Journalism in the Borderland. Barents Media Freedom
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Minsk II a Fragile Ceasefire
Briefing 16 July 2015 Ukraine: Follow-up of Minsk II A fragile ceasefire SUMMARY Four months after leaders from France, Germany, Ukraine and Russia reached a 13-point 'Package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements' ('Minsk II') on 12 February 2015, the ceasefire is crumbling. The pressure on Kyiv to contribute to a de-escalation and comply with Minsk II continues to grow. While Moscow still denies accusations that there are Russian soldiers in eastern Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly admitted in March 2015 to having invaded Crimea. There is mounting evidence that Moscow continues to play an active military role in eastern Ukraine. The multidimensional conflict is eroding the country's stability on all fronts. While the situation on both the military and the economic front is acute, the country is under pressure to conduct wide-reaching reforms to meet its international obligations. In addition, Russia is challenging Ukraine's identity as a sovereign nation state with a wide range of disinformation tools. Against this backdrop, the international community and the EU are under increasing pressure to react. In the following pages, the current status of the Minsk II agreement is assessed and other recent key developments in Ukraine and beyond examined. This briefing brings up to date that of 16 March 2015, 'Ukraine after Minsk II: the next level – Hybrid responses to hybrid threats?'. In this briefing: • Minsk II – still standing on the ground? • Security-related implications of the crisis • Russian disinformation -
Russian Media Organisations Banned for Three Years in Ukraine Ukraine
Russian Media Organisations Banned for Three Years in Ukraine Ukraine abides by all commitments and international standards of ensuring freedom of speech in spite of the continued Russian aggression, the occupation of Ukraine’s sovereign territory in violation of all international rules, the use by the aggressor State of some media of various forms of ownership with a view to carrying out special information operations in the information field of Ukraine and other States by its security services. This is confirmed by Ukraine’s performance in Press Freedom Index 2018, compiled by the international organization Reporters Without Borders. According to the rating, Ukraine has moved one position up and is now ranked 101st. With regard to the concern expressed in the alert published on the Council of Europe Platform on the alleged prohibition of Russian media in Ukraine, the following information shall be taken into account. It is common knowledge that since 2014 Ukraine has been subjected to hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation. This aggression manifested not only in the illegal occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and military aggression in Donetsk and Luhansk regions but also in an unprecedented disinformation and propagandistic campaign against Ukraine. With a view to establishing a legal framework to counter the aggression, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the Law of Ukraine “On Sanctions” (hereinafter referred to as the Law) on 14 August 2014. Article 1 of the Law states that, with a view to protecting national interests, national security, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, countering terrorist activities, as well as preventing infringement of rights and restoring infringed rights, freedoms and lawful interests of citizens of Ukraine, society and the state special economic and other restrictive measures (hereinafter referred to as ‘sanctions’) may be taken. -
Instrumentalizing the Sources of Attraction. How Russia Undermines Its Own Soft Power
INSTRUMENTALIZING THE SOURCES OF ATTRACTION. HOW RUSSIA UNDERMINES ITS OWN SOFT POWER By Vasile Rotaru Abstract The 2011-2013 domestic protests and the 2013-2015 Ukraine crisis have brought to the Russian politics forefront an increasing preoccupation for the soft power. The concept started to be used in official discourses and documents and a series of measures have been taken both to avoid the ‘dangers’ of and to streamline Russia’s soft power. This dichotomous approach towards the ‘power of attraction’ have revealed the differences of perception of the soft power by Russian officials and the Western counterparts. The present paper will analyse Russia’s efforts to control and to instrumentalize the sources of soft power, trying to assess the effectiveness of such an approach. Keywords: Russian soft power, Russian foreign policy, public diplomacy, Russian mass media, Russian internet Introduction The use of term soft power is relatively new in the Russian political circles, however, it has become recently increasingly popular among the Russian analysts, policy makers and politicians. The term per se was used for the first time in Russian political discourse in February 2012 by Vladimir Putin. In the presidential election campaign, the then candidate Putin drew attention to the fact that soft power – “a set of tools and methods to achieve foreign policy goals without the use of arms but by exerting information and other levers of influence” is used frequently by “big countries, international blocks or corporations” “to develop and provoke extremist, separatist and nationalistic attitudes, to manipulate the public and to directly interfere in the domestic policy of sovereign countries” (Putin 2012). -
