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Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
Russia 2020 Human Rights Report
RUSSIA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Russian Federation has a highly centralized, authoritarian political system dominated by President Vladimir Putin. The bicameral Federal Assembly consists of a directly elected lower house (State Duma) and an appointed upper house (Federation Council), both of which lack independence from the executive. The 2016 State Duma elections and the 2018 presidential election were marked by accusations of government interference and manipulation of the electoral process, including the exclusion of meaningful opposition candidates. On July 1, a national vote held on constitutional amendments did not meet internationally recognized electoral standards. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Federal Security Service, the Investigative Committee, the Office of the Prosecutor General, and the National Guard are responsible for law enforcement. The Federal Security Service is responsible for state security, counterintelligence, and counterterrorism, as well as for fighting organized crime and corruption. The national police force, under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, is responsible for combating all crime. The National Guard assists the Federal Security Service’s Border Guard Service in securing borders, administers gun control, combats terrorism and organized crime, protects public order, and guards important state facilities. The National Guard also participates in armed defense of the country’s territory in coordination with Ministry of Defense forces. Except in rare cases, security forces generally report to civilian authorities. National-level civilian authorities have, at best, limited control over security forces in the Republic of Chechnya, which are accountable only to the head of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov. Members of the Russian security forces committed numerous human rights abuses. -
Annual Report 2018 ABOUT THIS REPORT 02
AnnuAl RepoRt 2018 ABOUT THIS REPORT 02 1 / 2 ABOUT THIS REPORT Approach to the Report Boundaries of the Report Approval of the Report This Annual Report of Sberbank of Russia ¹ for 2018 (the “Report”) The financial data are presented in the Report Information on sustainable development is consoli- This Report received preliminary approv- in accordance with the IFRS consolidated financial dated by the major participants of the Group, which al by the Supervisory Board of Sberbank includes the performance results of Sberbank and its subsidiaries ² statements, unless otherwise specified in the text of have a significant impact on their regions of pres- (Minutes No. 11 of April 16, 2019). for the reporting period from January 1, 2018, to December 31, 2018. the Report. ence, and Sberbank Corporate University. The reliability of the data in the Report was con- Operational data are presented for PJSC Sberbank firmed by the Audit Committee of Sberbank. unless otherwise specified in the text of the Report. The Report has been prepared in accordance with In addition, the contents of the Report The Report was approved by the Annual General the legislation of the Russian Federation, including: comply with the following documents: Shareholder Meeting of Sberbank as of May 24, 2019 (Minutes No 32 as of May 29, 2019). ♦ Federal Law No. 39-FZ “On the Securities ♦ Requirements of the Moscow Stock The term “Group” as used in the sections “People: Nurturing New Skills in Effective Teams” Market” dated April 22,1996; Exchange on the preparation of annu- and “Impact on Society” includes Sberbank Corporate University and the following: al reports by joint stock companies; ♦ Federal Law No. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy Ilya Zaslavskiy Ilya Zaslavskiy | Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy | Free Russia Foundation, 2017 1 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 3 NS2 AS A TOOL OF KREMLIN’S POLITICAL INFLUENCE AGAINST NEIGHBORS AND CORRUPTION 4 ACTUAL RESULTS OF NORD STREAM 1 7 ROOTS OF GAZPROM’S APPEASEMENT IN EUROPE 10 IMPLICATIONS OF NS2 FOR WESTERN POLICY-MAKERS 16 Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 CONTENTS to EU Security and Democracy I. INTRODUCTION his paper is a continuation of publications on security architecture. This Moscow-led pipeline Tthe Kremlin’s subversive activity in Europe seemingly being served as a free and lucrative prepared by Free Russia Foundation. The first gift to European energy corporations in reality paper, The Kremlin’s Gas Games in Europe, comes at the expense of taxpayers and the published jointly with the Atlantic Council, reasonable long-term development of gas looked at Gazprom’s overall current tactics in resources in Russia. Nord Stream 1 and 2 have Europe, including its pipeline plans, energy already started bringing the Kremlin’s business propaganda, and other policies.1 However, after practices and political cooptation to Europe, and our presentations in the US and Europe earlier they will further undermine EU aspirations for this year,2 we realized that a separate paper better governance, democratic institutions and specifically focused on certain aspects of Nord security. Stream 2 was required. To understand why this development is accepted Gazprom and its Western partners that are slated in Germany, and meets with weak and confused to benefit from Nord Stream 2 are aggressively resistance in the EU, it is important to look at advancing the pipeline as a purely commercial the roots of the friendship between big Western project that will only bring benefits to Europe. -
At Crossroads Current Problems of Russia’S Gas Sector
