Notes

1 Other ‘Europes’

1 Mark Bassin, ‘Russia between Europe and Asia: The ideological construction of geographical space’, Slavic Review, vol. 50, no. 1 (Spring 1991), pp. 1–17, at pp. 6–7. 2 Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos: A Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe, trans. E. C. Otté, vol. 2 (New York: Harper, 1850), p. 118. 3 For a review, see Armagan Emre Çakir, ed., Fifty Years of EU-Turkey Relations (London and New York: Routledge, 2011). 4 ‘Charlemagne: Europe, Russia and in-between’, The Economist, 28 October 2006, p. 58. 5 Yu. K. Efremov, ‘Obsuzhdenie voprosa o granitse Evropy i Azii v Moskovskom filiale Geograficheskogo obshchestva SSSR’, Izvestiya Akademii Nauk SSSR: seriya geograficheskaya, no. 4 (1958), pp. 144–146, at pp. 144, 146. 6 ‘Gde konchaetsya Evropa?’, June 2010, at http://www.rgo.ru/2010/06/ gde- konchaetsya-evropa/, last accessed 5 July 2012. 7 ‘Obsuzhdenie voprosa o granitse Evropy i Azii’, Izvestiya Akademii Nauk SSSR: Seriya geograficheskaya, no. 4 (July–August 1963), pp. 154–155, at p. 155. For another discussion, see Michael Smith, ‘The European Union and a changing Europe: Establishing the boundaries of order’, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 34, no. 1 (March 1996), pp. 5–28. 8 Efremov, ‘Obsuzhdenie’, p. 144. 9 Herodotus, The History, trans. David Grene (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1987), p. 297 (the Rioni river was known at this time as the Phasis). 10 The Great Soviet Atlas put the entire Caucasus inside ‘Europe’, as far as the Turkish border with the USSR (Efremov, ‘Obsuzhdenie’, p. 145); so did the Great Soviet Encyclopedia that appeared in the early 1950s (Bol’shaya sovetskaya entsiklopediya, 2nd edn, vol. 15 (Moscow: Bol’shaya sovetskaya entsiklopediya, 1952), p. 382). At least four distinct Caucasian boundaries are identified in E. M. Murzaev, ‘Gde zhe provodit’ geograficheskuyu granitsu Evropy i Azii?’, Izvestiya Akademii nauk SSSR. Seriya geograficheskaya, no. 4 (July–August 1963), pp. 111–119, at p. 111. 11 The ‘action plans’ that were concluded by the EU with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine as part of the European Neighbourhood Policy acknowledged their ‘European aspirations’ and welcomed their ‘European choice’ (see, for instance, the Ukrainian action plan at http://ec.europa.eu/world/enp/ pdf/action_plans/ukraine_enp_ap_final_en.pdf, last accessed 4 July 2012). 12 Peter Burke, ‘Did Europe exist before 1700?’, History of European Ideas, vol. 1, no. 1 (1980), pp. 21–29, at p. 21. 13 Richard J. Evans, ‘What is European history? Reflections of a cosmopolitan islander’, European History Quarterly, vol. 40, no. 4 (October 2010), pp. 593–605, at p. 594. 14 Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence of an Idea, rev. edn (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968), p. vi. 15 Evans, ‘What is European history?’, pp. 594–595.

271 272 Notes

16 Hugh Seton-Watson, ‘What is Europe, Where is Europe? From mystique to politique’, Encounter, vol. 65, no. 2 (July–August 1985), pp. 9–17, at p. 16. The ‘Muslim strand’ is given close attention in Jack Goody, Islam in Europe (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 17 Christoph Pan and Beate Sibylle Pfeil, comps., National Minorities in Europe: Handbook (Vienna: Braumuller, 2003), pp. 12, 14–16. 18 These included Luxembourgish, an official language of Luxembourg since 1984, and Turkish, an official language of Cyprus. 19 Calculated from David Crystal, ed., The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language, 3rd edn (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 469, 479, 481. 20 Ute Frevert, ‘Europeanizing German history’, GHI Bulletin, no. 36 (Spring 2005), pp. 9–24, at p. 11. 21 Klaus Eder, ‘Europe as a narrative network: Taking the social embeddedness of identity constructions seriously’, in Sonia Lucarelli, Furio Cerutti and Vivien Schmidt, eds, Debating Political Identity and Legitimacy in the European Union (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), pp. 38–54. 22 To borrow the title of Anderson’s influential study, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edn (London: Verso, 2006). 23 On these wider issues, see Christos Kassimeris, Football Comes Home: Symbolic Identities in European Football (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2010). The USSR became a member of UEFA (the Union of European Football Associations) in 1954, on its foundation. 24 See http://euobserver.com/18/8530, last accessed 19 May 2012. 25 As the Commission President, José Manuel Barroso, told journalists before the 2009 G20 summit, ‘Europe must speak with one voice in London’ (‘EU chief says Europe will speak with one voice at G20’, Reuters, 16 March 2009, at http://in.reuters.com/ article/2009/03/16/financial-britain-idINLG42435720090316, last accessed 5 July 2012). Soviet foreign minister Anatolii Gromyko had asked the West German dip- lomat Egon Bahr as early as 1970 when the European Community (as it then was) would ‘speak with a single voice’. ‘Ask again in twenty years’, responded Bahr, only to be described as a ‘defeatist’ when he related the exchange to the German Chancellor, Willy Brandt (O. F. Potemkina, N. Yu. Kaveshnikov and N. B. Kondrat’eva, eds, Evropeiskii Soyuz v XXI veke: vremya ispytanii (Moscow: Ves’ mir, 2012), p. 550). 26 See http://europa.eu/lisbon_treaty/take/index_en.htm, last accessed 5 July 2012. 27 See Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality (Houndmills: Macmillan and New York: St Martin’s, 1995), and also Furio Cerutti and Sonia Lucarelli, eds, The Search for European Identity: Values, Policies and Legitimacy of the European Union (London: Routledge, 2008) and Jeffrey T. Checkel and Peter J. Katzenstein, eds, European Identity (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 28 Treaty Establishing the European Economic Community. Rome, 25th March, 1957 (London: HMSO, 1962), art. 237. 29 Treaty on European Union [hereafter Maastricht Treaty] (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1992), art. O, p. 138. 30 Ulrich Sedelmeier, ‘Enlargement’, in Helen Wallace, Mark A. Pollack and Alasdair R. Young, eds, Policy-Making in the European Union, 6th edn (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 401–429, at p. 405 (the EU’s response to a letter from King Hassan welcomed the Moroccan monarch’s wish for a ‘closer rapproche- ment’ and looked forward to a ‘reinforced and more extended cooperation’ but did not in fact directly refer to the issue of membership, nor identify geography as a Notes 273

relevant consideration: Uffe Ellemann-Jensen to Hassan II of Morocco, Copenhagen, 1 October 1987, EU archives, Brussels). 31 Former Commission President Romano Prodi spoke of a ‘dynamic Europe which, as stated in the founding Treaty of Rome, is open to all European countries that share its values and intend to pursue its common policies’ (Europe as I See it, trans. Allan Cameron (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), p. 23); there was, in fact, no reference to ‘values’ of any kind in the Treaty, and not a single reference to ‘democracy’, ‘human rights’ or the ‘rule of law’. We take this discussion further on p. 249ff. 32 Maastricht Treaty, art. F, p. 9. 33 Treaty of Amsterdam (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1997), p. 8 (the same wording had appeared in the preamble to the Maastricht Treaty). The Lisbon Treaty of 2007 made further changes in wording, amending what became article 2 of the Maastricht Treaty to read as follows: The Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These values are common to the Member States in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail (Treaty of Lisbon, 17 December 2007, in Official Journal of the European Union, 2007/6 at p. C306/11). 34 Treaty of Amsterdam, p. 9. 35 Ibid., p. 24. 36 See ‘Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union’, Official Journal of the European Communities, 2000/C 364/01, 18 December 2000. The Lisbon Treaty pre- scribed that the Charter would have the ‘same legal value as the Treaties’ (Lisbon Treaty, p. C306/13). 37 Presidency Conclusions, Copenhagen European Council, 21–22 June 1993, at http://ec.europa.eu/bulgaria/documents/abc/72921_en.pdf, at p. 13, last accessed 5 July 2012. 38 Presidency Conclusions, Madrid European Council, 15–16 December 1995, at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/ec/00400- C.EN5.htm, last accessed 5 July 2012. 39 Ian Barnes and Pamela Barnes, ‘Enlargement’, in Michelle Cini and Nieves Pérez- Solórzano Borragán, eds, European Union Politics, 3rd edn (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 418–435, at p. 424. 40 M. S. Gorbachev, Izbrannye rechi i stat’i, 7 vols (Moscow: Politizdat, 1987–1990), vol. 2, p. 114. There was another early reference in Gorbachev’s election address of 20 February 1985 (ibid., p. 126). 41 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 106. 42 Leonid I. Brezhnev, Leninskim kursom, vol. 9, 2nd edn (Moscow: Politizdat, 1983), p. 304. 43 M. S. Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy, 2 vols (Moscow: Novosti, 1995), vol. 2, p. 72. It was during this official visit, Gorbachev wrote later, that the formulation ‘Europe – our common home’ had ‘first appeared’ (M. S. Gorbachev, Naedine s soboi (Moscow: Grin Strit, 2012), p. 458). 44 Gorbachev, Izbrannye rechi i stat’i, vol. 2, pp. 441–442; also in Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy, vol. 2, p. 71. Speaking rather later to the French Senate, a deputy foreign minister explained that the ‘common home’ could have ‘different interiors, reflecting the political pluralism of its inhabitants’, but it assumed a set of ‘com- mon human values’, and it should provide a ‘firmly-based structure of security not only against war, but against other threats to the existence of European civilisation’ (‘Vystuplenie zamestitelya ministra inostrannykh del SSSR V. F. Petrovskogo v 274 Notes

Senate Frantsii 28 noyabrya’, Vestnik Ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR (December 1989), pp. 70–73, at p. 71). The idea of Europe as a ‘common home’ appears to have still earlier origins in the programmatic documents of the French Communist Party: see David S. Bell and Byron Criddle, The French Communist Party in the Fifth Republic (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), p. 50. 45 Ezhegodnye poslaniya Prezidenta Rossiiskoi Federatsii Federal’nomu sobraniyu 1994–2005 gg. (Novosibirsk: Sibirskoe universitetskoe izdatel’stvo, 2006), p. 83. 46 ‘Vystuplenie B. N. El’tsina’, Strasbourg, 10 October 1997, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 11 (1997), pp. 8–9. 47 Boris El’tsin, Prezidentskii marafon: razmyshleniya, vospominaniya, vpechatleniya (Moscow: AST, 2000), p. 128. 48 Ibid., pp. 129–130, 134–135. The meeting, the French President wrote to Yeltsin shortly afterwards, had confirmed the ‘role and place of Russia in Europe’ and their ‘common view of the future of the European continent’ (27 March 1998, in Perepiska Prezidenta Rossiiskoi Federatsii Borisa Nikolaevicha El’tsina s glavami gosu- darstv i pravitel’stv, 2 vols (Moscow: Bol’shaya rossiiskaya entsiklopediya, 2011), vol. 2, p. 380). 49 Ezhegodnye poslaniya, p. 293. 50 See http://archive.kremlin.ru/eng/speeches/2003/05/31/0005_type82914type127286_ 46509.shtml 31 May 2003, last accessed 5 March 2011. 51 ‘Poslanie Federal’nomu Sobraniyu Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 26 April 2005, p. 3. 52 ‘Polveka evropeiskoi integratsii i Rossiya’, 25 March 2007, at http://archive.krem- lin.ru/text/appears/2007/03/120736.shtml, last accessed 24 March 2012; the article appeared in several Western papers including the Sunday Times, 25 March 2007, p. 21, and substantial extracts in Izvestiya, 26 March 2007, p. 2. 53 V. V. Putin, Izbrannye rechi i vystupleniya (Moscow: Knizhnyi mir, 2008), pp. 177–178. 54 Ibid., p. 251. 55 Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, Moskovskie novosti (27 February 2012), pp. 1, 4–6, at p. 5. 56 ‘Novyi integratsionnyi proekt dlya Evrazii: budushchee, kotoroe rozhdaetsya segod- nya’, Izvestiya, 4 October 2011, pp. 1, 5, at p. 5. Russian commentators had originally defined ‘Greater Europe’ as extending, as it had for Charles de Gaulle, ‘from the Atlantic to the Urals’ (Yu. P. Davydov, ‘Voidet Rossiya v “Bol’shuyu Evropu”?’, Kentavr, no. 4 (1994), pp. 21–37, at p. 31); it came more often to be presented (in Putin’s words) as a ‘single economic and human space’ that extended ‘from the Atlantic to the Pacific’ and which could otherwise be called a ‘Union of Europe’ (‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, p. 5). His successor, Dmitri Medvedev, spoke more generally of a ‘Euroatlantic space from Vancouver to Vladivostok’ (‘Dmitrii Medvedev – v vystuplenii v Berline: “Teper’ rech’ dolzhna idti o edinstve prostranstva ot Vankuvera do Vladivostoka’, Izvestiya, 6 June 2008, p. 2); a few even suggested that the United States could be seen as a part of ‘Greater Europe’ on the basis of its common Christian civilisation (S. V. Kortunov, Sovremennaya vneshnyaya politika Rossii: strate- giya izbiratel’noi vovlechennosti (Moscow: Izdatel’skii dom Gosudarstvennogo univer- siteta – Vysshei shkoly ekonomiki, 2009), p. 195). 57 Yuri Solozobov, ‘“Bol’shaya Evropa” protiv “Bol’shoi Rossii”’, Zavtra, 22 July 2005, p. 4 (the article drew on the views of representatives of the Russian energy minis- try and of Institute of Modernisation director Mikhail Delyagin as well as those of the Institute of National Strategy). 58 Evgenii Verlin and Vladislav Inozemtsev, ‘Rossiya – Kitai: vremya korrektirovat’ kurs’, Svobodnaya mysl’, no. 8 (2010), pp. 44–58, at p. 58. Notes 275

59 Paul Robert Magocsi, A History of Ukraine: The Land and its Peoples, 2nd revised and expanded edn (Toronto and London: University of Toronto Press, 2010), p. 13. 60 Nicky Gardner, ‘Defining Europe’s centre’, Hidden Europe, no. 5 (November 2005), pp. 20–21, at p. 21. 61 Viktar Korbut, ‘Yak praistsi u tsentra Evropy?’, Belarus’, no. 5 (2009), pp. 40–41, at p. 41 (the precise location was on Karl Marx Prospekt). 62 David Herman, ‘Cultural consumption’, Prospect (February 2007), pp. 66–67, at p. 67. 63 Marc Raeff, ‘The Enlightenment in Russian thought and Russian thought in the Enlightenment’, in John G. Garrard, ed., The Eighteenth Century in Russia (Oxford: Clarendon, 1973), p. 31. 64 Barry K. Goodwin and Thomas J. Grennes, ‘Tsarist Russia and the world wheat market’, Explorations in Economic History, vol. 35, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 405–430, at p. 406. 65 Such as Victor Sergeyev and Nikolai Biryukov, Russia’s Road to Democracy: Parliament, Communism and Traditional Culture (Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1993). 66 Nicolas Berdyaev, The Origin of Russian Communism, trans. R. M. French (London: Bles, 1937; this was in fact its first publication), p. 134. 67 Maksim Kozlov, ‘Chem olichayutsya pravoslavnye ot zapadnykh khristian?’, Argumenty i fakty, no. 22 (2 June 2010), p. 9. 68 See for instance Irina Papkova, The Orthodox Church and Russian Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), and Katja Richters, The Post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church: Politics, Culture and Greater Russia (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2012). 69 Ol’ga Malinova, Rossiya i ‘Zapad’ v XX veke. Transformatsiya diskursa o kollektivnoi identichnosti (Moscow: Rosspen, 2009), pp. 5–6. 70 William Zimmerman, ‘Slavophiles and Westernizers redux: Contemporary Russian elite perspectives’, Post-Soviet Affairs, vol. 21, no. 3 (July–September 2005), pp. 183–209, at p. 184. 71 P. Ya. Chaadaev, Sochineniya i pis’ma P. Ya. Chaadaeva, vol. 1, ed. M. Gershenzon (Moscow: Mamontov, 1913), pp. 82, 84, 80. 72 Ibid., p. 77. 73 Ibid., p. 84. 74 Ibid., pp. 98, 92. 75 James M. Edie, James P. Scanlan and Mary Barbara Zeldin, eds, Russian Philosophy, 3 vols (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1965), vol. 1, pp. 101–102. 76 Ibid., p. 102. 77 Andrzej Walicki, The Slavophile Controversy, trans. Hilda Andrews-Rusiecka (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), p. 102. 78 Ibid., p. 104. 79 Marquis de Custine, La Russie en 1839, 4 vols (Paris: Librairie d’Amyot, 1843), vol. 4, p. 486. 80 A. I. Gertsen, Byloe i dumy (Moscow: Ogiz, 1946), p. 287. 81 Andrzej Walicki, A History of Russian Thought from the Enlightenment to Marxism, trans. Hilda Andrews-Rusiecka (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1979 and Oxford: Clarendon, 1980), p. 91. 82 Walicki, Slavophile Controversy, p. 121. 83 Ibid., p. 141. 84 Ibid., p. 135. 85 Ibid., p. 141. 86 Ibid., p. 143. 276 Notes

87 Ibid., p. 144. 88 Ibid., p. 146. 89 Ibid., p. 147. 90 Walicki, History of Russian Thought, p. 93. 91 Ibid., p. 96. 92 Ibid., p. 99. 93 Walicki, Slavophile Controversy, p. 251. 94 Based on ibid., pp. 446–452. 95 Samuel P. Huntington, ‘The clash of civilizations?’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 72, no. 3 (Summer 1993), pp. 22–49, at p. 22. 96 Ibid., p. 25. 97 Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), pp. 70, 71. 98 Huntington, ‘The clash’, pp. 29–30. 99 Ibid., pp. 30–31. 100 Ibid., pp. 42–43. 101 Huntington, The Clash, p. 140. 102 Ibid., p. 137. 103 Ibid., p. 158. 104 Ibid., p. 165. 105 Ibid., pp. 165–166. 106 O. E. Kaz’mina, ‘Pravoslavie’, in V. A. Tishkov, ed., Narody i religii mira. Entsiklopediya (Moscow: Bol’shaya rossiiskaya entsiklopediya, 2000), pp. 794–803, at p. 801 (in 1996 there were an estimated 182 million Orthodox worldwide of whom 70–80 million lived in Russia, 30 million in Ukraine and 5 million in Belarus). 107 Aleksandr Aref’ev, ‘Yazyk bez gostei’, Argumenty i fakty, no. 16 (2007), p. 10. 108 Grigory Ioffe, Understanding Belarus and How Western Foreign Policy Misses the Mark (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), p. 68. 109 Grigory Ioffe, Global Studies: Russia and the near Abroad, 12th edn (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011), p. 115; see also Nelly Bekus, Struggle over Identity: The Official and Alternative ‘Belarusianness’ (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2010). 110 Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 4th edn (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), p. 487. 111 Paul D’Anieri, Understanding Ukrainian Politics (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 2007), p. 106. 112 Emanuel Adler, ‘Constructivism in international relations: Sources, contribu- tions, and debates’, in Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse and Beth A. Simmons, eds, Handbook of International Relations, 2nd edn (London: Sage, 2013), pp. 112–144, at p. 113. 113 Alexander Wendt, ‘Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics’, International Organization, vol. 46, no. 2 (Spring 1992), pp. 391–425, at p. 397. 114 See, for example, Lene Hansen, Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War (London and New York: Routledge, 2006); Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other: ‘The East’ in European Identity Formation (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); Maja Zehfuss, ‘Constructivism and identity: A danger- ous liaison’, European Journal of International Relations, vol. 7, no. 3 (2001), pp. 315–348; E. Ringmar, ‘Alexander Wendt: A Social Scientist Struggling with History’, in Iver B. Neumann and Ole Wæver, eds, The Future of International Relations: Masters in the Making? (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 269–289. Notes 277

115 David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992). 116 Alexander Wendt, ‘Collective Identity Formation and the International State’, American Political Science Review, vol. 88, no. 2 (June 1994), pp. 384–396, at p. 386. 117 Hansen, Security as Practice, p. 7. 118 Ted Hopf, Reconstructing the Cold War (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 7. 119 Hansen, Security as Practice, p. 7. 120 Ibid., p. 47. 121 Anderson, Imagined Communities. 122 Neumann, Uses of the Other, p. 35. 123 Stephen Shulman, ‘National identity and public support for political and economic reform in Ukraine’, Slavic Review, vol. 64, no. 1 (Spring 2005), pp. 59–87, at p. 68. 124 Lene Hansen and Ole Wæver, eds, European Integration and National Identity: The Challenge of the Nordic States (London and New York: Routledge, 2002). 125 Lene Hansen, ‘Introduction’, in Hansen and Wæver, European Integration, pp. 1–19, at p. 2. 126 Stephen Shulman, ‘National integration and foreign policy in multiethnic states’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, vol. 4, no. 4 (Winter 1998), pp. 110–132, at p. 110. 127 Ibid., p. 121. 128 See, for example, Iver B. Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe: A Study in Identity in International Relations (London and New York: Routledge, 1996); Andrei P. Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy: Change and Continuity in National Identity, 2nd edn (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010), p. 17. 129 Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy, p. 17. 130 Ibid. 131 See, for instance, on Ukraine – Charles F. Furtado, Jr., ‘Nationalism and Foreign Policy in Ukraine’, Political Science Quarterly, vol. 109, no. 1 (Spring 1994), pp. 81–104; Taras Kuzio, Ukraine: State and Nation Building (London: Routledge, 2002); Andrew Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s; A Minority Faith (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Tatiana Zhurzhenko, Borderlands into Bordered Lands: Geopolitics of Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine (Stuttgart: Ibidem-verlag, 2010); on Belarus – Bekus, Struggle over Identity and Ioffe, Understanding Belarus; on Russia – P. Casula and J. Perovic, eds, Identities and Politics during the Putin Presidency: The Foundations of Russia’s Presidency (Stuttgart: Ibidem-verlag, 2009); Edith W. Clowes, Russia on the Edge: Imagined Geographies and Post-Soviet Identity (Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell University Press, 2011); Serguei Oushakine, The Patriotism of Despair: Nation, War, and Loss in Russia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009); across the region – Serhiy Bilenky, Romantic Nationalism in Eastern Europe: Russian, Polish and Ukrainian Political Imaginations (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012); Serhii Plokhy, The Origins of the Slavic Nations: Premodern Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Serhii Plokhy, Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008); Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Barbara Skinner, The Western Front of the Eastern Church: Uniate and Orthodox Conflict in Eighteenth-Century Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009); Timothy Snyder, 278 Notes

The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003). 132 For Ukraine, see, for instance, Stephen Shulman, ‘National integration and for- eign policy in multiethnic states’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, vol. 4, no. 4 (Winter 1998), pp. 110–132; V. Chudowsky and T. Kuzio, ‘Does public opinion matter in Ukraine? The case of foreign policy’, Communist and Post-communist Studies, vol. 36, no. 3 (September 2003), pp. 273–290; Neil Munro, ‘Which way does Ukraine face? Popular orientations toward Russia and Western Europe’, Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 54, no. 6 (November–December 2007), pp. 43–58; N. Mychajlyszyn, ‘From Soviet Ukraine to the Orange revolution: European security relations and the Ukrainian identity’, in O. Schmidtke and S. Yekelchyk, eds, Europe’s Last Frontier? Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine between Russia and the European Union (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 31–53; and in Ukraine itself see, for instance, A. Malyuk, ‘Stavlennya naselennya Ukraini do al’ternativnikh variantiv geopolitichnogo viboru’, in V. Vorona and M. Shulga, eds, Ukrains’ke Syspil’stvo 1992–2008. Sotsiologichny Monitoring (Kyiv: Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 2008), pp. 404–416; O. Reznik, ‘Chinniki stavlennya naselennya do vstupu Ukraini v NATO’, in V. Vorona and M. Shulga, eds, Ukrains’ke Syspil’stvo, pp. 396–403. For Belarus, Russia and Ukraine see, for example, Stephen White, Ian McAllister, Margot Light and John Löwenhardt, ‘A European or a Slavic choice? Foreign policy and public attitudes in post-Soviet Europe’, Europe–Asia Studies, vol. 54, no. 2 (March 2002), pp. 181–202; Stephen White, Julia Korosteleva and Ian McAllister, ‘A wider Europe? The view from Russia, Belarus and Ukraine’, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 46, no. 2 (March 2008), pp. 219–241; Stephen White, Ian McAllister and Valentina Feklyunina, ‘Belarus, Ukraine and Russia: East or West?’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 12, no. 3 (August 2010), pp. 344–367. 133 See, for example, Valentina Feklyunina, ‘Russia’s foreign policy towards Poland: Seeking reconciliation? A social constructivist analysis’, International Politics, vol. 49, no. 4 (July 2012), pp. 434–448; Vyacheslav Morozov, Rossiya i drugie (Moscow, Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2009); Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe; Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy. 134 Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe, p. 1. 135 Taras Kuzio, ‘Slavophiles versus Westernisers: Foreign policy orientations in Ukraine’, in Kurt R. Spillmann, Andreas Wenger and Derek Muller, eds, Between Russia and Europe. Foreign and Security Policy of Independent Ukraine (Bern: Peter Lang, 1999), pp. 53–74; Shulman, ‘National identity and public support’, p. 60. 136 Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe: A Study in Identity in International Relations. 137 Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy. 138 Roy Allison, Margot Light and Stephen White, Putin’s Russia and the Enlarged Europe (Oxford and Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006). 139 Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 140 Jeffrey T. Checkel and Peter J. Katzenstein, ‘The politicization of European identi- ties’, in Checkel and Katzenstein, eds., European Identity (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 1–25, at p. 3. 141 By investigating competing views about the EU held by Russian elites, we seek in this respect to make a significant contribution to the rapidly developing litera- ture on external perceptions of the EU across the world. See, for example, Sonia Lucarelli and Lorenzo Fioramonti, eds, External Perceptions of the European Union Notes 279

as a Global Actor (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2010). For Russian views of the EU, see Mara Morini, Roberto Peruzzi and Arlo Poletti, ‘Eastern giants: The EU in the Eyes of Russia and China’, in Lucarelli and Fioramonti, eds, External Perceptions of the European Union as a Global Actor, pp. 32–51. 142 Morini et al., ‘Eastern giants’, p. 10.

2 Negotiating a Relationship

1 Vladimir I. Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 55 vols (Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1958–1965), vol. 35, p. 140. 2 Ibid., vol. 37, p. 511. 3 ‘Konstitutsiya (Osnovnoi zakon) Rossiiskoi Sotsialisticheskoi Federativnoi Sovetskoi Respubliki. Postanovlenie 5-go Vserossiiskogo S”ezda Sovetov, prinya- toe v zasedanii 10 iyulya 1918’, Izvestiya, 19 July 1918, p. 3. 4 Postanovleniya Pervogo s”ezda Soyuza Sovetskikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik (Moscow: Izdanie TsIK SSSR, 1923), p. 4. 5 Winston Churchill, ‘Britain and America in time of peace’, The Times, 4 March 1946, pp. 4 and 6, at p. 6. 6 A. Zhdanov, ‘O mezhdunarodnom polozheni’, Pravda, 22 October 1947, pp. 2–3, at p. 2. The ‘two camps’ thesis had not appeared in early drafts of the speech but was added at a later stage, almost certainly at Stalin’s behest (Scott D. Parrish and Mikhail M. Narinsky, New Evidence on the Soviet Rejection of the Marshall Plan, 1947: Two Reports (Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1994), p. 35). 7 Robert C. Tucker, The Soviet Political Mind, rev. edn (New York: Norton, 1971), p. 228. 8 John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War (London: Allen Lane, 2005), p. 6. 9 See Susan Butler, ed., My Dear Mr Stalin (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2005). 10 Harry Hopkins as quoted in Foreign Relations of the United States, The Conference of Berlin (the Potsdam Conference), 1945, 2 vols (Washington DC: U. S. Government Publications Office, 1960), vol. 1, p. 27. 11 Memoirs by Harry S. Truman, vol. 2: Years of Hope and Trial (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956), p. 106. 12 ‘Zapis’ besedy tovarishcha I. V. Stalina s deyatelem respublikanskoi partii SShA Garol’dom Stessenom 9 aprelya 1947 goda’, Pravda, 8 May 1947, pp. 1–2, at p. 1. 13 Ibid., 16 June 1947, p. 4. 14 Ibid., 22 October 1947, p. 3. 15 ‘Soveshchanie po bezopasnosti i sotrudnichestvu v Evrope. Zaklyuchitel’nyi akt’, supplement to Vedomosti Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, no. 33, 13 August 1975, pp. 3–55. 16 The texts are in Sbornik deistvuyushchikh dogovorov, soglashenii i konventsii, zakly- uchennykh SSSR s inostrannymi gosudarstvami, vol. 28 (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 1974), pp. 27–29, 31–38, 188–192. 17 A. Petrov, ‘K sobytiyam v Afganistane’, Pravda, 31 December 1979, p. 4. 18 See, for instance, Arne Westad, The Global Cold War. Third World Interventions and the Making of our Times (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 250–287. 19 Henry Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1982), p. 88. 280 Notes

20 Zbigniew Brzezinski as quoted in ‘The crescent of crisis’, Time, vol. 113, no. 3 (15 January 1979), p. 6. 21 Jonathan Steele, The Limits of Soviet Power: The Kremlin’s Foreign Policy – Brezhnev to Chernenko, rev. edn (Harmondsworth and New York: Penguin, 1985), p. 43. 22 Francis X. Clines, ‘Reagan denounces ideology of Soviet as “focus of evil”’, New York Times, 9 March 1983, p. 1. 23 Anatolii Dobrynin, Sugubo doveritel’no. Posol v Vashingtone pri shesti prezidentakh SShA (1962–1986 gg.), 2nd edn (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 2008), p. 568. 24 Ronald Reagan, An American Life: The Autobiography (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), pp. 12, 15. 25 Ibid., pp. 635, 641. 26 Eduard Shevardnadze, Kogda rukhnul zheleznyi zanaves. Vstrechi i vospominaniya, trans. G. Leonova (Moscow: Evropa, 2009), p. 88. In Gorbachev’s own recollection the talks had indeed been going nowhere, above all because of differences about the ‘Star Wars’ programme, but on their way back to the main house Reagan invited the Soviet leader to visit the United States, Gorbachev reciprocated with an invitation to the American President to visit the USSR, both were accepted, and ‘the ice moved’ (Mikhail Gorbachev, Naedinine s soboi (Moscow: Grin Strit, 2012), pp. 462–463). 27 Reagan, American Life, p. 15. 28 Mikhail Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy, 2 vols (Moscow: Novosti, 1995), vol. 2, p. 21. 29 According, at least, to Burlatsky himself: Fedor M. Burlatsky, Russkie gosudari. Epokha reformatsii (Moscow: Shark, 1996), p. 203 (Burlatsky published an unremarkable book of his own on the subject during the perestroika period: Novoe myshlenie (Moscow: Politizdat, 1988)). 30 Andrei Grachev, Gorbachev’s Gamble: Soviet Foreign Policy and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge: Polity, 2008), p. 73. The ‘Pugwash Movement’ that stemmed from the Russell-Einstein appeal was positively evaluated in the Soviet writings of the time: see for instance V. M. Buzuev, Uchenye v borb’e za mir i progress: iz istorii paguoshskogo dvizheniya (Moscow: Nauka, 1967). Writing later, Gorbachev identified Einstein in particular as the person who had ‘first spoken about the necessity of new thinking in the century of nuclear arms’ (Gorbachev, Naedine s soboi, p. 457). 31 Mikhail Gorbachev and Daisaki Ikeda, Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century. Gorbachev and Ikeda on Buddhism and Communism, trans. Richard L. Gage (London and New York: Tauris, 2005), p. 51. 32 Mikhail Gorbachev, Ponyat’ perestroiku . . . Pochemu eto vazhno seichas (Moscow: Al’pina Bisnes Buks, 2006), p. 36. 33 Mikhail Gorbachev, Izbrannye rechi i stat’i, 7 vols (Moscow: Politizdat, 1987–1990), vol. 3, pp. 138, 394. There had been an even earlier reference to ‘new political thinking’ in Gorbachev’s address to the British House of Commons in December 1984, speaking as the head of a delegation of Soviet parliamentarians (ibid., vol. 2, p. 112). 34 Ibid., p. 199. 35 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 450. 36 Ibid., vol. 6, p. 90. 37 Georgii Shakhnazarov, ‘V poiskakh utrachennoi idei. K novomu ponimaniyu sotsializma’, Kommunist, no. 4 (1991), pp. 18–31 (part 1) and no. 5 (1991), pp. 16–30 (part 2). 38 Georgii Shakhnazarov, ‘Mirovoe obshchestvo upravlyaemo’, Pravda, 15 January 1988, p. 3. Notes 281

