Teaching of History of 19Th Century Russia in the Visegrád Group Countries
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World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives
AP European History: Period 4.1 Teacher’s Edition World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives I. Long-term causes of World War I 4.1.I.A INT-9 A. Rival alliances: Triple Alliance vs. Triple Entente SP-6/17/18 1. 1871: The balance of power of Europe was upset by the decisive Prussian victory in the Franco-Prussian War and the creation of the German Empire. a. Bismarck thereafter feared French revenge and negotiated treaties to isolate France. b. Bismarck also feared Russia, especially after the Congress of Berlin in 1878 when Russia blamed Germany for not gaining territory in the Balkans. 2. In 1879, the Dual Alliance emerged: Germany and Austria a. Bismarck sought to thwart Russian expansion. b. The Dual Alliance was based on German support for Austria in its struggle with Russia over expansion in the Balkans. c. This became a major feature of European diplomacy until the end of World War I. 3. Triple Alliance, 1881: Italy joined Germany and Austria Italy sought support for its imperialistic ambitions in the Mediterranean and Africa. 4. Russian-German Reinsurance Treaty, 1887 a. It promised the neutrality of both Germany and Russia if either country went to war with another country. b. Kaiser Wilhelm II refused to renew the reinsurance treaty after removing Bismarck in 1890. This can be seen as a huge diplomatic blunder; Russia wanted to renew it but now had no assurances it was safe from a German invasion. France courted Russia; the two became allies. Germany, now out of necessity, developed closer ties to Austria. -
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006
Eurr 4203/5203 and Hist 4603/5603 Imperial and Soviet Russia Wed 8:35-11:25, Dunton Tower 1006 Dr. Johannes Remy Winter 2014 Office: 3314 River Building e-mail: [email protected] Office Hours: Wednesday 3:00-4:00p.m. Phone: To be announced This course will analyze fundamental political, social, and cultural changes across the lands of the Russian Empire and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This seminar course will focus on major topics in the history and historiography of the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. Themes to be explored include political culture, empire and nationality questions, socialism, revolution, terror, class and gender. In the Napoleonic wars, Russia gained greater international prestige and influence than it had ever before. However, it was evident for many educated Russians that their country was “backward” compared to the Western Europe in its social and political system and economic performance. Russia retained serfdom longer than any other European country, until 1861, and the citizens gained representative bodies with legislative prerogatives only in 1905-1906, after all the other European countries except the Ottoman Empire. Many educated people lost their trust in the government and adopted radical, leftist and revolutionary ideologies. Even after the abolition of serfdom, the relations between peasants and noble landowners contained elements of antagonism. Industrialization began in the 1880s and brought additional problems, since radical intelligentsia managed to establish connections with discontented workers. In the course of the nineteenth century, the traditional policy of co-operation with local elites of ethnic minorities was challenged by both Russian and minority nationalisms. -
New Perspectives on the Eastern Question(S) in Late-Victorian Britain, Or How „The Eastern Question‟ Affected British Politics (1881-1901).1
Stéphanie Prévost. New perspectives on the Eastern Question(s) New perspectives on the Eastern Question(s) in Late-Victorian Britain, Or How „the Eastern Question‟ Affected British Politics (1881-1901).1 Stéphanie Prévost, LARCA, Université Paris-Diderot Keywords: Eastern Question, Gladstonian Liberalism, social movements, Eastern Question historiography. Mots-clés : Question d‘Orient, libéralisme gladstonien, mouvements sociaux, historiographie. In 1921, in the preface to Edouard Driault‘s second edition of La Question d’Orient depuis ses origines jusqu’à la paix de Sèvres, a work originally published in 1898, French historian Gabriel Monod postulated that ―the Eastern Question was the key issue in European politics‖ (v). In his 1996 concise introductory The Eastern Question, 1774-1923, Alexander L. Macfie similarly stated that ―for more than a century and a half, from the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-74 to the Treaty of Lausanne of 24 July 