YOUTH DEVELOPMENT COMPETENCIES PROGRAM (YDCP) Annual Program Report
2009 YOUTH DEVELOPMENT COMPETENCIES PROGRAM (YDCP) Annual Program Report October 24, 2008 – October 23, 2009 11/30/2009 Youth Development Competencies Program (YDCP) #118-A-00-08 IREX Second Annual Report (October 24, 2008-October 23, 2009) YOUTH DEVELOPMENT COMPETENCIES PROGRAM (YDCP) USAID Agreement No. 118-A-00-08 IREX SECOND ANNUAL REPORT October 24, 2008-October 24, 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 3 A. Program Objectives 3 B. Program Approach 3 C. Program Design 3 II. SUMMARY OF YEAR TWO ACTIVITIES 4 A. Community School Program Model Activities (Objective 1 and 2) 4 B. Youth-Driven Program Model Activities (Objective 1 and 2) 11 C. General Program Activities 23 D. Monitoring and Evaluation Activities 24 III. ANALYSIS OF YEAR TWO ACTIVITIES 28 IV. CONCLUSION 34 ATTACHMENTS: Attachment 1: Community School Program Report Template Attachment 2a: Community School Announcement and Instructions Attachment 2b: Community School Second Year Application Attachment 3: Adapter Final Report Template Attachment 4: Adapter Second Year Application Attachment 5: Communication Materials Attachment 6: Baseline Evaluation Survey Attachment 7: Baseline Data Analysis 2 Youth Development Competencies Program (YDCP) #118-A-00-08 IREX Second Annual Report (October 24, 2008-October 23, 2009) I. INTRODUCTION A. Program Objectives The Youth Development Competencies Program (YDCP) aims to empower youth and develop their competencies by facilitating the replication and expansion of programs in line with the best practices in positive youth development. YDCP has two core objectives: Objective 1: Youth develop competencies to become active, engaged, successful adults through replicating, tailoring, implementing, and participating in (a) Community School programs and (b) Youth-Driven programs. -
Russia's Information War Propaganda Or Counter-Propaganda?
Briefing October 2016 Russia's information war Propaganda or counter-propaganda? SUMMARY In the West, Russia is more often seen as an instigator than a target of propaganda. However, Kremlin documents and Russian media argue that Russia itself faces serious threats from external information activity. Allegedly, such threats could undermine political stability in the country, curtail its international influence, and jeopardise traditional values. Moscow therefore argues that it needs to take defensive measures. The Kremlin claims that the USA and its allies are waging an information war against Russia. ISIL/Da'esh, which produces an increasing amount of Russian-language material, is another major adversary. At home, the Kremlin has clamped down on media and civil society to exclude external influences. Internationally, it has launched media weapons such as news channel RT to compete with Western media, and bankrolled pro-Russian NGOs. Critics of the Kremlin dispute its claims of a Western-led information war against Russia, and accuse it of conducting disinformation campaigns to justify aggression in neighbouring countries such as Ukraine. In terms of meeting their declared goal of protecting Russia from information threats, Russian measures have succeeded in excluding most foreign influences from the country. The international impact is more questionable; Russia's image is still very poor, but that does not mean that the Kremlin cannot defend what it sees as the country's external interests. In this briefing: Strategy and priorities Roles and responsibilities Adversaries Main tools Insights and criticism EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Martin Russell Members' Research Service PE 589.810 EN EPRS Russia's information war: Propaganda or counter-propaganda? Definitions: 'information', 'information war', 'propaganda' Russian official texts refer to 'information' rather than to 'propaganda'. -
Re-Evaluating the Public Sphere in Russia: Case Studies of Two Ngos
Re-Evaluating the Public Sphere in Russia: Case Studies of Two NGOs THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Alex Gregory Radsky Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2013 Master's Examination Committee: Morgan Liu, Advisor Nick Breyfogle Copyright by Alex Radsky 2013 Abstract This thesis explores two Russian non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the Union of Committees of Soldiers’ Mothers (UCSMR) and the Interregional Association of Human Rights Organizations AGORA (Agora). These two case studies apply the public sphere as a theoretical lens in an innovative way in order to rethink Russian civil society. The interactions of these two NGOs with state institutions show that Russia’s NGOs are important social actors who are actively negotiating and contesting the borders between civil and political action. Operating