39 For the text see Sbornik mezhdunarodnykh dogovorov SSSR, vol. 44 (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 1990), pp. 58–137. 40 XXVIII s”ezd Kommunisticheskoi partii Sovetskogo Soyuza 2–13 iyulya 1990 goda stenograficheskii otchet, 2 vols (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1991), vol. 2, p. 199. 41 ‘Parizhskaya khartiya dlya novoi Evropy’, Pravda, 22 November 1990, pp. 1, 3. 42 On the restoration of diplomatic relations see Sbornik mezhdunarodnykh dogovorov SSSR i Rossiiskoi Federatsii, vol. 47 (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 1994), pp. 24–25 (Israel) and 128–129 (South Africa, at consular level), and Pravda, 16 March 1990, p. 6 (Vatican). 43 Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 26, p. 354. 44 I. V. Stalin, Ekonomicheskie problemy sotsializma v SSSR (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel’stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1952), p. 36. 45 Valentin Zorin and Erik Pletnev, ‘Obshchii rynok’ – orudie monopolii (Moscow: IMO, 1963), p. 3. 46 Vyacheslav M. Chkhikvadze, ed., Kurs mezhdunarodnogo prava, 6 vols (Moscow: Nauka, 1967–1973), vol. 1, p. 157. 47 The establishment of the Common Market and Euratom, for Pravda, was a ‘new conspiracy against the sovereignty and independence of the West European countries, against security and peace in Europe’ (V. Grigorovich, ‘Zagovor protiv bezopasnosti v Evrope’, 11 March 1957, p. 4); the popular weekly Novoe vremya called for the abandonment of the methods of the Cold War and the development of broader forms of international economic cooperation (‘K voprosu ob “obshchem rynke”’, no. 11 (14 March 1957), pp. 18–21, at p. 21); a foreign ministry statement issued almost immediately afterwards insisted that the imminent signature of the treaty would deepen divisions and increase tensions (‘Zayavlenie Ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR o planakh sozdaniya Evratoma i “Obshchego rynka”’, Pravda, 17 March 1957, p. 3). An earlier historiography is still of value: see particularly David F. P. Foote, ‘The response of Soviet foreign policy to the Common Market, 1957–63’, Soviet Studies, vol. 19, no. 3 (January 1968), pp. 373–386; Christopher A. P. Binns, ‘The development of the Soviet policy response to the EEC’, Co-Existence, vol. 14, no. 2 (October 1977), pp. 240–265; and Christopher A. P. Binns, ‘From USE to EEC: The Soviet analysis of European integration under capitalism’, Soviet Studies, vol. 30, no. 2 (April 1978), pp. 237–261. There is an analysis of the rival understandings of the Western capitalism of the time among scholars and political leaders in Richard B. Day, Cold War Capitalism: The View from Moscow, 1945–1975 (Armonk, NY and London: Sharpe, 1995). 48 The theses appeared in the first issue of the Institute’s new journal (‘O sozdanii “Obshchego rynka” i Evratoma (Tezisy)’, Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhudnarodnye otnosheniya, no. 1 (July 1957), pp. 83–96, from which quotations are taken); they were also published in the party’s theoretical journal Kommunist, no. 9 (June 1957), pp. 88–102. 49 ‘O sozdanii’, pp. 83–84. 50 Ibid., pp. 84–85. 51 Ibid., pp. 89–93. 52 Konstantin Popov, ‘Plany i perspektivy “Obshchego rynka”’, Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, no. 7 (1959), pp. 108–110, at p. 109. 53 Varga, a Hungarian who had served as finance minister in Bela Kun’s short-lived Soviet administration in 1919, left subsequently for Moscow, where he headed the statistical department of the Communist International and then (from 1927) the 282 Notes

Institute of the World Economy and International Politics, becoming a full member of the Academy of Sciences. He questioned the orthodox account of Western capitalism in a book on the economic consequences of the war that appeared in 1946, but found his views described as ‘mistaken’ in the party’s theoretical journal (Bol’shevik, no. 17 (1947), p. 64) and lost his position when Stalin ordered the institute itself to be dissolved. He was allowed to return in 1956 when the institute was re-established as the Institute of the World Economy and International Relations, and won the Lenin Prize in 1963 for his contribution to the analysis of the political economy of capitalism. He died the following year (see G. D. Gloveli, ‘Varga, Evgenii Samuilovich’, in Bol’shaya rossiiskaya entsiklopediya, vol. 4 (Moscow: Bol’shaya rossiiskaya entsiklopediya, 2006), p. 599). 54 Evgenii Varga, ‘“Obshchii rynok” i mirovoi kapitalisticheskii rynok’, Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, no. 7 (1959), pp. 110–112, at pp. 110–111, 112. 55 E. Khmel’nitskaya, ‘Gosudarstvenno-monopolisticheskaya gruppirovka shesti stran i obostrenie protivorechii v Zapadnoi Evrope’, ibid., pp. 113–115, at pp. 113–114. 56 M. Makov, ‘Imperialisticheskie protivorechiya vnutri “Obshchego rynka”’, ibid., pp. 115–116, at p. 116. 57 P. Suslin, ‘Ekonomicheskaya podopleka imperialisticheskoi bor’by vokrug “Evropeiskoi integratsii”’, ibid., no. 8, 1959, pp. 104–107, at p. 104. 58 I. Blishchenko, ‘O burzhuaznykh teoriyakh “Ob”edinennoi Evropy”’, ibid., pp. 107–109, at p. 107. 59 I. Faminsky, ‘O prichinakh ekonomicheskogo “ob”edineniya Evropy”’, ibid., no. 9, 1959, pp. 86–87, at p. 87. 60 A. V. Kirsanov, ‘Nekotorye voprosy issledovaniya evropeiskoi “integratsii”’, ibid., no. 10, 1959, pp. 81–83. 61 A. Arzumanyan, ‘Sotsial’no-ekonomicheskie i politicheskie prichiny “integratsii” v Zapadnoi Evrope’, ibid., pp. 36–48, at pp. 37 and 48 (signed for the press on 11 September 1959); another version with the same title but minor variations in wording appeared in the published text of the Prague discussions, which had taken place under the auspices of the same journal in July 1959 (Aleksei M. Rumyantsev, ed., ‘Obshchii rynok’ i rabochii klass (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo sotsial’no- ekonomicheskoi literatury, 1960, signed for the press on 15 June 1960), pp. 31–49). Arzumanyan’s article was evidently based on his participation in both discussions; it has been described as a ‘first step towards the recognition of the objective character of European integration’, although the circumstances of the time meant that it had to be obscured behind a ‘whole set of familiar ideological formulations’ (P. P. Cherkasov, IMEMO. Portret na fone epokhi (Moscow: Ves’ mir, 2004), pp. 160–161). 62 ‘Ob imperialisticheskoi “integratsii” v Zapadnoi Evrope (“Obshchii rynok”)’, Pravda, 26 August 1962, pp. 3–4; the theses were also issued as a supplement to Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, no. 9 (September 1962). 63 A. Arzumanyan, ‘Novye yavleniya kapitalisticheskoi deistvitel’nosti’, Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, no. 11 (1962), pp. 56–71, at pp. 59–60. 64 ‘Problemy sovremennogo kapitalizma’, ibid., no. 12 (1962), pp. 59–78, at p. 60. 65 Ibid., pp. 67–68. 66 A. Arzumanyan, ‘Krizis imperialisticheskoi “integratsii”’ (part 2), Pravda, 9 March 1963, p. 3. 67 Giorgio Amendola, Lotta di classe e sviluppo economico dopo la liberazione (Rome: Riuniti, 1962), p. 86. This was a contentious view at the time and there was ‘obvious disagreement between the “northerners” [of which Amendola was one] Notes 283

and the party leadership’ (Rossana Rossanda, La ragazza del secolo scorso (Turin: Einaudi, 2005), p. 241). 68 The Common Market was a ‘political and economic reality’, the PCI’s 10th Congress acknowledged in December 1962, and it was important not only to attack its ‘imperialist character’ but also to provide a ‘positive answer to the problems posed by an increasing internationalisation of economic relations’ (‘Tesi approvati dal X Congresso’, in X Congresso del partito comunista italiano. Atti e risoluzioni (Rome: Editori Riuniti, 1963), pp. 651–760, at p. 673 (the Congress met in Rome from 2–8 December 1962). 69 Ugo Pecchioli, ‘Le forze democratiche e l’Europa del Mec’, Critica Marxista, vol. 4, no. 3 (May–June 1966), pp. 3–20, at p. 13. 70 Konferentsiya evropeiskikh kommunisticheskikh i rabochikh partii po voprosam bezopasnosti v Evrope. Karlovy Vary, 24–26 aprelya 1967 g. (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1967), p. 229. 71 Giorgio Amendola, I comunisti e l’Europa (Rome: Riuniti 1971), p. 7 (there were just seven Communists within a delegation of 140). 72 Marie-Claude Vaillant-Couturier, speech in the Journal officiel de la République Française. Débats de l’Assemblée, 15 January 1957, pp. 19–23, at pp. 21, 23. 73 Maud Bracke, ‘From the Atlantic to the Urals? Italian and French communism and the question of Europe, 1956–1973’, Journal of European Integration History, vol. 13, no. 2 (2007), pp. 33–53, at p. 44. 74 Quoted in Jacques Kahn, ‘Monopoles, nations et Marché commun’, Cahiers du communisme, vol. 42, no. 4 (April 1966), pp. 10–19, at p. 19. 75 Charles Fiterman, ‘Les communistes, l’Europe et la nation française’, ibid., pp. 20–39, at p. 38. 76 Changer de cap: programme pour un gouvernement démocratique d’union populaire (Paris: Éditions sociales, 1971), p. 224. 77 Programme commun de gouvernement du Parti communiste français et du Parti socialiste (27 juin 1972) (Paris: Éditions sociales, 1972), p. 177. 78 Le monde, 19 April 1977, pp. 1, 10. 79 Sovremennye problemy mezhdunarodnogo rabochego i profsoyuznogo dvizheniya. Materialy V Vsemirnogo kongressa profsoyuzov (Moskva, 4–15 dekabrya 1961 goda) (Moscow: Profizdat, 1962), pp. 218, 219, 222. 80 VI Vsemirnyi kongress profsoyuzov. Materialy i dokumenty. Varshava, 8–22 oktyabrya 1965 goda (Moscow: Profizdat, 1966), pp. 41, 235. 81 World Trade Union Movement, no. 11 (1958), p. 35. 82 Ibid., pp. 35–36 83 Ibid., no. 1 (1966), p. 7. 84 Ibid., no. 10 (1970), p. 9. 85 L. I. Brezhnev, ‘Resheniya XXIV S”ezda KPSS – boevaya programma deyatel’nosti sovetskikh profsoyuzov’, 20 March 1972, in his Leninskim kursom. Rechi i stat’i, vol. 3 (Moscow: Politizdat, 1972), pp. 473–499, at p. 490. Brezhnev, apparently, overruled his Politburo colleague Mikhail Suslov, who had removed any reference to the Common Market, in order to provide political support to German Chancellor Willy Brandt; it was the first statement in which the Soviet authorities had indicated that they were not ‘eternally its deadly enemies’ (Anatolii Chernyaev, Sovmestnyi iskhod: dnevnik dvukh epokh, 1972–1991 gody (Moscow: Rosspen, 2010), p. 11). 86 L. I. Brezhnev, ‘O pyatidesyatiletii Soyuza Sovetskikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik’, 21 December 1972, in his Leninskim kursom. Rechi i stat’i, vol. 4 (Moscow: Politizdat, 1974), pp. 41–101, at p. 77. 284 Notes

87 Ninth General Report on the Activities of the European Communities in 1975 (Brussels, February 1976), p. 273. It was the CMEA that took the initiative when in August 1973 its Secretary General, Nikolai Fadeev, approached Ivar Nørgaard, at this time President of the Council, to suggest talks between the two organisations: Eighth General Report on the Activities of the European Communities in 1974 (Brussels, February 1975), p. 261 88 ‘SEV-EES peregovory’, in A. A. Gromyko et al., eds, Diplomaticheskii slovar’, 4th edn, 3 vols (Moscow: Nauka, 1986), vol. 3, pp. 441–442, at p. 441. 89 Ibid. 90 Bulletin of the European Communities [hereafter Bulletin], no. 6 (1988), p. 13. 91 ‘Nasha spravka’, Vestnik Ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR, no. 14 (1 August 1988), pp. 19–20, at p. 19. 92 Ekonomicheskoe soveshchanie stran-chlenov SEV na vysshem urovne, 12–14 iyulya 1984 g.: Dokumenty i materialy (Moscow: Politizdat, 1984), p. 37. 93 Bulletin, no. 6 (1985), p. 88. 94 Ibid., p. 16, and no. 7 (1985), pp. 90–91. 95 Ibid., no. 6 (1988), p. 13. 96 Ibid., no. 2 (1986), p. 76, and no. 6 (1988), p. 13. 97 Ibid., no. 5 (1986), p. 72. 98 Ibid., no. 9 (1986), p. 71. 99 References to the official text in English and Russian are provided in Table 2.1. 100 ‘Brifing zamestitelya ministra inostrannykh del SSSR I. P. Aboimova 25 iyunya 1988 g.’, Vestnik ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR, no. 14 (1988), pp. 17–18, at p. 17. 101 Bulletin, no. 1 (1987), p. 53. 102 ‘Verbal’naya nota’, presented on 9 June 1988 by the USSR ambassador to the EEC Commission, Vestnik Ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR, no. 14 (1988), p. 19. 103 ‘Brifing’, p. 17. 104 Ibid. Official relations were established between the Community and the USSR on 10 August 1988, and in February 1989 a Soviet diplomatic mission was opened in Brussels (Vestnik Ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR, no. 17, 15 September 1989, p. 5); the Community itself established diplomatic relations with Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the GDR, Hungary and Poland as well as the USSR in the course of August and September 1988 (XXIInd General Report on the Activities of the European Communities 1988 (Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, 1989), p. 356). 105 Bulletin, no. 12 (1989), p. 87. 106 References to the official text in English and Russian are provided in Table 2.2. 107 ‘Podpisan dogovor s ES’, and on the meeting with the Belgian foreign minister, ‘Vizit v Belgiyu’, Pravda, 19 December 1989, p. 4. Writing in his memoirs shortly afterwards, Shevardnadze hailed the agreement as a ‘broad step towards the recip- rocal adaption of Eastern and Western Europe, the elimination of their separa- tion, [and] the creation of an all-European economic space’ (Eduard Shevardnadze, Moi vybor v zashchitu demokratii i svobody (Moscow: Novosti, 1991), p. 218). 108 Andrei Kozyrev, ‘Preobrazhennaya Rossiya v novom mire’, Izvestiya, 2 January 1992, p. 3; also in Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 2–3 (1992), pp. 3–5. 109 ‘Boris El’tsin: “U Rossii net kakoi-to osoboi, tainoi politiki v yadernykh vopro- sakh”’, Izvestiya, 22 February 1992, pp. 1, 3, at p. 3. 110 Bulletin, no. 5 (1990), pp. 71–72. 111 Figures are for ‘produced national income’ for the Russian Federation as reported in Rossiiskaya Federatsiya v 1992 godu. Statisticheskii ezhegodnik (Moscow: Respublikanskii informatsionno-izdatel’skii tsentr, 1993), p. 14. Notes 285

112 V. Golovachev, ‘Letal’nyi iskhod nezhelatelen’, Ekonomika i zhizn’, no. 6 (1992), p. 1. 113 Rossiiskaya Federatsiya v 1992 godu, p. 50 (figures are for the Russian Federation, in US dollars). 114 Ekonomika i zhizn’, no. 6, 1992, p. 16. The dissolution of the CMEA was reported in F. Luk’yanov, ‘SEV zaverzhen. Chto dal’she?’, Izvestiya, 28 June 1991, p. 6; the dissolution of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation was announced the following month (‘Protokol’, ibid., 2 July 1991, p. 5).

3 ‘Europe’ and the Post-Soviet Republics Since 1991

1 N. Melikova, ‘“Eti lyudi privnesli v Evrosoyuz dukh primitivnoi rusofobii” [Interv’yu s Sergeem Yastrzhembskim]’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 17 November 2004, pp. 1, 6, at p. 6. Sergei Lavrov, foreign minister after this date, had the same experience. The new member countries had promised not to dwell on their ‘past experience’ when they received the security of NATO and EU membership, he told a US television inter- viewer, but ‘what happened was quite the opposite’: they had made a series of unfounded accusations in order to ‘stir up some kind of confrontation’ (S. V. Lavrov, Mezhdu proshlym i budushchim. Rossiiskaya diplomatiya v menyayushchemsya mire (Moscow: Olma, 2011), p. 574; the interview was on 22 September 2010). 2 V. N. Likhachev, Rossiya i sovremennyi miroporyadok (Moscow: Veche, 2007), p. 240 (Likhachev was Russia’s EU representative from 1998 to 2003). 3 Mark Leonard and Nicu Popescu, A Power Audit of EU-Russia Relations (London: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2007), p. 2. Other classifications are reviewed in Anke Schmidt-Felzmann, With or Without the EU? Understanding EU Member States’ Motivations for Dealing with Russia at the European or the National Level (PhD dissertation, University of Glasgow, 2011), pp. 50–52. 4 ‘Vladimir Putin i Zhak Shirak nashli obshchii yazyk pochti po vsem voprosam’, Izvestiya, 12 February 2003, p. 2. 5 Vladiimr Solov’ev, ‘Rossiya vyvela Gruziyu na sebya’, Kommersant, 9 August 2008, p. 2. 6 Aleksandr Gabuev, ‘NATO stavit Rossiyu blok’, Kommersant, 20 August 2008, p. 6. 7 Calculated from E. M. Rakovskaya, ‘Geograficheskoe polozhenie i granitsy’, in A. D. Nekilepov et al., eds, Novaya rossiiskaya entsiklopediya, 12 vols, vol. 1: Rossiya (Moscow: Entsiklopediya, 2003), pp. 7–10, at p. 7. 8 Natsional’nyi sostav naseleniya SSSR po dannym vsesoyuznoi perepisi 1989 g. (Moscow: Finansy i statistika, 1991), pp. 5–12. 9 The detailed arrangements were set out in ‘Council Regulation (EC) No. 693/2003 of 14 April 2003 establishing a specific Facilitated Transit Document (FTD), a Facilitated Rail Transit Document (FRTD) and amending the Common Consular Institutions and the Common Manual’, Official Journal of the European Union, vol. 46, L99/8–14, 14 April 2003. 10 S. V. Kortunov, Sovremennaya vneshnyaya politika Rossii. Strategiya izbiratel’noi vov- lechennosti (Moscow: Vysshaya shkola ekonomiki, 2009), pp. 250, 253, 256. For a wider range of opinion, see Leonid Karabeshkin and Christian Wellmann, The Russian Domestic Debate on Kaliningrad: Integrity, Identity and Economy (Münster: Lit, 2004). One of the reasons the negotiations were ‘particularly troublesome’, according to the EU’s former commissioner for external relations, was because ‘Mrs Putin herself came from Kaliningrad’ (Chris Patten, Not Quite the Diplomat: Home Truths about World Affairs (London: Allen Lane, 2005), p. 204). 11 See, for instance, Jakub Kulhanek, ‘The fundamentals of Russia’s EU policy’, Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 57, no. 5 (September–October 2010), pp. 51–63. 286 Notes

12 Igor’ Ivanov, ‘Rossiya i Evropa: vozmozhen li proryv v otnosheniyakh?’, Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn’, no. 1 (2012), pp. 2–14, at p. 7. 13 Although commonly attributed to Kissinger (see, for instance, Antony Jay, ed., Oxford Dictionary of Political Quotations, 3rd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 221), the remark is apparently apocryphal (see Gideon Rachman, ‘Kissinger never wanted to dial Europe’, 22 July 2009, at http://blogs.ft.com/ the-world/2009/07/kissinger-never-wanted-to-dial-europe/#axzz1S5ynd1VN, last accessed 6 July 2012). Kissinger himself thought the remark had originally been made by an Irish foreign minister, but it was a ‘good statement so why not take credit for it?’ (Vanessa Gera, ‘Kissinger says calling Europe quote not likely his’, Associated Press, 27 June 2012, http://bigstory.ap.org/article/kissinger-says- calling-europe-quote-not-likely-his, last accessed 20 August 2012). 14 Ol’ga Butorina, ed., Evropeiskaya integratsiya (Moscow: Delovaya literatura, 2011), pp. 140, 142. 15 For a discussion of these issues, see Henn-Jüri Uibopuu, ‘International legal personality of union republics of the U.S.S.R.’, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, vol. 24, no. 4 (October 1975), pp. 811–845, and more fully in the same author’s Die Völkererechtssubjektivität der Unionsrepubliken der UdSSR (Vienna and New York: Springer, 1975). 16 ‘Deklaratsiya “O gosudarstvennom suverenitete Rossiiskoi Sovetskoi Federal’noi Sotsialisticheskoi Respubliki”’, Vedomosti S”ezda narodnykh deputatov i Verkhovnogo Soveta RSFSR, no. 2, 1990, art. 22, 12 June 1990, pp. 44–46, at p. 45. 17 For the text, see Ministerstvo inostrannykh del Rossiiskoi Federatsii, Vneshnyaya politika Rossii. Sbornik dokumentov: 1990–1992 (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 1996), pp. 29–33, at p. 29. 18 Ibid., pp. 35–39, at p. 35 (Latvia), and pp. 58–64, at p. 58 (Lithuania). 19 ‘Protokol ob ustanovlenii diplomaticheskikh otnoshenii mezhdu Rossiiskoi Sovetskoi Federativnoi Respublikoi i Respublikoi Bolgariei’, 23 October 1991, Vestnik Ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR, no. 21 (1991), p. 53. 20 See respectively ‘Sovmestnaya deklaratsiya ob osnovakh otnoshenii mezhdu Rossiiskoi Sovetskoi Federativnoi Respublikoi i Ital’yanskoi Respublikoi’, 19 December 1991, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 1 (1992), pp. 13–15, at p. 14; ‘Sovmestnoe zayavlenie’, 21 December 1991, Vestnik Ministerstva vneshnikh snoshenii SSSR, no. 24 (1991), p. 13. 21 ‘B. Pankin o priznanii nezavisimosti Latvii, Litvy i Estonii’, Izvestiya, 7 September 1991, p. 4. The Security Council voted for their admission to the United Nations on 12 September and the General Assembly confirmed the decision on 17 September 1991 (Yearbook of the United Nations 1991, vol. 45 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1992), pp. 97–98). 22 ‘Soglashenie o sozdanii Sodruzhestva Nezavisimykh Gosudarstv’, 8 December 1991, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 10 December 1991, pp. 1–2. 23 ‘Protokol k Soglasheniyu o sozdanii Sodruzhestva Nezavisimykh Gosudarstv, podpisannomu 8 dekabrya 1991 goda v g. Minske Respublikoi Belarus’, Rossiiskoi Federatsiei (RSFSR), Ukrainoi’, 21 December 1991, Pravda, 23 December 1991, p. 2. 24 ‘Alma-Atinskaya deklaratsiya’, 21 December 1991, ibid., p. 1. 25 Ian Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law, 5th edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 650. 26 International lawyers have generally divided into those who favour the ‘constitutive’ approach in such matters and the perhaps larger numbers who favour a ‘declaratory’ approach in terms of which the ‘recognition of a new State Notes 287

is a political act, which is, in principle, independent of the existence of the new State as a subject of international law’ (James Crawford, The Creation of States in International Law, 2nd edn (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2006), p. 22). The implications of the demise of the USSR from the point of view of international law are considered more closely in Zigmund Stankevich, Istoriya krusheniya SSSR: politiko-pravovye aspekty (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo Moskovskogo Universiteta, 2001), Petr P. Kremnev, Raspad SSSR: mezhdunarodno-pravovye problemy (Moscow: Zertsalo-M, 2005), and the same author’s Raspad SSSR i pravopreemstvo gosudarstv (Moscow: Yurlitinform, 2012), which argues that the USSR should be seen as having ‘ended its existence’ on 21 December and that all the union republics (including the Baltic republics) should be seen as successor states (pp. 5–6). 27 ‘Reshenie Soveta glav gosudarstv Sodruzhestva Nezavisimykh Gosudarstv’, 21 December 1991, Pravda, 23 December 1991, p. 2. 28 ‘Poslanie B. N. El’tsina General’nomu sekretaryu OON’, 24 December 1991, in Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 1 (1992), p. 13; for the law, see ‘Zakon RSFSR ob izmenenii naimenovaniya gosudarstva RSFSR’, 25 December 1991, Vedomosti S”ezda narodnykh deputatov i Verkhovnogo Soveta RSFSR, no. 2 (1992), art. 62, at p. 63. 29 ‘O priznanii nezavisimosti Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Rossii)’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 1 (1992), p. 36. 30 Ibid., p. 33. 31 Ibid. On these distinctions, see Rein Mullerson, ‘The continuity and succession of states, by reference to the former USSR and Yugoslavia’, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, vol. 42, no. 3 (July 1993), pp. 473–493. As we have noted (in note 12), this interpretation has not been universally accepted. 32 A. Blinov and P. Golub, ‘SShA stali 37-i stranoi, priznavshei nezavisimost’ Litvy, Latvii, Estonii’, Izvestiya, 3 September 1991, p. 3. 33 Bulletin of the European Community [hereafter Bulletin], no. 12 (1991), p. 119. 34 Ibid., pp. 120–121. 35 Ibid., p. 121. 36 Ibid. 37 Bulletin, nos 1–2 (1992), p. 108, and no. 3 (1992), p. 102. 38 ‘Soglashenie mezhdu gosudarstvami-uchastnikami Sodruzhestva nezavisimykh gosudarstv po strategicheskim silam’, 30 December 1991, in Sbornik mezhdunarodnykh dogovorov SSSR i Rossiiskoi Federatsii, vol. 47 (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 1994), pp. 62–63. 39 All these figures are from the EBRD’s Transition Report 1999. Ten Years of Transition (London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1999), p. 73. 40 Goskomstat, Rossiiskii statisticheskii ezhegodnik. Statisticheskii sbornik (Moscow: Logos, 1996), p. 116. 41 Bulletin, no. 6 (1989), p. 14. 42 Bulletin, nos 7–8 (1989), p. 8. 43 Ibid. 44 Bulletin, no. 12 (1989), p. 13. 45 Bulletin, nos 1–2 (1990), p. 70. 46 Ibid., p. 71. 47 Bulletin, no. 3 (1990), p. 54. 48 Bulletin, no. 5 (1990), p. 70. 49 Bulletin, no. 12 (1990), p. 111. 50 Ibid., p. 8. 51 Bulletin, no. 3 (1991), pp. 55, 65. 288 Notes

52 XXVth General Report on the Activities of the European Communities 1991 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1992), p. 252. 53 Bulletin, no. 9 (1991), p. 41. 54 XXVth General Report, p. 264. 55 Bulletin, no. 12 (1991), p. 97. 56 Bulletin, no. 9 (1992), p. 57. 57 M. S. Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy, 2 vols (Moscow: Novosti, 1995), vol. 2, p. 613. 58 XXIIIrd General Report on the Activities of the European Communities 1989 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1990), p. 330. 59 Official Journal of the European Communities: Legislation [hereafter OJL] 375, 23 December 1989. 60 Ibid., p. 11. 61 OJL 257, 21 September 1990. 62 OJL 357, 28 December 1991. 63 XXVth General Report, p. 249. 64 XXIVth General Report on the Activities of the European Communities 1990 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1991), p. 271. 65 Ibid. 66 XXVth General Report, p. 257. 67 Bulletin, no. 7/8, 1991, pp. 81–82; for the legislation, see OJL 201, 24 July 1991 (the programme was originally concerned with the ‘provision of technical assistance to economic reform and recovery in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics’). 68 Ibid., p. 2. 69 Alexander Frenz, The European Commission’s Tacis Programme 1991–2006. A Success Story (Brussels: n.p., 2006), available online at http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/ where/neighbourhood/regional-cooperation/enpi-east/documents/annual_pro- grammes/tacis_success_story_final_en.pdf, last accessed 30 June 2014, p. 2. 70 Bulletin, no. 9 (1991), pp. 42–43. 71 Commission of the European Communities, TACIS (Technical Assistance Programme to the Former Republics of the Soviet Union): Annual Report from the Commission, 1991 and 1992 (COM(93) 362 final, Brussels, 28 July 1993), p. 7. 72 Ibid., pp. 7, 8, 14, 12. The original TACIS regulation was replaced in 1993 by a second regulation, which extended arrangements to Mongolia (OJL 187, 19 December 1993), and then a third, which covered the period up to the end of 1999 (OJL 165, 25 June 1996). 73 Bulletin, nos 1–2 (1992), p. 79. 74 XXVIth General Report on the Activities of the European Communities 1992 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1993), p. 264. 75 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 1 (1992), p. 12 (the press conference took place on 23 December 1991). 76 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 7 (1992), p. 32. 77 Bulletin, no. 3 (1992), p. 79. 78 Ibid., p. 81. 79 Bulletin, no. 5 (1992), p. 80. 80 Bulletin, no. 9 (1992), p. 57. Notes 289

81 XXVIIth General Report on the Activities of the European Communities 1993 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1994), p. 243. 82 Bulletin, no. 3 (1993), pp. 62–63. 83 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 7–8 (1993), p. 24. 84 XXVIIth General Report, p. 246. 85 Ibid., p. 247. 86 Leon Brittan, A Diet of Brussels. The Changing Face of Europe (London: Little, Brown, 2000), p. 179. 87 ‘Vizit Zh.-L. Dekhane i Zh. Delora v Moskvu’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 23–24 (1993), pp. 37–40, at pp. 37, 38, 39. 88 ‘Vstrecha B. N. El’tsina s rukovoditelyami ES’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 1–2 (1994), pp. 14–16, at p. 14. 89 Brittan, A Diet of Brussels, p. 179. 90 ‘Sovmestnaya politicheskaya deklaratsiya o partnerstve i sotrudnichestve mezhdu Rossiiskoi Federatsiei i Evropeiskim Soyuzom’, 9 December 1993, in Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 1–2 (1994), pp. 15–16. 91 Elena Visens, ‘Dva partnerstva v nedelyu’, Segodnya, 23 June 1994, p. 1. 92 Ibid. 93 Aleksandr Sychev, ‘Evropeiskii Soyuz predostavlyaet nam dve s polovinoi svobody’, Izvestiya, 13 May 1994, p. 3. 94 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 13–14 (1994), p. 8. 95 Associated Press, 24 June 1994, in http://www.deseretnews.com/article/360749/ EU-LEADERS-SET-TO-DO-BUSINESS-WITH-YELTSIN.html?pg=all, last accessed 14 February 2013; and for his elaboration, Elena Visens, ‘Rossiya podpisala soglashenie s ES’, Segodnya, 25 June 1994, p. 1. 96 Laure Delcour, La politique de l’Union Européenne en Russie (1990–2000). De l’assistance au partenariat? (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2001), p. 13. A similar view is taken in Judith Marquand, Development Aid in Russia. Lessons from Siberia (London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), p. 50. 97 OJL 310, 9 November 2006. 98 Heinz Timmerman, ‘Relations between the EU and Russia: the Agreement on Partnership and Co-operation’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 12, no. 2 (June 1996), pp. 196–223, at p. 221. 99 George Brock, ‘EU tells Yeltsin he must wait for full membership’, The Times, 25 June 1994, p. 14. 100 Lionel Barber, David Gardner and Kerin Hope, ‘Worst of all worlds as EU leaders fail to agree’, Financial Times, 27 June 1994, p. 2. 101 Bulletin, nos 7–8 (1994), p. 78 (the decision to proceed was taken by the Council on 18 July 1994). 102 OJL 247, 13 October 1995, pp. 1–31, at p. 2. 103 See http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=PRES/95/224&for mat= HTML&aged=1&language=EN&guiLanguage=en, last accessed 11 July 2012. 104 Communication from the Commission, The European Union and Russia: The Future Relationship (Brussels, 31 May 1995, COM(95) 223 final), pp. 2, 15. 105 Bulletin, no. 11 (1995), pp. 134–135; as ratified in Madrid European Council, 15 and 16 December 1995, Presidency Conclusions, Annex 8, http://www. europarl.europa.eu/summits/mad3_en.htm#annex8, last accessed 11 July 2012. 106 The mission that had been sent to monitor the December 1995 parliamentary election was thought to have been a ‘resounding success’ (General Report on the 290 Notes

