Re-Evaluating the Public Sphere in Russia: Case Studies of Two Ngos
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS). -
U.S. Department of Justice FARA
:U.S. Department of Justice National Securify Division Coun1,rinl1lligt"" om E.xpQrt Control & cliO/'I WasM~on, DC 2QSJO August 17, 2017 BY FEDEX Mikhail Solodovnikov General Manager T &R Productions 1325 G Stre~t, NW, Suite 250 Washington, DC. 20005 Re: Obligation ofT&R Productions, LLC, lo Register Under the Foreign Agents Registration Act Dear Mr. Solodovnikov: Based upon infonnation known to this Qffice, we have determined that T &R Productions, LLC ("T&R"), has an obligation to register pursuant to the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as amended, 22 ·u.s.C. §§ 611-621 (1995) ("FARA" or the "Act''). T&R' s obligalion to register arises from its political activities in the United States on behalf of RT and TV-Novosti, both foreign principals under the Act and proxies o f the Russian Government, and its related work within the United States as a publicity agent and infonnation-service employee of TV Novosti. FARA The purpose of FARA is to inform the American public of the activities of agents working for foreign principals to influence U.S. Government officials and/or the American public with reference to the domestic or foreign policies of the United States, or with reference to the political or public interests, policies, or relations of a foreign country or foreign political party. The term "foreign principal" includes "a government of a foreign country" and "a partnership, association, corporation, organization, or other comhination of persons organized under the Jaws of or having its principal place of business in a foreign country." 22 U.S.C. -
(Stop a Douchebag) Vigilantes in Russia
© Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research. 2019. 11(3):16–45 16 DOI: 10.25285/2078-1938-2019-11-3-16-45 EROES OR HOOLIGANS? HMEDIA PORTRAYAL OF STOPXAM (STOP A DOUCHEBAG) VIGILANTES IN RUSSIA Rashid Gabdulhakov Rashid Gabdulhakov, Department of Media and Communication, Erasmus University Rotterdam. Address for correspondence: Erasmus University Rotterdam, Postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam, Netherlands. [email protected]. The author expresses sincere gratitude to the informants for their contributions, as well as to peer reviewers and editors of this special issue for their valuable feed- back. This work was supported by the Dutch Research Council (NWO) project num- ber 276-45-004. Several state-supported digital vigilante groups emerged in Russia at the downturn of the pro-Kremlin youth group Nashi (Ours), when its former commissars formed issue- specific movements to counter perceived legal and moral offences through exposure of targets on social media. One of such groups is StopXam (Stop a Douchebag), specializ- ing in road-traffic and parking violations. StopXam participants confront the drivers and retaliate by placing stickers that read “I spit on everyone I drive where I want” on the targets’ windshields. The retaliation is often accompanied by verbal and physical fighting; the process is filmed, edited, and shared on YouTube, receiving millions of views. While digital media made such practices possible, traditional broadcasters maintain significance in rendering meaning to the phenomenon of vigilantism and in framing vigilantes, their targets, police, and other actors. As the existing literature on digital vigilantism is predominantly focused on digital media affordances, this article aims to address this gap through a qualitative analysis of traditional media coverage of StopXam. -
Tver If You Are on the Group Flight, You Will Be Met at the Airport by Your RLUS Representatives
Your Arrival in Tver If you are on the group flight, you will be met at the airport by your RLUS representatives. There may be many students coming through all at once, so please be patient. You will then be taken to Tver in a minibus provided by the university, and will be taken to your accommodation. The journey to Tver is relatively short - approximately 2 hours and 30 minutes depending on traffic. If you are not travelling with the RLUS group flight, you will be expected to make your own way to Tver and to your accommodation. We will provide you with your address and transport information in this case. Public transport from the airport is reasonably-priced and easily navigable. All Moscow airports have a train service to the city, called Aeroexpress. The train costs 500 roubles and takes approximately 45 minutes to get to the city, depending on which airport you arrive at. When you arrive at the station, follow the signs to the metro, which is characterised by a big red M. You can buy tickets from the ticket office inside. Once you arrive into central Moscow, you can take an elektrichka train to Tver – these are small, local trains for which you do not need to buy a ticket in advance. You’d better take a local high-speed train called “Lastochka” Moscow – Tver. It takes 1 hour and 40 min. to get to Tver. It costs 535 roubles. You should buy a ticket at a railway station cash desk or from machines at the train station. -
Russian Conventional Armed Forces: on the Verge of Collapse?
