HANDBOOK for Foreign (International) Observers During the Election of the President of the Russian Federation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

HANDBOOK for Foreign (International) Observers During the Election of the President of the Russian Federation Election of the President of the Russian Federation HANDBOOK for Foreign (International) Observers during the election of the President of the Russian Federation Published by the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation Moscow 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS Decision of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation № 528-SF of 15 December 2017 “on Scheduling the Election of the President of the Russian Federation” ........................................5 Extract from the Document of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the CSCE (OSCE) dated 29 June, 1990 ...........................................................................................................6 Extract from the Convention on the Standards of Democratic Elections, Electoral Rights and Freedoms in the Member States of the Commonwealth of Independent States: Article 7, paragraph 5 and article 15 paragraphs 1 and 2. ...........................................................7 Major Amendments and Additions to the Electoral Legislation Made in 2016-2017 .......................................................................................8 System of electoral authorities responsible for preparation and conduct of the Election of the President of the Russian Federation ..........11 Transparency of the activities of election commissions (extract from Article 23 of Federal Law on the Election of the President of the Russian Federation of 10 January 2003 №19-FZ) .........................................................................................12 Guarantees of free expression of the voters’ will at the Election of the President of the Russian Federation ...................................14 Information support of the election: general conditions of pre-election campaign ..............................................................15 Organization and procedure of voting .........................................................................16 Procedure of determination of vote returns and election results by election commissions .....................................................................................17 Information on the candidates, addresses and contact telephone numbers of their campaign headquarters .........................19 Number of voters in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation ............29 Schedule for the preparation and the conduct of the election of the President of the Russian Federation ....................................32 Guidance for the Activities of Foreign (International) Observers Present at the Election of the President of the Russian Federation ...............................................................................................67 3 List of members of the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation ......................................................79 List of executive heads and governing bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, chief executives of election commissions, their addresses and contact telephone numbers .....................................................................................82 On establishment of territorial election commission to coordinate the activities of precinct election commissions established in the electoral precincts outside the Russian Federation (except for Baikonur city) ........................................................................................... 110 List of national TV and radio broadcasting companies, news agencies, newspapers and magazines............................................................... 112 Information and Reference Center of the CEC of Russia ................................... 118 Members of the Department of International Cooperation and Public Information of the CEC of Russia and their contact telephone numbers ....................................................................... 119 Telephone numbers of emergency services and other necessary facilities (institutions) ............................................................................... 120 4 DECISION OF THE FEDERATION COUNCIL OF THE FEDERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ON SCHEDULING THE ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION In accordance with Article 81, subparagraph “d” of paragraph 1 of Article 102 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, paragraphs 2 and 7 of Article 5 of the Federal Law on the Election of the President of the Russian Federation, the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation decides: 1. To schedule the election of the President of the Russian Federation on 18 March 2018. 2. This Decision comes into force after its official publication. Chairwoman of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation V.I. Matvienko Moscow 15 December 2017 No. 528-SF 5 DOCUMENT OF THE COPENHAGEN MEETING OF THE CONFERENCE ON THE HUMAN DIMENSION OF THE CSCE (Copenhagen, 1990) (extract) The representatives of the participating States of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, Greece, the Holy See, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom, the United States of America and Yugoslavia, met in Copenhagen from 5 to 29 June 1990, in accordance with the provisions relating to the Conference on the Human Dimension of the CSCE contained in the Concluding Document of the Vienna Follow-up Meeting of the CSCE. <…> In order to strengthen respect for, and enjoyment of, human rights and fundamental freedoms, to develop human contacts and to resolve issues of a related humanitarian character, the participating States agree on the following: <…> (8) The participating States consider that the presence of observers, both foreign and national, can enhance the electoral process for States in which elections are taking place. They therefore invite observers from any other CSCE participating States and any appropriate private institutions and organizations who may wish to do so to observe the course of their national election proceedings, to the extent permitted by law. They will also endeavour to facilitate similar access for election proceedings held below the national level. Such observers will undertake not to interfere in the electoral proceedings. <…> 6 CONVENTION ON THE STANDARDS OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS, ELECTORAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT STATES (Kishinev, 7 October 2002) (extract) States party to this Convention (hereinafter referred to as Parties), <…> proceeding from the goals and principles of the Charter of the Commonwealth of Independent States, <…> have agreed upon the following: <…> Article 7 Open and Transparent Elections <…> 5. Observance of the principle of openness and publicity of elections should provide for establishment of conditions for execution of election monitoring by public and international bodies. <…> Article 15 Status and Powers of International Observers 1. The Parties hereto proceed from the assumption that the presence of international observers promotes openness and transparency of elections and ensures the observance of international commitments of the states. They will strive to facilitate the access of international observers to election processes being conducted on a lower level than the national one, including the municipal (local) level. 2. Activities of international observers are regulated by the laws of the country of presence, by this Convention and other international documents. <…> 7 MAjOR AMENDMENTS AND ADDITIONS TO THE ELECTORAL Legislation MADE IN 2016–2017 2016 saw the revised rules for the conduct of the election campaign come into force. In particular, one of the major amendments is aimed at ensuring that no “fake” journalist infiltrates polling stations and that no one interferes with the work of election commissions. From now on, in order to work at an electoral station, journalists have to be accredited in a period of time from 55 to 3 days before the election day. Moreover, only a journalist who was hired by a publishing house earlier than 2 months before the official announcement of the date of the election day cab be accredited. Any interference with the work of election commission or with the voting process will be punished by a fine if no criminal basis is found. This fine will amount to 2,000–5,000 roubles for individuals and 20,000– 50,000 for officials. 1 June 2017 has saw the publication and coming into force of Federal Laws “on Amendments to the Federal Law on Presidential Election in the Russian Federation”, No. 103-FZ and “on Amendments to Particular Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation” No. 104-FZ. Federal Law No. 104-FZ introduces amendments to several laws, in- cluding the Federal Law “on basic guarantees of electoral rights and the right of citizens of the Russian Federation to participate in a referendum”. Amendments Introduced by Federal Law No. 104-FZ: Early and absentee voting was replaced by a new voting mecha- nism – voting on the basis of an application for enrollment on the voters’ list at the place of temporary stay. Those voters away from their registration place on the election day have a right to submit an application
Recommended publications
  • COVID-19 Part 7 Approaches and Practices
    CRISIS MANAGEMENT AND DISASTER RESPONSE CENTRE OF EXCELLENCE 34a, Totleben Blvd,1606 Sofia, Bulgaria COVID-19 Part 7 Approaches and practices. NATO in preparation for the second wave (01-07 MAY 2020) This report represents a summary of open source information, gathered up to and including 07 May 2020, and was assembled on 08 May 2020. All views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author, unless otherwise stated and do not necessarily represent the official position of the CMDR COE or any government and non- government organisation or other group. The author does not bear responsibility for incomplete or incorrect facts cited or referred to herein. The majority of reference materials include official documents published by the World. COVD 19 - PART 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS CORELATIONS IN POST-COVID-19 WORLD .............................................................................................. 4 WEEKLY SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................. 6 COUNTRIES OVERVIEW ........................................................................................................................... 7 AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZELAND ............................................................................................................ 7 AUSTRIA ............................................................................................................................................... 8 BELARUS .............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
    The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018
    INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Russian Federation – Presidential Election, 18 March 2018 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 18 March presidential election took place in an overly controlled legal and political environment marked by continued pressure on critical voices, while the Central Election Commission (CEC) administered the election efficiently and openly. After intense efforts to promote turnout, citizens voted in significant numbers, yet restrictions on the fundamental freedoms of assembly, association and expression, as well as on candidate registration, have limited the space for political engagement and resulted in a lack of genuine competition. While candidates could generally campaign freely, the extensive and uncritical coverage of the incumbent as president in most media resulted in an uneven playing field. Overall, election day was conducted in an orderly manner despite shortcomings related to vote secrecy and transparency of counting. Eight candidates, one woman and seven men, stood in this election, including the incumbent president, as self-nominated, and others fielded by political parties. Positively, recent amendments significantly reduced the number of supporting signatures required for candidate registration. Seventeen prospective candidates were rejected by the CEC, and six of them challenged the CEC decisions unsuccessfully in the Supreme Court. Remaining legal restrictions on candidates rights are contrary to OSCE commitments and other international standards, and limit the inclusiveness of the candidate registration process. Most candidates publicly expressed their certainty that the incumbent president would prevail in the election. With many of the candidates themselves stating that they did not expect to win, the election lacked genuine competition. Thus, efforts to increase the turnout predominated over the campaign of the contestants.