Activities of the European Union 1995 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1996), p. 344); the Madrid European Council described the election, before it had actually taken place, as a ‘major step towards consolidating constitutional institutions and anchoring democratic institutions in the country’s political life’ (Bulletin, no. 12 (1995), p. 37; the Council met on 15–16 December, polling day was 17 December 1995). 107 Bulletin, no. 5 (1996), pp. 112–115. 108 General Report on the Activities of the European Union 1996 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1997), p. 261. The report that was prepared by the OSCE-led observation mission made clear some of the ways in which the Kremlin had achieved its purposes, including the improper use of state resources, campaign spending that greatly exceeded the permitted limits and grotesquely unbalanced coverage in the official media. See http:// www.osce.org/odihr/elections/russia/16288, last accessed 12 July 2012. TACIS had already funded a mission at the first-ever election to the State Duma in December 1993: TACIS 1993 Annual Report (Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, 23 March 1995, COM(95) 57 final), p. 42. 109 Presenting the Agreement to the Duma in October 1996, deputy foreign minister Nikolai Afanas’evsky called it the ‘the most important international agreement that Russia [had] concluded in recent years’; it would bring Russian relations with the EU to the same level as those the Union itself enjoyed with the United States, Japan and Canada and ‘significantly strengthen [their] capacity to resist the pretensions of the United States of America to a unipolar world, in which they themselves would lead’ (see http://transcript.duma.gov.ru/node/2883/, 18 October 1996, last accessed 30 July 2012; the vote was 340 in favour and none against, with a single abstention). Presenting the agreement to the Federation Council, Afanas’evsky added that the Agreement would allow them to negotiate with the EU on an equal basis and find solutions to a ‘whole series’ of important issues, which in turn would help them ‘more effectively to defend the interests of Russian producers and exporters’ (see http://council.gov.ru/lawmaking/sf/ report/259/, 13 November 1996, last accessed 30 July 2012; there were 114 votes in favour and one against, with no abstentions). The Agreement was signed by the president and became law shortly afterwards (Sobranie zakonodatel’stva Rossiiskoi Federatsii, no. 49, item 5494, 25 November 1996). 110 Brock, ‘EU tells Yeltsin he must wait for full membership’. 111 ‘Yeltsin wants Russia in EU’, Sunday Times, 23 March 1997, p. 24. 112 Kommersant: Analiticheskii ezhenedel’nik, no. 27, 29 July 1997, p. 20, which notes the audience reaction (Chernomyrdin’s statement was described as a ‘complete surprise’ although, as we have seen, it was not in fact the first leadership declara- tion of its kind). 113 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 13–14 (1994), pp. 30–31. 114 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 6 (1997), pp. 4–10, at p. 4. 115 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 1 (1992), pp. 12–13. The USSR had in fact applied for NATO membership as far back as 1954, in very different circumstances (see N. Kochin, ‘A history of two notes, or why the USSR did not become a NATO member’, International Affairs (Moscow), vol. 55, no. 2 (2009), pp. 177–191). 116 Ot pervogo litsa. Razgovory s Vladimirom Putinym (Moscow: Vagrius, 2000), p. 159. 117 ‘Vladimir Putin: mne nikogda ne khotelos’ byt’ Dzheimsom Bondom’, Kommersant, 7 March 2000, p. 2. 118 OJL 327/1, 28 November 1997. Ratification of the Additional Protocol, in the event, took another three years; the corresponding Council decision is reported Notes 291

in the Bulletin, nos 7–8 (2000), pp. 95–96. A Protocol to the Agreement was signed in April 2004 that took account of the accession of ten new EU member states (Bulletin, no. 4 (2004), p. 116). 119 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 11 (1997), p. 75. 120 ‘K vstupleniyu v silu Soglasheniya o partnerstve i sotrudnichestve’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 12 (1997), pp. 53–54; the figure for foreign direct investment is taken from Finansovye izvestiya, no. 91 (2 December 1997), p. 1 (the ministry itself suggested a more modest 25 per cent). 121 There are numerous accounts of the continuing conflict, including most recently John Russell, Chechnya – Russia’s ‘War on Terror’ (London and New York: Routledge, 2007), Tony Wood, Chechnya: The Case for Independence (London and New York: Verso, 2007), James Hughes, Chechnya: From Nationalism to Jihad (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007) and a comprehensive doc- umentary collection, Pervaya Chechenskaya, Vtoraya Chechenskaya, ed. N. N. Grodnensky (Minsk: Bukmaster, 2012). On human rights aspects, see particularly Emma Gilligan, Terror in Chechnya: Russia and the Tragedy of Civilians in War (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2010). 122 Bulletin, nos 1–2 (1995), p. 85 (this item appears to be misdated 17 February rather than 17 January 1995). 123 Ibid., p. 86. 124 Bulletin, no. 4 (1995), p. 54. A presidential statement condemning ‘atrocities committed against civilians in violation of basic human rights’ was issued on 15 April (p. 54); according to Amnesty International about 250 civilians, including women and children, had been killed by Russian forces in what the International Red Cross described it as an ‘indiscriminate attack against civilians and a flagrant violation of humanitarian law’ (Amnesty International Report 1996 (London: Amnesty International, 1996), p. 259). 125 Bulletin, no. 3 (1995), p. 10. 126 Bulletin, no. 6 (1995), p. 122. 127 Bulletin, no. 3 (1996), p. 71. 128 Bulletin, nos 1–2 (1996), p. 108. 129 Bulletin, no. 3 (1996), p. 85. 130 Bulletin, no. 11 (1996), p. 73. 131 Bulletin, no. 12 (1996), p. 16. A formal peace treaty was signed the following year by Yeltsin and Maskhadov, now the elected Chechen president (Kommersant- daily, 13 May 1997, pp. 1 and 4, which reproduced the very brief text). According to one careful analysis, at least 46,500 lives had been lost in the first Chechen war, the great majority (35,000) civilians; see John B. Dunlop, ‘How many soldiers and civilians died during the Russo-Chechen war of 1994–1996?’, Central Asian Survey, vol. 19, nos 3–4 (September–December 2000), pp. 328–338, at p. 338. 132 ‘Na voine kak na voine’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 25 September 1999, p. 1. 133 Bulletin, no. 10 (1999), p. 79. 134 Bulletin, no. 11 (1999), p. 77. 135 Bulletin, no. 12 (1999), pp. 16–17. 136 ‘Rossiya s etim nikogda ne soglasitsya, zayavlyaet Prezident Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 26 March 1999, p. 2. 137 Izvestiya, 25 March 1999, p. 1. Primakov’s predecessor as foreign minister, Andrei Kozyrev, took a rather different view, arguing that Russia was ‘supporting a dicta- tor who understands nothing but force, who is conducting ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, and who has brought the situation in Kosovo to an impasse’. Former President Gorbachev was more supportive: ‘after all’, he told journalists, ‘even 292 Notes

during the years of Soviet-American confrontation, such actions were never taken without the consent of the UN and a corresponding mandate’ (Segodnya, 25 March 1999, pp. 1–2). 138 Igor’ Ivanov, Novaya rossiiskaya diplomatiya. Desyat’ let vneshnei politiki strany (Moscow: Olma-Press, 2001), pp. 54–57. 139 ‘Clinton, Putin exchange complaints in Oslo meeting’, 2 November 1999, at http://articles.cnn.com/1999-11-02/world/9911_02_clinton.putin_1_clinton- and-putin-new-missile-chechnya?_s=PM:WORLD, last accessed 20 July 2012. 140 Vladimir Putin, ‘Why we must act’, New York Times, 14 November 1999, p. 15. 141 ‘Putin i Klinton ne skazali drug drugu nichego novogo’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 3 November 1999, p. 1. 142 Ot pervogo litsa, pp. 133–136. 143 ‘Kakuyu Rossiyu my stroim’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 11 July 2000, pp. 1 and 3, at p. 3. 144 Novaya gazeta, no. 31 (20 July 2000), p. 7. The first full Russian translation of Samuel Huntington’s celebrated article in Foreign Affairs in 1993 appeared as S. Khantington, ‘Stolknovenie tsivilizatsii?’, Polis, no. 1, 1994, pp. 33–48; Putin made it clear elsewhere that he rejected the idea of a ‘war of civilisations’, for instance, in his speech to the German Bundestag (Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 10 (2001), at p. 47). 145 Izvestiya, 7 April 2000, p. 1 (Russia had joined the Council of Europe in February 1996). 146 In the words of its founding father, the ‘main signpost that helps political real- ism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power’ (Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, revised 5th edn (New York: Knopf, 1978), p. 5). 147 Treaty of Amsterdam (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1997), art. J.3, p. 10. 148 Bulletin, no. 6 (1999), p. 7 (the Cologne European Council of June 1999 appointed Javier Solana to this position; he took up his responsibilities later in the year). 149 Bulletin, no. 6 (1999), p. 108. 150 Bulletin, no. 12 (1999), pp. 131–132; the text is in OJL 331, 23 December 1999. 151 OJL 183, 22 July 2000. 152 The ‘Common Strategy of the European Union of 4 June 1999 on Russia’ was published in the EU’s Official Journal (1999/414/CFSP), L157, 24 June 1999. 153 Ibid., OJL 157/1. 154 Ibid., OJL 157/2. 155 OJL 157/2–3, 4–9. 156 Bulletin, nos 1–2 (2000), p. 109, 24 January 2000. 157 Bulletin, no. 4 (2000), p. 64, 13 April 2000. According to authoritative estimates, between 65,000 and 75,000 deaths altogether had occurred as a result of the Chechen conflict from 1994 onwards (Gilligan, Terror in Chechnya, p. 3). 158 Bulletin, no. 4 (2000), p. 64, 10 April 2000. Putin had already been congratulated on his election victory in a presidency statement that expressed the hope it would ‘give a new impetus to the partnership relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union and reinforce the dialogue in all matters of common concern’ (Bulletin, no. 3 (2000), p. 85, 27 March 2000). 159 Bulletin, no. 5 (2000), p. 84, 29 May 2000. 160 Bulletin, no. 6 (2000), p. 17. 161 Bulletin, nos 7–8 (2000), p. 97, 10 July 2000. 162 Bulletin, no. 10 (2000), pp. 91–92, at p. 92. Notes 293

163 The Summit agreed to ‘increase cooperation on energy matters and to hold regular discussions [on] aspects of mutual interest such as energy saving, ratio- nalisation of production and transport infrastructure, opportunities for European investment and relations between investors and consumers’ (Bulletin, no. 6 (2000), p. 91). World oil prices per barrel were below $20 in 1998 but rose rapidly thereafter and were above $90 by 2007 (see http://www.wtrg.com/oil_graphs/ oilprice1970.gif, last accessed 22 August 2012). 164 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 10 (2001), p. 46. 165 Kommersant, 29 September 2001, p. 2. The Russian president, Schröder wrote later in his memoirs, had reflected ‘very intensively’ on Russian-European rela- tions, and ‘had a Western outlook’ (denkt abendländisch) for reasons that included his genuine religious convictions (Gerhard Schröder, Entscheidungen. Mein Leben in der Politik (Hamburg: Hoffman und Campe, 2006), p. 457). 166 ‘Putin ne mog ubedit’ vsekh nemtsev. Rech’ prezidenta Rossii v bundestage poli- tiki vosprinyali neodnoznachno’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 27 September 2001, p. 2. 167 Tat’yana Malkina, ‘Reichstag rastayal’, Vremya novostei, 26 September 2001, p. 1. 168 ‘Teleobrashchenie prezidenta RF Vladimira Putina’, Kommersant, 25 September 2001, p. 2. 169 The Italian premier, Silvio Berlusconi, took a particularly independent line; at the press conference that concluded the Rome summit in November 2003 he openly expressed his support for the Russian government’s position on human rights in Chechnya and the state of democracy in the Russian Federation as a whole (Bulletin, no. 11 (2003), p. 107). He had taken the same position in earlier statements: see, for instance, Corriere della Sera, 26 October 2001, p. 12 (I owe this reference to Cristian Collina). 170 David Gowan, How the EU Can Help Russia (London: Centre for European Reform, 2000), p. 11. 171 ‘Strategiya razvitiya otnoshenii Rossiiskoi Federatsii s Evropeiskim Soyuzom na srednesrochnuyu perspektivu (2000–2010 gg.)’, 22 October 1999, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 11 (1999), pp. 20–28, at pp. 20–22. 172 Ibid., pp. 21–28. 173 Ibid., p. 21. 174 ‘Evrosoyuz-Rossiya. Stokgol’m: prezidentskie dialogi’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 24 March 2001, p. 1. 175 ‘Delovoi zavtrak. Igor’ Ivanov: Vyigryvat’ nado bez obmana’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 25 July 2002, pp. 1 and 4, at p. 4. 176 Prodi reported the conversation in an interview in the Danish paper Jyllands- Posten (http://euobserver.com/18/8530, 27 November 2002, last accessed 17 February 2013; there was of course no reference to size in any of the relevant treaties, nor in the Copenhagen criteria). 177 ‘Kontseptsiya natsional’noi bezopasnosti Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Sobranie zakonodatel’stva Rossiiskoi Federatsii, no. 2 (2000), item 170, 10 January, pp. 691– 704, at p. 691. 178 ‘Kakuyu Rossiyu my stroim’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 11 July 2000, p. 5. 179 Bulletin, no. 5 (2003), p. 88. 180 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 8 (2004), p. 11. The ENP as such could ‘raise no objections on the Russian side’, explained a deputy foreign minister, but Russia did ‘not regard itself either as an object or subject of this policy’; their relations with the EU were based on a larger ‘strategic partnership’ (Vladimir Chizhov, ‘Rossiya-ES. Strategiya partnerstva’, Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn’, no. 9 (2004), pp. 23–39, at pp. 30–31). 294 Notes

181 ‘Vstuplenie v NATO ne snizit potrebitel’skikh tsen’, Izvestiya, 24 August 2012, p. 1. 182 As summarised in the ‘Road Map for the Common Economic Space’ (2005), at http://ec.europa.eu/environment/enlarg/pdf/road_map_ces.pdf, last accessed 6 September 2012. 183 As summarised in the ‘Road Map for the Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice’ (2005), at http://ec.europa.eu/environment/enlarg/pdf/road_map_ ces.pdf, last accessed 6 September 2012. 184 ‘External security’ (apparently 2003), at http://eeas.europa.eu/russia/common_ spaces/external_security_en.htm, last accessed 6 September 2012. 185 ‘Research and Development, Education, Culture’ (apparently 2003), at http:// eeas.europa.eu/russia/common_spaces/research_en.htm, last accessed 5 September 2012. 186 For the texts of the agreements, see http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/ cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/er/84815.pdf, last accessed 7 September 2012; they are also available on the Russian presidential website: http://archive.kremlin.ru/ text/news/2005/05/88001.shtml, last accessed 5 September 2012. The agree- ments were presented at a special meeting in the Institute of Europe of the Academy of Sciences in May 2005, attended by the senior author. 187 Quoted in Oleg Komotsky, ‘Kuda zavedut “dorozhnye karty”?’, Novye izvestiya, 11 May 2005, p. 4. 188 Ibid. 189 Artem Mal’gin, ‘Karty est’. Kuda idem – neyasno’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 23 May 2005, p. 15. 190 Dmitrii Danilov, ‘Dorozhnye karty, vedushchie v nikuda’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 24 May 2005, p. 10. 191 ‘Joint statement on the Partnership for Modernisation’, EU-Russia Summit, Rostov on Don, 31 May–1 June 2010, http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/ cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/er/114747.pdf, last accessed 5 September 2012, pp. 5 and 10. 192 Sergei Kulik and Igor’ Yurgens, “Partnerstvo dlya modernizatsii.” Rossiya-ES: k probleme realizatsii (Moscow: Institut sovremennogo razvitiya, November 2011), at http://www.insor-russia.ru/files/Russia-ES_partnership.pdf, last accessed 6 September 2012, pp. 5 and 10. 193 Ibid., pp. 9–10. 194 Natal’ya Alekseeva, ‘Pyatiletka dlya viz’, Izvestiya, 6 June 2011, p. 2. 195 For Berlusconi’s call for a visa-free regime see, for instance, ‘Berlusconi wants EU-Russia visa regime to be scrapped’, 18 April 2008, at http://en.rian.ru/ world/20080418/105424007.html, last accessed 26 September 2012. He had called for Russian membership of the EU as early as 2002 (Corriere della sera, 29 May 2002, p. 2; I owe this reference to Cristian Collina). 196 Concerns of this kind were particularly apparent in Finland and the Baltic states, according to an interview in the Finnish Ministry of Internal Affairs (Konstantin Volkov, ‘ES ne khochet otmeny viz dlya rossiyan’, Izvestiya, 30 July 2012, p. 7). 197 This was particularly the view of the EU’s new member states, according to Sergei Lavrov as quoted in Natal’ya Galimova, ‘Khotite priekhat’ na Olimpiadu - otme- nyaite vizy’, Izvestiya, 5 June 2012, p. 2. 198 ‘Naibolee estestvennym orientirom nam viditsya Sochi-2014’, interview with Vladimir Chizhov, Moskovskie novosti, 4 June 2012, p. 4. An additional complica- tion was that the Schengen agreement, covering visa-free travel, did not apply to two of the EU’s member states (Ireland and the United Kingdom) but included four non-members (Iceland, Lichtenstein, Norway and Switzerland). The liberalisation Notes 295

of visa arrangements had originally been proposed by Putin in 2002 in connection with the discussions that were taking place on travel between Kaliningrad and the rest of Russia: Yulia Sychugova, ‘Bezvizovyi dialog Rossiya-ES’, Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn’, no. 7 (June 2012), pp. 121–132, at pp. 122–123. 199 A presidential decree to this effect was issued on 13 May 2008: Sobranie zakonodatel’stva Rossiiskoi Federatsii, no. 20 (2008), item 2291. 200 See http://www.europeanvoice.com/article/2011/december/eu-russia-agree-steps- toward-visa-free-travel/72996.aspx, last accessed 25 September 2012. The Council adopted the Common Steps document at a meeting on 13 December 2011; the full text was not disclosed (see http://register.consilium.europa.eu/pdf/en/12/ st12/st12340.en12.pdf, last accessed 26 September 2012). 201 Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, Moskovskie novosti, 27 February 2012, pp. 1, 4–6, at p. 5. 202 Vitalii Petrov, ‘Rossiya gotova bystree’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 5 June 2012, p. 2. 203 Gailmova, ‘Khotite’. The visa dialogue was ‘developing well’, he told Russian journalists at the start of a later summit, but it would be ‘counterproductive’ to specify a date by which it would be completed (Elena Chernenko, ‘Kontrproduktivno ustanivlivat’ datu vvedeniya bezvizovogo rezhima’, Kommersant, 21 March 2013, p. 7). 204 Nikolaus von Twickel, ‘No road map on EU visa deal’, Moscow Times, 18 November 2011, p. 1. According to the Federal Migration Service, about 40 per cent of Russia’s foreign passports contained no data of this kind: (Konstantin Volkov, ‘ES ne khochet otmeny viz dlya rossiyan’, Izvestiya, 30 July 2012, p. 7. 205 Alekseeva, ‘Pyatiletka’. 206 Chizhov set out his views in interviews in ‘Naibolee estestvennym orientirom’, and in Galimova, ‘Khotite’. 207 The text of the agreement is in Rossiiskaya gazeta, 1 August 2012, p. 19 (‘O ratifi- katsii Soglasheniya mezhdu Rossiiskoi Federatsiei i Soedinennymi Shtatami Ameriki ob uproshcheniya vizovykh formal’nostei dlya grazhdan Rossiiskoi Federatsii i grazhdan Soedinennykh Shtatov Ameriki’, 28 July 2012). The US Embassy in Moscow announced that the new arrangements would apply from 9 September 2012 (Aleksandr Voronov and Sergei Solov’ev, ‘Amerika prodlila vizy rossiyanam’, Kommersant, 31 August 2012, p. 5). 208 ‘Poyasnitel’naya zapiska’, at http://asozd2.duma.gov.ru/main.nsf/%28SpravkaN ew%29?OpenAgent&RN=85062-6&02, last accessed 27 September 2012. 209 According to the Consular Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ‘Spisok stran s uproshchennym poryadkom v”ezda’ (as of 20 April 2012), at http://www. kdmid.ru, last accessed 2 October 2012. 210 Alekseeva, ‘Pyatiletka’. 211 Lavrov, Mezhdu proshlym i budushchim, p. 312. 212 Anastasiya Savinykh, ‘Soyuz s Evrosoyuzom’, Izvestiya, 26 November 2010, p. 3 (reporting an interview in the Süddeutsche Zeitung that had appeared the previous day). 213 Aleksandr Mineev, ‘Brak po nuzhde’, Novaya gazeta, 24 December 2012, p. 4. 214 ‘EU-Russia visa regime hot topic at summit’, Moscow Times, 24 December 2012, p. 1. 215 ‘Viza dlya gaza’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 24 December 2012, p. 2. 216 Sergei Kulikov, ‘Rossiya i Evrosoyuz stolknulis’ statusami’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 24 December 2012, p. 1. 217 Viktoriya Prikhod’ko, ‘“Konets sveta” v Bryussele ne proshel darom dlya sammita Rossiya-ES’, Moskovskii komsomolets, 24 December 2012, p. 2. 296 Notes

218 This classification is based on Ol’ga Butorina, ed., Evropeiskaya integratsiya (Moscow: Delovaya literatura, 2011), pp. 684–685. 219 For the Commission’s proposals, see Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament, Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: A New Framework for Relations with our Eastern and Southern Neighbours (Brussels, 11 March 2003, COM(2003) 104 final). On the ENP, more generally, see, for instance, Karen E. Smith, ‘The outsiders: The European Neighbourhood Policy’, International Affairs, vol. 81, no. 4 (July 2005), pp. 757–773; Richard G. Whitman and Stefan Wolff, eds, The European Neighbourhood Policy in Perspective (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); Elena Korosteleva, The European Union and its Eastern Neighbours. Towards a More Ambitious Partnership? (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2012); Teresa Cierco, The European Union Neighbourhood: Ten Years into the New Millennium (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2013); and O. V. Shishkina, Vneshnepoliticheskie resursy. Rossiya i ES na prostranstve ‘obshchego sos- edstva’ (Moscow: Aspekt Press, 2013). For a more critical perspective, see, for instance, Dimitry Kochenov, ‘New developments in the European Neighbourhood Policy: Ignoring the problems’, Comparative European Politics, vol. 9, nos 4–5 (September–December 2011), pp. 581–595. 220 Communication from the Commission, European Neighbourhood Policy: Strategy Paper (Brussels, 12 May 2004, COM(2004) 373 final), p. 3. 221 Prodi’s comments appeared in ‘A wider Europe’, 5–6 December 2002, at http:// europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/02/619, last accessed 5 September 2012. 222 See ‘European Neighbourhood Policy: Overview’, http://eeas.europa.eu/enp/ index_en.htm, last accessed 18 February 2013. 223 ‘Joint Declaration of the Prague Eastern Partnership Summit, 7 May 2009’, Brussels, 8435/09 (Presse 78), at http://register.consilium.europa.eu/pdf/en/09/ st08/st08435.en09.pdf, last accessed 14 February 2013, p. 5. For a comprehensive discussion, see Elena Korosteleva, ed., Eastern Partnership: A New Opportunity for the Neighbours? (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2012). 224 Brussels European Council 19–20 June 2008: Presidency Conclusions, at http:// www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/ec/101346.pdf, last accessed 18 February 2013, p. 19. 225 Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, Eastern Partnership (Brussels, 3 December 2008, COM(2008) 823 final), p. 2. 226 ‘Joint Declaration’, pp. 6, 7. 227 Ibid. 228 Korosteleva, Eastern Partnership, p. 7. 229 For ‘external governance’ see Sandra Lavenex, ‘EU external governance in “wider Europe”’, Journal of European Public Policy, vol. 11, no. 4 (August 2004), pp. 680– 700, at p. 683. ‘Not imperialist?’, commented David Cottle in the Wall Street Journal. ‘The EU just started a bit late’ (24 June 2011, p. 4). Indeed it was a term the EU itself was sometimes willing to employ. As Commission President Barroso put it, ‘Sometimes I like to compare the EU as a creation to the organisation of empires. We have the dimension of Empire but there is a great difference. Empires were usually made with force with a centre imposing diktat, a will on the others. Now what we have is the first non-Imperial empire . . . I believe it is a great con- struction and we should be proud of it’ (p. 4). 230 We have used World Bank figures for these comparisons with GDP expressed in purchasing power parities (see http://data.workbank.org, last accessed 3 October 2012). Notes 297

231 Georgia announced its intention to withdraw in August 2008 and formally did so a year later: Vladimir Solov’ev, ‘Gruziya ob”yavlena nesodruzhestvennoi stranoi’, Kommersant, 18 August 2009, p. 5. 232 For the text of the agreement, see ‘Dogovor o kollektivnoi bezopasnosti’, Byulleten’ mezhdunarodnykh dogovorov, no. 12 (2000), pp. 6–8, 15 May 1992. 233 Aleksei Kudrin, ‘EvrAzES prevratitsya v odnu iz ustoichivykh mirovykh zon eko- nomicheskogo rosta’, Izvestiya, 25 March 2008, p. 14; for the text of the agree- ment, see ‘Dogovor ob uchrezhdenii Evraziiskogo ekonomicheskogo soobshchestva’, Byulleten’ mezhdunarodnykh dogovorov, no. 5 (2002), pp. 9–15, 10 October 2000. 234 Vladimir Putin, ‘Novyi integratsionnyi proekt dlya Evrazii: budushchee, kotoroe rozhdaetsya segodnya’, Izvestiya, 5 October 2011, pp. 1, 5, at p. 5. 235 ‘Ne SSSR, no i ne SNG. Nursultan Nazarbaev razoslal proekt formirovaniya Evraziiskogo Soyuza glavam gosudarstv SNG’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 8 June 1994, pp. 1, 3. Nazarbaev had used the term ‘Euro-Asiatic Union’ in a speech earlier the same month at the London think tank Chatham House (N. A. Nazarbaev, Evraziiskii Soyuz: idei, praktika, perspektivy. 1994–1997 (Moscow: Fond sodeistviya razvitiyu sotsial’nykh i politicheskikh nauk, 1997), p. 26); interviewed some years later, he claimed to have been the first to put forward the idea of a ‘Eurasian Union of States’ (Nursultan Nazarbaev, ‘Evraziiskii soyuz: ot idei k istorii budush- chego’, Izvestiya, 27 October 2011, p. 5). 236 Nazarbaev, Evraziiskii Soyuz, pp. 44–50. 237 ‘Deklaratsiya o Evraziiskoi ekonomicheskoi integratsii’, 18 November 2011, at http://sudevrazes.org/en/main.aspx?guid=19471, last accessed 20 February 2013. For the legislation establishing the Eurasian Commission, see Sobranie zakonodatel’stva Rossiiskoi Federatsii, no. 11 (2012), item 1275. 238 See http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-15790452, 18 November 2011, last accessed 17 February 2013. 239 Viktor Khamraev, ‘Edinrossy veryat v edinuyu Evraziyu’, Kommersant, 17 November 2011, p. 3. 240 ‘Stenogramma otcheta Vladimira Putina v Gosdume’, 11 April 2012, at http:// www.rg.ru/2012/04/11/putinduma.html, last accessed 19 February 2013, p. 8. 241 Rossiiskaya gazeta, 15 February 2013, p. 2 (Hillary Clinton, in particular, had described these developments as a form of ‘re-Sovietisation’). 242 Putin himself had been associated with this view (see, for instance, Natal’ya Melikova, ‘Prokhody SNG v Erevane. Armeniya ostaetsya edinstvennoi polnost’yu prorossiiskoi stranoi na postsovetskom prostranstve’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 28 March 2005, p. 2). 243 For early assessments, see Rilka Dragneva and Kataryna Wolczuk, Russia, the European Customs Union and the EU: Cooperation, Stagnation or Rivalry? (London: Chatham House Briefing Paper, August 2012); Olga Shumylo-Tapiola, The Eurasian Customs Union: Friend or Foe of the EU? (Brussels: Carnegie Europe, October 2012, at http://carnegieendowment.org/files/customs_union2.pdf, last accessed 30 June 2014); and Evgenii Vinokurov and Aleksandr Libman, ‘Postsovetskii integratsionnyi proryv. Pochemu Tamozhennyi soyuz imeet bol’she shansov, chem ego predshestvenniki’, Rossiya v global’noi politike, vol. 10, no. 2 (March–April 2012), pp. 33–42. There are fuller accounts in G. I. Chufrin, Ocherki evraziiskoi integratsii (Moscow: Ves’ mir, 2013), I. F. Kefeli, Geopolitika Evraziiskogo Soyuza: ot idei k global’nomu proektu (St Petersburg: Geopolitika i bezopasnost’, 2013), and Rilka Dragneva and Kataryna Wolczuk, eds, Eurasian Economic Integration. Law, Policy and Politics (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2013). 298 Notes

The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development declared the new customs union the ‘first successful example in regional economic integration between countries of the former Soviet Union’ (http://www.ebrd.com/pages/ news/press/2012/121107a.shtml, last accessed 27 February 2013). 244 Yanina Sokolovskaya, ‘Ukrainskie deputaty zadumalis’ o Evraziiskom soyuze’, Izvestiya, 14 November 2011, p. 4. 245 ‘Integratsiya ob”edinaet vsekh – ot kommunistov do “Edinoi Rossii” i pravykh’, Izvestiya, 10 July 2012, p. 5. 246 N. S. Konarev, ed., Zheleznodorozhnyi transport: Entsiklopediya (Moscow: Bol’shaya Rossiiskaya entsiklopediya, 1994), various pages; the early postcommunist years are examined in J. N. Westwood, Soviet Railways to Russian Railways (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001). 247 The Military Balance, vol. 112 (London: Taylor and Francis, 2012), pp. 94, 166, 202–203, 290 (including Georgia). 248 Vidomosti Verkhovnoi Rady Ukrainy, no. 37 (1993), art. 379, 2 July 1993. 249 The early years of Ukrainian foreign policy are considered in Roman Wolczuk, Ukraine’s Foreign and Security Policy, 1991–2000 (London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002); more recent years are examined in Nathaniel Copsey, Public Opinion and the Making of Foreign Policy in the ‘New Europe’ (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), and Laure Delcour, Shaping the Post-Soviet Space? EU Policies and Approaches to Region-Building (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011). 250 Presidential decree, ‘Pro zatverzhdeniya Strategii intehratsii Ukrainy do Yevropeyskoho Soiuzu’, no. 615/98, 11 June 1998, Oficiynii visnik Ukrainy, no. 24 (1998), art. 870. 251 Presidential decree, ‘Pro Programu integratsii Ukrainy do Yevropeyskoho Soiuzu’, 14 September 2000, ibid. no. 39 (2000), art. 1648. 252 See http://eeas.europa.eu/ukraine/docs/2010_eu_ukraine_association_agenda_ en.pdf, last accessed 26 February 2013. 253 See http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/ 134136.pdf, last accessed 26 February 2013. 254 Syuzanna Farizova, ‘Vysokii shtil’ otnoshenii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 22 April 2010, pp. 1–2; the text of the agreement is in Byulleten’ mezhdunarodnykh dogovorov, no. 10 (2010), pp. 74–75. The wider context is considered in Elena Kropatcheva, Russia’s Ukraine Policy against the Background of Russian-Western Competition (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2010). 255 ‘Expert: Kharkiv Accord between Medvedev, Yanukovych ‘Moscow’s stamp’ for Kyiv’, Kyiv Post, 22 April 2010, at http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/ expert-kharkiv-accords-between-medvedev-yanukovych-64693.html, last accessed 26 February 2013. 256 ‘Zakon Ukrainy Pro zasady vnutrishn’oi i zovnishn’oi polityky’, 1 July 2010, in Vidomosti Verhovnoi Rady Ukrainy, no. 40 (2010), art. 527. 257 See the statement issued by Catherine Ashton on 11 October 2011 at http:// www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/en/cfsp/125033. pdf, last accessed 27 February 2013. 258 Council Conclusions on Ukraine, December 2012, at http://www.consilium. europa.eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/134136.pdf, last accessed 24 February 2013. 259 Ian Traynor and Oksana Grytsenko, ‘Ukraine aligns with Moscow as EU summit fails’, Guardian, 30 November 2013, p. 31. 260 For the background to these developments, see Brian Bennett, The Last Dictatorship in Europe: Belarus under Lukashenko (London: Hurst, 2011), and Notes 299