1923, the Eastern Question, the Question of what should become of the Ottoman Empire, then in decline, played a significant, and even at times a dominant, part in shaping the relations of the Great Powers‖ (1). Undoubtedly, the Eastern Question has always been deeply rooted in the intricacies of European diplomacy, more obviously so from the Crimean War onwards. After an almost three-year conflict (1853-6) first opposing Russia to the Ottoman Empire, then supported by France, Britain, Sardinia, Austria and Hungary, belligerents drafted peace conditions. The preamble to the 30 March, 1856 Treaty of Paris made the preservation of Ottoman territorial integrity and independence a sine qua non condition to any settlement – which was taken up in Article VII of the treaty as a collective guarantee. -
1 the Turks and Europe by Gaston Gaillard London: Thomas Murby & Co
THE TURKS AND EUROPE BY GASTON GAILLARD LONDON: THOMAS MURBY & CO. 1 FLEET LANE, E.C. 1921 1 vi CONTENTS PAGES VI. THE TREATY WITH TURKEY: Mustafa Kemal’s Protest—Protests of Ahmed Riza and Galib Kemaly— Protest of the Indian Caliphate Delegation—Survey of the Treaty—The Turkish Press and the Treaty—Jafar Tayar at Adrianople—Operations of the Government Forces against the Nationalists—French Armistice in Cilicia—Mustafa Kemal’s Operations—Greek Operations in Asia Minor— The Ottoman Delegation’s Observations at the Peace Conference—The Allies’ Answer—Greek Operations in Thrace—The Ottoman Government decides to sign the Treaty—Italo-Greek Incident, and Protests of Armenia, Yugo-Slavia, and King Hussein—Signature of the Treaty – 169—271 VII. THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: 1. The Turco-Armenian Question - 274—304 2. The Pan-Turanian and Pan-Arabian Movements: Origin of Pan-Turanism—The Turks and the Arabs—The Hejaz—The Emir Feisal—The Question of Syria—French Operations in Syria— Restoration of Greater Lebanon—The Arabian World and the Caliphate—The Part played by Islam - 304—356 VIII. THE MOSLEMS OF THE FORMER RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND TURKEY: The Republic of Northern Caucasus—Georgia and Azerbaïjan—The Bolshevists in the Republics of Caucasus and of the Transcaspian Isthmus—Armenians and Moslems - 357—369 IX. TURKEY AND THE SLAVS: Slavs versus Turks—Constantinople and Russia - 370—408 2 THE TURKS AND EUROPE I THE TURKS The peoples who speak the various Turkish dialects and who bear the generic name of Turcomans, or Turco-Tatars, are distributed over huge territories occupying nearly half of Asia and an important part of Eastern Europe. -
12. the Tsar and Empire: Representation of the Monarchy and Symbolic Integration in Imperial Russia $
12. The Tsar and Empire: Representation of the Monarchy and Symbolic Integration in Imperial Russia $ ymbolic representation played a central role in defi ning the concept of S monarchical sovereignty in Russia. In the absence of native traditions of supreme power, Russian tsars invoked and emulated foreign images of rule to elevate themselves and the state elite above the subject population. Th e source of sacrality was distant from Russia, whether it was located beyond the sea whence the original Viking princes came, according to the tale of the invitations of the Varangians, or fi xed in an image of Byzantium, France, or Germany.1 Th e centrality of conquest in the representations of Russian rulers contrasts with the mythical history of the Hapsburg emperors, which legitimized the expansion of imperial dominion through marriage.2 From the fi fteenth century, when Ivan III refused the title of king from the Holy Roman Emperor with the declaration that he “had never wanted to be made king by anyone,” Russian monarchs affi rmed and reaffi rmed the imperial character of their rule, evoking the images of Byzantine and later Roman and European imperial dominion. Beginning with Ivan IV’s conquests of Kazan and Astrakhan, they 1 On the symbolic force of foreignness see Ju. M. Lotman and B. A. Uspenskii, “Th e Role of Dual Models in the Dynamics of Russian Culture (Up to the End of the Eighteenth Century),” in Ju. M. Lotman and B. A. Uspenskii, Th e Semiotics of Russian Culture, ed. Ann Shukman (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Contributions, 1984), 3-35. -
A Short History of Russia (To About 1970)
