INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
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The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ...................................................................................... -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Russia's Silence Factory
Russia’s Silence Factory: The Kremlin’s Crackdown on Free Speech and Democracy in the Run-up to the 2021 Parliamentary Elections August 2021 Contact information: International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) Rue Belliard 205, 1040 Brussels, Belgium [email protected] Contents I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 II. INTRODUCTION 6 A. AUTHORS 6 B. OBJECTIVES 6 C. SOURCES OF INFORMATION AND METHODOLOGY 6 III. THE KREMLIN’S CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 7 A. THE LEGAL TOOLKIT USED BY THE KREMLIN 7 B. 2021 TIMELINE OF THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 9 C. KEY TARGETS IN THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 12 i) Alexei Navalny 12 ii) Organisations and Individuals associated with Alexei Navalny 13 iii) Human Rights Lawyers 20 iv) Independent Media 22 v) Opposition politicians and pro-democracy activists 24 IV. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS TRIGGERED BY THE CRACKDOWN 27 A. FREEDOMS OF ASSOCIATION, OPINION AND EXPRESSION 27 B. FAIR TRIAL RIGHTS 29 C. ARBITRARY DETENTION 30 D. POLITICAL PERSECUTION AS A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY 31 V. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 37 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY “An overdose of freedom is lethal to a state.” Vladislav Surkov, former adviser to President Putin and architect of Russia’s “managed democracy”.1 Russia is due to hold Parliamentary elections in September 2021. The ruling United Russia party is polling at 28% and is projected to lose its constitutional majority (the number of seats required to amend the Constitution).2 In a bid to silence its critics and retain control of the legislature, the Kremlin has unleashed an unprecedented crackdown on the pro-democracy movement, independent media, and anti-corruption activists. -
Public Opinion and Democracy In
PUBLIC OPINION AND DEMOCRACY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE (1992-2004) by Zofia Maka A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and International Relations Summer 2014 © 2014 Zofia Maka All Rights Reserved UMI Number: 3642337 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3642337 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106 - 1346 PUBLIC OPINION AND DEMOCRACY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE (1992-2004) by Zofia Maka Approved: __________________________________________________________ Gretchen Bauer, Ph.D. Chair of the Department of Political Science and International Relations Approved: __________________________________________________________ George H. Watson, Ph.D. Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences Approved: __________________________________________________________ James G. Richards, Ph.D. Vice Provost for Graduate and Professional Education I certify that I have read this dissertation and that in my opinion it meets the academic and professional standard required by the University as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Signed: __________________________________________________________ Julio Carrion, Ph.D. -
2011 Parliamentary
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION Russian Federation, State Duma Elections – 4 December 2011 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Moscow, 5 December 2011 - This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is the result of a common endeavour involving the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Petros Efthymiou (Greece), Head of the OSCE PA Delegation, was appointed by the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office as Special Co-ordinator to lead the short term observer mission. Tiny Kox (Netherlands) headed the PACE delegation. Heidi Tagliavini (Switzerland) is the Head of the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission (EOM). This assessment was made to determine whether these elections complied with OSCE commitments and Council of Europe standards, as well as with national legislation. In many regions of the country, regional and local elections were held concurrently with the parliamentary elections and were observed only to the extent that they may have impacted the conduct of the latter. This statement of preliminary findings and conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the electoral process. The final assessment of the elections will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the election process; in particular, the tabulation and announcement of results, and the handling of possible post-election day complaints and appeals. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the election process. The OSCE PA will present its report at its 2012 winter meeting. -
HANDBOOK for Foreign (International) Observers During the Election of the President of the Russian Federation
Election of the President of the Russian Federation HANDBOOK for Foreign (International) Observers during the election of the President of the Russian Federation Published by the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation Moscow 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS Decision of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation № 528-SF of 15 December 2017 “on Scheduling the Election of the President of the Russian Federation” ........................................5 Extract from the Document of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the CSCE (OSCE) dated 29 June, 1990 ...........................................................................................................6 Extract from the Convention on the Standards of Democratic Elections, Electoral Rights and Freedoms in the Member States of the Commonwealth of Independent States: Article 7, paragraph 5 and article 15 paragraphs 1 and 2. ...........................................................7 Major Amendments and Additions to the Electoral Legislation Made in 2016-2017 .......................................................................................8 System of electoral authorities responsible for preparation and conduct of the Election of the President of the Russian Federation ..........11 Transparency of the activities of election commissions (extract from Article 23 of Federal Law on the Election of the President of the Russian Federation of 10 January 2003 №19-FZ) .........................................................................................12 -
Redalyc.POLAND's FOREIGN and SECURITY POLICY