Andrew Wilson, Belarus: The Last Dictatorship in Europe (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 2011). On foreign policy see, particularly, Grigory Ioffe, Understanding Belarus and How Western Foreign Policy Misses the Mark (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008). 261 Bulletin, no. 9 (1997), pp. 53–54. 262 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 3 (1995), p. 37. 263 Yuras’ Karmanov, ‘Lukashenko vyigral referendum odnako posledstviya etoi pobedy dlya strany ne sovsem yasny’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 16 May 1995, p. 1. 264 Aleksandr Starikevich and Besik Urigashvili, ‘Chto dal referendum Belorossii’, Izvestiya, 26 November 1996, p. 2 (about 70 per cent were reported to have voted in favour). 265 For the text, see Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 5 (1996), pp. 39–42. 266 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 4 (1997), pp. 41–43. 267 For the text, see Sobranie zakonodatel’stva Rossiiskoi Federatsii, no. 7 (2000), item 786, 8 December 1999. 268 General Report on the Activities of the European Communities 2006 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2007), p. 155. 269 See http://europa.eu./rapid/press-release_IP-06-1593_en.htm?locale=en, last accessed 27 February 2013. 270 See Council Conclusions on Belarus, 13 October 2008, at http://www.consilium. europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/103299.pdf, last accessed 28 February 2013. 271 Roi Medvedev, Aleksandr Lukashenko. Kontury belorusskoi modeli (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo VVRG, 2010), pp. 230–231. 272 Ibid., pp. 231–232, 234–235. 273 Viktor Zozulya, ‘Dreifuet li Minsk na zapad?’, Izvestiya, 14 May 2009, p. 4. 274 See Grigory Ioffe, ‘Belarus and the West: from estrangement to honeymoon’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics vol. 27 no. 2 (June 2011), pp. 217–240. 275 See, for instance, Leonid Zaiko, ‘Ot zhelaemogo k deistvitel’nomu’, Rossiya v global’noi politike, vol. 4, no. 1 (January–February 2006), pp. 172–180; Dmitri Trenin, ‘Russian reborn. Reimagining Russia’s foreign policy’, Foreign Policy, vol. 88, no. 6 (November–December 2009), pp. 64–78. 276 Elena Korosteleva, ‘Belarusian foreign policy in a time of crisis’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 27, nos 3–4 (September–December 2011), pp. 566–586, at pp. 571–575. See also K. Borishpolets and S. Chernyavsky, ‘Rossiisko-belorusskie otnosheniya: ugrozy real’nye i mnimye’, Mirovaya eko- nomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, no. 11 (2012), pp. 57–63. 277 David Marples, ‘Is the Russia-Belarus Union obsolete?’, Problems of Post- Communism, vol. 55, no. 1 (January–February 2008), pp. 25–35. 278 Korosteleva, ‘Belarusian foreign policy’, p. 572. 279 Statement by Catherine Ashton, 20 December 2010, at http://www.europarl. europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/d-by/dv/d_by_20110112_07_/d_by_ 20110112_07_en.pdf, last accessed 28 February 2013. 280 ‘Pozdravleniya’, Belarus’ segodnya, 28 December 2010, p. 2. 281 Aleksandr Gabuev, Aleksandr Reutov and Movsun Gadzhiev, ‘Belorussii vruchili nedoveritel’nye gramoty’, Kommersant, 1 March 2012, pp. 1, 8 (which includes a short history); the return of the EU ambassadors was mentioned by a junior information minister in Belarus’ segodnya, 28 April 2012, p. 2 (‘Pyat’ sobytii nedeli glazami zamestitelya ministra informatsii Dmitriya Shedko’; there had been no US ambassador since 2008). 282 See http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/ 132836.pdf, last accessed 30 June 2014. 300 Notes

283 A. G. Lukashenka, ‘Poslanie belorusskomu narodu i Natsional’nomu sobraniyu’, 21 April 2011, in Belarus’ segodnya, 22 April 2011, pp. 1–9, at p. 7. 284 A. G. Lukashenka, ‘Belorusskii put’: patriotizm, intellekt, progress. Poslanie Prezidenta belorussomu narodu i Natsional’nomu sobraniyu’, ibid., 10 May 2012, pp. 3–8, at p. 7.

4 Russia and ‘Europe’: Elite Discourses

1 Andrei Piontkovsky, East or West? Russia’s Identity Crisis in Foreign Policy (London: The Foreign Policy Centre, 2006). 2 Marlene Laruelle, ‘The two faces of contemporary Eurasianism: An imperial version of Russian nationalism’, Nationalities Papers: Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, vol. 32, no. 1 (March 2004), pp. 115–136. For a more detailed discussion of Eurasianism, see Marlene Laruelle, Russian Eurasianism: An Ideology of Empire (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2008). 3 Vladimir Baranovsky, ‘Russia: A part of Europe or apart from Europe?’, International Affairs, vol. 76, no. 3 (July 2000), pp. 443–458. 4 William Zimmerman, Slavophiles and Westernizers Redux: Contemporary Russian Elite Perspectives (Washington, DC: The National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, 2005), p. 2. 5 Iver B. Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe (London and New York: Routledge, 1996). 6 Tatiana Shakleina, ‘Russian debates on relations with the United States’, Paper presented at the International Studies Association Annual Convention, 2010, at www.mgimo.ru/files/147259/147259.pdf, last accessed 6 September 2012. 7 Alexei G. Arbatov, Rossiiskaya natsional’naya ideya i vneshnyaya politika: mify i real’nosti (Moscow: Moskovskii Obshchestvennyi Nauchnyi Fond, 1998). 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 10 Yabloko, ‘Programma Rossiiskoi ob”edinennoi Demokraticheskoi Partii Yabloko – Demokraticheskii manifest’, Election manifesto, 2006 at http://www.yabloko.ru/ Union/programma.html, last accessed 29 April 2010. 11 Grigory Yavlinsky, ‘Effektivnei, chem voina: Bor’ba s terrorizmom ne mozhet popirat’ bazovye evropeiskie tsennosti’, Izvestiya, 10 February 2003, p. 4. 12 SPS, ‘Deklaratsiya ob osnovakh vneshnepoliticheskoi kontseptsii politicheskoi partii “Soyuz Pravykh Sil”’, 2001, at http://www.sps.ru/?id=205722, last accessed 30 April 2010; Pravoe Delo, ‘Programma Vserossiiskoi Politicheskoi Partii Pravoe Delo’, 2008, at http://pravoedelo.ru/index.php?q=node/1242, last accessed 30 April 2010. 13 Demokraticheskaya partiya Rossii, ‘Programma politicheskoi partii Demokraticheskaya partiya Rossii’, Election manifesto, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 9 November 2007, p. 1. 14 See Henry E. Hale, ‘Russia’s Political Parties and Their Substitutes’, in Stephen White, Richard Sakwa and Henry E. Hale, eds, Developments in Russian Politics 7 (New York and Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), pp. 81–98, at p. 85. 15 See, for example, Boris Nemtsov and Vladimir Milov, Putin. Itogi. Nezavisimyi ekspertnyi doklad (Moscow: Novaya gazeta, 2008), p. 52; Vladislav Inozemtsev, ‘Rossiya i Evropa: Pro Europa’, Vedomosti, 20 August 2007, p. A4. 16 Elena Novoselova and Elena Yakovleva, ‘Kilogramm tsivilizatsii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 8 September 2008, p. 8. Notes 301

17 ‘Pochemu Rossiya ne Evropa?’ Transcript of ‘Vremena’ TV show, First channel, 7 March 2007, at http://www.hakamada.ru/1323/TV/1908.html?year:int=2010&- C=&month:int=2, last accessed 9 June 2010. 18 Leonid Gozman, ‘K kakoi Rossii my stremimsya’, Moskovskie novosti, 14 April 2006, p. 8. 19 Yabloko, ‘Programma Rossiiskoi ob”edinennoi’; Pravoe Delo, ‘Programma Vserossiiskoi Politicheskoi Partii Pravoe Delo’. 20 For a discussion of Dugin’s version of Eurasianism, see, for example, Anton Shekhovtsov and Andreas Umland, ‘Is Aleksandr Dugin a Traditionalist? “Neo- Eurasianism” and Perennial Philosophy’, Russian Review, vol. 68, no. 4 (October 2009), pp. 662–678. 21 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Evraziya prevyshe vsego. Manifest Evraziiskogo dvizheniya’, Zavtra, 2 February 2001, p. 8. 22 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Proval evropeiskoi konstitutsii: shans dlya Rossii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 16 June 2005, p. 10. 23 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Al’ternativnaya Evropa’, Moskovskie novosti, 30 November 2007, p. 31. 24 LDPR, ‘Programma Liberal’no-Demokraticheskoi Partii Rossii’, Election mani- festo, 13 December 2005, at http://www.ldpr.ru/partiya/prog/969/, last accessed 16 June 2010. 25 See, for example, V. S. Nikitin, ‘Zashchitim Russkii Mir’, 2010, CPRF webpage, at http://kprf.ru/dep/79815.html, last accessed 18 June 2010. 26 KPRF, ‘Programma Kommunisticheskoi Partii Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Sovetskaya Rossiya, 11 December 2008, p. 2. 27 ‘Pochemu Rossiya ne Evropa?’ 28 ‘Programma Politicheskoi Partii Rodina’ (Manifesto), 2002, at http://www.rodina- nps.ru/programma/show/?id=37, last accessed 18 June 2010. 29 ‘Pochemu Rossiya ne Evropa?’ 30 Ibid. 31 Dmitrii Rogozin in Den’ literatury, 19 January 2004, pp. 2–3, at p. 3. 32 Ibid. 33 Gennadii Zyuganov, O russkikh i Rossii (Moscow: Molodaya gvardiya, 2004). 34 Gennadii Zyuganov, ‘Russkie – eto velikorossy, malorossy i belorossy: Zyuganov raspoyasalsya v Krymu’, 17 August 2010, available at http://gazeta.ua/ru/articles/ politics/_quot-russkie-eto-velikorossy-malorossy-i-belorossy-quot-zyuganov- raspoyasalsya-v/350937, last accessed 1 October 2012. 35 Gennadii Zyuganov, Uroki zhizni (Moscow: n.p., 1997), p. 11. 36 Ibid. 37 ‘Rossiya – evropeiskaya strana?’, in Izvestiya, 22 April 2005, p. 5. 38 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Farsovaya “kholodnaya voina”?’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 25 February 2004, p. 1. 39 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Zashchitnik i ugroza v odnom litse’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 14 February 2007, p. 8. 40 Vladislav Surkov, ‘Russkaya politicheskaya kul’tura: Vzglyad iz utopii’, Rossiya, 5 July 2007, p. 4. 41 Ibid. 42 Edinaya Rossiya, ‘Plan Putina – dostoinoe budushchee velikoi strany (Predvybornaya programma partii Edinaya Rossiya)’, election manifesto, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 9 November 2007, p. 14. 302 Notes

43 Karaganov, ‘Farsovaya “kholodnaya voina”?’ 44 Edinaya Rossiya, ‘Plan Putina’. 45 Gleb Pavlovsky, ‘Ot izdatelei’, preface to Evropa bez Rossii. Dogovor, uchrezhdayushchii Konstitutsiyu dlya Evropy ot 20 oktyabrya 2004 goda (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo Evropa, 2005), pp. 5–8, at p. 8. 46 Vyacheslav Nikonov, ‘Geostrategiya-2020’, Izvestiya, 2 April 2008, p. 6. 47 Sergei Kortunov, Rossiya: Natsional’naya identichnost’ na rubezhe vekov (Moscow: MONF, 1997), p. 8. 48 Vyacheslav Nikonov, ‘Russkii mir: Razmer imeet znachenie’, Izvestiya, 28 June 2007, p. 6. 49 Konstantin Kosachev, ‘Rossiya i Zapad: nashi raznoglasiya’, Rossiya v global’noi politike, vol. 5, no. 4 (July–August 2007), pp. 46–56, at pp. 47–48. 50 Mikhail Gorbachev, ‘Rech’ na mitinge chekhoslovatsko-sovetskoi druzhby’, 10 April 1987, in Gorbachev, Izbrannye rechi i stat’i, 7 vols (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1987–1990), vol. 4, pp. 472–489, at p. 486. 51 Mikhail Gorbachev, ‘Perestroika – vser’ez i nadolgo’ (1989), in Gorbachev, Gody trudnykh reshenii. Izbrannoe, 1985–1992 (Moscow: Al’fa-Print, 1993), pp. 132–135, at p. 132. 52 Boris Yeltsin, ‘Rech’ El’tsina v merii Parizha, 6 fevralya’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 4–5 (1992), pp. 20–21, at p. 20. 53 ‘Kontseptsiya natsional’noi bezopasnosti Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 17 dekabrya 1997 goda’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 26 December 1997, pp. 4–5. 54 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 28 iyunya 2000 goda’, ibid., 11 July 2000, p. 5. 55 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 12 iyulya 2008 goda’, Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn’, nos 8–9 (2008), pp. 211–239. 56 Vladimir Putin, ‘Russia is Europe’s natural ally’, Sunday Times, 25 March 2007, p. 21; the statement also appeared elsewhere (see note 133). 57 ‘Obzor vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, 2007, at http://www.mid.ru/ ns-osndoc.nsf/0e9272befa34209743256c630042d1aa/d925d1dd235d3ec7c32573 060039aea4?OpenDocument, last accessed 27 April 2010. 58 Dmitrii Medvedev, ‘Interview with CNN, 20 September’, 2009, at http://archive. kremlin.ru/eng/speeches/2009/09/20/1600_type82916_221730.shtml, last accessed 7 July 2010. 59 Sergei Lavrov, ‘Rossiya i mir v XXI veke’, Rossiya v global’noi politike, vol. 6, no. 4 (July–August 2008), pp. 8–18, at p. 9. 60 ‘Interv’yu Dmitriya Medvedeva gazete “Izvestiya”’, Izvestiya, 7 May 2010, pp. 1–3, at p. 2. 61 Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, Moskovskie novosti, 27 February 2012, pp. 1, 4–6, at p. 5. 62 ‘Zasedanie po voprosu podgotovki k prazdnovaniyu 1150-letiya zarozhdeniya ros- siiskoi gosudarstvennosti’, 22 July 2011, at http://www.kremlin.ru/news/12075, last accessed 4 October 2012. 63 See, for example, Vladimir Ryzhkov in Novoselova and Yakovleva, ‘Kilogramm tsivilizatsii’. 64 Yabloko, ‘Politicheskaya programma ob”edineniya Yabloko’, Election manifesto, 1998, at http://www.yabloko.ru/Union/Program/pp.html, last accessed 29 April 2010. 65 In I. M. Klyamkin, ed., Rossiya i Zapad. Vneshnyaya politika Kremlya glazami liberalov (Moscow: Liberal’naya missiya, 2009), p. 13. 66 See, for example, Liliya Shevtsova in Klyamkin, Rossiya i Zapad, p. 27. Notes 303

67 Boris Nemtsov, ‘Rossiya stradaet sovetskim sindromom’, Delo, 19 May 2006, at http://www.nemtsov.ru/?id=704948, last accessed 29 April 2010. 68 Nemtsov and Milov, Putin. Itogi, p. 52. 69 Yabloko, ‘Programma Rossiiskoi Demokraticheskoi Partii Yabloko’, Election mani- festo, 2001, at http://www.yabloko.ru/Union/Program/ch5.html, last accessed 29 April 2010. 70 Shevtsova in Klyamkin, Rossiya i Zapad, p. 40. 71 Liliya Shevtsova, ‘Inostranets. Rossiya mezhdu Amerikoi i Evropoi’, Moskovskie novosti, 25 February 2003, p. 12. 72 Leonid Radzikhovsky, ‘Zakat Evropy’, Versiya, 22 March 2004, p. 3. 73 Gregorii Yavlinsky, ‘Rossiii kraine neobkhodim soyuz s Evropoi’, Novaya gazeta, 20 July 2006, p. 8. 74 ‘Yavlinsky: Ugroza razvala Evrosoyuza – sledstvie razryva mezhdu politikoi i nravstvennost’yu’, 20 November 2011, at http://www.yavlinsky.ru/elections/ index.phtml?id=3991, last accessed 2 July 2014. 75 Vladimir Ryzhkov, ‘EU Should NOT Legitimise Crooks and Thieves’, Moscow Times, 22 November 2011. 76 Kommersant, 8 May 2007, Guide no. 77, ‘Rossiya i Evropeiskii Soyuz’, p. 22. 77 Mikhail Delyagin, ‘Itogi integratsii Vostochnoi Evropy’, 9 November 2009, at http://govorim-vsem.ru/viewtopic.php?f=1&t=32854, last accessed 2 July 2014. 78 Mikhail Demurin, ‘Rossiya – Evrosoyuz: Druz’ya, poputchiki, opponenty’, Vedomosti, 2 May 2006, p. A4. 79 Vladimir Zhirinovsky, ‘Politicheskie sudorogi’ (chast’ 2), Nezavisimaya gazeta, 19 May 2009, p. 13. 80 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Al’ternativnaya Evropa’, Moskovskie novosti, 30 November 2007, p. 31. 81 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Proval evropeiskoi konstitutsii: shans dlya Rossii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 16 June 2005, p. 10. 82 Dugin, ‘Al’ternativnaya Evropa’. 83 Mikhail Delyagin, ‘Vtoroe litso Evropy’, Vedomosti, 27 July 2001, p. A2. 84 KPRF, ‘Programma Kommunisticheskoi Partii Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Sovetskaya Rossiya, 11 December 2008, p. 2. 85 Yulii Kvitsinsky, ‘Vystuplenie pervogo zamestitelya predsedatelya Komiteta Gosdumy po mezhdunarodnym delam Yuliya Kvitsinskogo na plenarnom zasedanii 23 maya 2007 goda’, Pravda, 25 May 2007, p. 2. 86 Ibid. 87 Yulii Kvitsinskii, ‘Natsional’nyi interes Rossii’, Sovetskaya Rossiya, 24 April 2007, p. 6. 88 Narochnitskaya in Literaturnaya gazeta, 8 June 2005, p. 2. 89 Delyagin, ‘Itogi integratsii Vostochnoi Evropy’. 90 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Vtorosortnaya Evropa’, Izvestiya, 10 March 2006, p. 4. 91 Delyagin, ‘Itogi integratsii Vostochnoi Evropy’. 92 Dmitrii Rogozin, ‘Evrosoyuz: ostorozhno, dveri zakryvayutsya’, Trud, 15 June 2005, p. 4. 93 Nataliya Narochnitskaya, ‘Sobytiya i mneniya. Evropa vo mgle’, Literaturnaya gazeta, 8 June 2005, p. 2. 94 ‘Bol’shuyu dvadtsatku – v Vorkutu!’, 3 November 2011, at http://zhirinovski.livejour- nal.com/24291.html, last accessed 5 October 2012. For a discussion of Russia’s debate on the economic crisis, see Valentina Feklyunina and Stephen White, ‘Discourses of Krizis: Economic Crisis in Russia and Regime Legitimacy’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 27, nos 3–4 (September–December 2011), pp. 385–406. 304 Notes

95 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya v Evroatlantike’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 24 November 2009, p. 9. 96 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya i Evropa poluchili “okno vozmozhnostei”’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 21 June 2005, p. 8. 97 Kommersant, 8 May 2007, Guide no. 77, ‘Rossiya i Evropeiskii Soyuz’, p. 23. 98 See, for example, Konstantin Kosachev, ‘Estestvennyi vopros’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 19 June 2008, p. 8. 99 Fedor Luk’yanov, ‘Mir i Rossiya. Evrosoyuz tormozit “balkantsev”’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 17 May 2006, p. 8. 100 Fedor Luk’yanov, ‘U Evropy razygralsya appetit’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 15 February 2008, p. 8. 101 Mikhail Gorbachev and Alexander Lebedev, ‘The cracks in Europe’s expanding empire’, Financial Times, 26 July 2005, p. 19. 102 Mikhail Gorbachev, ‘Global’nye pozitsii ES zavisyat ot prochnosti vnutrennei konstruktsii soyuza’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 11 June 2008, p. 8. 103 Leonid Slutsky, ‘Khanoiskii tranzit’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 24 November 2006, p. 8. 104 See, for example, Timofei Bordachev, ‘Rossiya i raskol Evropy’, Vremya novostei, 26 March 2007, p. 5. 105 Vyacheslav Nikonov, ‘Sammity i nesoglasnye’, Izvestiya, 16 May 2007, p. 6. 106 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya – Evrosoyuz: optimisticheskaya tragediya’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 29 May 2007, p. 12. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya v Evroatlantike’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 24 November 2009, p. 9. 110 See, for example, Konstantin Kosachev, ‘Estestvennyi vopros’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 19 June 2008, p. 8. 111 Fedor Luk’yanov, ‘Tsena voprosa’, Kommersant, 26 April 2010, p. 8. 112 ‘Sergei Karaganov: Rasshirenie NATO otodvinuto udarom’, 21 January 2011, at http://www.karaganov.ru/publications/227, last accessed 5 October 2012. 113 Kommersant, 8 May 2007, Guide no. 77, ‘Rossiya i Evropeiskii Soyuz’, p. 23. 114 Mikhail Margelov, ‘Zachem nam s nimi sporit’’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 20 November 2004, p. 7. 115 Pavlovsky, ‘Ot izdatelei’, p. 7. 116 Gorbachev and Lebedev, ‘The cracks in Europe’s expanding empire’. 117 Gorbachev, ‘Ne poteryat’ Evropu’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 2 June 2010, p. 3. 118 See, for example, Mikhail Gorbachev, ‘Vstupaya v mir inykh izmerenii’ (1990), in Mikhail Gorbachev, Gody trudnykh reshenii. Izbrannoe, 1985–1992 (Moscow: Al’fa- Print, 1993), pp. 257–262, at p. 260. 119 Gorbachev, ‘Perestroika – vser’ez i nadolgo’, p. 14. 120 Ibid., p. 18. 121 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 23 aprelya 1993’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, 1–2 (1993), pp. 3–23. 122 ‘Otvety na voprosy rossiiskikh zhurnalistov’, at http://www.kremlin.ru/ news/6143, 27 November 2009, last accessed 20 December 2013. 123 Andrei V. Kozyrev, ‘Strategiya partnerstva’ (1994), in T. A. Shakleina, ed., Vneshnyaya politika i bezopasnost’ sovremennoi Rossii, 4 vols (Moscow: Rosspen, 2002), vol. 1, pp. 182–192, at p. 187. 124 See, for example, Kozyrev, ‘Strategiya partnerstva’; ‘Strategiya razvitiya otnoshe- nii Rossiiskoi Federatsii s Evropeiskim Soyuzom na srednesrochnuyu perspe- ktivu, 2000–2010 gg.’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 11 (1999), pp. 20–28. Notes 305

125 ‘Kontseptsiya natsional’noi bezopasnosti Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 17 dekabrya 1997 goda’. 126 Evgenii M. Primakov, ‘Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya nakanune XXI veka: pro- blemy, perspektivy’ (1996), in Shakleina, ed., Vneshnyaya politika i bezopasnost’ sovremennoi Rossii, vol. 1, pp. 193–203, at p. 194. 127 See, for example, ‘Kontseptsiya natsional’noi bezopasnosti Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 10 yanvara 2000 goda’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 2 (2000), pp. 3–13; ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 12 iyulya 2008 goda’. 128 ‘Interv’yu informatsionnomu agenstvu Reuter’, 25 June 2008, at http://www. kremlin.ru/news/542, last accessed 8 October 2012. 129 Vladimir Putin, ‘Meeting with Members of the Valdai International Discussion Club’, 14 September 2007, at http://archive.kremlin.ru/eng/speeches/2007/ 09/14/1801_type82917type84779_144106.shtml, last accessed 10 July 2014. Speaking to a national television audience in 2011, Putin insisted that Russia could ‘not exist as a satellite’ and contrasted it to some former Warsaw Treaty Organisation member states ‘where they cannot even appoint a defence minister or head of the general staff without advice from the ambassador of a foreign state’ (Rossiiskaya gazeta, 20 October 2011, p. 3). 130 ‘Interv’yu Dmitriya Medvedeva televizionnomu kanalu Evron’yuz’, 2 September 2008, at http://www.kremlin.ru/news/1294, last accessed 8 October 2012. 131 See, for example, ‘Otvety na voprosy, postupivshie k internet-konferentsii Prezidenta Rossii 6 iyulya 2006 goda’, 12 July 2006, at http://archive.kremlin.ru/ text/appears/2006/07/108539.shtml, last accessed 8 October 2012. 132 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 12 iyulya 2008 goda’. 133 Vladimir Putin, ‘Polveka evropeiskoi integratsii i Rossiya’, 25 March 2007, at http:// archive.kremlin.ru/text/appears/2007/03/120736.shtml, last accessed 24 March 2012; the article appeared in several Western papers including the Sunday Times, 25 March 2007, p. 21, and substantial extracts in Izvestiya, 26 March 2007, p. 2. 134 Dmitrii Medvedev, ‘Rossiya, vpered!’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 11 September 2009, pp. 1, 3, at p. 3. 135 Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, p. 5. 136 Yabloko, ‘O vneshnei politike’, 25 June 2009, at http://www.yabloko.ru/ resheniya_politkomiteta/2009/06/25, last accessed 9 October 2012. 137 Arbatov, Rossiiskaya natsional’naya ideya i vneshnyaya politika: mify i real’nosti. 138 See, for example, Yabloko, ‘Rossiya trebuet peremen’ (election manifesto), 2011, at http://www.yabloko.ru/books/Program-27-10-11.pdf, last accessed 9 October 2012. 139 Yavlinsky, ‘Rossii kraine neobkhodim soyuz s Evropoi’. 140 Vladislav Inozemtsev, ‘Rossiya i Evropa: Pro Europa’, Vedomosti, 20 August 2007, p. A4. 141 Quoted in Novoselova and Yakovleva, ‘Kilogramm tsivilizatsii’. 142 Vladislav Inozemtsev, Boris Titov and Grigorii Yavlinsky, ‘Modernizatsiya.ru: kompas dlya reform’, Vedomosti, 8 February 2010, p. 4. 143 Yabloko, ‘Politicheskaya programma ob”edineniya Yabloko’, 1998, Election manifesto, at http://www.yabloko.ru/Union/Program/pp.html, last accessed 29 April 2010. 144 Yabloko, ‘Demokraticheskii manifest – programma Rossiiskoi Demokraticheskoi Partii Yabloko’, 2003, Election manifesto, at http://www.yabloko.ru/Elections/ 2003/Program_2003/index.html, last accessed 29 April 2010. 145 Grigorii Yavlinsky, ‘Effektivnei, chem voina. Bor’ba s terrorizmom ne mozhet popirat’ bazovye evropeiskie tsennosti’, Izvestiya, 10 February 2003, p. 4. 146 Grigorii Yavlinsky, ‘Rossiii kraine neobkhodim soyuz s Evropoi’. 306 Notes

147 Yabloko, ‘Predvybornaya programma partii ‘Yabloko’ – programma sozdaniya sil’noi Rossii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 28 November 2007, p. 20. 148 SPS, ‘Svoboda i chelovechnost’. Predvybornaya programma politicheskoi partii “Soyuz Pravykh Sil”’, 2007, election manifesto, at http://www.sps.ru/?id=222854, last accessed 30 April 2010. 149 Leonid Gozman, ‘K kakoi Rossii my stremimsya’, Moskovskie novosti, 14 April 2006, p. 8. 150 Mikhail Barshchevskii, ‘Vneshnyaya politika Rossii: litsom k Evrope’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 13 November 2007, p. 13. 151 ‘Lider Demokraticheskoi partii Rossii Andrei Bogdanov, “Esli Rossiya vstupit v Evrosoyuz, my dolzhny budem samoraspustit’sya”’, Izvestiya, 12 October 2007, p. 6. 152 Ibid. 153 Pravoe Delo, ‘Programma Vserossiiskoi politicheskoi partii “Pravoe Delo”’, 2008, Election manifesto, at http://pravoedelo.ru/index.php?q=node/1242, last accessed 30 April 2010. 154 Yabloko, ‘Programma rossiiskoi demokraticheskoi partii Yabloko’, 2001, Election manifesto, at http://www.yabloko.ru/Union/Program/ch5.html, last accessed 29 April 2010. 155 Yabloko, ‘Demokraticheskii manifest – programma Rossiiskoi Demokraticheskoi Partii Yabloko’, 2003, Election manifesto, at http://www.yabloko.ru/Elections/ 2003/Program_2003/index.html, last accessed 29 April 2010. 156 SPS, ‘Deklaratsiya ob osnovakh vneshnepoliticheskoi kontseptsii politicheskoi partii “Soyuz Pravykh Sil”’, 2001, at http://www.sps.ru/?id=205722, last accessed 30 April 2010. 157 Republican Party of Russia – People’s Freedom Party, ‘Programma partii’, June 2012, at http://svobodanaroda.org/about/docs/party_program.php, last accessed 9 October 2012. 158 Yabloko, ‘O neobkhodimosti dal’neishikh shagov po sozdaniyu sovmestnoi ros- siisko-evropeiskoi sistemy protivoraketnoi oborony’, 21 September 2009, at http://www.yabloko.ru/news/2009/09/21, last accessed 9 October 2012. 159 Vladislav Inozemtsev, ‘Minusy integratsionnykh polyusov’, Izvestiya, 2 November 2011, p. 10. 160 See, for example, Nataliya Narochnitskaya’s remarks in ‘Pochemu Rossiya ne Evropa?’ Transcript of ‘Vremena’ TV show, First channel, 7 March 2007, at http:// www.hakamada.ru/1323/TV/1908.html?year:int=2010&-C=&month:int=2, last accessed 9 June 2010. 161 Larisa Viktorova, ‘Zhirinovsky ob”yasnil, s kem nado druzhit’’, Komsomol’skaya pravda, 20 November 2007, p. 7. 162 Communist Party of the Russian Federation, ‘Programma Kommunisticheskoi Partii Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Sovetskaya Rossiya, 11 December 2008, p. 2. 163 Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, ‘Programma LDPR’ (election manifesto), Rossiiskaya gazeta, 16 January 2002, p. 12. 164 See, for example, the position of the Communist party in V. N. Likhachev, ‘Evraziiskii Soyuz: vektor samoopredeleniya i otvetstvennosti’, 27 June 2012, at http://kprf.ru/international/107734.html, last accessed 10 October 2012. 165 Nataliya Narochnitskaya, ‘Osnova dlya istoricheskoi perspektivy Rossii’, Izvestiya, 15 February 2006, p. 6. 166 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Evraziya prevyshe vsego. Manifest Evraziiskogo dvizheniya’, Zavtra, 2 February 2001, p. 8. 167 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Suverinetet XXI veka’, Literaturnaya gazeta, 15 March 2006, p. 1. Notes 307