on the border of state and society, these two NGOs’ depicts a blurry boundary between social actors and a non-unitary state. In order to challenge the boundaries between the political and the civic, Agora and UCSMR’s negotiate through a process of creating public spheres, or pluralizing the voices contesting a certain institution or idea. In these cases, the UCSMR has brought the discourse of human rights to the military and Agora has done the same within the legal system. This contested negotiation occurs in an overlapping field of state institutions, individuals, and social organizations through both cooperation and contestation. These public spheres encompass multiple layers of the state, and play an important role in negotiating the boundaries of political action in Russian society. -
The Kremlin's Proxy War on Independent Journalism
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford WEEDING OUT THE UPSTARTS: THE KREMLIN’S PROXY WAR ON INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM by Alexey Eremenko Trinity Term 2015 Sponsor: The Wincott Foundation 1 Table of Contents: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 INTRODUCTION 4 1. INTERNET & FREEDOM 7 1.1 STATISTICAL OVERVIEW 7 1.2 MEDIA REGULATIONS 8 1.3 SITES USED 9 2. ‘LINKS OF THE GODDAMN CHAIN’ 12 2.1 EDITORIAL TAKEOVER 12 2.2 DIRECT HIT 17 2.3 FINDINGS 22 3. THE MISSING LINKS 24 3.1 THE UNAFFECTED 24 3.2 WHAT’S NOT DONE 26 4. MORE PUTIN! A CASE STUDY IN COVERAGE CHANGE 30 4.1 CATEGORIES 30 4.2 KEYWORDS 31 4.3 STORY SUBJECTS 32 4.4 SENTIMENT ANALYSIS 32 5. CONCLUSIONS 36 BIBLIOGRAPHY 38 2 Acknowledgments I am immensely grateful, first and foremost, to the fellows at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, whose expertise and good spirits made for a Platonic ideal of a research environment. James Painter and John Lloyd provided invaluable academic insight, and my past and present employers at the Moscow Times and NBC News, respectively, have my undying gratitude for agreeing to spare me for three whole eventful months, an eternity in the news gathering business. Finally, my sponsor, the Wincott Foundation, and the Reuters Institute itself, believed in me and my topic enough to make this paper possible and deserve the ultimate credit for whatever meager contribution it makes to the academia and, hopefully, upholding the freedom of speech in the world. 3 Introduction “Freedom of speech was and remains a sacrosanct value of the Russian democracy,” Russian leader Vladimir Putin said in his first state of the nation in 2000. -
The Russian Northern Fleet Sources of Radioactive Contamination
NO9600025 Bellona Report Volume 2:1996 NEI-NO--726 \ Sources of Radioactive contamination Thomas Nilsen Igor Kudrik Alexandr Nikitin BELLONA V .., I! V: NO9600025 Bellona Report Volume 2:1996 The Russian Northern Fleet Sources of Radioactive contamination Thomas Nilsen Igor Kudrik Alexandr Nikitin 2 C 1 0 1 The publication of this report is sponsored by: Stiftelsen Fritt Ord/Foundation for Freedom of Expression (Main contributor) Contributors: Norsk Hydro a.s. Petrochemicals Division NORSAS, Norwegian Resource Centre for Waste Aker ASA Management and Recycling Chemical Workers Union of Norway Norsk Sivilingeni0rers Forening Norwegian Seafood Export Council Norges ingeni0rorganisasjon (NITO) FESIL AS Green Sea Operations AS Norwegian Society of Engineers UNI STOREBRAND Confederation of Norwegian Business and Industry AGAAS WASA Forsiikring (Stockholm) OZO Hotwater A/S Norwegian Fishermen's Association Energiforsyningens Fellesorganisasjon EnFO Norwegian Federation of Oilworkers' Trade Union Store Norske Spitsbergen Kullkompani AS Norwegian Polar Institute Svalbard Samfunnsdrift AS Odda Smelteverk Norzink AS Published by: The Bellona Foundation Norway: P.O. Box 2141, Griinerl0kka N-0505 OSLO, Norway. E-mail: [email protected] Russia: Brussels: USA Russia Bellona Europa Bellona USA 183038 Murmansk 142-144 Avenue de Tervueren 310 D Street NE P.O. Box 4310 B-1150Bruxelles Washington, DC 20002 Bellona Russia Belgium USA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] URL: Photos: Copying permitted when source is http://www.grida.no/ngo/bellona/ John Berg (archive), Thorbj0rn Bj0r- stated. kli, Per Stale Bugjerde, Nils B0hmer, ISBN 82-993138-5-6 The Norwegian Defence, Frederic Comments to this report are welco- ISSN 0806-3451 Hauge, Aleksej Klimov, Igor Kudrik, med. -
Soviet Citizens' Opinions of Peace During the Cold War, May 1960