    [Show full text]
  • Facing the Unexpected J Vercueil
    quoted Facing the unexpected: Russia andbe the Covid-19 Pandemic Provisory remarks on sanitary, economic and political developments Julien Vercueil, CREE-INALCO . Not to Communication to the BRICs Seminar (CREE-INALCO, FMSH-EHESS), May 20th, 2020 65 rue des Grands Moulins Tél. : +33 (0)1 81 70 10 00 CS21351 www.inalco.fr ProvisoryF-75214 PARIS cedex 13 J. Vercueil / BRICs Seminar (CREE-INALCO, FMSH-EHESS)/ May 20th, 2020 1. Managing a pandemic crisis. From denial to care? quoted • Any unusual lag in the political reaction? • An apparent 1-month delay of outbreak of the epidemic / 282 000 cases as of May, 17th Western Europe be (6 Mns tests) • The set of sanitary measures taken § Confinement, testing, hospital rearmament Regional Governors’ responsibility § Requisition of students & lack of adequate equipment Respirators in St Petersburg • The apparent evolution of Covid-19 epidemic 2nd country in the world by the number of § Counting deaths: a problem.for Notan authoritarian toregime cases, 46th by the proportion of deaths § The (1st wave) epidemic seems to be reaching its peak Daily deaths, March-May 2020 § Regional discrepancies (cities / regions) (weekly moving average) § Critics and commentaries 2000 United States >65 years-old men : 55% of deaths in French hospitals Start of (Total: 90000) « Nonworking France: 6,0 Mns / Russia: 6,4 Mns 1000 Brazil Italy period » (28/03) =>Underestimation of the death toll in hospitals: (T: 16000) (T: 32000) Regional Lockdowns by a factor 10 according to some critics (more likely, 2 to 5) (30/03) Russia (T: 2600) Provisory 01/03 01/04 01/05 Covid-19 Pandemic in Russia (Mid-May 2020) – Cases by Regions quoted be Kaluga Sverdlovsk Riazan Nijni-Novgorod .
    [Show full text]
  • The External Relations of the Novgorod Region of the Russian Federation Sergounin, Alexander
    www.ssoar.info The external relations of the Novgorod region of the Russian Federation Sergounin, Alexander Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sergounin, A. (2001). The external relations of the Novgorod region of the Russian Federation. (SCHIFF-texte, 60). Kiel: Schleswig-Holsteinisches Institut für Friedenswissenschaften -SCHIFF- an der Universität Kiel. https://nbn- resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-293964 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Country Report BTI 2016
    BTI 2016 | Russia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.06 # 81 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 4.40 # 83 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.71 # 65 of 129 Management Index 1-10 3.17 # 114 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Russia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Russia 2 Key Indicators Population M 143.8 HDI 0.778 GDP p.c., PPP $ 25635.9 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.2 HDI rank of 187 57 Gini Index 41.6 Life expectancy years 71.1 UN Education Index 0.780 Poverty3 % 0.5 Urban population % 73.9 Gender inequality2 0.314 Aid per capita $ - Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary At the time of writing, Vladimir Putin has been in power for more than fifteen years. Putin served an initial two terms as president from 2000 to 2008, followed by one term as prime minister between 2008 and 2012, before beginning a third term as president in 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
    SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Self-Rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH and POLICY SCOPE The
    Russia Self-rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH AND POLICY SCOPE The Russian Federation has two (in some areas, three) tiers of regional governance: eighty-five subyekty federacii or subyekty (federal units or “subjects”), which since 2000 have been organized within eight federalnyye okruga (federal districts); and, in most subyekty federacii, raionabi (districts).1 Raionabi have an average population under 150,000 in all subyekty.2 The most powerful intermediate tier consists of the subyekty federacii, which are composed of twenty-two respubliki (republics), forty-six oblasti (provinces), nine kraya (territories), four avtonomnyye okruga (autonomous districts), one avtonomnaya oblast (autonomous province), and the three federalnyye goroda (federal cities) of St Petersburg, Moscow, and Sevastopol (C 1993, Art. 65). Russia began in 1993 with eighty-nine subyekty, but six have since been merged.3 Each boundary change requires the consent of the affected subyekt as well as of the federal government (C 1993, Art. 67.3). Sevastopol and the Republic of Crimea were annexed as Russian federal subjects in 2014. Respubliki and avtonomnyye okruga have an ethnic base; oblasts and krais are non-ethnic 1 In 2014, the ministry for regional development selected 16 ‘pilot projects’ to establish metropolitan governance structures. In most subyekty federacii, a coordination council was established consisting of the mayors of the participating municipalities and some subyekty federacii also created an executive agency to implement the council’s decisions. The ‘pilot project’ is awaiting federal legislation, participation of the municipalities is voluntary, the decisions of the coordination council are non-binding, and by law municipal budget funds cannot be spent beyond municipal boundaries (Kinossian 2017).