168 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Kaliningradskie stsenarii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 10 July 2002, p. 7. 169 Aleksandr Dugin, ‘Est’ li druz’ya u Rossii?’, Vremya novostei, 23 August 2006, p. 4. 170 Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, ‘LDPR: Za dostoinuyu zhizn’ v sil’noi strane!’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 8 November 2007, p. 12. 171 Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, ‘Programma Liberal’no-Demokraticheskoi Partii Rossii’, 13 December 2005, at http://www.ldpr.ru/partiya/prog/969/, last accessed 16 June 2010. 172 Spravedlivaya Rossiya, ‘Doverie vo imya budushchego. Sotsialisticheskii vybor dlya Rossii XXI veka’ (election manifesto), Rossiiskaya gazeta, 22 November 2007, p. 11. 173 Gennadii Zyuganov, ‘NATO – volk v ovech’ei shkure’, Sovetskaya Rossiya, 16 November 2010, p. 1. 174 Ibid. 175 Fedor Luk’yanov, ‘V ozhidanii proryvov. Kak ne stat’ syr’evym pridatkom Evropy’, Vremya novostei, 25 May 2001, p. 9. 176 Kommersant, 8 May 2007. Guide no. 77, ‘Rossiya i Evropeiskii Soyuz’, p. 23. 177 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Zashchitnik i ugroza v odnom litse’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 14 February 2007, p. 8. 178 Ibid., 26 July 2007, p. 1; see also http://www.rg.ru/2007/07/26/a167947.html, last accessed 2 July 2014. 179 ‘Mikhail Margelov, “Nashi interesy na zemnom share global’ny”’, Politicheskii zhurnal, nos 5–6, February 2007, pp. 10–13. 180 Ibid.; Konstantin Kosachev, ‘Na god gryadushchii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 29 December 2008, p. 5. 181 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Vperedi nelegkie gody’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 21 July 2005, p. 8. 182 Gorbachev, ‘Ne poteryat’ Evropu’. 183 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya i Evropa: trudnoe sblizhenie’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 1 April 2005, p. 3. 184 ‘Aleksandr Livshits, “Menya trevozhat korporativnye dolgi”’, Rossiiskaya biznes- gazeta, 21 September 2004 (online edition). 185 Institute of Contemporary Development, Rossiya – Evropeiskii Soyuz: o razvilkakh ‘strategicheskogo partnerstva (Moscow, INSOR, 2012), p. 65. 186 Igor’ Yurgens, ed., Russia and European Union: Exploring Opportunities for Greater Cooperation (Moscow, Institute of Contemporary Development, 2008), p. 40. 187 Institute of Contemporary Development, Rossiya XXI veka: Obraz zhelaemogo zavtra (Moscow: Ekon-Inform, 2010), p. 64. 188 See Valentina Feklyunina, ‘Russia’s International Images and Its Energy Policy: An (Un)Reliable Supplier?’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 64, no. 3 (May 2012), pp. 449–469. 189 See, for example, Sergei Karaganov, ‘Nedalekoe budushchee: podatlivy i opasny mir’, Vedomosti, 26 February 2008, p. A4. 190 Mikhail Margelov, ‘Strategicheskii soyuz s Evropoi’, Russkii zhurnal (online), 16 February 2010. 191 Dmitri Suslov, ‘Vozdushnyi gambit’ Rossiiskaya gazeta, 20 March 2006, p. 2. 192 Alexei Grivach and Andrei Denisov, ‘Uspekhi i neudachi “energeticheskoi sverkhderzhavy”’, Rossiya v global’noi politike, vol. 6, no. 2 (April–May 2008), pp. 101–112, at p. 112. 193 Institute of Contemporary Development, Rossiya – Evropeiskii Soyuz, p. 79. 194 Institute of Contemporary Development, Ekonomicheskie interesy i zadachi Rossii v SNG (Moscow: INSOR, 2010). 308 Notes

195 Edinaya Rossiya, ‘Predvybornaya programma partii ‘Edinaya Rossiya’ na vybor- akh Prezidenta Rossii’, 8 February 2012, at http://er.ru/party/presidential_elec- tion/, last accessed 11 October 2012. 196 Boris Gryzlov, ‘Budushchee za nami’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 15 November 2011, p. 1. 197 See, for example, Igor’ Yurgens as quoted in Aleksandra Samarina and Ivan Rodin, ‘Ravnenie – na SSSR’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 17 November 2011, p. 1. 198 See, for example Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya v evroatlantike’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 24 November 2009, p. 9. 199 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Vperedi nelegkie gody’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 21 July 2005, p. 8. 200 Konstantin Kosachev, ‘Tsennosti radi ob”edineniya: Rossiya, NATO i novaya arkhitektura bezopasnosti’, Vremya novostei, 22 March 2010, p. 6. 201 Fyodor Lukyanov, ‘Russia’s zone of responsibility’, Moscow Times, 16 June 2010, p. 10. 202 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya v mire idei i obrazov’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 12 September 2012, p. 14. 203 ‘B. N. El’tsin: Rossiya vozvrashchaetsya v mirovoe soobshchestvo’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 11 (1992), p. 11. 204 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 23 aprelya 1993’. 205 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 28 iyunya 2000 goda’; ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 12 iyulya 2008 goda’. 206 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 23 aprelya 1993’. 207 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 12 iyulya 2008 goda’. 208 ‘Strategiya razvitiya otnoshenii Rossiiskoi Federatsii s Evropeiskim Soyuzom na srednesrochnuyu perspektivu, 2000–2010 gg.’, p. 21. 209 For a critical assessment of Russia’s reaction towards the conflict in former Yugoslavia, see, for example, Eric Shiraev and Deone Terrio, ‘Russian decision- making regarding Bosnia: Indifferent public and feuding elites’, in Richard Sobel and Eric Shiraev, eds, International Public Opinion and the Bosnia Crisis (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2003), pp. 135–172. 210 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 2000’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 11 July 2000, p. 5. 211 Vladimir Putin, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii rukovodyashchego sostava diplomaticheskoi sluzhby Rossii’, 26 January 2001, at http://archive.kremlin. ru/appears/2001/01/26/0000_type63374type63378type82634_28464.shtml, last accessed 12 October 2012. 212 ‘Vystuplenie V. V. Putina v Bundestage FRG, Berlin, 25 sentyabrya’, Diplomaticheskii vestnik, no. 10, October 2001, pp. 45–48, at p. 46. 213 ‘Stenograficheskii otchet o vstreche s uchastnikami tret’ego zasedaniya Mezhdunarodnogo diskussionnogo kluba “Valdai”’, 9 September 2006, at http:// archive.kremlin.ru/appears/2006/09/09/1930_type63376type63381_111114. shtml, last accessed 12 October 2012. 214 Vladimir Putin, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii s poslami i postoyannymi pred- stavitelyami Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, 27 June 2006, at http://archive.kremlin.ru/ appears/2006/06/27/1543_type63374type63376type63378type82634_107802. shtml, last accessed 12 October 2012. 215 Ibid. 216 Vladimir Putin, ‘Vystuplenie i diskussiya na Myunkhenskoi konferentsii po voprosam politiki bezopasnosti’, 10 February 2007, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 12 February 2007, pp. 1–2. 217 Vladimir Putin, ‘Russia is Europe’s natural ally’, Sunday Times, 25 March 2007, p. 21; the statement also appeared elsewhere (see note 133). Notes 309

218 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 12 iyulya 2008 goda’. 219 Dmitri Medvedev, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii s poslami i postoyannymi predstavitelyami Rossiiskoi Federatsii pri mezhdunarodnykh organizatsiyakh’, 15 July 2008, at http://archive.kremlin.ru/appears/2008/07/15/1635_type63374 type63376type82634_204113.shtml, last accessed 17 October 2012. 220 Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, p. 5. 221 Ibid. 222 Andrei Kolesnikov, ‘Voda doshla do vysshego urovnya’, Kommersant, 10 July 2012, p. 1. 223 Vladimir Putin, ‘Novyi integratsionnyi proekt dlya Evrazii – budushchee, koto- roe rozhdaetsya segodnya’, Izvestiya, 5 October 2011, p. 5. 224 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 28 iyunya 2000 goda’. 225 ‘Kontseptsiya vneshnei politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, 12 iyulya 2008 goda’. 226 The growth of anti-American sentiments in Russian public opinion and public debate is discussed, for example, in Vladimir Shlapentokh, ‘“Old”, “new” and “post” liberal attitudes toward the West: From love to hate’, Communist and Post- Communist Studies, vol. 31, no. 3 (September 1998), pp. 199–216; Vladimir Shlapentokh, ‘The puzzle of Russian anti-Americanism: from “below” or from “above”’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 63, no. 5 (July 2011), pp. 875–889. A range of public opinion data may be considered in T. Vorontsova and A. Danilova, Amerika – vzglyad iz Rossii: do i posle 11 sentyabrya (Moscow: Obshchestvennoe mnenie, 2001).

5 Ukraine and ‘Europe’: Elite Discourses

1 For a discussion of ‘memory wars’ in Ukraine, see for example Andriy Portnov, ‘Memory Wars in Post-Soviet Ukraine (1991–2010)’, in Uilleam Blacker, Alexander Etkind and Julie Fedor, eds., Memory and Theory in Eastern Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), pp. 233–254. 2 See, for example, Stephen Shulman, ‘National Identity and Public Support for Political and Economic Reform in Ukraine’, Slavic Review, vol. 64, no. 1 (Spring 2005), pp. 59–87; Stephen Shulman, ‘The contours of civic and ethnic national identification in Ukraine’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 56, no. 1 (January 2004), pp. 35–56; Stephen Shulman, ‘The cultural foundations of Ukrainian national identity’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 22, no. 6 (November 1999), pp. 1011–1036. 3 Dominique Arel, ‘Language politics in independent Ukraine: Towards one or two state languages?’, Nationalities Papers, vol. 23, no. 3 (September 1995), pp. 597–622; Anna Fournier, ‘Mapping Identities: Russian Resistance to Linguistic Ukrainisation in Central and Eastern Ukraine’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 54, no. 3 (May 2002), pp. 415–433. 4 See, for example, Eugene B. Rumer, ‘Eurasia Letter: Will Ukraine Return to Russia?’, Foreign Policy, no. 96 (Autumn 1994), pp. 129–144. 5 Andrew Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 6 Taras Kuzio, ‘Nationalism in Ukraine: towards a new theoretical and comparative framework’, Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 7, no. 2 (June 2002), pp. 133–161, at pp. 156–157. 7 Andrew Wilson, Belarus: The Last Dictatorship in Europe (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2011). 310 Notes

8 Konstitutsiya Ukrainy, 1996, article 85, at: http://www.president.gov.ua/ru/ content/chapter01.html, last accessed 27 January 2013. 9 Mykhail Pashkov, ‘Foreign Policy: Positions of the Leaders of Parties and Blocs’, National Security and Defence, vol. 2, no. 26 (2002), pp. 27–33, at p. 27. 10 Andrew Wilson, Virtual Politics: Faking Democracy in the Post-Soviet World (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2005). 11 Andrew Wilson, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2006), p. 42. 12 Valerii Chaly, ‘Foreign Policy Issues in the Programmes of Political Parties’, National Security and Defence, vol. 2, no. 26 (2002), pp. 6–21, at p. 26. 13 For a more detailed discussion of the role of competing historic narratives in post- Soviet Ukraine, see for example Catherine Wanner, Burden of Dreams: History and Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998); Kataryna Wolczuk, ‘History, Europe and the “national idea”: The “official” narrative of national identity in Ukraine’, Nationalities Papers, vol. 28, no. 4 (December 2000), pp. 671–694; Taras Kuzio, ‘National identity and history writing in Ukraine’, Nationalities Papers, vol. 34, no. 4 (September 2006), pp. 407–427. 14 For a detailed discussion of Ukrainian nationalism and its history, see, for example, Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism. 15 Narodnyi Rukh Ukrainy, ‘Programa Rukhu’ (election manifesto), at: http://www. nru.org.ua/about-party/programm.html, last accessed 13 July 2012. 16 Ibid. 17 Oleh Tiahnibok, ‘Peredvyborna programa’ (election manifesto), 2009, at: http:// www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2010/WP009?PT021F01=17&PT001F01=700, last accessed 8 July 2012. 18 Viktor Yushchenko, ‘Yakoiu ya bachu Ukrainu’ (election manifesto), 2004, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2004/WP009?PT021F01=51&PT001F01=500, last accessed 25 April 2013; Nasha Ukraina, ‘Peredvyborna programa vyborchoho bloku ‘Blok Viktora Yushchenka Nasha Ukraina’ (election manifesto), 2002, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vd2002/WEBPROC0V, last accessed 25 April 2013. 19 Viktor Yushchenko, ‘Holodomor’, 27 November 2007, at: http://www.president. gov.ua/en/news/8296.html, last accessed 13 July 2012. 20 Ibid. 21 Viktor Yushchenko, ‘Interv’yu zhurnalu Korrespondent’, 27 May 2011, at: http:// www.razom.org.ua/opinions/12045/, last accessed 8 July 2012. 22 A. Sushko and O. Lisnichuk, ‘EvrAzEs: ekonomicheskii syr v politicheskoi myshelovke’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 39, 12 October 2002. 23 Narodnyi Rukh Ukrainy, ‘Programa Rukhu’ (election manifesto), at: http://www. nru.org.ua/about-party/programm.html, last accessed 13 July 2012. 24 Svoboda, ‘Programa zakhistu ukraintsiv’ (election manifesto), 2011, at: http:// www.svoboda.org.ua/pro_partiyu/prohrama/, last accessed 13 July 2012. 25 Narodnyi Rukh Ukrainy ‘Programa Rukhu’. 26 Petro Symonenko, ‘Sammit Ukraina – ES: po puti kolonizatsii’, 21 December 2011, at: http://www.kpu.ua/petr-simonenko-sammit-ukraina-es-po-puti-kolonizacii/, last accessed 3 May 2012. 27 Andrew Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s. 28 Nataliya Vitrenko, ‘On-line konferentsiya Natalii Vitrenko na Forume’, 2 November 2011, at: http://voshod.ucoz.ua/news/onlajn_konferencija_natalii_ vitrenko_na_forum/2011-11-03-2137, last accessed 7 July 2012. 29 Leonid Hrach, Ukraina – ne Evropa (Kyiv: Drukarnia Biznespoligraf, 2008), pp.18–19. 30 Ibid. Notes 311

31 ‘Interview with Petro Symonenko’, 3 December 2011, at: http://www.eurasia- rivista.org, last accessed 3 May 2012. 32 Hrach, Ukraina – ne Evropa, pp. 18–19. 33 Nataliya Vitrenko, ‘Sud’ba Rossii. Putinu mstit bankovskaya mafiya’, 8 February 2012, at: http://vitrenko.org/start.php?lang=1&article_id=13982, last accessed 19 July 2012. 34 Symonenko, ‘Sammit Ukraina – ES: po puti kolonizatsii’. 35 SPU, ‘Zbuduiemo Yevropu v Ukraini’ (election manifesto), 2006, at: http://www. spu.in.ua/ua/documents/2203, last accessed 1 March 2012. 36 Oleksandr Moroz, ‘Programa kandidata na posadu Prezidenta Ukrainy’ (election manifesto), 2004, at: http://www.spu.in.ua/ua/documents/3941, last accessed 1 March 2012. 37 Oleksandr Moroz, ‘My stoyali na Maidane ne za Yushchenko’, 22 November 2009, at: http://donetsk.kiev.ua/?p=2553, last accessed 19 July 2012. 38 Za Yedinu Ukrainu, ‘Za Yedinu Ukrainu! – Blok, yakyi yednaie!’ (election manifesto), 2002, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vd2002/webproc12v?kodvib=40 0&pf7171=195, last accessed 1 May 2012. 39 Wilson, Virtual Politics, p. 22. 40 BYuT, ‘Programa’ (election manifesto), 2006, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/ vnd2006/w6p001, last accessed 8 July 2012. 41 ‘Yuliya Tymoshenko: Ukraina – eto Evropa’, 10 January 2010, at: http://www. tymoshenko.ua/ru/article/escvszoe, last accessed 19 July 2012. 42 Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s, p. 111. 43 Ibid. 44 Zenon E. Kohut, Bohdan Y. Nebesio and Myroslav Yurkevich, The A to Z of Ukraine (Plymouth: Scarecrow Press, 2005), p. 281. 45 ‘Kuchma Gives Inauguration Speech’ (1994), in Zbigniew Brzezinski and Paige Sullivan, eds., Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States: Documents, Data, and Analysis (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1997), pp. 271–273, at p. 273. 46 Ibid., p. 272. 47 Kohut, Nebesio and Yurkevich, The A to Z of Ukraine, pp. 198–200. 48 Leonid Kuchma, Ukraina – ne Rossiya (Moscow: Vremya, 2003), p. 11. 49 Ibid., p. 36. 50 Ibid., p. 35. 51 Ibid., p. 43. 52 Ibid., p. 59. 53 Viktor Yushchenko, ‘Vystup prezidenta Ukrainy Viktora Yushchenka na Maidani Nezalezhnosti’, 23 January 2005, at: http://elections.ukrinform.com/article. php?a=2512, last accessed 20 July 2012. 54 Viktor Yushchenko, ‘Promova Yushchenka na den’ nezalezhnosti’, Ukrains’ka pravda, 24 August 2009, at: http://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2009/08/24/ 4153243/, last accessed 20 July 2012. 55 Viktor Yanukovych, ‘Inavhuratsiina promova’, 25 February 2010, at: http:// elections2010.ukrinform.ua/news/3503, last accessed 20 July 2012. 56 Viktor Yanukovych, ‘Vstupne slovo Prezidenta Ukrainy Viktora Yanukovycha do shchorichnoho poslannia do Verkhovnoi Rady pro vnutrishnie i zovnishnie stanovyshche Ukrainy’, 3 July 2012, at: http://www.president.gov.ua/news/24670. html, last accessed 20 July 2012. 57 Viktor Yanukovych, ‘Ukraine’s Future is with the European Union’, Wall Street Journal (Europe edition), 26–28 August 2011, p. 17. 312 Notes

58 Borys Tarasyuk, ‘Demokratychnyi svit i nynishnia vlada: rozmova z glukhim?’, 12 October 2010, at: http://www.nru.org.ua/blogs/blog-borys-tarasyuk/tarasyuk- writes/article/demokratichnii-svit-i-ninishnja-vlada-rozmova-z-glukhim-1.html, last accessed 23 July 2012. 59 Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, ‘Doktryna ukrains’koho svitu vs neoimpers’ki kontseptsii’, Den’, 6 October 2011, at: http://www.day.kiev.ua/216782, last accessed 23 July 2012. 60 ‘Borys Tarasyuk: Mitnyi soiuz abo nazad do vidnovlennia “Rosiis’koi imperii”’, 11 April 2011, at: http://www.nru.org.ua/blogs/blog-borys-tarasyuk/tarasyuk- writes/article/mitnii-cojuz-abo-nazad-do-vidnovlennja-rosiiskoji-imper.html, last accessed 23 July 2012. 61 ‘Volodymyr Ohryzko: tsei rik odyn z naigirshikh rokiv u plani bezpeky dlia Ukrainy ta ii zovnishn’oi polityky’, 8 December 2010, at: http://www.razom.org. ua/opinions/10479/, last accessed 23 July 2012. 62 ‘Borys Tarasyuk: Do 2013 roku vizovyi rezhym mizh Ukrainoiu i YeS ne skasuiut’, 21 June 2011, at: http://www.nru.org.ua/about-party/column-leader/detalnii- ogljad-zapisu/article/boris-tarasjuk-do-2013-roku-vizovii-rezhim-mizh- ukrajinoju-i.html, last accessed 23 July 2012. 63 Borys Tarasyuk, ‘Chy mozhe advokat domogatysia bil’she, nizh khoche pidzakhysnyi?’, 2 November 2011, at: http://www.nru.org.ua/blogs/blog-borys- tarasyuk/tarasyuk-writes/article/chi-mozhe-advokat-domagatisja-bilshe-nizh- khoche-pidzakhisni.html, last accessed 23 July 2012. 64 V. Posel’skii, G. Druzenko and T. Kachka, ‘Evropeiskii krizis: ukrainskie refleksii’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 24, 25 June 2005. 65 ‘Viktor Yushchenko: Ob’iednuie ne osoba – ob’iednuiut’ tsinnosti’, 16 March 2012, at: http://www.razom.org.ua/opinions/13999/, last accessed 23 July 2012. 66 ‘Vitrenko: Evropa prostit Yanukovychu delo Tymoshenko, esli on prodolzhit “torpedirovat’” Rossiyu’, 15 October 2011, at: http://korrespondent.net/ukraine/ politics/1272604-vitrenko-evropa-prostit-yanukovichu-delo-timoshenko-esli-on- prodolzhit-torpedirovat-rossiyu, last accessed 25 July 2012. 67 Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine, ‘Kurs v NATO – prestuplenie ukrainskoi vlasti bez sroka davnosti. Zayavlenie XXVII s”ezda PSPU’, 8 May 2012, at: http:// vitrenko.org/start.php?lang=1&article_id=14403, last accessed 25 July 2012. 68 Petro Symonenko, ‘Vystuplenie Petra Symonenko na Mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii ‘Riski ekonomicheskoi dezintegratsii i poisk novykh formatov vzaimodeistviya mezhdu Ukrainoi i Evraziiskim Soyuzom’, 2012, at: http://www. kpu.ua/vystuplenie-petra-simonenko-na-mezhdunarodnoj-konferencii-riski- ekonomicheskoj-dezintegracii-i-poisk-novyx-formatov-vzaimodejstviya-mezhdu- ukrainoj-i-evrazijskim-soyuzom/, last accessed 3 May 2012. 69 Petro Symonenko, ‘Evropeiskii krizis: variant budushchego dlya Evrosoyuza i vyvody dlya Ukrainy’, 28 June 2012, at: http://www.cominformua.com/index.php/ razdeli/aktualnye-novosti/item/927-petr-simonenko-evropeyskiy-krizis-varianti- buduschego-dlya-evrosouza-i-vivodi-dlya-ukraini, last accessed 25 July 2012. 70 ‘Nataliya Vitrenko vyshla na front’, Kommersant Ukrainy, no. 122, 28 July 2011. 71 Symonenko, ‘Evropeiskii krizis’. 72 ‘Moroz obvinil Evropu v politike dvoinykh standartov po otnosheniiu k Ukraine’, 16 October 2011, at: http://news.online.ua/436356/moroz-obvinil-evropu-v- politike-dvoynyh-standartov-po-otnosheniyu-k-ukraine/, last accessed 29 July 2012. 73 ‘Leonid Kozhara: Evrointegratsiya – bezal’ternativnyi protsess dlya Ukrainy’, 15 February 2012, at: http://www.partyofregions.org.ua/news/4fe3009c63eac 51f48001f05, last accessed 26 July 2012. Notes 313

74 Ibid. 75 Anatolii Orel, ‘Krushenie dogm’, 7 June 2011, at: http://www.partyofregions.org. ua/news/4fe2ffd863eac51f48000a85, last accessed 26 July 2012. 76 ‘Problems and Prospects of Ukraine’s Integration into the EU’ (Round Table by Correspondence), National Security and Defence, no. 9 (2000), pp. 15–24, at p. 21. 77 ‘Viktor Yanukovych: Soglashenie ob assotsiatsii yavlyaetsya dlya Ukrainy kompleksnoi programmoi reform’, 2 April 2012, at: http://www.president.gov.ua/ ru/news/23625.html, last accessed 29 July 2012. 78 Ibid. 79 ‘Viktor Yanukovych: My ne bednye rodstvenniki i ne budem imi nikogda’, 6 September 2011, at: http://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/21113.html, last accessed 29 July 2012. 80 ‘Transcript: Ukraine President Victor Yushchenko’, Atlantic Council, 23 September 2008, at: http://www.acus.org/node/1101, last accessed 31 July 2012. 81 Ibid. 82 ‘Viktor Yushchenko: U Evropeiskogo Soyuza ne khvatilo muzhestva’, 5 May 2009, at: http://republic.com.ua/article/10890-old.html, last accessed 8 July 2012. 83 ‘Interv’yu Prezidenta Ukrainy dlya programmy “Vechera s Vitaliem Korotichem”’, 19 October 2011, at: http://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/21639.html, last accessed 29 July 2012. 84 ‘Vneshnepoliticheskii kvartet: kakofoniya taktiki, garmoniya strategii?’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 50, 30 December 2006. 85 ‘Tiahnibok napugal NATO’, Segodnya, 8 June 2011, at: http://www.rbc.ua/ rus/digests/show/tyagnibok-napugal-nato-08062011093000, last accessed 24 December 2013. 86 Yuliya Tymoshenko, ‘Ukraina peremozhe. Ukraina – tse ty!’ (election manifesto), 2009, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2010/WP009?PT021F01=21&PT001F01 =700, last accessed 8 July 2012. 87 ‘Peredvyborna programa ‘Vyborchoho bloku Yulii Tymoshenko’ (election manifesto), 2002, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vd2002/WEBPROC0V, last accessed 1 August 2012. 88 A. Sushko and O. Lisnichuk, ‘Evrazes: Ekonomicheskii syr v politicheskoi myshelovke’, Zerkalo nedeli, 11 October 2002. 89 A. Sushko, ‘Rossiya – SNG: Proshchanie s regional’nym liderstvom’, ibid., no. 17, 29 April 2006. 90 Narodnyi Rukh Ukrainy, ‘Programa Rukhu’ (election manifesto), at: http://www. nru.org.ua/about-party/programm.html, last accessed 13 July 2012. 91 Yuliya Tymoshenko, ‘Back in the USSR? Vpered k Evrope!’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 14, 15 April 2011. 92 Viktor Yushchenko, ‘Promova na X z’izdi “Nashoi Ukrainy”’, 27 April 2011, at: http://www.razom.org.ua/opinions/11770/, last accessed 23 July 2012. 93 Narodnyi Rukh Ukrainy, ‘Programa Rukhu’. 94 Viktor Yushchenko, ‘Vil’na, spravedliva ta sil’na Ukraina’ (election manifesto), 2009, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2010/ WP009?PT021F01=14&PT001F01=700, last accessed 8 July 2012. 95 Yuliya Tymoshenko, ‘Containing Russia’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 86, no. 3 (May–June 2007), pp. 69–82, at p. 75. 96 Claudia von Salzen, ‘EU folgte der russischen Propaganda’, Der Tagesspigel, 16 February 2009. 97 ‘Vneshnepoliticheskii kvartet: kakofoniya taktiki, garmoniya strategii?’ 98 Aliona Get’manchuk, ‘Evropeiskaya politika dlya neudachnikov’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 34, 15 September 2007. 314 Notes

99 Petro Symonenko, ‘Vremya delat’ vybor’, 1 December 2011, at: http://www.kpu. ua/petr-simonenko-vremya-delat-vybor/print/, last accessed 3 August 2012. 100 See for example, ‘Spravedlyvist’, Dobrobut, Narodovladdia, Soiuz z Rosiieiu i Bilorussiu’ (election manifesto), 2005, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vnd2006/ w6p001, last accessed 1 May 2013. 101 ‘Ukraina dolzhna byt’ polnopravnym chlenom evraziiskogo soyuza, a ne syr”evym pridatkom ES’, 3 December 2011, at: http://www.vitrenko.org/start. php?lang=1&article_id=13714, last accessed 7 July 2012. 102 Petro Symonenko, ‘Zavdannia komunisiv Ukrainy v nynishnii politychnii sytuatsii’, 20 June 1993, at: http://www.kpu.ua/i-xxix-sezd-kompartii-ukraini/, last accessed 3 August 2012. 103 Petro Symonenko, ‘Peredvyborna programa kandydata v prezydenty Ukrayny Petra Mikolaiovycha Symonenka’ (election manifesto), 21 October 2009, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2010/WP0011, last accessed 3 May 2012. 104 Pashkov, ‘Foreign Policy: Positions of the Leaders of Parties and Blocs’, p. 28. 105 ‘Na puti k strategicheskomu partnerstvu’, Rabochaya gazeta, 20 March 2007, at: http://rg.kiev.ua/page5/article5058/, last accessed 3 August 2012. 106 Petro Symonenko, ‘Sammit Ukraina – ES: po puti kolonizatsii’, 21 December 2011, at: http://www.kpu.ua/petr-simonenko-sammit-ukraina-es-po-puti-koloni- zacii/, last accessed 3 May 2012. 107 Petro Symonenko, ‘Vremya delat’ vybor’, 1 December 2011, at: http://www.kpu. ua/petr-simonenko-vremya-delat-vybor/print/, last accessed 3 August 2012. 108 Symonenko, ‘Vystuplenie Petra Symonenko na Mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii “Riski ekonomicheskoi dezintegratsii”’. 109 CPU, ‘Programa Komunistychnoi partii Ukrainy. Nova redaktsiya’, at: http:// www.kpu.ua/programmakpu/, last accessed 3 August 2012. 110 Symonenko, ‘Vremya delat’ vybor’. 111 Petro Symonenko, ‘Z liud’mi i dlya liudei!’ (election manifesto), 2004, at: http:// www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2004/wp0011, last accessed 3 August 2012; Petro Symonenko, ‘Tezy peredvybornoi programy kandidata u Prezidenty Ukrainy vid Komunystichnoi partii Ukrayny Petra Mikolaiovicha Symonenka’ (election man- ifesto), 1999, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp1999/WEBPROC0, last accessed 3 May 2012; CPU, ‘Programa Komunistychnoi partii Ukraini. Nova redaktsiya’. 112 ‘Symonenko predlagaet otdat’ ukrainskii chernomorskii flot rossiyanam?’, Ukrainskaya pravda, 29 August 2007. 113 ‘Symonenko khochet, chtoby ukraintsy sluzhili vmeste s rossiyanami i beloru- sami’, 30 May 2012, at: http://glavred.info/archive/2012/05/30/152158–18. html, last accessed 3 July 2012. 114 ‘Symonenko predlagaet otdat’ ukrainskii chernomorskii flot rossiyanam?’ 115 Moroz, ‘Programa kandidata na posadu Prezidenta Ukrainy’. 116 ‘Vneshnepoliticheskii kvartet: kakofoniya taktiki, garmoniya strategii?’ 117 Viktor Yanukovych, ‘Ukraina – dlya lyudei’ (election manifesto), 2009, at: http:// www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp2010/WP009?PT021F01=11&PT001F01=700, last accessed 8 July 2012. 118 Partiya Regionov, ‘Ot stabil’nosti – k blagopoluchiyu’ (election manifesto), 1 August 2012, at: http://www.partyofregions.org.ua/news/event/5018ed00c4ca 42cc440002a0, last accessed 4 August 2012. 119 Anatolii Gal’chinsky, ‘Ostorozhno! – Rossiya’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 19, 24 May 2003. 120 Pashkov, ‘Foreign policy: positions of the leaders of parties and blocs’, p. 28. Notes 315