A Short History of Russia (to about 1970) Foreword. ...............................................................................3 Chapter 1. Early History of the Slavs, 2,000 BC - AD 800. ..........4 Chapter 2. The Vikings in Russia.............................................6 Chapter 3. The Adoption of Greek Christianity: The Era of Kievan Civilisation. ..........................................................7 Chapter 4. The Tatars: The Golden Horde: The Rise of Moscow: Ivan the Great. .....................................................9 Chapter 5. The Cossacks: The Ukraine: Siberia. ...................... 11 Chapter 6. The 16th and 17th Centuries: Ivan the Terrible: The Romanoffs: Wars with Poland. .............................. 13 Chapter 7. Westernisation: Peter the Great: Elizabeth.............. 15 Chapter 8. Catherine the Great............................................. 17 Chapter 9. Foreign Affairs in the 18th Century: The Partition of Poland. .............................................................. 18 Chapter 10. The Napoleonic Wars. .......................................... 20 Chapter 11. The First Part of the 19th Century: Serfdom and Autocracy: Turkey and Britain: The Crimean War: The Polish Rebellion................................................... 22 Chapter 12. The Reforms of Alexander II: Political Movements: Marxism. ........................................................... 25 Chapter 13. Asia and the Far East (the 19th Century) ................ 28 Chapter 14. Pan-Slavism....................................................... -
History of Russia to 1855 Monday / Wednesday / Friday 3:30-4:30 Old Main 002 Instructor: Dr
HIST 294-04 Fall 2015 History of Russia to 1855 Monday / Wednesday / Friday 3:30-4:30 Old Main 002 Instructor: Dr. Julia Fein E-mail: j [email protected] Office: Old Main 300, x6665 Office hours: Open drop-in on Thursdays, 1-3, and by appointment COURSE DESCRIPTION Dear historians, Welcome to the first millennium of Russian history! We have a lively semester in front of us, full of famous, infamous, and utterly unknown people: from Ivan the Terrible, to Catherine the Great, to the serfs of Petrovskoe estate in the 19th century. Most of our readings will be primary documents from medieval, early modern, and 19th-century Russian history, supplemented with scholarly articles and book sections to provoke discussion about the diversity of possible narratives to be told about Russian history—or any history. We will also examine accounts of archaeological digs, historical maps, visual portrayals of Russia’s non-Slavic populations, coins from the 16th and 17th centuries, and lots of painting and music. As you can tell from our Moodle site, we will be encountering a lot of Russian art that was made after the period with which this course concludes. Isn’t this anachronistic? One of our course objectives deals with constructions of Russian history within R ussian history. We will discuss this issue most explicitly when reading Vasily Kliuchevsky on Peter the Great’s early life, and the first 1 HIST 294-04 Fall 2015 part of Nikolai Karamzin’s M emoir , but looking at 19th- and 20th-century artistic portrayals of medieval and early modern Russian history throughout also allows us to conclude the course with the question: why are painters and composers between 1856 and 1917 so intensely interested in particular moments of Russia’s past? What are the meanings of medieval and early modern Russian history to Russians in the 19th and 20th centuries? The second part of this course sequence—Revolutionary Russia and the Soviet Union—picks up this thread in spring semester. -
1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914
1 Russian Policy in the Balkans, 1878-1914 At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Balkans were the most turbulent region in Europe. On the one hand were the Balkan peoples with their aims of creating their own national states with the broadest borders possible, and on the other, the ambitions of the Great Powers to gain spheres of influence in the European territories of the Ottoman Empire. This led to a continually strained and unstable situation. 1.1 Between the Two Wars: 1856-1877 The Crimean War proved to be the turning point in the relations between Russia and the Near East. After this first serious defeat of the Russian army in a war with the Ottoman Empire, Christians of the Near East and the Balkans looked more and more towards Europe. The image of Russia as the liberator of the Orthodox inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire faded and the authority of the Russian tsar was to a great extent lost. Russian diplomacy after 1856 focused totally on the restoration of Russia’s former authority. Of great significance in this process were the activities of Count N. P. Ignatiev, the ambassa- dor to Constantinople from 1864 to 1877.11 His idea of creating ‘Greater Bulgaria’, a large south-Slavonic state in the Balkans, as a base for Russian interests and further penetra- tion towards the Straits, received the support of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and coincided with the intentions of Tsar Alexander II. In 1870, the Russian government declared that it would no longer comply with the restrictions of the Paris Treaty of 1856. -