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World 2019
    Freedom in the World 2019 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/russia A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 0 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 The 1993 constitution established a strong presidency with the power to dismiss and appoint, pending parliamentary confirmation, the prime minister. As with his past elections, President Putin’s campaign for a new six-year term in 2018 benefited from advantages including preferential media treatment, numerous abuses of incumbency, and procedural irregularities during the vote count. His most potent rival, Aleksey Navalny, had been disqualified before the campaign began due to a politically motivated criminal conviction, creating what the Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE) called “a lack of genuine competition.” The funding sources for Putin’s campaign were notably opaque. He was ultimately credited with 77 percent of the vote, followed by the Communist Party’s Pavel Grudinin with 12 percent, Vladimir Zhirinovsky of the ultranationalist Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) with 6 percent, and five others—including token liberals—who divided the remainder. The Kremlin’s preferred candidates lost in four of the year’s 22 gubernatorial elections, though the nominal opposition contenders who were permitted to participate were also approved by the federal leadership. In Vladimir and Khabarovsk, LDPR candidates ousted United Russia incumbents, and a Communist challenger defeated a United Russia incumbent in Khakasia. In Primorsky Kray, the results of a September runoff election were annulled due to blatant manipulation meant to prevent Communist challenger Andrey Ishchenko’s victory over the incumbent, Andrey Tarasenko.
    [Show full text]
  • Discourse in Danger: Attacks on Free Expression in Putin's Russia
    DISCOURSE IN DANGER ATTACKS ON FREE EXPRESSION IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA DISCOURSE IN DANGER: ATTACKS ON FREE EXPRESSION IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA January 25, 2016 © PEN American Center 2016. All rights reserved. PEN American Center is the largest branch of PEN International, the world’s leading literary and human rights organization. PEN works in more than 100 countries to protect free expression and to defend writers and journalists who are imprisoned, threatened, persecuted, or attacked in the course of their profession. PEN America’s 4,300 members stand together with more than 20,000 PEN writers worldwide in international literary fellowship to carry on the achievements of such past members as James Baldwin, Robert Frost, Allen Ginsberg, Langston Hughes, Arthur Miller, Eugene O’Neill, Susan Sontag, and John Steinbeck. For more information, please visit www.pen.org. Cover photography by Sergey Norin CONTENTS Introduction 4 Overview and Methodology 5 Legal Framework 6 Regulating the Information Space: Roskomnadzor 9 Shaping Children’s Minds 16 Closing Intellectual and Cultural Spaces 19 Reining In Civil Society 22 Conclusion: Navigating the Closing Space 24 Acknowledgments 26 Appendix 1: PEN American Center Letter to the Russian Embassy in Washington, D.C. 27 Appendix 2: Response from Russian Embassy to PEN Request for Comment 28 Endnotes 32 INTRODUCTION Freedom of expression has been one of the worst casu- alties of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s 15-year as- Putin has seized upon sault on democratic institutions and values. When Putin first came to power in 2000, he began systematically to information as a key dismantle, weaken, or fundamentally undermine dem- ocratic institutions, beginning with the press.1 Despite weapon in his fight this frontal attack on the media, some independent voic- es in traditional media remained strong and the rise in to promote Russia’s internet access and social media allowed independent online resources to flourish, including internet news sites, blogs, and social media sites.