121 Leonid Kozhara, ‘Tempy zblizhennya Rossii ta Evropi istotno priskorilis’, 6 March 2011, at: http://www.partyofregions.org.ua/news/blog/4fe3039a63eac5934800 00a1, last accessed 4 August 2012. 122 Yuliya Tymoshenko, ‘An Answer to the Russian Question’, in The World in 2009 (London: The Economist, 2008), p. 62. 123 Vadim Kolesnichenko, ‘Reshenie po obespecheniyu gazom na blizhaishee desiati- letie – SP po dobyche s Rossiei’, 12 January 2011, at: http://www.partyofregions. org.ua/news/blog/4fe3039863eac59348000010, last accessed 4 August 2012. 124 Partiya Regionov, ‘Ot stabil’nosti – k blagopoluchiyu’. 125 Partiya Regionov, ‘Peredviborna programa Partiy regionyv’, 3 December 2005, at: http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vnd2006/w6p001, last accessed 3 May 2012; Yanukovych, ‘Ukraina – dlya lyudei’; Partiya Regionov, ‘Ot stabil’nosti – k blagopoluchiyu’. 126 SPU, ‘Memorandum pro polytichnu strategyyu Sotsyalystichnoy party Ukrayni v drugomu tury prezidentskikh viboryv’, 1 November 2004, at: http://www.spu. in.ua/ua/documents/3942, last accessed 1 March 2012. 127 Nikolai Sungurovsky, ‘Ukraina – NATO: problema soznatel’nogo vybora’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 46, 2 December 2006. 128 As quoted in Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism, p. 111. 129 Verkhovna Rada Ukraini, ‘Pro Osnovi napryami zovnishnoi politiki Ukraini’, 2 July 1993, Vedomosti Verhovnoi Rady Ukrainy, no. 37, art. 379. 130 ‘Kuchma Gives Inauguration Speech’. 131 National Security and Defence, No. 9, 2000, p. 16. 132 Kuchma, Ukraina ne Rossiya, p. 511. 133 ‘“Ukraina mozhet podat’ zayavku na chlenstvo v ES cherez neskol’ko nedel”, otmetil Prezident Ukrainy’, 26 January 2005, at: http://www.kmu.gov.ua/ control/ ru/publish/article?art_id=11110607&cat_id=244313965, last accessed 7 August 2012. 134 ‘Prezident Viktor Yushchenko khochet poluchit’ signal ot ES’, 25 October 2006, at: http://www.president.gov.ua/ru/news/4445.html, last accessed 7 August 2012. 135 ‘Yushchenko rassmatrivaet “Vostochnoe partnerstvo” kak vspomogatel’nyi instrument’, Ukrainskaya pravda, 5 May 2009, at: http://www.pravda.com.ua/rus/ news/2009/05/5/4483371/, last accessed 7 August 2012. 136 ‘Transcript: Ukraine President Victor Yushchenko’. 137 ‘Viktor Yushchenko: ‘U Evropeiskogo Soyuza ne khvatilo muzhestva’, 5 May 2009, at: http://republic.com.ua/article/10890-old.html, last accessed 7 August 2012. 138 ‘Q&A: Yushchenko balances Russian, EU relations’, The Washington Times, 22 September 2008. 139 ‘Transcript: Ukraine President Victor Yushchenko’. 140 Viktor Yanukovych, ‘Vistup Prezidenta Ukrainy Viktora Yanukovycha u Verkhovnii Radi Ukrainy’, 8 April 2011, at: http://www.partyofregions.org.ua/ news/blog/4fe3039c63eac5934800010c, last accessed 4 August 2012. 141 ‘Viktor Yanukovych: Soglashenie ob assotsiatsii yavlyaetsya dlya Ukrainy kom- pleksnoi programmoi reform’, 2 April 2012, available on-line at: http://www. president.gov.ua/ru/news/23625.html, accessed 29 July 2012. 142 Yanukovich, ‘Ukraine’s Future is with the European Union’. 143 ‘Viktor Yanukovych: Soglashenie ob assotsiatsii yavlyaetsya dlya Ukrainy kom- pleksnoi programmoi reform’. 144 Yanukovych, ‘Vistup Prezidenta Ukrainy Viktora Yanukovycha u Verkhovnii Radi Ukrainy’. 316 Notes

6 Belarus and ‘Europe’: Elite Discourses

1 See, for example, Nelly Bekus, Struggle over Identity: The Official and the Alternative ‘Belarusianness’ (Budapest and New York: CEU Press, 2010); Valer Bulgakov, Istoriya belorusskogo natsionalizma (Vilnius: Institute of Belarusian Studies, 2006); Grigory Ioffe, Understanding Belarus and How Western Foreign Policy Misses the Mark (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008); David R. Marples, Belarus: A Denationalised Nation (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1999). 2 Andrew Wilson, Belarus: The Last Dictatorship in Europe (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2011), p. 48. 3 In Valer Bulgakov, ed., Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya. Mneniya belorusskikh elit (Warsaw: Arche, 2006), p. 12. 4 Ibid., p. 45. 5 Ibid., p. 139. 6 Ibid., p. 138. 7 Vaitovich in ibid., p. 137. 8 See, for example, Bekus, Struggle over Identity; Imke Hansen, ‘The Belarusian politi- cal landscape of discourse and its iconographic and performative elements’, in Valer Bulhakau, ed., The Geopolitical Place of Belarus in Europe and the World (Warsaw: Wyzsza Szkola Handlu i Prawa, 2006), pp. 113–125; Natalia Leshchenko, ‘A fine instrument: Two nation-building strategies in post-Soviet Belarus’, Nations and Nationalism, vol. 10, no. 3 (July 2004), pp. 333–352. 9 Manaev in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, pp. 57–58. 10 Grigory Ioffe, ‘Understanding Belarus: Belarusian identity’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 55, no. 8 (December 2003), pp. 1241–1272. 11 Ioffe, Understanding Belarus. 12 Ibid., p. 90. 13 Andrew Wilson, The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation, 3rd edn (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009). 14 Wilson, Belarus. 15 Partyia BNF, ‘Pragrama Partyi BNF’, 2002, at http://narodny.org/bnf/partyja/ prahramabnf/86.shtml, last accessed 10 February 2011. 16 Milinkevich in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya. 17 Zianon Paznyak, ‘Idealy BNR u rechyshchy geapalityki’, 2003, at http://web. archive.org/web/20090915143735/http://www.zianonpazniak.de/publications/ articles/idealBNR.htm, last accessed 24 October 2012. 18 Zianon Paznyak, ‘Vera i palityka’, 2001, at http://web.archive.org/web/ 20090915143750/http://www.zianonpazniak.de/publications/articles/faithand- politics.htm, last accessed 28 January 2012. 19 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 84. 20 Ibid., p. 173. 21 Viachorka in ibid., p. 51. 22 Mikhalevich in ibid., p. 59. 23 Ibid., p. 48. 24 Bulgakov, Istoriya belorusskogo natsionalizma. 25 Yanchevski in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 63. 26 ‘Valer Fralow: Kto s Rossiei, kto – v Evropu’, Narodnaya volya, 25 October 2011, p. 3. 27 Communist Party of Belarus, ‘Programma partii’, 13 December 2003, at http:// www.comparty.by/info/programma-partii, last accessed 11 February 2011. 28 Yanchevski in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 63. Notes 317

29 Ibid. 30 Kostian in ibid., pp. 81–82. 31 Kalinkina in ibid., p. 32. 32 Ibid., p. 52 33 Wilson, Belarus. 34 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 52. 35 Ibid., p. 94. 36 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Lektsiya “Istoricheskii vybor Respubliki Belarus’” v BGU’, 14 March 2003, at http://www.president.gov.by/press29279.html#doc, last accessed 22 February 2011. 37 Ibid. 38 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Doklad Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ A. G. Lukashenko na vtorom Vsebelorusskom narodnom sobranii’, 18 May 2001, Belarus’ segodnya, 20 May 2001, p. 3. 39 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Poslanie Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ Aleksandra Lukashenko k belorusskomu narodu i Natsional’nomu sobraniyu’, 21 April 2010, Belarus’ segodnya, 21 April 2010, pp. 1–11, at p. 8. 40 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Stenogramma press-konferentsii predstavitelyam belorusskikh SMI’, 30 December 2009, Belarus’ segodnya, 5 January 2010, pp. 1, 3–12. 41 Lukashenka, ‘Lektsiya’. 42 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Poslanie Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ Aleksandra Lukashenko k belorusskomu narodu i Parlamentu Respubliki Belarus’’, 16 April 2003, Belarus’ segodnya, 17 April 2003, pp. 3–6, at p. 4. 43 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Vystuplenie Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ A. G. Lukashenko: “Vneshnyaya politika Respubliki Belarus’ v novom mire” na soveshchanii s rukovoditelyami zagranuchrezhdenii Respubliki Belarus’’, 22 July 2004, Belarus’ segodnya, 23 July 2004, pp. 1–5, at p. 4. 44 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘O nashei integratsii’, Belarus’ segodnya, 19 October 2011, pp. 1–2; and in Izvestiya, 19 October 2011, pp. 1, 5. 45 Zyanon Paznyak, ‘Minula xx-e stagodze’, 2001, at http://web.archive.org/ web/20090915143721/http://www.zianonpazniak.de/publications/articles/ passedcentury.htm, last accessed 24 December 2013. 46 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 32. 47 Ibid., p. 205. 48 ‘Aliaksandr Milinkevich: Pol’sha, Belarus’, Litva, Latviya, Ukraina – eto pervyi Evropeiskii Soiuz’, Charter97, 23 August 2006, at http://www.charter97.org/rus/ news/2006/08/23/mil, last accessed 18 February 2012. 49 Vardamatski in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 31. 50 Rygor Astapenia, ‘Kudy rukhaetsa ES’, Nasha niva, 9 February 2012, at http:// nn.by/?c=ar&i=68111, last accessed 18 February 2012. 51 Litvina in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 84. 52 Dynko in ibid., p. 227. 53 Milinkevich in ibid., p. 236. 54 Kostian in ibid., p. 33. 55 ‘Osobennosti evropeiskogo dialoga’, Belarus’ segodnya, 7 April 2011, pp. 4–5. 56 ‘Valer Fralow: Kto s Rossiei, kto – v Evropu’. 57 Kalyakin and Kostian in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, pp. 32, 54. 58 ‘Osobennosti evropeiskogo dialoga’. 59 Kostian in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 211. 60 Babosov in ibid., p. 43. 318 Notes

61 Kebich in ibid., p. 232. 62 Yanchevski in ibid., p. 65. 63 ‘Osobennosti evropeiskogo dialoga’. 64 Yanchevski in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 65. 65 See, for example, Igor’ Kol’chenko, ‘Vengriya ishchet mesto na skam’e dolzhnikov’, Sovetskaya Belarus’, 23 November 2011, p. 3. 66 Abramova in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, pp. 25–26. 67 Irina Maltseva, ‘Po kom plakat?’ Po sebe’, Narodnaya volya, 7 October 2011, p. 5. 68 Irina Maltseva, ‘Evrosoyuz: Printsyp zashchity ot duraka’, ibid., 4 October 2011, p. 5. 69 Sergei Ivanov, ‘Pochemu estontsam udalos’ proiti put’ v Evropu bystro i otnositel’no bezboleznenno?’, ibid., 23 December 2011, p. 5. 70 Ales Drabchuk, ‘Vyzhivut li Evro i ES’, ibid., 21 September 2011, p. 5. 71 Lukashenka, ‘Doklad Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ A. G. Lukashenko na vtorom Vsebelorusskom narodnom sobranii’. 72 Lukashenka, ‘Vystuplenie Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ A. G. Lukashenko: “Vneshnyaya politika Respubliki Belarus’ v novom mire”’. 73 Sergei Martynov, ‘Stenogramma interv’yu Ministra inostrannykh del Respubliki Belarus’ S. Martynova agenstvu Reuter’, 14 March 2006, at http://www.pravo.by/ showtext.asp?1142354773439, last accessed 22 February 2011. 74 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii s rukovoditelyami belorusskikh zagranuchrezhdenii’, Belarus’ segodnya, 2 August 2006, pp.1–5, at p. 4. 75 Lukashenka, ‘Lektsiya “Istoricheskii vybor Respubliki Belarus’”’. 76 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Poslanie Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ Aleksandra Lukashenko k belorusskomu narodu i Parlamentu Respubliki Belarus’’, 16 April 2003, Belarus’ segodnya, 17 April 2003, pp. 3–6, at p. 3. 77 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Poslanie Prezidenta Belarusi Aleksandra Lukashenko Parlamentu’, 14 April 2004, Belarus’ segodnya, 15 April 2004, pp. 1–4, at p. 1. 78 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii s rukovoditelyami belorusskikh zagranuchrezhdenii’, 1 August 2006, Belarus’ segodnya, 2 August 2006, pp. 1–5, at p. 4. 79 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Nash istoricheskii vybor – nezavisimaya, sil’naya i protsvetayushaya Belarus’’, Belarus’ segodnya, 7 December 2010, pp. 1–9, at p. 8. 80 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Poslanie Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ Aleksandra Lukashenko k belorusskomu narodu i Natsional’nomu sobraniyu’, Belarus’ segodnya, 21 April 2010, pp. 1–11, at p. 8. 81 Zhanna Litvina, in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 84. 82 Zianon Paznyak, ‘Zakhad – Belarus’ – Raseia’, 2005, available at http://web. archive.org/web/20090915143255/http://www.zianonpazniak.de/publications/ articles/westbelarusrussia.htm, last accessed 28 January 2012. 83 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 116. 84 Ibid., p. 49. 85 Partyia BNF, ‘Pragrama Partyi BNF’, 2002. 86 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 185. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid., p. 104. 89 Alyaksandr Milinkevich, ‘Sdelaem Belarus’ nastoyashchei Evropoi!’ (election man- ifesto), 2010, available at http://by.milinkevich.org/forfreedom/tezisy/, last accessed 23 February 2011. 90 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 103. 91 Ibid., p. 116. Notes 319

92 Partiya BNF, ‘Pragrama Partyi BNF’ (2002), available at http://narodny. org/?p=1116, last accessed 3 July 2014. 93 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 114. 94 Rukh.by, ‘Milinkevich: Eto budet soyuz nedemokraticheskikh stran’, 18 November 2011, available at http://www.pyx.by/rus/novosti/mir/1464/, last accessed 25 February 2012. 95 Fralow in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 119. 96 Kebich in ibid., p. 109. 97 ‘Valer Fralow: Kto s Rossiei, kto – v Evropu.’ 98 Communist Party of Belarus, ‘Programma partii’. 99 ‘Valer Fralow: Kto s Rossiei, kto – v Evropu.’ 100 Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, pp. 242–243. 101 Ibid., p. 35. 102 Svetlana Kalinkina, ‘Putin khvalit s namekami’, Narodnaya volya, 21 October 2011, p. 1. 103 Lyabeddzka in Belarus’: ni Evropa, ni Rossiya, p. 83. 104 Kalinkina in ibid., p. 80. 105 Ibid., pp. 120–121. 106 Ibid., p. 93. 107 Ibid., p. 102. 108 Ob”edinennaya Grazhdanskaya Partiya, ‘Programma Partii’, 2006, available online at http://www.ucpb.org/party/party-programme, last accessed 10 February 2011. 109 Kalinkina, ‘Putin khvalit s namekami’. 110 Alyaksandr Kozulin, ‘Belarus’ budet zolotym mostom mezhdu Rossiei i Zapadom’, 6 February 2006, available at http://news.tut.by/elections/63834.html, last accessed 24 January 2012. 111 Alyaksandr Kozulin, ‘Predvybornaya programma Aleksandra Vladislavovicha Kozulina’, 26 February 2006, available at http://bsdp.org/?q=be/node/420, last accessed 24 January 2012. 112 Lukashenka, ‘Doklad Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ A. G. Lukashenko na vtorom Vsebelorusskom narodnom sobranii’. 113 Lukashenka, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii s rukovoditelyami belorusskikh zagranuchrezhdenii’. 114 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Nash istoricheskii vybor – nezavisimaya, sil’naya i protsvetayushaya Belarus’’, p. 8. 115 Ibid. 116 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Privetstvie Prezidenta A. G. Lukashenko ot imeni evro- peiskoi gruppy stran na XIV sammite stran – chlenov Dvizheniya neprisoed- ineniya’, Belarus’ segodnya, 20 September 2006, p. 2. 117 Ibid. 118 Lukashenka, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii s rukovoditelyami belorusskikh zagranuchrezhdenii’. 119 Lukashenka, ‘Nash istoricheskii vybor – nezavisimaya, sil’naya i protsvetayush- aya Belarus’’, p. 8. 120 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Interv’yu avstriiskoi gazete Die Presse’, 12 July 2009, available at http://www.president.gov.by/press74668.html#doc, last accessed 22 February 2011. 121 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Vneshnyaya politika Respubliki Belarus’ v novom mire’, 22 July 2004, available online at http://www.president.gov.by/press18726. html, last accessed 22 February 2011. 320 Notes

122 Lukashenka, ‘Vystuplenie na soveshchanii s rukovoditelyami belorusskikh zagranuchrezhdenii’, 2006. 123 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Stenogramma press-konferentsii predstavitelyam belo- russkikh SMI’, 30 December 2009, available online at http://www.president.gov. by/press106760.html#doc, last accessed 22 February 2011. 124 Lukashenka, ‘Nash istoricheskii vybor – nezavisimaya, sil’naya i protsvetayush- aya Belarus’’, p. 8. 125 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Interv’yu Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ A. Lukashenko informatsionnomu agenstvu Reuter’, 4 May 2010, available at http://www.presi- dent.gov.by/press88425.html#doc, last accessed 22 February 2011. 126 Alyaksandr Lukashenka, ‘Poslanie Prezidenta Respubliki Belarus’ Aleksandra Lukashenko k belorusskomu narodu i Natsional’nomu sobraniyu’, 21 April 2010, Belarus’ segodnya, 21 April 2010, pp. 1–11, at p. 9. 127 Ibid. 128 Lukashenka, ‘O sud’bakh nashei integratsii’.

7 Mass Publics and Foreign Policy Preferences

1 The ‘Almond-Lippmann consensus’ is identified in Ole Holsti, ‘Public opinion and foreign policy: challenges to the Almond-Lippmann consensus’, International Studies Quarterly, vol. 36, no. 4 (December 1992), pp. 439–466. 2 Gabriel A. Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1950), pp. 53, 69. 3 Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922), pp. 30, 248. 4 Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, revised 5th edn (New York: Knopf, 1978), p. 153. For another celebrated realist, E. H. Carr, public opinion between the wars had been ‘almost as often wrong-headed as it was impotent’ (The Twenty Years’ Crisis 1919–1939. An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1939), pp. 50–51). Public opinion had been ‘destructively wrong at the critical junctures’, Lippmann wrote elsewhere, and it was a ‘danger- ous master of decision when the stakes are life and death’ (Essays in the Public Philosophy (Boston: Little, Brown, 1955), p. 20). 5 See http://www.gallup.com/poll/1675/most-important-problem.aspx, last accessed 2 March 2013 (it was an open-ended question and more than one response was permitted). Even when invited to select from a short list of seven items, one of them ‘the war in Afghanistan’, another survey found that ‘the economy’ accounted for 52 per cent of responses, followed by the ‘budget deficit’ (18 per cent) and ‘health care’ (14 per cent); the war in Afghanistan was top of the list for only 3 per cent (see http://www.pollingreport.com/prioriti.htm, last accessed 3 March 2013). 6 See http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/2967/ EconomistIpsos-MORI-May-2012-Issues-Index.aspx, last accessed 3 March 2013. 7 Almond, American People and Foreign Policy, pp. 53, 71, 74 (Pearl Harbor), pp. 73, 77 (Italy). 8 Milton J. Rosenberg, Sidney Verba and Philip E. Converse, Vietnam and the Silent Majority: The Dove’s Guide (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), p. 36. 9 http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/poll. aspx?oItemID=56&view=wide, last accessed 3 March 2013. 10 Almond, American People and Foreign Policy, pp. 69–70 (Almond referred to conti- nuity in public office ‘in other countries’, not just Europe). Notes 321

11 See Michael Dimock and Samuel Popkin, ‘Political knowledge in comparative perspective’, in Shanto Iyengar and Richard Reeves, eds, Do the Media Govern? (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1997), pp. 217–224. 12 Shanto Iyengar et al., ‘Cross-national versus individual-level differences in politi- cal information: a media systems perspective’, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, vol. 20, no. 3 (August 2010), pp. 291–309, at p. 300. 13 Adam J. Berinsky, In Time of War: Understanding American Public Opinion from World War II to Iraq (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), pp. 208, 208–209, 210. 14 As Rosenberg et al., Vietnam and the Silent Majority, put it, ‘public opinion does influence policy – though not always directly, not always immediately. And not with equal influence exerted by all separate sectors of the general public’ (p. 12). They also document the ‘steady growth in disillusionment’ with the war (p. 36). 15 Ole R. Holsti, American Public Opinion on the Iraq War (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2011), in a necessarily provisional judgement, finds that survey evi- dence on the state of public opinion played a ‘very limited role in the policy-making process’ but that this was not to say that the administration was ‘indifferent’, while surveys themselves showed a ‘growing public disenchantment’ (pp. 142, 147). 16 This was ‘perhaps the best supported empirical hypothesis that contemporary International Relations can offer’ (Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations (London: Macmillan and New York: St Martin’s, 1997), p. 225). 17 NATO membership was another issue that was regularly placed before a national electorate. In Spain, the incoming Socialist government in the 1980s agreed that NATO membership would be determined by a national referendum, which took place in 1986; there was a referendum in Hungary on NATO membership in 1997, which was also supportive. For a comprehensive review, see Matt Qvortrup, ed., Referendums around the World: The Continued Growth of Direct Democracy (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave, 2014). 18 See http://www.russiavotes.org/national_issues/national_issues_society.php#667, last accessed 2 March 2013 (N = 1601, fieldwork 10–13 August 2012). 19 See Public Opinion Survey Residents of Ukraine, carried out for the International Republican Institute by Rating Group Ukraine, at http://www.iri.org/sites/default/ files/2012%20July%2023%20Survey%20of%20Ukrainian%20Public%20 Opinion%2C%20May%2011-June%202%2C%202012.pdf, last accessed 7 March 2013 (fieldwork took place between 11 May and 2 June and the number of respon- dents was 1200). In another formulation, Ukrainian public opinion was described as ‘divided, passive, and not terribly concerned with foreign affairs’ (Victor Chudowsky and Taras Kuzio, ‘Does public opinion matter in Ukraine? The case of foreign policy’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, vol. 36, no. 3 (September 2001), pp. 273–290, at p. 274). 20 See http://www.iiseps.org/data08-0432.html, last accessed 4 March 2013 (field- work took place between the 2 and 12 December 2008 poll and the number of respondents was 1522). 21 See, for instance, Dmitri Medvedev’s message to his Ukrainian counterpart in Izvestiya, 12 August 2009, pp. 1–2. 22 Ole R. Holsti, Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy, revised edn (Ann Arbor: University of Michingan Press, 2004), p. 298. 23 We raise some of these issues in our first chapter (pp. 21–29). Particularly relevant discussions include Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Iver B. Neumann, Uses of The Other: ‘The East’ in European 322 Notes

Identity Formation (Manchester: Manchester University Press and Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); and Ray Taras, ed., Russia’s Identity in International Relations: Images, Perceptions, Misperceptions (London and New York: Routledge, 2013). 24 For a comprehensive review of survey findings in the early postcommunist years, see Matthew Wyman, Public Opinion in Postcommunist Russia (London: Macmillan and New York: St Martin’s, 1997); there are more analytically oriented discussions in James Alexander, Political Culture in Post-Communist Russia: Formlessness and Recreation in a Traumatic Transition (Basingstoke: Macmillan and New York: St Martin’s, 2000), and Ellen Carnaghan, Out of Order: Russian Political Values in an Imperfect World (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007). Cross-national survey research including but not limited to East European coun- tries has meanwhile become increasingly feasible: for an inventory, see Kazimierz M. Slomczynski and Irina Tomescu-Dubrow, ‘Representation of post-communist European countries in cross-national public opinion surveys’, Problems of Post- Communism, vol. 53, no. 4 (July–August 2006), pp. 42–52. 25 Richard A. Krueger, Focus Groups: A Practical Guide for Applied Research, 2nd edn (Thousand Oaks, CA, and London: Sage, 1994), p. 238. There is a substantial methodological literature: for representative recent discussions see for instance Rosaline Barbour, Doing Focus Groups (Thousand Oaks, CA, and London: Sage, 2007), Monique M. Hennink, International Focus Group Research. A Handbook for the Health and Social Sciences (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), and the comprehensive collection that is brought together in Graham R. Walden, ed., Focus Group Research, 4 vols (Thousand Oaks, CA, and London: Sage, 2012). There is also a (somewhat derivative) Russian-language lit- erature, which includes S. A. Belanovsky, Metod fokus-grupp (Moscow: Nikkolo- Media, 2001) and O. T. Mel’nikova, Fokus-gruppy: metody, metodologiya, modelirovanie (Moscow: Aspekt Press, 2007). 26 Popular orientations towards foreign policy issues are considered in Neil Munro, ‘Which way does Ukraine face? Popular orientations toward Russia and Western Europe’, Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 54, no. 6 (November–December 2007), pp. 43–58, and Nathaniel Copsey, Public Opinion and the Making of Foreign Policy in the ‘New Europe’. A Comparative Study of Poland and Ukraine (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009). The implications of Ukraine’s cultural diversity for its geopolitical choices are spelled out in, for instance, Larissa M. L. Zaleska Onyshkevych and Maria G. Rewakowicz, eds, Contemporary Ukraine on the Cultural Map of Europe (Armonk, NY and London: Sage, 2009). 27 Table 7.1 ‘Feeling European’ in Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, 2000–14

Belarus Ukraine Russia

00 04 06 09 11 00 04 06 07 10 12 00 05 08 10 12 14 Yes, 1691110138 6 6 5 8 9187 8 5 7 7 often Yes, 34 25 29 30 33 26 20 22 23 19 20 34 18 19 21 21 22 sometimes Rarely 38 17 30 21 21 57 14 16 15 21 20 28 14 16 17 18 20 Not at all 37 24 31 28 49 50 49 47 40 19 54 47 49 44 45 DK/NA 12 13 7 8 5 8 12 7 8 5 11 2 8 11 8 9 6 N 1090 1599 1000 1000 1000 1600 2000 1600 1200 1200 1200 1940 2000 2000 2000 1605 1602

Note: The question wording was as in Figure 7.1 (rounded percentages). Source: as in Figure 7.1. Notes 323

28 In 2012, 41 per cent of Russians chose ‘Brussels’ as the EU headquarters from a list of five European capitals, but 46 per cent did not know or declined to answer; 56 per cent of Ukrainian respondents in 2010 chose Brussels, as compared with 35 per cent who did not know or declined to answer; and in Belarus in 2011, 55 per cent chose Brussels and 34 per cent did not know or declined to answer. In Russia in 2010, 39 per cent correctly identified the EU as a ‘political and economic associa- tion of European countries’ (the question was not asked in 2012); the correspond- ing figure in Ukraine in 2010 was 61 per cent and 59 per cent in Belarus in 2011. 29 Table 7.2 Attitudes to EU membership in Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, 2000–14

Belarus Ukraine Russia

00 04 06 09 11 00 04 06 07 10 12 00 05 08 10 12 14 Very good 22 26 17 17 22 23 19 17 17 21 21 12 19 13 8 7 4 Good 31 34 30 35 39 34 35 30 36 37 29 35 36 20 23 17 14 Neutral – – – – – – – – – – – 37 – 36 41 40 40 Negative 11 8 18 19 17 7 11 17 15 15 10 9 12 8 10 11 15 Very 4 3 8 10 5 4 6 18 8 9 19 2 7 4 4 9 15 negative DK/NA 31 30 28 19 17 32 29 19 24 18 21 4 26 20 15 16 12 N 1090 1599 1000 1000 1000 1590 2000 1600 1200 1200 1197 1940 2000 2000 2000 1605 1602

Note: the question wording was as in Table 7.2 (rounded percentages). Source: as in Figure 7.1.

30 In our 2012 Russia survey, 3 per cent were ‘very’ and another 16 per cent ‘some- what positive’, 50 per cent were neutral, 7 per cent were ‘very’ and 3 per cent ‘very negative’, and a substantial 23 per cent were unable or unwilling to answer. 31 Kubicek, for instance, found age, changes in income (but not incomes themselves) and location to be statistically significant predictors of foreign policy orientations in Ukraine (Paul Kubicek, ‘Regional polarisation in Ukraine: public opinion, vot- ing and legislative behaviour’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 52, no. 2 (March 2000), pp. 273–294, at p. 282). Earlier work by the present authors has also suggested that age, as well as education, location, economic circumstances and gender, makes a difference (Stephen White, Ian McAllister and Margot Light, ‘Enlargement and the new outsiders’, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 40, no. 1 (March 2002), pp. 135–153, at pp. 143–144), and (in Ukraine) language or cultural factors (Stephen White, Ian McAllister and Valentina Feklyunina, ‘Belarus, Russia and Ukraine: East or West?’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 12, no. 3 (August 2010), pp. 344–367, at pp. 355 and 358–359). 32 ‘Poslanie Federal’nomu Sobraniyu Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 26 April 2005, pp. 3–4, at p. 3. On ‘Soviet nostalgia’ more generally see Stephen White, ‘Communist nostalgia and its consequences in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine’, in David Lane, ed., The Transformation of State Socialism. System Change, Capitalism or Something Else? (London and New York: Palgrave, 2007), pp. 35–56, and Stephen White, ‘Soviet nostalgia and Russian politics’, Journal of Eurasian Studies, vol. 1, no. 1 (January 2010), pp. 1–9. 33 Proposals of this kind had considerable support in public discussions; wealthy businessman and 2012 presidential candidate Mikhail Prokhorov, for instance, pressed through his political party ‘Civic Platform’ for the establishment of migrant camps where incomers would be obliged to prepare for a life in the wider community (‘Prokhorov gotovit lagerya dlya migrantov’, Izvestiya, 13 February 2013, p. 1). 34 See http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/, last accessed 14 April 2013. 324 Notes

35 Table 7.4 Regret for the demise of the USSR, 2003–14

Belarus Ukraine Russia

04 06 11 04 06 07 10 12 03 05 08 10 12 14 Entirely agree 25 12 12 35 18 25 20 16 38 41 29 24 25 24 Agree to 29 27 26 22 23 23 25 27 25 25 28 10 30 29 some extent Disagree to 20 28 31 19 26 18 27 26 20 19 23 24 26 23 some extent Entirely 14 21 23 17 23 22 20 20 11 10 10 34 11 12 disagree DK/NA 12 11 7 8 9 12 8 11 6 5 11 7 9 12 N 1599 1000 1000 2000 1600 1200 1200 1197 2000 2000 2000 2015 1605 1602

Note: The question wording was as in Figure 7.3. Source: as in Figure 7.3.

36 Table 7.5 Preferred political system, three countries, 2010–12

Russia 2012 Ukraine 2010 Belarus 2011 The Soviet system 16 14 8 A more democratic Soviet system 28 32 19 Current political system 27 19 33 Western democracy 16 34 30 Other/DK/NA 12 7 10

Note: The question wording was, ‘Which of the following political systems would be the most appropriate [priemlemaya] for [country]? The Soviet system that we had before perestroika; the Soviet system, but in a different, more democratic form; the political system that exists today; democracy of the Western kind; other [write in]; hard to say; refused to answer’. Source: as in Figure 7.1.

37 Table 7.6 Support for CIS integration, 2003–14

Belarus Ukraine Russia

04 06 09 11 04 06 07 10 12 03 05 08 10 12 14 CIS should unite 25 17 12 10 27 16 18 14 13 39 39 28 22 25 22 into a single state Should cooperate 52 52 55 56 54 55 52 58 48 38 38 36 43 37 36 more closely Cooperation should 8 19 22 21 7 15 14 12 19 12 10 16 21 19 19 remain the same Should cooperate 112432353222356 less CIS should be 522432555243343 dissolved DK/NA 10 9 7 5 7 10 8 6 11 7 8 14 9 10 14 N 1599 1000 1000 1000 2000 1600 1200 1200 1197 2000 2000 2000 2015 1605 1602

Note: The question wording was as in Figure 7.4. Source: as in Figure 7.1. Notes 325

38 The question wording in 2000 was, ‘What do you think about the unification of all the member countries of the CIS? Much better to leave state boundaries as they now are; somewhat better to leave state boundaries as they now are; wouldn’t make any difference; somewhat better to form a single state; much better to form a single state; other; don’t know; no answer.’ 39 Table 7.8 Foreign policy choices, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, 2010–12

Belarus 2011 Ukraine 2010 Russia 2012 With the Western countries 9 9 10 With the CIS countries 20 27 16 Equally with both 69 62 68 Hard to say/No answer 3 2 6

Note: Question wording was, ‘Should [country] develop partnership relations more with the Western countries than with the CIS countries, or equally with the Western and the CIS countries? With the countries of the West; with the countries of the CIS; equally with both; hard to say; no answer’ (rounded percentages). Source: as in Figure 7.1.

40 The ‘friendly’ or ‘somewhat friendly’ responses contrasted with the ‘unfriendly’ or ‘somewhat unfriendly’ responses, respectively, in our 2012 survey as follows (rounded percentages): Azerbaijan 69:16; Armenia 76:11; Belarus 76:13; Estonia 30:57; Georgia 13:73; Kazakhstan 80:8; Kyrgyzstan 69:14; Latvia 31:57; Lithuania 30:58; Moldova 65:17; Tajikistan 62:20; Turkmenistan 61:19; Ukraine 46:41; Uzbekistan 64:17. 41 Table 7.9 Which historical path? Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, 2010–14

Belarus 2011 Ukraine 2010 Russia 2014 A common European path 39 35 15 Return to the Soviet path 7 13 17 Our own special path 50 47 60 DK/NA 4 5 7

Note: The question wording was, ‘What do you think,which historical path should [country] follow? The common path in the contemporary world of European civilisation; return to the path of the Soviet Union; follow our own, special path; don’t know/no answer.’ Source: as in Table 7.8.

