compete on UChicago’s travel team and I additionally am a CD for our college conference. Besides that, I am the VP of the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity, previously a member of an all-men a cappella group and a proud procrastinator. This letter, for example, is about a month late. We decided to run this committee for a multitude of reasons, but I personally think that Russian in 1917 represents such a critical point in history. In an unlikely way, the most autocratic regime on Earth became replaced with a socialist state. The story of this dramatic shift in government and ideology represents, to me, one of the most interesting parts of history: that sometimes facts can be stranger than fiction. -
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin?
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin? Nona Mikhelidze No. 12. April 2021 This publication has been funded by the European Union under the Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 769886. ABSTRACT April 2021 . 12 Seven years after the annexation of Crimea and amid an ongoing war in Ukraine, Russia has tried to move towards military escalation in the Donbass region making clear that the status quo emerged in 2014 as a “new normal” cannot last. The Minsk II Agreement negotiated between Ukraine, Russia, France and Germany in the framework of the Normandy Format in February 2015 remains unimplemented despite numerous rounds of mediation. Western economic sanctions against Moscow succeeded in limiting the Kremlin’s military EU-LISTCO Policy Paper Series. Paper EU-LISTCO Policy advance beyond Donbass and deterred it from making further territorial gains. However, these measures failed to impact on Russian decision-making regarding resolution of the conflict. Influencing Russia’s foreign policy is not an easy task, as the country’s conduct of international relations is shaped by domestic factors and the authoritarian nature of its governance. Still, the West needs a strategy in response to the international and domestic wrongdoings already committed by the Kremlin and as a preventative measure to deter Moscow’s future aggression. In order to face the Russian challenge, the West should first design clear rules for its own foreign-policy behaviour based on the primacy of human rights and democracy and then define how to defend universal values abroad, including in Russia.