    [Show full text]
  • MONTHLY November 2020 CONTENTS
    MONTHLY November 2020 CONTENTS 12 19 30 RUSSIA’S CORONAVIRUS IN THE INTEREST OF U.S.-RUSSIA NAVY INCIDENT VACCINE RACE CONTINUES THE KREMLIN? RUSSIAN IN THE NORTH PACIFIC OLIGARCH CREATES FAR-RIGHT MOVEMENT IN THE INTEREST OF THE KREMLIN? MOLDOVA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: RUSSIAN OLIGARCH CREATES FAR-RIGHT 3 RUSSIA HELPS DODON 19 MOVEMENT WEAK ROUBLE, TIGHT BUDGET: NEW LAVROV VISITS MINSK: LOCKDOWN WOULD SMASH RUSSIAN RUSSIA WANTS LUKASHENKO 4 ECONOMY 20 TO IMPLEMENT COMMITMENTS U.S. ELECTION: WHAT SECHIN’S “STEEL” BUSINESS RAISES SERIOUS 6 IS RUSSIA COUNTING ON? 22 DOUBTS RUSSIAN POLICE AND INTELLIGENCE DISAGREE OVER WHAT REALLY HAPPENED MOLDOVA’S SANDU ON WITHDRAWING 7 TO NAVALNY 24 RUSSIAN FORCES FROM TRANSNISTRIA RUSSIA DEPLOYS ITS “PEACEKEEPERS” OPEC+ STUTTERS OVER OIL CUT DEAL, 9 TO NAGORNO-KARABAKH 25 RUSSIA’S SECHIN FORECASTS OIL PRICES RUSSIA LAUNCHES CABINET RESHUFFLE TURMOIL OVER TURKSTREAM LOAN: IS 10 ALSO IN ENERGY MINISTRY 27 SERBIAN LEG OF THE PIPELINE IN DANGER? RUSSIA’S CORONAVIRUS VACCINE RACE RUSSIA POURS MONEY 12 CONTINUES 28 INTO IRAQI OILFIELDS MORE LIBYAN OIL CAUSES HEADACHE MOLDOVA ELECTION: SANDU FOR RUSSIANS MORE LIBYAN OIL CAUSES 14 SMASHES RUSSIA’S CANDIDATE 30 HEADACHE FOR RUSSIANS ROSNEFT AND GAZPROM NEFT LET FOREIGN INVESTORS ENTER ARCTIC U.S.-RUSSIA NAVY INCIDENT 16 PROJECTS 30 IN THE NORTH PACIFIC RUSSIAN INSPECTION: LAVROV, SHOIGU VISIT ARMENIA ROSNEFT PLANS TO SELL SOME DEPOSITS 17 AND AZERBAIJAN 31 AMID COSTLY VOSTOK OIL PROJECT 2 www.warsawinstitute.org SOURCE: KREMLIN.RU 2 November 2020 MOLDOVA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: RUSSIA HELPS DODON Pro-Western opposition leader Maia Sandu secured a surprise lead against Moldova’s current president Igor Dodon.
    [Show full text]
  • Kesarev Memo | New Russian Government | January 2020
    Kesarev phone: +32 (2) 899 4699 e-mail: [email protected] www.kesarev.com NEW RUSSIAN CABINET: STAFF “REVOLUTION” INSTEAD OF STRUCTURAL REFORMS? Summary On January 21, 2020, President Putin approved the structure of the new Russian Government and appointed Deputy Prime Ministers and federal Ministers. New Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin was appointed on January 16. What are the key specifics of the new Cabinet? The key specific feature of the new Russian Cabinet is that while the structural changes are minimal, the staff reshuffles proved to be radical, both in terms of the number of new people appointed to top offices and change of political status of key Cabinet members (how close they are to the President). This is an extremely atypical decision for Putin, compared to previous Cabinets over the entire period of his stay in power. Earlier, as a rule, the Cabinets included influential figures close to the President and personally associated with him, and a system of checks and balances between different elite groups existed. But at the same time, the decision to change the approach to the Cabinet appointments is logical in the context of a broader presidential “staff policy” over recent years - the so-called “technocratisation” of power (the appointment of young “technocratic” governors, the penetration of such figures into Medvedev’s second Cabinet, the appointment of the head of the Presidential Administration, a “technocrat” Anton Vayno during the Parliamentary election campaign in 2016 and the launch of “Leaders of Russia” contest in order to select and train a “succession pool” for the top positions in the federal and regional civil bureaucracy).
    [Show full text]