8 Conclusion: Identities and Foreign Policies in the Other Europes

1 Valer Chaly and Mikhail Pashkov, ‘Ukraina-ES: nekotorye razmyshleniya nakanune kievskogo sammita’, Zerkalo nedeli, no. 33, 8 September 2007. 2 Anton Buteiko, ‘Vnutrennaya “Odisseya” vneshnei politiki’, ibid., no. 34, 6 September 2003. 3 Kommersant, 8 May 2007, Guide no. 77, ‘Rossiya i Evropeiskii Soyuz’, p. 23. 4 See, for example, Aleksandr Konovalov, President of the Institute of Strategic Studies, ‘Menya trevozhit iskrennyaya nezavisimost’ shirokoi publiki k Amerike’, 326 Notes

in I. M. Klyamkin, ed., Rossiya i Zapad. Vneshnyaya politika Kremlya glazami liberalov (Moscow: Fond Liberal’naya missiya, 2009), pp. 18–23, at p. 22. 5 Peter J. Katzenstein and Jeffrey T. Checkel, ‘Conclusion – European identity in context’, in Jeffrey T. Checkel and Peter J. Katzenstein, eds, European Identity (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 213. 6 Sergei Karaganov, ‘Rossiya i Evropa: vmeste ili po sosedstvu?’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 2 September 2004, p. 6. 7 Holly Case in Jeffrey T. Checkel and Peter J. Katzenstein, eds, European Identity (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 126. 8 EUROSTAT, ‘EU Bilateral Trade and Trade with the World: Russia’, at http://trade. ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/september/tradoc_113440.pdf, last accessed 5 April 2013. 9 EUROSTAT, ‘‘EU Bilateral Trade and Trade with the World: Ukraine’, at http:// trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/september/tradoc_113459.pdf, last accessed 5 April 2013. 10 EUROSTAT, ‘‘EU Bilateral Trade and Trade with the World: Belarus’, at http://trade. ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/september/tradoc_113351.pdf, last accessed 5 April 2013. 11 See, for example, Margarita M. Balmaceda, Energy Dependency, Politics and Corruption in the Former Soviet Union (London: Routledge, 2008). 12 Oxford Analytica, ‘Prospects for the Russian economy in 2013’, 2 November 2012, at http://www.oxan.com/Analysis/DailyBrief/Samples/RussianEconomy2013.aspx, last accessed 22 December 2012. 13 The World Bank, ‘Energy imports’, at http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ EG.IMP.CONS.ZS?page=3, last accessed 21 December 2012. 14 Yelena Rakova, ‘Energy sector: Rent cuts’, Belarusian Yearbook 2009 (Minsk: Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies, 2009), p. 259. 15 The World Bank, ‘Energy imports’, at http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ EG.IMP.CONS.ZS?page=3, last accessed 21 December 2012. 16 The World Bank, ‘World development indicators: Russian Federation’, at http:// data.worldbank.org/country/russian-federation#cp_wdi, last accessed 4 January 2014. 17 Verkhovna Rada Ukraini, ‘Pro Osnovi napryami zovnishnoi politiki Ukraini’, Vidomosti Verkhovnoi Rady Ukrainy, no. 37, 1993, art. 379, 2 July 1993. 18 Mikhail A. Molchanov, ‘Ukraine and the European Union: A perennial neigh- bour?’, Journal of European Integration, vol. 26, no. 4 (December 2004), pp. 451–473, at p. 451. 19 Verkhovna Rada Ukraini, ‘Zakon Ukraini Pro zasadi vnutrishnoi i zovnishnoi poli- tiki’, 1 July 2010, in Vidomosti Verkhovnoi Rady Ukrainy, no. 40 (2010), art. 527. 20 Razumkov Centre, ‘EU-Ukraine-Russia: Political Dimension of Relations’, National Security and Defence, nos 4–5 (2012), p. 4. 21 Valeria Kostyugova and Anatoly Pankovsky, ‘Russian-Belarusian relations: Ultimate dependence’, Belarusian Yearbook 2010 (Minsk: Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies, 2010), p. 71. 22 Dzianis Melyantsou, ‘In the shadow of December 19: Belarus-EU relations’, Belarusian Yearbook 2011 (Minsk: Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies, 2011), p. 68. 23 International Monitoring, January–April 2011 (Minsk: Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies), p. 3. 24 Alyona Rybkina, ‘Energy sector: On the way to selling all assets’, Belarusian Yearbook 2011 (Minsk: Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies, 2011), pp. 239–245. Notes 327

25 International Monitoring, July–August 2012 (Minsk: Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies), p. 3. 26 Ibid. 27 Fedor Luk’yanov, ‘Vneshnyaya politika: konets edinoglasiya?’, Rossiya v global’noi politike, vol. 10, no. 3 (May–June 2012), pp. 5–6, at p. 5. 28 Ibid. 29 In the same survey, the ‘South’ was the most strongly hostile (6 per cent were in favour of membership but 64 per cent opposed), and the ‘West’ was the most posi- tive (16 per cent were opposed but 33 per cent in favour). 30 ‘Parizhskaya khartiya dlya novoi Evropy’, Pravda, 22 November 1990, pp. 1, 3, at p. 1. 31 Russia’s admission (by an overwhelming majority) was reported in ‘Rossiyu prin- yali v Sovet Evropy v vospitatel’nykh tselyakh’, Izvestiya, 27 January 1996, pp. 1, 3, at p. 3. For the foundation document, see Statute of the Council of Europe, London, 5th May, 1949 (UK House of Commons: Parliamentary Papers, Session 1948–1949, Treaty Series no. 51 (1949), Cmd 7778). 32 Ukraine’s admission into the Council of Europe was approved by a parliamentary vote in October 1995 (‘Pro pryiedannia Ukrainy do Statutu Rady Yevropy’, Vidomosti Verkhovnoi Rady Ukrainy, no. 38, 1995, art. 287). It acceded to the European Convention on Human Rights in September 1997, and Russia did so the following year (Sobranie zakonodatel’stva Rossiiskoi Federatsii, no. 14, item 1514, 30 March 1998). Belarus applied for Council of Europe membership in March 1993, but discussions were suspended in January 1997; as of 2013 it was a state-party to nine Council of Europe legal instruments (http://www.mfa.gov.by/en/organiza- tions/membership/list/bceb2bae0fb895c5.html, last accessed 26 January 2013). 33 Russia’s IMF membership was reported in Otto Latsis, ‘S opozdaniem na 47 let’, Izvestiya, 28 April 1992, p. 1 (membership had been agreed in 1944 but never rati- fied); Belarus became a member in July and Ukraine in September 1992. 34 Above, p. 249. 35 See http://www.kyivpost.com/content/russia-and-former-soviet-union/lukash- enko-eu-us-impeding-belarusian-admission-to-wto-314093.html, 8 October 2012, last accessed 1 December 2012. 36 A. V. Kozyrev, Preobrazhenie (Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 1995), pp. 211, 212. 37 Andrei V. Kozyrev, ‘Russia and human rights’, Slavic Review, vol. 51, no. 2 (Summer 1992), pp. 287–293, at pp. 287 and 289; similarly in Andrei Kozyrev, ‘Russia: A chance for survival’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 71, no. 2 (Spring 1992), pp. 1–16. 38 Andrei Kozyrev, ‘Rossiya i SShA: Partnerstvo ne prezhdevremenno, a zapazdyvaet’, Izvestiya, 11 March 1994, p. 3. Kozyrev set out the same views for a Western audience in ‘The lagging partnership’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 73, no. 3 (May–June 1994), pp. 59–71. 39 Romano Prodi, Europe As I See It, trans. Allan Cameron (Cambridge: Polity, 2000), p. 23. 40 To quote from the Laeken Declaration on the Future of the Union that was adopted at the European Council in December 2001 (Bulletin of the European Union [hereafter Bulletin], no. 12, 2001, pp. 19–23, at p. 20). 41 Bulletin, no. 12 (1973), pp. 118–122. 42 ‘Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty estab- lishing the European Community, signed at Lisbon, 13 December 2007’, Official Journal of the European Union (17 December 2007), C306, at p. C306/11. The same wording had already been used to define ‘the Union’s values’ in the ‘Constitution 328 Notes

for Europe’ of 2004 that had been rejected by French and Dutch voters in 2005, and then abandoned (Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2005), p. 17). According to a Eurobarometer survey in 2008, a plurality of EU citizens (44 per cent) thought there were, in fact, ‘no common European values, only common western values’; the values to which they attached the highest priority themselves were peace (45 per cent), human rights (42 per cent) and respect for human life (41 per cent), all of them well ahead of democracy (27 per cent), the rule of law and individual freedoms (both 21 per cent). See Eurobarometer 69, 2008, at http:// ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb69/eb69_values_en.pdf, last accessed 9 February 2013, pp. 10, 14. 43 Jacques Delors in the Bulletin, no. 9 (1985), p. 8. 44 Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, ‘Europe’s contested democracy’, in Michelle Cini and Nieves Perez-Solorzano Borragan, eds, European Union Politics, 3rd edn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 378–379 (some emphases removed). For more extended discussions see, for instance, Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Democracy in the European Union (London: Tauris, 2000), and Alex Warleigh, Democracy and the European Union: Theory, Practice, and Reform (London: Sage, 2003). In the absence of a competition for control of political power at the European level, Simon Hix has suggested, the EU was ‘closer to a form of enlightened despotism than a genu- ine democracy’ (What’s Wrong with the European Union and How to Fix It (Cambridge: Polity, 2008), p. 85). 45 John Gillingham, Design for a New Europe (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 1, 39. 46 Peter Mair, Popular Sovereignty and the EU Polity (European Governance Papers no. C-05-03, 2005, at http://www.ihs.ac.at/publications/lib/ep3.pdf, last accessed 10 December 2012), pp. 4, 9. There is a fuller account in Peter Mair, Ruling the Void: The Hollowing-Out of Western Democracy (London and New York: Verso, 2013). 47 See Nicolaus Heinen, EU Net Contributor of Net Recipient. Just a Matter of Your Standpoint? (Deutsche Bank Research, May 2011), at http://www.dbresearch.com/ PROD/DBR_INTERNET_EN-PROD/PROD0000000000273546.pdf, last accessed 25 January 2013. 48 There was no referendum in Cyprus. 49 Treaty on European Union (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1992), pp. 8, 123–124. The CFSP also made provision for the ‘security of the Union, including the eventual framing of a defence policy, which might in time lead to a common defence’ (p. 126); this was the ‘first official reference to defence as an EU policy objective, even though it was hedged with various qualifications’ (Fraser Cameron, An Introduction to European Foreign Policy, 2nd edn (London and New York: Routledge, 2012), p. 35). 50 OJ L157/1, 24 June 1999 (Russia) and OJ L331/1, 23 December 1999 (Ukraine). 51 See http://aei.pitt.edu/4220/1/4220.pdf, art. 5, last accessed 29 December 2012. 52 Bulletin, no. 11 (1991), p. 81; the text of the ‘Resolution of the Council and of the Member States meeting in Council on human rights, democracy and develop- ment’ is in ibid. pp. 122–123. 53 Treaty on European Union, p. 60. 54 Although it was ‘not a day for sound-bites’, this was what British Prime Minister Tony Blair was reported to have declared as he arrived at Hillsborough Castle in Northern Ireland to complete the signing of the Good Friday agreement of 1998 (The Herald (Glasgow), 9 April 1998, p. 21). 55 The locus classicus is Francis Fukuyama, ‘The end of history?’, National Interest, vol. 16 (Summer 1989), pp. 3–18. Notes 329

56 ‘A secure Europe in a better world’, European Security Strategy, Brussels, 12 December 2003, pp. 1, 10, 13, 14, at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUp- load/78367.pdf, last accessed 4 January 2013. 57 See in particular Ian Manners, ‘Normative power Europe: a contradiction in terms?’, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 40, no. 2 (June 2002), pp. 235–258. For a more sceptical view see, for instance, Adrian Hyde-Price, ‘A “tragic actor”? A realist perspective on “ethical power Europe”’, International Affairs, vol. 84, no. 1 (January 2008), pp. 29–44, who notes that if the EU were, for instance, to act ‘ethi- cally’ by reforming the Common Agricultural Policy, more than 140 million peo- ple in the developing world could be lifted out of poverty (p. 32). The continuing debate is reflected in Richard G. Whitman, ed., Normative Power Europe: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). 58 Several made the comparison directly, and without embarrassment. ‘The trans- mission of the European miracle to the rest of the world has become Europe’s new mission civilisatrice’, suggested the commentator Robert Kagan (Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order (New York: Knopf, 2003), p. 61). EU enlargement is presented in similar terms in Andrew Linklater, ‘A European civi- lizing process?’, in Christopher Hill and Michael Smith, eds, International Relations and the European Union, 2nd edn (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 435–457. The EU in Africa has been described as a ‘“civilising power”, partly re-activating its imperial legacies of the 19th century’ (Gabi Schlag, ‘Into the “Heart of Darkness”: EU’s Civilising Mission in the DR Congo’, Journal of International Relations and Development, vol. 15, no. 3 (July 2012), pp. 321–344, at p. 337). 59 Manners, ‘Normative power Europe’, pp. 252 and 245. 60 Lisbeth Aggestam, ‘Introduction: ethical power Europe?’, International Affairs, vol. 84, no. 1 (January 2008), pp. 1–11, at p. 1 (the article itself avoids such question- begging assumptions). 61 ‘Vystuplenie Prezidenta Rossii Boris El’tsina’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 14 February 1992, pp. 1–3, at p. 1. 62 ‘Poslednii voennyi prizyv’, Krasnaya zvezda, 12 February 1992, p. 1. 63 Diplomaticheskii vestnik, nos 13–14 (15–31 July 1992), pp. 5–7, at p. 5 (17 June 1992). 64 Kozyrev, ‘Russia: A chance for survival’, pp. 4, 3, 9, 12. 65 A. V. Kozyrev, ‘Vneshnyaya politika preobrazhayushcheisya Rossii’, Voprosy istorii, no. 1 (1994), pp. 3–11, at p. 4. 66 V. Andrianov, ‘Ekonomicheskii potentsial Rossii’, Voprosy ekonomiki, no. 3 (1997), pp. 128–144, at pp. 129–130. 67 EBRD, Transition Report 1999. Ten Years of Transition (London: EBRD, 1999), p. 73. 68 According to Roy Medvedev there were ‘almost two hundred’ foreign staff in the State Property Committee alone at this time, managing departments directly as well as exercising a ‘very considerable influence’ on policy (Kapitalizm v Rossii? (Moscow: Prava cheloveka, 1998), p. 174). 69 See Peter Reddaway and Dmitri Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms: Market Bolshevism against Democracy (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1997), pp. 297, 548, 550 and 575; an ‘instructional’ letter from US Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers to first deputy premier Anatolii Chubais about the new government’s legislative programme aroused particular indignation when it appeared in ‘Rekomendatsii Minfina SShA vypolnyayutsya gorazdo luchshe, chem ukazy Prezidenta RF’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 26 September 1997, pp. 1–2. For a broader critique of Western (especially United States) policy during these years see Stephen F. Cohen, Failed Crusade: America and the Tragedy of Post-Communist 330 Notes

Russia (New York: Norton, 2000), and Janine Wedel, Collision and Collusion: The Strange Case of Western Aid to Eastern Europe, updated edn (New York: Palgrave, 2001). 70 ‘Values define Europe, not borders: OLLI REHN’, Financial Times, 4 January 2005, p. 15. 71 According to ‘Nas pustyat v evropeiskuyu zonu’, Izvestiya, 11 November 1993, p. 3. 72 See art. 107, OJ L327/4, 1997. 73 See art. 102, OJ L49/26, 1998. 74 See http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-95-158_en.htm?locale=en, last accessed 2 January 2013. Specifically, Article 76a of the agreement allowed either side to ‘take the appropriate measures’ if it believed the other had failed to fulfil any of its obligations; they could do so without further formality in ‘cases of spe- cial urgency’, which were defined in a separate joint declaration as including any violation of the provisions of article 2, which specified ‘respect for democracy, principles of international law, and human rights . . . as well as the principles of a market economy’. See ‘Proposal for a Council and Commission Decision on the Conclusion of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Belarus, of the other part’, COM(95) 44 final, 22 February 1995. The official Belarusian text is not identical but includes the same provisions: see ‘Soglashenie o partnerstve i sotrudnichestve mezhdu Evropeiskimi Soobshchestvami i ikh Gosudarstvami-Chlenami i Respublikoi Belarus’’, Vedomosti Verkhovnogo Soveta Respubliki Belarus’, nos 1–2 (Yanvar’ 1996), pp. 75–144; it was ratified by the Belarusian Supreme Soviet on 12 April 1995 (p. 75), but not by the EU. 75 OJ L327/18, art. 55, 1997. 76 L157/2 and 8, 1999. 77 OJ L49/15, art. 51, 1998. 78 OJ L331/3, art. 15, 1999. The ‘Common Strategy’ reiterated the commitment to the ‘progressive approximation of [Ukrainian] legislation towards that of the EU’ in articles 20 and 52 (L331/3 and 6). 79 ‘Proposal for a Council and Commission Decision’, arts 37, 59, 62. 80 Kozyrev, Preobrazhenie, p. 205. 81 S. V. Kortunov, Sovremennaya vneshnyaya politika Rossii. Strategiya izbiratel’noi vov- lechennosti (Moscow: Izdatel’skii dom Gosudarstvennogo universiteta – Vysshei shkoly ekonomiki, 2009), p. 249. 82 Ibid., p. 252. 83 N. P. Shmelev, ed., Rossiya v mnogoobrazii tsivilizatsii (Moscow: Ves’ mir, 2011), p. 418. 84 S. A. Karaganov, ed., Otnosheniya Rossii i Evropeiskogo Soyuza: sovremennaya situ- atsiya i perspektivy (Moscow 2005), pp. 21–22. 85 Shmelev, Rossiya, p. 418. 86 Export prices are from Rossiiskii statisticheskii ezhegodnik. 2011 (Moscow: Goskomstat Rossii, 2011), p. 732. Average annual growth in real GDP between 2000 and 2008 is calculated from World Development Indicators (online); the figure of 7 per cent was repeated by (among others) finance minister Aleksei Kudrin in a speech in February 2011 (www.ria.ru/economy/20110202/329378362.html, last accessed 7 February 2013). 87 Mikhail Sergeev, ‘Rossiya obgonit Britaniyu uzhe v iyune’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 12 May 2008, p. 1. Notes 331

88 Dzh. Stiglits [Joseph E. Stiglitz], ‘Kuda vedut reformy?’, Voprosy ekonomiki, no. 7 (1999), pp. 4–30, at p. 5 (translated, with some abbreviations, from Stiglitz, ‘Whither reform? Ten years of the transformation’, in Boris Pleskovic and Stiglitz, eds, Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics 1999 (Washington DC: World Bank, 2000), pp. 27–56). 89 ‘Novaya ekonomicheskaya politika dlya Rossii’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 1 July 1996, pp. 1, 4. 90 Above, pp. 79–81. 91 Igor’ Ivanov, Novaya rossiiskaya diplomatiya. Desyat’ let vneshnei politiki strany (Moscow: Olma, 2001), pp. 72–73. 92 Poslanie Prezidenta RF Vladimira Putina Federal’nomu Sobraniyu RF, ‘Kakuyu Rossiyu my stroim’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 11 July 2000, pp. 1, 3, at p. 3. 93 Ivanov, Novaya rossiiskaya diplomatiya, p. 74, slightly adapted (Ivanov employed a familiar diplomatic circumlocution in referring not to other countries by name but to the ‘richest and militarily most powerful countries’, which were evidently to be ‘more equal than others’). 94 Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, Moskovskie novosti, 27 February 2012, pp. 1, 4–6, at p. 1. 95 On the Kremlin’s perceptions, see, for instance, Jeanne L. Wilson. ‘Coloured rev- olutions: The view from Moscow and Beijing’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 25, nos 2–3 (June–September 2009), pp. 369–395. The implications of the ‘coloured revolutions’ for Russian domestic politics are con- sidered in Thomas Ambrosio, Authoritarian Backlash: Russian Resistance to Democratization in the Former Soviet Union (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), Robert Horvath, Putin’s Preventative Counter-Revolution: Post-Soviet Authoritarianism and the Spectre of Velvet Revolution (London: Routledge, 2013), and Peter Duncan, ‘Russia, the West and the 2007–8 electoral cycle: Did the Kremlin really fear a “coloured revolution”?’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 65, no. 1 (January 2013), pp. 1–25. The wider background is examined in David Lane and Stephen White, eds, Rethinking the ‘Coloured Revolutions’ (London: Routledge, 2010), Donnacha Ó Beacháin and Abel Polese, eds, The Colour Revolutions in the Former Soviet Republics: Successes and Failures (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010), Lincoln A. Mitchell, The Color Revolutions (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), and A. Yu. Naumov, V. E. Avdeev and A. O. Naumov, ‘Tsvetnye revolyutsii’ na postsovetskom prostranstve (St Petersburg: Aleteya, 2013). 96 Evgenii Primakov, Mir bez Rossii? K chemu vedet politicheskaya blizorukost’ (Moscow: Rossiiskaya gazeta, 2009), p. 199. 97 Ibid., p. 200. 98 Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, p. 6. 99 Sergei Lavrov, ‘Demokratiya, mezhdunarodnoe upravlenie i budushchee mirous- troistvo’, Rossiya v global’noi politike, vol. 2, no. 6 (2004), pp. 8–16, at p. 15. 100 See http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/newsline/2B4694CD44B6411E44257974003E 49C4, last accessed 29 January 2013. The new report was an obvious riposte to the US State Department’s ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices’, pub- lished annually since the late 1970s. 101 Report on the Human Rights Situation in the United States of America (Moscow: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 22 October 2012), p. 3, at http://www.mid.ru/bdomp/ ns-dgpch.nsf/8f29680344080938432569ea00361529/2ab49ff642baf0c244257aa 000254663!OpenDocument, last accessed 26 January 2013. 102 ‘Vladimir Putin: Otvechayu’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 21 December 2012, p. 2. 332 Notes

103 Yuri Paniev, ‘MID RF vzyalsya za prava cheloveka v Evrozone’, Nezavisimaya gazeta, 6 December 2012, p. 7. The full report may be consulted at http://www. mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/0/F6501F42C40A25EE44257ACC004971FC, last accessed 26 January 2013. 104 See http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/finance/eidhr_en.htm, last accessed 20 January 2013. The full text of the regulation is at OJ L386, 29 December 2006. A ‘European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights’ had been in operation since 1994 (see http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=COM:20 01:0252:FIN:EN:PDF, last accessed 9 February 2013, p. 13). 105 EU Annual Report on Human Rights and Democracy in the World in 2010 (Brussels: European External Action Service, 2011), at http://eeas.europa.eu/human_rights/ docs/annual_hr_report_2010_en.pdf, last accessed 9 February 2013, p. 95. 106 Brian Bennett, The Last Dictatorship in Europe: Belarus under Lukashenko (London: Hurst and New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), pp. 226–227. 107 See http://bigstory.ap.org/article/poles-help-belarus-recalling-own-repressive-past, last accessed 26 January 2013. Other broadcasters included ‘European Radio for Belarus’, which was established in 2006 with initial funding from the European Union, and a Belarusian service operated by the German station Deutsche Welle (http://belarusdigest.com/story/broadcasting-democracy-belarus-7248, last accessed 26 January 2013). 108 Ian Traynor, ‘Belarusian foils dictator-buster… for now’, Guardian (London), 14 September 2001, p. 20. 109 See www.regnum.ru/news/polit/1342741.html#ixzz2KJ6ulsju, last accessed 9 February 2013. 110 See http://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukraine/exit-polls-still-used-to-keep-elec- tions-honest-314919.html, last accessed 27 January 2013; Natalia N. Kharchenko and Volodymyr I. Paniotto, ‘Exit polling in an emerging democracy: the complex case of Ukraine’, Survey Research Methods, vol. 4, no. 1 (2010), pp. 31–42, at p. 38. 111 See http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/russia/16288, 27 January 2013, p. 4, last accessed 10 July 2014. 112 See respectively http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/russia/16293, p. 2, last accessed 10 July 2014, and http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/russia/16275, p. 2, last accessed 10 July 2014. 113 See http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/russia/21482, p. 1, last accessed 10 July 2014. 114 The OSCE’s report on the 2004 presidential election concluded that while con- ducted with ‘professionalism’, it had not, on the whole, adequately reflected the ‘principles necessary for a healthy democratic election’ including ‘treatment of candidates by the State-controlled media on a non-discriminatory basis, equal opportunities for all candidates and secrecy of the ballot’ (http://www.osce.org/ odihr/elections/russia/33101, p. 1, last accessed 10 July 2014). 115 The OSCE issued a statement on 16 November 2007 in which they regretted that the Russian authorities had been ‘unwilling to receive ODIHR observers in a timely and co-operative manner’ and would accordingly be unable to carry out their mission (http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/49175, last accessed 10 February 2013); a similar statement was issued at the time of the 2008 presiden- tial election. 116 Aleksandr Kozlovsky, ‘Kak reformirovat’ “smotryashchikh za demokratiei”’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 13 April 2011, p. 17. Notes 333

117 Meeting with Members of the Valdai International Discussion Club, Sochi, 14 September 2007, http://archive.kremlin.ru/eng/text/speeches/2007/09/14/1801_ type82917type84779_144106.shtml, last accessed 27 January 2013. 118 ‘12.00. 12.12.12. O chem govoril Prezident v Poslanii’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 13 December 2012, p. 2. 119 ‘Vladimir Putin: Rossiya na rubezhe tysyacheletiya’, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 31 December 1999, p. 5. 120 Jeremy Page, ‘Jokes backfire at G8 as leaders smart from Putin’s acid tongue’, The Times, 17 July 2006, p. 29. 121 Lavrov, ‘Demokratiya’, pp. 12–13. 122 Sergei Lavrov, Mezhdu proshlym i budushchim. Rossiiskaya diplomatiya v menyay- ushchemsya mire (Moscow: Olma, 2011), p. 194. 123 See http://rt.com/politics/lavrov-elections-observers-osce-353/, last accessed 3 February 2013. 124 ‘Vystuplenie Ministra inostrannykh del Rossii S. V. Lavrova na plenarnom zase- danii SMID OBSE, Dublin, 6 dekabrya 2012 goda’, at http://www.mid.ru/brp_4. nsf/newsline/A00C97EC9E1D3FE044257ACC004EE1B3, last accessed 14 July 2014. 125 ‘Vladimir Putin: Otvechayu.’ 126 A ‘shadow market’ in election observation was in fact a much more general phe- nomenon as regimes worldwide looked for external validation and facilitated the organisations that they regarded as the most likely to pronounce in their favour. See Judith Kelley, Monitoring Democracy: When International Election Observation Works, and Why It Often Fails (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), pp. 43–58. 127 See http://www.cikrf.ru/banners/duma_2011/international/nablud/02.doc, last accessed 10 February 2013, pp. 8–9. 128 See http://www.cikrf.ru/banners/duma_2011/international/nablud/06.doc, last accessed 10 February 2013. For the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation report, see http://www.cikrf.ru/banners/duma_2011/international/shanhay/doklad. html, last accessed 10 July 2014. 129 See http://www.cikrf.ru/news/relevant/2011/12/29/aguirre.html, last accessed 10 February 2013. 130 See http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/86959, pp. 3–4, last accessed 2 February 2013. 131 See http://www.osce.org/odihr/90461, p. 1, last accessed 10 February 2013. 132 http://www.cikrf.ru/banners/duma_2011/international/nablud/05.doc, last accessed 3 February 2013. 133 We base this part of the discussion on the notes taken by Stephen White at the OSCE press conferences in Moscow on 5 December 2011 and 5 March 2012 respectively. 134 The OSCE reported that Belarus (on the evidence of its 2010 presidential elec- tion) had a ‘considerable way to go in meeting its OSCE commitments’, and that the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan in January 2012 had ‘not [met] funda- mental principles of democratic elections’. 135 The size of the OSCE missions in 2011 and 2012 was limited by the CEC; in December 2003 there had been ‘more than 400’ OSCE observers out of a total foreign contingent of 1168 (Vybory deputatov Gosudarstvennoi Dumy Federal’nogo Sobraniya Rossiiskoi Federatsii. 2003. Elektoral’naya statistika (Moscow: Ves’ mir, 2004), p. 307). According to the CEC, just 62 per cent of the OSCE observers 334 Notes

knew Russian (Vybory deputatov Gosudarstvennoi Dumy Federal’nogo Sobraniya Rossiiskoi Federatsii shestogo sovyza 2011. Sbornik informatsionno-analiticheskikh materialov (Moscow: Ves’ mir, 2012), p. 529). 136 His precise words were: ‘Therefore I say that it is a narrow policy to suppose that this country or that is to be marked out as the eternal ally or the perpetual enemy of England. We have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and those interests it is our duty to follow’ (Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, third series, vol. 97, column 122, 1 March 1848). 137 Hungarian premier Viktor Orban, for instance, described Brussels as ‘a new Moscow’ that wanted to ‘colonise’ his country: http://www.dw.de/moving-right- in-hungary/a-16563266, last accessed 27 May 2013. On wider issues see for instance Chris J. Bickerton, ‘From Brezhnev to Brussels: transformations of sovereignty in Eastern Europe’, International Politics, vol. 46, no. 6 (November 2009), pp. 732–752. 138 OJL 49/5, 19 February 1998. 139 OJL 333/1 and 333/3, 23 December 1999. 140 The European Union and Central Asia: The New Partnership in Action (Brussels: European Communities, 2009), p. 8. 141 See Olga Kryshtanovskaya and Stephen White, ‘Putin’s militocracy’, Post-Soviet Affairs, vol. 19, no. 4 (October–December 2003), pp. 289–306. 142 ‘Problemy s soblyudeniem prav cheloveka v godusarstvakh-chlenakh Evropeiskogo Soyuza obsuzhdeny na parlamentskikh slushaniyakh v Gosdume’, http://www.duma.gov.ru/news/273/153817/, last accessed 25 May 2013. 143 Ibid. 144 ‘Narusheniya prav cheloveka v otdel’nykh stranakh mira v 2012 godu’, http:// www.mfa.gov.by/publication/reports/, last accessed 25 May 2013. 145 ‘Mirovoe soobshchestvo sochlo nakazanie Pussy Riot nesorazmernym’, 18 August 2012, http://lenta.ru/news/2012/08/17/reax/, last accessed 26 May 2013. 146 Statement by Alistair Burt, 17 August 2012, in https://www.gov.uk/government/ news/foreign-office-minister-deeply-concerned-at-pussy-riot-verdict, last accessed 26 May 2013. 147 Simon Jenkins, ‘The West’s hypocrisy over Pussy Riot is breathtaking’, Guardian, 22 August 2012, p. 28. 148 See http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-15250742, last accessed 26 May 2013. 149 See http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/sep/25/tymoshenko-trial-ukraine- european-union, last accessed 26 May 2013. 150 The European Court of Human Rights ruled subsequently that Tymoshenko’s pre-trial detention had been ‘arbitrary and unlawful’, but did not uphold her complaints of physical maltreatment; it was expected to consider her prison sen- tence later, in a separate judgement. See http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world- europe-22351931, last accessed 26 May 2013. 151 Foreign Affairs Committee: Third Report. The FCO’s Human Rights Work in 2011, at http://www.publications,parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmfaff/116/ 11602.htm, last accessed 29 May 2013. 152 Damien McElroy, ‘MPs attack Foreign Office inconsistency’, Daily Telegraph, 17 October 2012, p. 22; http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jun/07/euro- 2012-boycott-ukraine-uk-government, last accessed 29 May 2013. Notes 335

153 Standard Eurobarometer, no. 77 (Spring 2012), pp. 9, 12. 154 To use the title of Mark Mazower’s Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century (London: Allen Lane and New York: Knopf, 1998). 155 Obshchestvennoe mnenie – 2012: ezhegodnik (Moscow: Levada-tsentr, 2012), pp. 25, 26. 156 Ol’ga Butorina, ed., Evropeiskaya integratsiya (Moscow: Delovaya literatura, 2011), pp. 692–693, 697. A Note on Sources

We have drawn in the chapters of this book on a wide variety of sources, most of them collected specially for the projects on ‘The Outsiders: Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova and the New Europe’, which was funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council under grant L213252007 to Stephen White (PI), Margot Light and John Löwenhardt as part of the ‘One Europe or Several’ programme directed by Helen Wallace, and ‘Inclusion without Membership? Bringing Russia, Ukraine and Belarus closer to “Europe”’, which was funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council under grant RES-000-23-0146 to Stephen White (PI), Roy Allison and Margot Light. Our sources are of several kinds.