63 AT CROSSROADS CURRENT PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA’S GAS SECTOR Szymon Kardaś NUMBER 63 WARSAW MARCH 2017 AT CROSSROADS CURRENT PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA’S GAS SECTOR Szymon Kardaś © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITOR Adam Eberhardt, Marek Menkiszak EDITOR Anna Łabuszewska CO-OPERATION Małgorzata Zarębska, Katarzyna Kazimierska TRANSLATION OSW CO-OPERATION Timothy Harrell GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Shutterstock.com DTP GroupMedia MAP Wojciech Mańkowski PUBLISHER Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-98-4 Contents EXecUTIVE SUMMARY /5 INTRODUCTION /8 I. THE UPSTREAM SecTOR /11 1. Main gas production regions in Russia /11 2. Main gas producers in Russia /14 3. Stagnation in the upstream sector /18 4. Factors underlying the erosion of Gazprom’s position /20 4.1. Negative trends in export markets /20 4.2. Declining gas consumption in Russia and fiscal burdens /21 4.3. Growing competition from the so-called independent gas producers /23 5. Resource base and prospects of gas production growth /25 6. Development of domestic gas infrastructure /29 6.1. The transmission network /29 6.2. Gas storage /31 6.3. Gas processing infrastructure in Russia /31 II. THE RUSSIAN GAS SecTOR’S EXPORT STRATegY IN 2000–2016 /33 1. Objectives of the gas sector’s export strategy /33 2. Russia’s gas exports in the years 2000–2016: export destinations and volumes /34 3. -
Russian Sanctions
IMPACTDEFENDING AND EUROPE: EFFECTIVENESS:“GLOBAL BRITAIN” AND THE FUTURE OFSANCTIONS EUROPEAN ON GEOPOLITICSRUSSIA 2014–2020 BY JDRAMES ALAN ROGERS RILEY DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS DecemberReport 2020No. 2018/1 Published in 2020 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2020. All rights reserved. Title: “IMPACT AND EFFECTIVENESS: SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA 2014–2020” By Dr Alan Riley, Senior Fellow, Atlantic Council, Washington DC ISBN: 978-1-909035-63-8 £9.95 where sold The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees. Cover image: https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/airplane-takes-off-dusk-fences-barbed-1348983533 IMPACTDEFENDING AND EUROPE: EFFECTIVENESS:“GLOBAL BRITAIN” AND THE FUTURE OFSANCTIONS EUROPEAN ON GEOPOLITICSRUSSIA 2014–2020 BY JDRAMES ALAN ROGERS RILEY, SENIOR FELLOW, ATLANTIC COUNCIL, WASHINGTON DC DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS DecemberReport 2020No. 2018/1 Impact and Effectiveness: Sanctions on Russia 2014–2020 About the Author Dr Alan Riley is a Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council in Washington, DC. Dr Riley specialises in international commercial law, EU energy law and competition law. He is a member of the Advisory Committee of the Energy Community, which acts as the Community’s judicial panel. He was formerly a Professor of Law at the City University of London and he holds a PhD in European Union law from the Europa Institute, Edinburgh University, and is a qualified as a Solicitor of the Supreme Court of England and Wales. -
Russia After the Global Economic Crisis: Chapter 7
7 Gazprom: Challenged Giant in Need of Reform ANDERS ÅSLUND The 2008–10 global financial crisis has shaken all, not least Russian per- ceptions of last decade’s energy boom. Gazprom, Russia’s natural gas monopoly, just over 50 percent of which belongs to the Russian state, is a national champion with enormous resources. But its business strategy faces serious challenges. Because of its size and importance for the Rus- sian economy, much of Russia’s future depends on how the government handles Gazprom’s current dilemma. Gazprom’s traditional business model is inadequate. The company has piped gas from its giant fields in West Siberia to a steadily growing Eu- ropean market, and when necessary it has cheaply bought additional gas from Central Asia. Now, everything has changed. Gas prices have tum- bled and decoupled from oil prices, as liquefied natural gas (LNG) and shale gas are competing with piped natural gas. Increasingly, spot markets are offering an alternative to long-term contracts. Much of the European demand for Russian gas is gone and not likely to come back any time soon, but Gazprom has minimal physical possibility to export anywhere but Europe in the foreseeable future. With its West Siberian gas fields past their peak, Gazprom’s supply is in decline. Rather than selling their gas cheaply to Russia, the Central Asians are exporting to China through new pipelines. Gazprom is losing out in supplies, sales, and profits but insists on building new pipelines to Europe. Anders Åslund is a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. -
The Russian Elite in the Post-Putin Era
Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux The Russian Elite in the post-Putin Era Marie Brancaleone March 2021 Note d’analyse no. 76 The Russian Elite in the post-Putin Era Marie Brancaleone 2 © 2021 Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux Le CECRI ne prend pas de position institutionnelle sur des questions de politiques publiques. Les opinions exprimées dans la présente publication n'engagent que les auteurs cités nommément. Direction : Tanguy Struye de Swielande Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux Université catholique de Louvain Place Montesquieu 1, bte L2.08.07 1348 Louvain-la-Neuve Belgique www.cecrilouvain.be Photo de couverture : © Marie Brancaleone 3 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Marie Brancaleone is a student at the ULB, enrolled in a Specialised Master in European Interdisciplinary Studies. She already holds a Master in International Relations at UCL. Her interests mainly focus on Russian political, societal and security issues and Russia’s relations with neighbouring countries and regions, including the European Union. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................... 4 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 6 2. THE WORKING OF THE ELITE SYSTEM IN RUSSIA ..................................................... 7 3. A CATEGORISATION OF THE RUSSIAN ELITE ............................................................. 8 Putin’s family -
Russia Balance Sheet Speaker Series Emerging Russian Futures: Transformation, Evolution, Or Stasis?