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository For Peace and Friendship of All Countries: Soviet Citizens' Opinions of Peace during the Cold War, May 1960 Aaron Todd Hale-Dorrell A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by: Donald J. Raleigh Louise McReynolds Donald M. Reid Abstract AARON TODD HALE-DORRELL: For Peace and Friendship of All Countries: Soviet Citizens' Opinions of Peace During the Cold War, May 1960 (Under the Direction of Dr. Donald J. Raleigh) This thesis analyzes a public opinion survey that sociologist Boris Grushin conducted in the Soviet Union in May 1960. His survey asked average Soviet citizens about war and peace immediately following a Cold War incident in which the Soviet military destroyed an American U-2 spy plane that had violated Soviet airspace. This thesis questions why, despite resulting heightened tensions between the superpowers, 96.8 percent of survey respondents expressed confidence that humanity could prevent war. I argue that, while propaganda promoting Khrushchev's “peaceful coexistence” policy influenced every respondent, some respondents emphasized different official policies and explanations for events, demonstrating a degree of independence from propaganda. Furthermore, respondents justified belief in peace and integrated themselves into a collective war narrative by describing experiences of World War II. Finally, I show that official interest in public opinion reflects Khrushchev-era political and cultural reforms, especially in Soviet journalism and sociology. -
Nuclear Reactors in Arctic Russia
NUCLEAR REACTORS IN ARCTIC RUSSIA Scenario 2035 The nuclearification of Russian Arctic territories is by Moscow given highest priority for development in shipping, infrastructure and exploration of natural resources. Additionally, the number of navy military reactors in the north will increase substantially over the next 15 years. This scenario paper gives an overview of the situation. The paper is part of the Barents Observer’s analytical popular science studies on developments in the Euro-Arctic Region. Thomas Nilsen June 2019 June 2019 The Barents Observer – Nuclear Reactors in Northern Russia, June 2019 1 June 2019 Published by: The Independent Barents Observer Address: Storgata 5, 9900 Kirkenes, Norway E-mail: [email protected] thebarentsobserver.com (English, Russian and Chinese versions of the news-portal) Twitter @BarentsNews Instagram: @BarentsObserver Facebook.com/BarentsObserver/ Author: Thomas Nilsen, E-mail: [email protected] Twitter: @NilsenThomas Photos and illustrations: Rosatom, Rosatomflot, Thomas Nilsen, Oleg Kuleshov, H I Sutton, Atle Staalesen, Alexey Mkrtchyan, Wikimedia Commons. Keywords: Nuclear, Reactors, Icebreakers, Submarines, Northern Fleet, Russia, Arctic, Northern Sea Route, Nuclear Power, Kola Peninsula, Siberia, Arkhangelsk, Severodvinsk, Severomorsk, Murmansk, Pevek, Barents Sea, Kara Sea, White Sea. This publication is financially supported with a grant from the Norwegian Government’s Nuclear Action Plan administrated by the Norwegian Radiation and Nuclear Safety Authority. (www.dsa.no/en/). The Barents Observer – Nuclear Reactors in Northern Russia, June 2019 2 June 2019 Introduction At the peak of the Cold War some 150 nuclear-powered submarines were based on the Barents Sea coast of the Kola Peninsula. Many ships were transporting and storing nuclear waste and at shipyards and bases, spent nuclear fuel and radioactive waste was accumulated. -
Moscow School of Political Studies the Commission Of
ORGANISED AND SUPPORTED BY: MOSCOW SCHOOL OF POLITICAL STUDIES THE COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY HOUSE (RUSSIA) UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT SWEDISH INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION AGENCY MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION The Moscow School of Political Studies was established in 1992 as a non-governmental organisation with its mission to promote development of democratic institution and civil society in Russia. WEDNESDAY, 15 December THURSDAY, 16 December 09.30 – 10.00 Opening ceremony: 10.00 – 11.30 Session: Mass Media and the State Elena Nemirovskaya, Founder and director, Government and the media Moscow School of Political Studies Larissa Mishustina, Referent to the President Derek Scott (United Kingdom) of the Russian Federation 11.30 – 12.00 Coffee-break 10.00 – 12.00 Session: Mass Media and Politics Media and power Quentin Peel (United Kingdom) 12.00 – 13.30 Session: Business and Mass Media «To own» media in Russia: what does it mean? 12.00 – 12.30 Coffee-break Larissa Zelkova (Russia) 12.30 – 14.00 Session: Politics and Mass Media Freedom of speech and political process 13.30 – 15.00 Lunch Vladimir Ryzhkov (Russia) 14.00 – 15.00 Lunch 15.00 – 17.00 Session: Mass Media and Society A journalist's personality in the modern world 15.00 – 16.30 Session: Mass Media and Politics Zoya Eroshok (Russia) Journalism and terrorism Anne Applebaum (USA) 17.00 – 17.30 Coffee-break 16.30 – 17.00 Coffee-break 17.30 – 19.30 Session: Mass Media and Culture 17.00 – 18.30 -
Maintaining Arctic Cooperation with Russia Planning for Regional Change in the Far North
Maintaining Arctic Cooperation with Russia Planning for Regional Change in the Far North Stephanie Pezard, Abbie Tingstad, Kristin Van Abel, Scott Stephenson C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1731 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9745-3 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: NASA/Operation Ice Bridge. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Despite a period of generally heightened tensions between Russia and the West, cooperation on Arctic affairs—particularly through the Arctic Council—has remained largely intact, with the exception of direct mil- itary-to-military cooperation in the region.