Order Code 97-820 F CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? September 4, 1997 (name redacted) Specialist in Russian Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Russian Conventional Armed Forces: On the Verge of Collapse? Summary All quantitative indicators show a sharp, and in most cases an accelerating, decline in the size of the Russian armed forces. Since 1986, Russian military manpower has decreased by over 70 percent; tanks and other armored vehicles by two-thirds; and artillery, combat aircraft, and surface warships by one-third. Weapons procurement has been plummeting for over a decade. In some key categories, such as aircraft, tanks, and surface warships, procurement has virtually stopped. This has led not only to a decline in present inventory, but implies a long-term crisis of bloc obsolescence in the future. Russian Government decisions and the budget deficit crisis have hit the Ministry of Defense very hard, cutting defense spending drastically and transforming the Defense Ministry into a residual claimant on scarce resources. Many experts believe that if these budgetary constraints continue for 2-3 more years, they must lead either to more drastic force reductions or to military collapse. Military capabilities are also in decline. Reportedly, few, if any, of Russia’s army divisions are combat-ready. Field exercises, flight training, and out-of-area naval deployments have been sharply reduced. Morale is low, partly because of non-payment of servicemen’s salaries. Draft evasion and desertion are rising. -
Rock in the Reservation: Songs from the Leningrad Rock Club 1981-86 (1St Edition)
R O C K i n t h e R E S E R V A T I O N Songs from the Leningrad Rock Club 1981-86 Yngvar Bordewich Steinholt Rock in the Reservation: Songs from the Leningrad Rock Club 1981-86 (1st edition). (text, 2004) Yngvar B. Steinholt. New York and Bergen, Mass Media Music Scholars’ Press, Inc. viii + 230 pages + 14 photo pages. Delivered in pdf format for printing in March 2005. ISBN 0-9701684-3-8 Yngvar Bordewich Steinholt (b. 1969) currently teaches Russian Cultural History at the Department of Russian Studies, Bergen University (http://www.hf.uib.no/i/russisk/steinholt). The text is a revised and corrected version of the identically entitled doctoral thesis, publicly defended on 12. November 2004 at the Humanistics Faculty, Bergen University, in partial fulfilment of the Doctor Artium degree. Opponents were Associate Professor Finn Sivert Nielsen, Institute of Anthropology, Copenhagen University, and Professor Stan Hawkins, Institute of Musicology, Oslo University. The pagination, numbering, format, size, and page layout of the original thesis do not correspond to the present edition. Photographs by Andrei ‘Villi’ Usov ( A. Usov) are used with kind permission. Cover illustrations by Nikolai Kopeikin were made exclusively for RiR. Published by Mass Media Music Scholars’ Press, Inc. 401 West End Avenue # 3B New York, NY 10024 USA Preface i Acknowledgements This study has been completed with the generous financial support of The Research Council of Norway (Norges Forskningsråd). It was conducted at the Department of Russian Studies in the friendly atmosphere of the Institute of Classical Philology, Religion and Russian Studies (IKRR), Bergen University. -
Russia Train E-Tickets
Features - Eligibility - Validity - Discounts - Conditions of use - More - Maps Russia Train E-tickets Russia Train E-Tickets Travel by train between popular Russian destinations such as: Moscow, St Petersburg, Kazan, Volgograd, Nizhni Novgorod and Yekaterinburg. As Russia spans 3 continents and shares borders with 14 neighbouring countries, travelers will be sure to appreciate its cultural diversity and changing landscapes. Pre-booking time: 45 days Features: Travel on the Russian railways using e-tickets. Note that depending on the ticket your purchase, the issuing method will vary. Here are the two options: o Print at home e-registrations Appears as Russian Railways E-Registration Ticket and Reservation Tickets on some routes are exclusively available as print-at-home e-tickets. This requires the customers to print the purchased tickets and bring them at the station. o Print at the Station e-tickets Appears as Russian Railways E-ticket and Reservation Some tickets can only be redeemed from the ticket collection machines in a select list of train stations. The customer must use the booking confirmation number to print the ticket at the station. Book short and long distance domestic rail routes including sleeping cabins. Moscow features 9 major train stations and there are 5 major stations in St-Petersburg. See ‘more’ for a table of train destinations, metros & airports for each station. Tickets are available in both Standard and First Class. You can book 1st, 2nd and 3rd class cabins with sleeping accommodations. Click here for the complete product guide. Eligibility: For sale outside of Russia and Russian citizens and residents are not eligible. -
Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction
RUSSIA 2012-2013 : Attack on Freedom Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, February 2014 / N°625a Cover photo: Demonstration in front of the State Duma (Russian Parliament) in Moscow on 18 July 2013, after the conviction of Alexei Navalny. © AFP PHOTO / Ivan Novikov 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 1. Authoritarian Methods to Suppress Rights and Freedoms -------------------------------- 6 2. Repressive Laws ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 2.1. Restrictions on Freedom -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
Russia's Silence Factory
Russia’s Silence Factory: The Kremlin’s Crackdown on Free Speech and Democracy in the Run-up to the 2021 Parliamentary Elections August 2021 Contact information: International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) Rue Belliard 205, 1040 Brussels, Belgium [email protected] Contents I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 II. INTRODUCTION 6 A. AUTHORS 6 B. OBJECTIVES 6 C. SOURCES OF INFORMATION AND METHODOLOGY 6 III. THE KREMLIN’S CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 7 A. THE LEGAL TOOLKIT USED BY THE KREMLIN 7 B. 2021 TIMELINE OF THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 9 C. KEY TARGETS IN THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 12 i) Alexei Navalny 12 ii) Organisations and Individuals associated with Alexei Navalny 13 iii) Human Rights Lawyers 20 iv) Independent Media 22 v) Opposition politicians and pro-democracy activists 24 IV. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS TRIGGERED BY THE CRACKDOWN 27 A. FREEDOMS OF ASSOCIATION, OPINION AND EXPRESSION 27 B. FAIR TRIAL RIGHTS 29 C. ARBITRARY DETENTION 30 D. POLITICAL PERSECUTION AS A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY 31 V. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 37 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY “An overdose of freedom is lethal to a state.” Vladislav Surkov, former adviser to President Putin and architect of Russia’s “managed democracy”.1 Russia is due to hold Parliamentary elections in September 2021. The ruling United Russia party is polling at 28% and is projected to lose its constitutional majority (the number of seats required to amend the Constitution).2 In a bid to silence its critics and retain control of the legislature, the Kremlin has unleashed an unprecedented crackdown on the pro-democracy movement, independent media, and anti-corruption activists. -
Beaten up for Speaking
BEATEN UP FOR SPEAKING OUT AttAcks oN hUmAN RIghts dEfENdERs IN thE RUssIAN fEdERAtIoN Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal declaration of human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2011 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson house 1 Easton Street London Wc1X 0dW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2011 Index: EUR 46/038/2011 English Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo : People hold portraits of journalist and environmental activist mikhail Beketov as they take part in a protest against a November 2008 attack in Khimki by unknown assailants in which he was severely beaten and left for dead. he spent three weeks in a coma, had one leg amputated and lost his ability to speak. -
Journalism in the Borderland. Barents Media Freedom
Journalism in the borderland Barents Media Freedom 2017 Published with support from Fritt Ord Authored by Atle Staalesen Atle Staalesen is journalist and Director of the Independent Barents Observer. In 2002, he founded the Barents Observer, which in the period 2005-2015 was hosted by the Norwegian Barents Secretariat. Atle was editor until 2009 and later worked as journalist and project coordinator for several European cross-border cooperation projects. He quit his job in the Barents Secretariat late 2015 following a conflict over editorial rights and subsequently re- established the Barents Observer as an independent and non-profit stock company along with the rest of the newspaper crew. Atle has a degree in Russian studies from the University of Oslo and studied journalism at the Moscow State University. Kirkenes, 2017 The Independent Barents Observer [email protected] @BarentsNews Introduction «You will not write about politics, will you?» The question comes from one of the border guards checking my passport at the Russian checkpoint of Borisoglebsk. I am on my way across the Norwegian-Russian border heading for Murmansk, the Russian Arctic city, on a work assignment. It is not uncommon that Russian border guards ask journalists about the purpose of their visit. However, this time the question is more intriguing than normal. And the timing is extraordinary. Only few weeks earlier had Thomas Nilsen, my colleague and Editor of the Barents Observer, been stopped on the very same spot and taken aside by the border guards. In a back room he was told that he was no longer wanted in Russia and that he would be rejected entry for the next five years.