Russia Balance Sheet Speaker Series Emerging Russian Futures: Transformation, Evolution, or Stasis? “Changing Russia: The Politics of Economic and Energy Development” April 4, 2012 Speaker: Vladimir Milov, Leader of the Democratic Choice movement, and Former Deputy Minister of Energy of the Russian Federation Moderated by: Dr. Andrew Kuchins, Director and Senior Fellow, CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program Vladimir Milov began his presentation by outlining the driving forces behind the emergence of the Russian protest movement: The most important cause for increasing political instability is economic decline. Many analysts have explained the protest movement as a demand by the Russian middle class for dignity and respect, but economic conditions are a stronger driver. Vladimir Putin’s most frequently flaunted achievement during his “Golden Age” (2000-2008) was Russia’s economic growth. When Milov and Boris Nemtsov published a highly critical book on Putin in 2008, they were told that they would have no luck fracturing his support primarily because of Russia’s improving material conditions. The 2008 financial crisis provided the spark for the opposition, but instability was setting in before that. Russian growth was marred by increasing inequality and over-reliance on oil and gas revenues. Macroeconomic indicators are unable to reveal the full extent of Russia’s socio-economic crisis. Despite nominally attractive GDP and inflation figures, the crisis has actually brought about a decline in real disposable income for most Russians. Real income grew twelve percent per year during Putin’s “Golden Age,” but shrunk to less than three percent in 2009-2010 and reached its lowest figure since the collapse of the Soviet Union during 2011, turning negative for the first ten months before rebounding to zero point eight percent. -
Russia's Failed Democracy
2015 Russia’s Failed Democracy HTY 389 STACIE GOOLDRUP Stacie Gooldrup HTY 389 May 2015 Russia’s Failed Democracy In today’s global society, the United States is and has been a world power. Since World War II, the US has maintained its seat at the head of the table in international politics, relations, and economics. The Soviet Union had also established itself as a world power alongside the United States after the war. However, the Soviet Union experienced a devastating fall that led to a decade of chaos in Russia. Russia is a mystery to the average United States citizen. The motivations, thoughts and politics are based on a very different culture that stem from a history much longer than that of the United States. In order to cooperate with this foreign country, it is important to understand the inner workings of its government and culture. Russia is at a precarious moment in its history. While the Russians desire most to be recognized and respected as a world power again, the problems inside the country will likely prevent Russia from reaching that status. The accumulation of events since the fall of the Soviet Union have led to the corrupt and ineffective government it has today, commanded by its president, Vladimir Putin. The political leaders within Russia are more interested in maintaining their positions of power and wealth than with fixing the domestic challenges the country faces. The whole country yearns for the respect it feels it deserves and wishes to reestablish itself as a world power, but a great international actor must have a solid base. -
St. Petersburg International Economic Forum June 21–23, 2012
ST. PETERSBURG INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC FORUM JUNE 21–23, 2012 Securing the Future FINDING A WAY OUT OF MANAGERIAL DEADLOCK: THE WISDOM OF THE CROWD OR AN AUTHORITARIAN GENIUS? Panel Discussion JUNE 22, 2012 — 9:00–11:00, Pavilion 8А, Congress Hall St. Petersburg, Russia 2012 Sberbank Session Moderator: Herman Gref, Chief Executive Officer, Chairman of the Management Board, Sberbank Panelists: Tim Kelsey, Executive Director, Transparency and Open Data, Cabinet Office, UK Government Elvira Nabiullina, Aide to the President of the Russian Federation Beth Noveck, Professor, New York School of Law Alexander Oslon, President, Public Opinion Foundation Konstantin Remchukov, Editor-in-Chief, Chief Executive Officer, Nezavisimaya Gazeta Andrei Shleifer, Professor of Economics, Harvard University H. Gref: Good morning, Guests and colleagues. I apologize for our oversight. We did not announce that the session would be transmitted live: you can see the video, which will contain the transmission. This session will be bilingual, so if necessary, you can use the headphones. Today we expect to conduct three polls: we are interested in your opinion on a few issues. We will try our best to make the discussion as interactive as possible; please use the consoles to express your point of view on the issues that will be put to vote. I urge you to note down questions for our speakers. You have everything you need to do so in you Sberbank package. Allow me to begin by thanking you for being here today. I think that this early in the morning, the people here are philosophically minded, with a sufficient level of abstract thought and practical personal experience because only such people could be interested in our agenda and the ways out of managerial deadlock.