Revista UNISCI ISSN: 2386-9453 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Bieczyk-Missala, Agnieszka POLAND’S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY: MAIN DIRECTIONS Revista UNISCI, núm. 40, enero, 2016, pp. 101-117 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76743646007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Revista UNISCI / UNISCI Journal , Nº 3 9 ( Enero / January 2016 ) POLAND’S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY: MAI N DIRECTIONS Agnieszka Bieńczyk - Missala 1 University of Warsaw Abstract : This article tries to present the main areas of Polish foreign and security policy.Poland’s membership in the EU and in NATO was the strongest determinant of its position in international relations, and the guiding light of its foreign policy. Poland’s wor k in the EU was focused in particular on EU policy towards its eastern neighbours, common energy policy and security issues, while in NATO, Poland has always been a proponent of the open doors policy and has maintained close relationship with the US, suppo rting many of its policies and initiatives . Keywords : Poland, European Union Security and Defence, NATO, Poland´s bilateral relations . Resumen : El artículo presenta las principales áreas de la política exterior y de seguridad de Polonia, siendo su pertenencia a la Unión Europea y la OTAN los principales determinantes de su posición en las relaciones internacionales y el foco que ilumina su política exterior. -
Russia Country Report BTI 2016
BTI 2016 | Russia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.06 # 81 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 4.40 # 83 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.71 # 65 of 129 Management Index 1-10 3.17 # 114 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Russia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Russia 2 Key Indicators Population M 143.8 HDI 0.778 GDP p.c., PPP $ 25635.9 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.2 HDI rank of 187 57 Gini Index 41.6 Life expectancy years 71.1 UN Education Index 0.780 Poverty3 % 0.5 Urban population % 73.9 Gender inequality2 0.314 Aid per capita $ - Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary At the time of writing, Vladimir Putin has been in power for more than fifteen years. Putin served an initial two terms as president from 2000 to 2008, followed by one term as prime minister between 2008 and 2012, before beginning a third term as president in 2012. -
Subject of the Russian Federation)
How to use the Atlas The Atlas has two map sections The Main Section shows the location of Russia’s intact forest landscapes. The Thematic Section shows their tree species composition in two different ways. The legend is placed at the beginning of each set of maps. If you are looking for an area near a town or village Go to the Index on page 153 and find the alphabetical list of settlements by English name. The Cyrillic name is also given along with the map page number and coordinates (latitude and longitude) where it can be found. Capitals of regions and districts (raiony) are listed along with many other settlements, but only in the vicinity of intact forest landscapes. The reader should not expect to see a city like Moscow listed. Villages that are insufficiently known or very small are not listed and appear on the map only as nameless dots. If you are looking for an administrative region Go to the Index on page 185 and find the list of administrative regions. The numbers refer to the map on the inside back cover. Having found the region on this map, the reader will know which index map to use to search further. If you are looking for the big picture Go to the overview map on page 35. This map shows all of Russia’s Intact Forest Landscapes, along with the borders and Roman numerals of the five index maps. If you are looking for a certain part of Russia Find the appropriate index map. These show the borders of the detailed maps for different parts of the country. -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
Paul De La Morinerie MGIMO's French Connection He Relationship Between France and Russia Has “Tsomething Unique
#2/2018 The Trianon Dialogue in Versailles Aleksandar Vučić “Serbia is a genuine friend of the Russian people” MGIMO – Patrick Sciences Po Pouyanné 25 years “We need a renaissance of Excellence of courage in our leaders” Paul de La Morinerie MGIMO's French connection he relationship between France and Russia has “Tsomething unique. It arises from the attraction and mutual recognition of two peoples enamored of absolute, beauty and truth” Jacques Chirac CONTENTS A number of anniversaries 34 26 were celebrated at MGIMO: School of International Relations has turned 75, School of International Economy – 60, Journalism School – 50 101 12 MGIMO’s exchange agreement with Sciences Po 128 and Business School of Konstantin Palace is the state residence of Nancy opened doors for the Russian President just outside St. international students to 210 Petersburg. It is often referred to as Russia and France ‘Russian Versailles’. And it is no coincidence that V. Putin chose this venue for negotiations with his French counterpart 206 Anton Tokovinin (left) is in charge of MGIMO’s Proxenos Chorus. In 1948, a most high-profile Boris Belozerov is a member of diplomatic scandal took place two clubs – of the popular Russian between USSR and USA, which TV game show “What? Where? resulted in the consulates being When?” and of “World Energy 202 closed down 52 Policy” club START History and Modernity of the State Early in 2020, the current MGIMO VIP SERBIA Dialogue, which has emerged from a of Israel. The Ambassador of Israel Development Strategy will expire, meeting -
Coastal Regions of Russia: Migration Attractiveness and Innovation Performance
ALEXANDER DRUZHININ, ANDREY MIKHAYLOV, ANNA LIALINA QUAESTIONES GEOGRAPHICAE 40(2) • 2021 COASTAL REGIONS OF RUSSIA: MIGRATION ATTRACTIVENESS AND INNOVATION PERFORMANCE ALEXANDER DRUZHININ 1,2,3, ANDREY MIKHAYLOV 2,3, ANNA LIALINA 3 1North Caucasian Research Institute of Economic and Social Problems, Southern Federal University, Rostov-on-Don, Russia 2Laboratory of Geopolitical Studies, Institute of Geography of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia 3Institute of Geopolitical and Regional Studies, Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University, Kaliningrad, Russia Manuscript received: February 10, 2021 Revised version: April 19, 2021 DRUZHININ A., MIKHAYLOV A., LIALINA A., 2021. Coastal regions of Russia: Migration attractiveness and innovation per- formance. Quaestiones Geographicae 40(2), Bogucki Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Poznań, pp. 5–18. 4 tables, 3 figs. ABSTRACT: Coastalisation is a widely known concept that builds on the global urbanisation of the world’s marine and ocean coasts. In this paper, the degree of coastalisation of the Russian regions is analysed using a variety of parame- ters, including population numbers and gross regional products, indicating the accumulation of human activity in the coastal regions against the less densely populated inland territories. This research shows that coastalisation is expected to continue, making coastal regions the most attractive for international and interregional migration, hence their high innovation performance. Based on the principles of human geography, we put forward the hypothesis that Russia’s coastal territories are highly heterogeneous in their development dynamics. This study aims to test the interdepend- ence between migration figures and innovation values across 23 regions of Russia with access to the sea. The research design comprises three stages: calculation of innovation performance, evaluation of migration flows and the building up of a typology of coastal regions.