Interviews

We aimed in the first instance to interview a substantial cross-section of the foreign policy-making community in each of the three countries. We tar- geted six groups particularly: (i) relevant figures within the presidential administration and (ii) ministry of foreign affairs, together with (iii) leading members of parliamentary committees whose business is connected with foreign and security affairs, (iv) party leaders and spokespersons, (v) repre- sentatives of the defence and security sector, and (vi) private business. In addition, we consulted widely with local specialists, and with representatives of the mass media. In all, we conduced 256 interviews of this kind in the three countries, about half of them in Russia; there were interviews in addi- tion in the EU and NATO headquarters in Brussels, and in the EU mission in Moscow. We conducted most of these interviews ourselves in the course of research visits between 1999 and 2011. We followed a standard sequence of ques- tions, tape recorded when we were permitted to do so (in nearly every case), and prepared a summary of our own at the earliest subsequent opportunity. Interviews were conducted on a ‘Chatham House rule’ basis, in that statements could be quoted but not attributed to a named indi- vidual. Most interviews were in Russian, a few in English. In Belarus we were assisted by Oleg Manaev and his Independent Institute of Socio- Economic and Political Studies, and in Russia by our long-standing colleague, Dr. Ol’ga Kryshtanovskaya of the Institute of Sociology of the

337 338 A Note on Sources

Russian Academy of Sciences. In Ukraine we were assisted by Vladimir Korobov of the Kherson National Technical University, who also under- took a number of the interviews himself on our behalf. Independently of the project, all of the project participants were able to make sometimes extended visits to the three countries during the period of the research in order to consult the widest possible range of printed material and to take part in further interviews and group discussions with members of the local foreign policymaking community, and occasionally in election monitoring.

Surveys

There is no satisfactory substitute for mass surveys in establishing the distri- bution of opinion across a population or over time, and we have drawn heavily in this connection on a series of representative surveys in the three countries. A list of the surveys, including the dates of fieldwork and numbers of respondents, is appended. Respondents were selected according to the agency’s normal sampling procedures and were drawn from the resident population aged 18 and over, using a multistage proportional representation method with a random route method of selecting households. Interviews were conducted face to face in respondents’ homes. The samples were then weighted according to sex, age and education in each region. Local fieldwork supervisors checked a sample of each interviewer’s returns and, where it was thought necessary, all returns. In each territorial unit local fieldwork supervisors conducted a further 100 per cent paper ques- tionnaire control to ensure that returns were complete and that all answers had been recorded correctly. The standard local checks were used during data entry and cleaning. The original data and supporting documentation, including details of the samples and the texts of questionnaires, have nor- mally been made available at the UK Data Archive, at the reference num- bers provided. We have also drawn for comparative purposes on surveys conducted for other agencies and reported in printed or electronic form, among them the Independent Institute of Socio-Economic and Political Studies in Belarus, the Levada Centre in Russia, the Razumkov Centre in Ukraine, and in the UK the Centre for the Study of Public Policy at the University of Strathclyde. A Note on Sources 339

Data Archive Country N Fieldwork dates Agency reference Belarus 1090 13–27.04.00 Novak SN4747 1599 27.03–18.04.04 Russian Research SN5671 1000 05–19.06.06 Belarusian State University 1000 02–24.02.09 Belarusian State University 1000 05–22.03.11 Belarusian State University Russia 1095 25.11.93–13.01.94 ROMIR SN4129 1940 19–29.01.00 VTsIOM SN4550 2000 10–26.04.01 Russian Research SN4464 2000 21.12.03–16.01.04 Russian Research SN5671 2000 25.03–20.04.05 Russian Research SN5671 2000 30.01–27.02.08 Russian Research SN6873 2000 12.02–01.03.10 Russian Research SN7106 1600 04–23.01.12 Russian Research 1600 25.01–17.02.14 Russian Research Ukraine 1000 03–15.12.93 Socis SN4129 1592 18.02–03.03.00 Kyiv International SN4747 Institute of Sociology 2000 24.03–02.04.04 Russian Research SN5671 1600 25.04–12.05.06 Russian Research 1200 17.11–03.12.07 Socis 1200 15–24.02.10 Russian Research 1200 3–16.11.12 Russian Research

Focus groups

In a further part of the project we conducted a series of focus groups that were designed to allow participants to discuss the issues with which we were conducted in their own terms and in direct interaction with local moderators. Groups had between six and ten participants, who took part in a discussion that typically last two hours, and which was organised around a series of key questions. These were intended to parallel the elite interviews; accordingly we asked about understandings of ‘Europe’, whether the country was ‘European’ or something else, about perceptions of the European Union and NATO, about the kind of relationship that the country had and should have with both organisations, and about relations with the former Soviet republics that are now members of the Commonwealth of Independent States. 340 A Note on Sources

Our focus groups were conducted in a series of locations that were intended to reflect opinion in a variety of regions and for the most part outside the largest cities. They were conducted under a variety of auspices: in Belarus, by what is now the Levada Centre and Novak, directed by Andrei Vardomatsky; in Russia, by the Institute of Applied Politics directed by Ol’ga Kryshtanovskaya and the Department of Qualitative Research at the Levada Centre, directed by Aleksei Levinson; and in Ukraine, by Socis and Vladimir Korobov of the Kherson National Technical University. Our Belarusian focus groups took place in Grodno and Minsk in 2000, in the second case with a military as well as a civilian group; and again in Minsk in 2005, in two separate groups. Further focus groups were organised in 2011 in the town of Brest, in Brest region, and in two separate groups in Minsk. Our first Russian focus groups took place between 1999 and 2001 in Arkhangel’sk, Dolgoprudny (near Moscow), Khanty-Mansiisk in western Siberia, Moscow, Novgorod, Vladimir and Yaroslavl’. Full texts have been deposited in electronic form and hard copy at the UK Data Archive under reference SN 4747. A second series took place during 2006 in Sosnovsky, a small town in the Kaluga region; in Kaluga itself; in the town of Podol’sk in the Moscow region; in the town of Klintsy, in the Bryansk region; in the ‘science city’ of Obninsk, the first in the world to have a nuclear power station, which is also in the Kaluga region; and in Troitsk, in the Moscow region. A third series, focused primarily on issues of political efficacy but also on questions of foreign policy, took place in 2008 at Kaluga, Kursk, Mytishchi (in the Moscow region), Novomoskovsk (in the Tula region), Obninsk and Podol’sk. A fourth series, in 2012, was conducted in ten loca- tions: Ekaterinburg, Irkutsk, Ivanovo, Krasnodar, Magadan, Moscow, Ryazan’, Rybinsk, Vologda and Zelenograd. Our first Ukrainian focus groups took place in Kyiv (a military as well as a civilian group) and L’viv in 1999, and in Uzhgorod, on the Slovakian border, in 2001. A more extended series, conducted again in Ukrainian as well as Russian, took place over 2006 in a series of locations that was designed to reflect the diversity of regional opinion: in Donets’k and Kharkiv in the east, Kherson and Mykolaiv/Nikolaev in the south, Kyiv (two) and Poltava in the centre, Chernihiv/Chernigov in the north, and L’viv and Rivne/Rovno in the strongly nationalist west.

Documentary sources

We provide details of our documentary sources in the endnotes to each chapter. We attached particular importance to primary sources of all kinds, including diplomatic documents, legislation, elite interviews and expert commentaries. In Belarus, the official website of the Belarusian presidency (www.president. gov.by) includes a large number of official statements that we used in our A Note on Sources 341 analysis of identity contestation. Other important websites included the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus (http://www.government.by/en), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus (http://www.mfa.gov.by), and the National Legal Internet Portal of the Republic of Belarus (http://law.by). Vedomosti Verkhovnogo Soveta Respubliki Belarus’ contains treaty texts and other legislation; and for some time the foreign ministry produced a quar- terly journal, Belarus’ v mire (1996–2006), that included a range of official statements. Newspapers were very important to our study: these included Sovetskaya Belarus’ (later Belarus’ segodnya), which is an official organ of the presidential administration, and Respublika, which also reflects official opinion. Narodnaya volya represents oppositional views. Russian documentary sources are more abundant. Diplomatic documents, for instance, are available up to 2004 in the Foreign Ministry’s monthly Diplomaticheskii vestnik and for the period since 1990 in its annual collection Vneshnyaya politika Rossii: sbornik dokumentov, first published in 1992. Foreign ministry statements of more recent date are available at its website www.mid.ru (accessible in English as well as Russian) and ministry of defence statements at its website www.mil.ru; the presidency maintains a separate website, www.kremlin.ru (which is also accessible in English as well as Russian). Official statistics, where we use them, have generally been drawn from the statistical yearbook Rossiiskii statisticheskii ezhegodnik or www.gks.ru. Russian journals and newspapers were also important, including, for instance, the monthly journal Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn’ (which appears in English as International Affairs), the bimonthly journal Rossiya v global’noi politike, which has appeared since late 2002 (an English-language version is published as Russia in Global Affairs and available online), the quarterly jour- nal of the Institute of Europe, Sovremennaya Evropa, and the monthly journal of the Institute of the World Economy and International Relations, Mirovaya politika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. Rossiiskaya gazeta (daily) gives full coverage of the official viewpoint and includes large numbers of official documents. Izvestiya, Kommersant, Nezavisimaya gazeta and Vedomosti (all daily) are more independent; Pravda and Sovetskaya Rossiya represent left and communist opinion; Zavtra reflects a Russian nationalist viewpoint. For Ukraine, the most important website for our purposes was that of the Ukrainian presidency (www.president.gov.ua), which contains a large num- ber of primary sources that we used in our analysis. Most of the election manifestoes of Ukrainian political parties and presidential candidates may be located at the official website of the Central Election Commission (www. cvk.gov.ua/). Other important websites included those of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (http://www.rada.gov.ua/), the web-portal of the Ukrainian government (http://www.kmu.gov.ua/control/), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine (http://mfa.gov.ua/en), and for legislation http://zakon2. rada.gov.ua/laws. 342 A Note on Sources

We also drew on a wide range of newspapers, including Zerkalo nedeli, Den’ and Ukrainska pravda, and on the journal National Security and Defence, published by the Ukrainian Centre for Economic and Political Studies named after Olexander Razumkov. The foreign ministry has published Zovnishni spravy on a monthly basis since 2009 (http://uaforeignaffairs.com/ua/ golovna/). European Union documentation may most conveniently be located at www.europa.eu.int. We also made heavy use of the published Bulletin of the European Communities (later Union) and of the General Report on the Activities of the European Union (annual), although both have become more concerned with the public communication rather than the documentation of EU activities. The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press (Columbus OH, weekly) covers newspapers and journals and is available online as well as in printed form; the BBC monitoring service (on subscription – www.bbcmonitoringonline. com) provides comprehensive coverage of broadcast as well as printed material in all three countries. Index

Abramova, Ol’ga 170, 175, 181 foreign policy orientations in 225–6 Abu Ghraib (US prison) 258 history of 18–19 Academy of Sciences, in Russia 12 Partnership and Cooperation Afghanistan 34 Agreement with the EU 86, 88, Africa 34 254–55 Aksakov, Konstantin 15 presidential election of 2010 in 97 Allison, Roy 26 statement on human rights Almond, Gabriel 187 in the EU 266 ‘Almond-Lippmann consensus’ 187 Belarusian Popular Front 166 Amendola, Giorgio 42 Berdyaev, Nikolai 12 Amsterdam, Treaty of (1997) 7 Berlin blockade (1948–49) 34 Anderson, Benedict 4 Bialiatski, Ales 168, 173, 178 Andriessen, Frans 59, 62 Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko Andrusovo, Treaty of (1667) 19 (Ukraine) 143 Antonovych, Volodymyr 138 Bogomolov, Valerii 106 ‘Arab Spring’ 128 Brezhnev, Leonid I. Arbatov, Aleksei 101–2, 120 and the ‘Common Market’ 44–45 ‘Arc of crisis’ 34 on a ‘common European home’ 8 Armenia, European status of 3 ‘Brezhnev doctrine’, abandonment Arzumanyan, Anushavan 40, 42, 46 of 36 Azerbaijan, European status of 3 British Commonwealth of Nations 6 Brittan, Leon 63, 69 Babosov, Evgenii 175 Broek, Hans van den 63 Bahrain, human rights in 267 Bugrova, Irina 163 Bakiev, Kurmanbek 97 Burlatsky, Fedor 35 Baltic republics, restored independence of (1991) 55, 57 Campbell, David 22 attitudes towards in Russia 211 Central Asia, Russian attitudes Barroso, José Manuel, on visas issue 85 towards 211–12 Barshchevsky, Mikhail 121 Chaadaev, Petr 13 Belarus: Chalyi, Oleksandr 152 and the CIS 55–56 Charter of Fundamental Rights (EU) 7 and the Eastern Partnership 89 Charter of Paris for a New Europe and the EU 95, 96, 172–86 (1990) 36, 249 and Russia 95–96, 97 Chechen Republic, as foreign policy attitudes towards in Russia 213–14 issue 190 attitudes towards Russia 218–20 Chechnya, and Russian-EU as ‘cleft country’ 17 relations 71–75, 77–78, 79, 266 as ‘alternative Europe’ 168–9 Clinton, Bill 74 as ‘Europe’ 166–68 Checkel, Jeffrey 27, 28, 233 as ‘Greater Europe’ 169–70 Chernobyl, nuclear explosion in divisions within 19 (1986) 36 elite discourse on foreign Chernomyrdin, Viktor 63 policy in 163–86 on Russian EU membership 63

343 344 Index

Chernyaev, Anatolii 35 Delyagin, Mikhail 113 Chirac, Jacques 8, 9 Democracy, in Russia 269 ‘Christendom’ 3–4 Democratic Party of Russia, and foreign Christianity 12 policy 102, 121–22 Churchill, Winston S., and ‘iron ‘Democratic peace’ theory 189 curtain’ 33 Demurin, Mikhail 113 Churkin, Vitalii 63 Diplomatic relations, post-revolutionary Civic Force Party (Russia) 121 establishment of 32 Civilisations, divisions between Discourses, on foreign policy 25–29 (Huntington) 16–17 Russia, Ukraine and Belarus as ‘Civilising mission’ of the EU 252–53 ‘Alternative Europe’ 26 ‘Clash of civilisations’ 75 Russia, Ukraine and Belarus as Cold War 32–33 ‘Europe’ 25–26 Collective Security Treaty Russia, Ukraine and Belarus as part Organisation 90, 154 of ‘Greater Europe’ 26 ‘Coloured revolutions’ 257 Dugin, Aleksandr 103, 104, 105, 113, ‘Common European Home’ 8, 108 114, 122, 123–24 ‘Common spaces’ (2003) 81–82 Dymko, Andrei 174, 178 ‘road maps’ for the implementation of (2005) 82–83, 83–84 Eastern Partnership (2009) 89, 158 Commonwealth of Independent Eurasian Economic Commission 90 States 55–56, 89–90 Eurasianism 99, 103–4 attitudes towards 228 Eurasian Union 10, 90–91, 122, 127, attitudes towards in Belarus 217–18 131–32 attitudes towards in Russia 212–13 and Belarus 172, 179, 183 attitudes towards in Ukraine 216 and Ukraine 154 Communist parties, and the European attitudes towards 237 Union 37–38, 41–42 Energy, and Russian-EU Communist Party of Belarus, and foreign relations 238–9 policy 168–69, 179–80 Energy Community 243 Communist Party of the Russian Einstein, Albert, and ‘new Federation, and foreign thinking’ 35 policy 104, 113–14, 123 Euromissiles 34–35 Communist Party of Ukraine, and ‘Europe’: foreign policy 140, 153–54 and the EU 6 Community, French 6 boundaries of 3 Constructivism, in international definitions of 1–21 relations 21 geographical centre of 11 Copenhagen Criteria (1993) 7 in Soviet usage 8 Copenhagen Declaration (1973) 250 Europe Agreements 60 Council for Mutual Economic Assistance ‘European choice’ 192–209 (CMEA, Comecon) 44–46 in Belarus 202–6 dissolution of (1991) 49 in Russia 192–99 Council of Europe 249 in Ukraine 199–201 Crimea 17, 20 survey evidence on 206–9 Cyprus, and EU membership 6 European Economic Community–CMEA Czechoslovakia, ‘Prague Spring’ Agreement (1988) 45–46 in (1968) 34 European Economic Community–USSR Agreement (1989) 47–48 Dehaene, Jean-Luc 64 European Instrument for Democracy Delors, Jacques 62, 64 and Human Rights (2006) 259 Index 345

European Neighbourhood and Technical Assistance Programme to Partnership Instrument the Foreign Republics of the (ENPI) 67 Soviet Union (TACIS) 61–68 European Neighbourhood Policy ‘values agenda’ of 249–70 (2004) 81, 88–89, 152–53 ‘European values’ 267–68 ‘Europeanness’, understandings Eurovision 5 of 268–70 European Security Strategy (2003) 252 Family relations, across post-Soviet European Security Treaty, proposed area 220–21 (2008) 242 Ferrero-Waldner, Benita 96 European Union: Fialko, Andrii 158 and Belarusian 2010 Finland 53 elections 259–60 Focus groups, as social science and democracy 250 methodology 191 and economic assistance to the former Football, and definitions of ‘Europe’ 5 Soviet Union 58–63 ‘For a United Ukraine’ 142 and foreign policy negotiations Foreign policy, changing patterns 54, 84 of 224–28 and relations with Ukraine 52 Foreign policy, public knowledge and Ukrainian elections of 188 of 2004 260 Fralow, General Valer 168, 174, as ‘normative power’ 252 179, 180 attitudes towards in Belarus 204–6 French Communist Party attitudes towards in Russia 197–99 and European Union 42–43 attitudes towards in Ukraine 145–61, Common Programme of 43 201–2 Common Foreign and Security Policy Gal’chinsky, Anatolii 156 of 51, 251 Georgia, Russian war with (2008) Common Strategy on Russia 52, 105, 118, 125 (1999) 76–77, 251, 254 Georgia, and CIS 90 Common Strategy on Ukraine Gongadze, Heorhiy 144, 158 (1999) 76, 251, 254, 264–65 Gorbachev, Mikhail: divisions within on relations with and EU enlargement 115, 117, Russia 52–53 125–26 ‘dual standards’ alleged and foreign policy 108 in 266–67 and Soviet economic crisis human rights in (Russian (1991) 59–60 statement) 258–59 Geneva meeting with Ronald Reagan membership of 7–8, 51 (1985) 35 Partnership and Cooperation on a ‘common European home’ 8 Agreements with 86–87 resignation of 57 relations with other post-Soviet Gozman, Leonid 103, 121 republics 86–89 ‘Greater Europe’, Russia as part of 8–11 relations with Russia 51–86 Grishchenko, Konstantin 155 relations with the USSR 37–49 Gryzlov, Boris 127 Russian attitudes towards 108–12, Guantanamo (US prison) 258 117–34 and normative values 118–19 Hansen, Lene 22, 23 Russian membership of 70–71, Helsinki Final Act (1975) 34 80–81, 126 Herzen, Alexander 11, 14 Soviet conceptualisations of 37–44 Holodomor (Ukrainian famine) 139 346 Index

Hrach, Leonid 140 Kozulin, Alexander 181 Hrushevskyi, Mykhailo 138 Kozyrev, Andrei 48, 62, 249, 253, 255 ‘Humanitarian intervention’, Russian Brussels visit of (1992) 62 view of 73–74, 257 on NATO membership 118 Human rights, Russian and Belarusian Kravchuk, Leonid 143, 157 statements on 266–67 Kuchma, Leonid 143–44, 157–58 Humboldt, Alexander von 2 Kulikov, Oleg 112 Hungarian uprising (1956) 34 Kuzio, Taras 25, 135 Huntington, Samuel 16–17 Kvitsinsky, Yulii 113–14

Identity, and foreign policy 21–27, Languages, in Europe 4, 12 238–48 Laruelle, Marlene 99 Inozemtsev, Vladislav 121 Lavrov, Sergei 86, 109 Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty on the OSCE 262 (1987) 36 League of Nations, USSR membership International Monetary Fund 249 of (1934) 32 Ioffe, Grigory 164–65 Lenin, Vladimir 11, 31 Islamic fundamentalism, on a ‘United States of Europe’ 37 Putin on 75 Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, Israel, diplomatic relations established on foreign policy 104, 123, 124 with 37 Libya, bombing of 52–53 Italian Communist Party Light, Margot 26 and the European Union 42, 43 Lippmann, Walter 187 Ivanov, Igor’ 74, 81, 256 Lisbon Treaty (2007) 51 Litvina, Zhanna 167, 173 Just Russia party 124 Livshits, Alexander 126 Lomonosov, Mikhail 11 Kaliningrad, status of 53, 80 Longo, Luigi 42 Kalinkina, Svetlana 163, 169, Lukashenka, Alyaksandr 95 170, 180, 181 on Belarusian foreign policy 96, 98, Kamotskaia, Kasia 173 176–77, 182–83 Karaganov, Sergei 106, 107, 115, 116, on Belarusian history 170–72 117, 125, 126, 127, 128 on Belarusians and Russians 171 Katzenstein, Peter 27, 28, 233 on union with Russia 182 Kazakhstan, European status of 2–3 visit to Italy (2009) 96 Kebich, Viacheslav 175 Luk’yanov, Fedor 116, 124, 127, 247 Khakamada, Irina 103 Lyabeddzka, Anatol 169–70, 180 Kharkiv Accords (2010) 94, 151 Lytvyn, Volodymyr 142, 156 Khasbulatov, Ruslan 64 Khomyakov, Aleksei 15 Maastricht Treaty (1992) 6, 7 Kireevsky, Ivan 14–15 Major, John 69 Kirsanov, Aleksei 40 Manaev, Oleg 164 Kissinger, Henry 54 Marchais, Georges 43 Kizima, Sergei 174 Margelov, Mikhail 115, 117, 126 Kohl, Helmut 8, 9 Marshall Plan (1947) 33 Kolesnichenko, Vadim 157 Martynov, Sergei 177, 245 Kortunov, Sergei 107 Mashtabei, Viktor 149 Kosachev, Konstantin 107–8, Medvedev, Dmitri 117, 127, 232 on Russian democracy 109, Kostian, Sergei 169, 174, 174–75 109–10, 110 Kozhara, Leonid 148, 156 on Russian modernisation 119 Index 347

on the Eurasian Union 90 ‘On the formation of the “Common on the European Union 118, 131 Market” and Euratom’ Mexico, as a ‘torn country’ 17 (1957) 38–39 Mikhalevich, Ales 167 Orel, Anatolii 149 Milinkevich, Aliaksandr 173, 174, 179 Organisation for Security and Military integration, in post-Soviet Cooperation in Europe area 91–92 (OSCE) 262, 263 Milov, Vladimir 111 Orthodox Church 12 Mitterrand, François 70 Mokhnik, Andrei 150 Palmerston, Lord 264 Mongolia, and TACIS 61 Partnership and Cooperation Morocco, proposed EU Agreements: membership of 6 assessments of 69, 254–55, 264–65 Moroz, Oleksandr 140, 142, 148, negotiation of with other post-Soviet 155, 157 republics 86–88 ‘Most important problems’, public with Russia: interim agreement on opinion on 187–90 trade and trade-related matters (1995), 69; negotiation of, 61–65; Nalyvaichenko, Valentyn 146 provisions of, 65–68; ratification Narochnitskaya, Nataliya 104, 114, 123 by the EU (1997), 70; ratification Narodnaya volya 176 of by Russian parliament Narodnyi Rukh (Ukraine) 138, 140 (1996), 70 Nasha Niva 173 ‘Partnership for Modernisation’ NATO: (2010) 84, 241 and Yugoslavia 74 Pasternak, Boris 11 attitudes towards 236 Pavlovsky, Gleb 107, 117 Belarusian attitudes towards 178–79 Pereyaslav, Treaty of (1654) 19, 151–52 expansion of 74 PHARE assistance programme 60 Founding Act, with Russia 71 Poland, and Russian-EU relations 52 Partnership for Peace, Russian Popov, Konstantin 39 membership of 71 Poroshenko, Petro 247 Russian attitudes towards 111, 118, Primakov, Evgenii 74, 257 122, 124, 127 on NATO expansion 118 Russian membership of 71 Prodi, Romano 5, 81, 249–50 ‘Strategic Concept’ of (1999) 73, 74 on European Neighbourhood Ukrainian attitudes towards 146, Policy 88 147, 148–49, 154, 158–59, 248 Progressive Socialist Party Nazarbaev, Nursultan, and Eurasian of Ukraine 240 Union 90 Public opinion, and foreign Nemtsov, Boris 111 policy 187–228 Neumann, Iver 22, 25, 100 Pushkov, Aleksei 266 ‘New thinking’, in Soviet foreign Putin, Vladimir: policy 35 and the Chechen conflict 73, 74, Nigeria, human rights in 267 74–75 Nikonov, Vyacheslav 107, 116, 125 on election monitoring 262 on energy 130 Office for Democratic Institutions and on foreign influence on government Human Rights (ODIHR) 261, 262 appointments in EE 118 Ohryzko, Volodymyr 146 on ‘Greater Europe’ 9–10 Oil, world price of 255–56 on road maps with the EU 83 ‘On imperialist “integration”’ on Russia as a European (1962) 40–41 country 9–10, 109, 110, 129 348 Index

Putin, Vladimir—(Continued ) quality of elections in 260–61, on Russia as a NATO member 71 262–64 on Russian democracy 261 relations with the European on Russian foreign policy 110 Union 51–86 on sovereignty 261 Russian foreign policy, elite discourses on the Eurasian Union 91 on 99–134 on visas 85, 86 ‘Russia as Alternative Europe’ 103–5, 112–14, 123–24 Radzikhovsky, Leonid 111 ‘Russia as a part of Greater Reagan, Ronald Europe’ 106–8, 115–17, 124–28 meeting with Gorbachev at Geneva ‘Russia as Europe’ 101–3, 110–12 (1985) 35 Ryzhkov, Vladimir 103, 112, 121 on the USSR as ‘evil empire’ 35 Referendums, and foreign policy 139 Sakharov, Andrei, and ‘new Rehn, Olli 253–54 thinking’ 35 Republican Party of Russia-People’s Schröder, Gerhard 79 Freedom Party 122 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) 35 Right Cause (Russia) 102, 122 Sereni, Emilio 41 Rochet, Waldeck 43 Shakhleina, Tat’yana 100 Rodina (Russia), and foreign Shakhnazarov, Georgii, and ‘new policy 104 thinking’ 36 Rogozin, Dmitri 104, 114 Shanghai Cooperation Rome, Treaty of (1957) 6 Organisation 263 Roosevelt, Franklin 33 Shevtsov, Yuri 174, 175 Russell, Bertrand, and ‘new Shevtsova, Liliya 111 thinking’ 35 Shevardnadze, Eduard 46, 47–48 Russia: Shokhin, Alexander 63, 64 and ‘Europe’ 11–21 Shulman, Stephen 22, 23 as a ‘torn country’ 17 Shushkevich, Stanislaw 181 critique of human rights in other Silitski, Vital 163 countries by 258 Siloviki, in Russian politics 265 development of foreign relations ‘Slavic choice’, in foreign policy 89–90, within the USSR 55 209–24 economic performance of 256 in Belarus 217–20 Foreign Policy Concept (2000) 81, in Russia 209–14 108–9, 132 in Ukraine 214–17 Foreign Policy Concept (2008) 109, ‘Slavophils’ versus ‘Westernisers’, in 119, 131, 132 Russia 13–16 foreign policy orientations in 226–28 Socialist Party of Ukraine 140, 142, independent statehood of 56 148, 157 ‘Medium-term Strategy for the South Africa, establishment of Development of Relations diplomatic relations with 37 between the Russian Federation ‘Soviet democracy’ 107, 109 and the European Union’ Stalin, Joseph, and international (1999) 79–81, 129, 256 relations 37 National Security Concept (2000) Strahlenberg, Philip-Johann von 1 81, 108 Surkov, Vladislav 106–7, 127 official discourses on foreign Survey method, in social sciences 191 policy in 108–10, 117–19, Suslov, Dmitri 126–27 128–33; views of the European Symonenko, Petro 140, 141, 147, Union within, 110–17, 128–33 147–48, 153–54 Index 349

Tarasyuk, Borys 145, 146, 150 Verkhovna Rada in, and foreign Tatishchev, Vasilii 1 policy 136 Technical Assistance Programme to the Union of Right Forces (Russia) 102, 121 Former Republics of the Soviet United Civil Party (Belarus) 181 Union (TACIS) 61, 67 United Russia party, and foreign Terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, policy 106 and Russian-EU relations 79 United States, and Russian visas 85–86 Tiahnibok, Oleh 138, 139–40, Human rights in (Russian 150–51 statement on) 258 Trade, and Russian-EU relations ‘Universal human values’, 92, 238 Gorbachev on 36 Truman, Harry 33 Ural’sk 2 Truman Doctrine 33 USSR: Tsygankov, Andrei 23, 26 and foreign policy towards the Turkey, European status of 2, 6 West 31–37 as ‘torn country’ 17 and relations with the EEC 46–48 Turkmenistan 90 attitudes towards demise of 214–15, Tymoshenko, Yulia 20, 93, 94, 143, 221–22 150–51, 152, 156, 267 dissolution of (1991) 48–49; foreign policy implications, 55–57 Ukraine: EU response to dissolution of 57–58 and the CIS 57–58, 90 and the Eastern Partnership 93 Vaitovich, Aliaksandr 181 and the Eurasian Union 91 Varga, Evgenii 39 and the European Neighbourhood Vatican, establishment of diplomatic Policy 93 relations with 37 and Vilnius summit of the Eastern Viachorka, Vintsuk 164, 167, 179 Partnership 95 Vietnam War, and US public as a ‘cleft country’ 17 opinion 188 Association agreement with the Visas, as issue in Russian-EU EU 93–94 relations 83, 84–86 attempted Russification of 19–20 Visits, between Russia, Ukraine and constitutional change in 93 Belarus 221 divisions within 19, 10 Vitrenko, Natalya 140, 141, 147, 153 elite discourses on ‘Europe’ and the EU in 145–61 Wendt, Alexander 21, 22 European orientation of 79, 92–93 White, Stephen 26 foreign policy orientations in 226 Wilson, Andrew 135, 163 history of 19–20 World Federation of Trade Unions language in 18 (WFTU), and the EU 43–44 ‘Main Directions of the Foreign Policy World Trade Organisation 199, 249 of Ukraine’ (1993) 157 Russian membership of (2012) 82 ‘On the Foundations of Internal and Ukrainian membership of (2008) 249 Foreign Policy’ (2010) 94, 243 ‘Orange Revolution in’ 119, 142 Yabloko (Russia), on foreign policy 102, Partnership and Cooperation 110–11, 111, 121, 122 Agreement with the EU 93 Yanchevski, Vsevolod 169, 175, 180 presidential election of 2010 in 20 Yanukovych, Viktor 20, 26–27, 93, 95, religion in 18 145, 149–50, 155–56, 159, 243 350 Index

Yavlinsky, Grigorii 102, 112, 120–21, 121 Yurgens, Igor’ 126 Yeltsin, Boris: Yushchenko, Viktor 93, 138–39, 145, as negotiator 63–64 149–50, 152, 158, 243 Brussels visit of (1993) 64 on Greater Europe 8–9 Zagorsky, Andrei 111 on Russia and the European Zhdanov, Andrei 32–33, 33 Union 70–71 Zhirinovsky, Vladimir, on foreign on Russian foreign policy 48, 108 policy 113, 114, 123 on the Partnership and Cooperation Zimmerman, William 100 Agreement 65 Zyuganov, Gennadii, on foreign re-election of (1996) 70 policy 104, 105, 124