Siberia╎s First Nations
TITLE: SIBERIA'S FIRST NATIONS AUTHOR: GAIL A. FONDAHL, University of Northern British Columbia THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH TITLE VIII PROGRAM 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION:1 CONTRACTOR: Dartmouth College PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Gail A. Fondahl COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER: 808-28 DATE: March 29, 1995 COPYRIGHT INFORMATION Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded by Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within the Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials for their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, or make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U.S. Government without the written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom of Information Act 5 U.S.C. 552, or other applicable law. 1 The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research, made available by the U. S. Department of State under Title VIII (the Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended). The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author(s). CONTENTS Executive Summary i Siberia's First Nations 1 The Peoples of the -
Scandinavian Influence in Kievan Rus
Katie Lane HST 499 Spring 2005 VIKINGS IN THE EAST: SCANDINAVIAN INFLUENCE IN KIEVAN RUS The Vikings, referred to as Varangians in Eastern Europe, were known throughout Europe as traders and raiders, and perhaps the creators or instigators of the first organized Russian state: Kievan Rus. It is the intention of this paper to explore the evidence of the Viking or Varangian presence in Kievan Rus, more specifically the areas that are now the Ukraine and Western Russia. There is not an argument over whether the Vikings were present in the region, but rather over the effect their presence had on the native Slavic people and their government. This paper will explore and explain the research of several scholars, who generally ascribe to one of the rival Norman and Anti- Norman Theories, as well as looking at the evidence that appears in the Russian Primary Chronicle, some of the laws in place in the eleventh century, and two of the Icelandic Sagas that take place in modern Russia. The state of Kievan Rus was the dominant political entity in the modern country the Ukraine and western Russia beginning in the tenth century and lasting until Ivan IV's death in 1584.1 The region "extended from Novgorod on the Volkhov River southward across the divide where the Volga, the West Dvina, and the Dnieper Rivers all had their origins, and down the Dnieper just past Kiev."2 It was during this period that the Slavs of the region converted to Christianity, under the ruler Vladimir in 988 C.E.3 The princes that ruled Kievan Rus collected tribute from the Slavic people in the form of local products, which were then traded in the foreign markets, as Janet Martin explains: "The Lane/ 2 fur, wax, and honey that the princes collected from the Slav tribes had limited domestic use. -
The First Serbian Uprising (1804-1813) and the Nineteenth-Century Origins of the Eastern Question
LAWRENCE P. MERIAGE The First Serbian Uprising (1804-1813) and the Nineteenth-Century Origins of the Eastern Question Throughout the nineteenth century a major international issue facing the Great Powers of Europe was the volatile "Eastern Question." As the Ottoman Em pire grew steadily weaker, the question of the future disposition of its extensive territories (some 238,000 square miles in Europe alone in 1800) provoked an intense and prolonged rivalry among those European states with vested political and economic interests in the Near East. With its military power in decline and its frontiers menaced by powerful neighbors, the Ottoman Empire seemed on the verge of collapse at the beginning of the nineteenth century despite its imposing imperial edifice. Moreover, a new dimension was added to the dangers already threatening the territorial integrity of the empire when a militant movement for provincial reform among the Serbian population of the pashalik (province) of Belgrade evolved into an armed insurrection against the imperial government. This challenge to Ottoman authority by indigenous Balkan forces touched in varying ways and degrees the interests of the several powers—France, Russia, Austria, and Britain—directly involved in the affairs of the Near East. Indeed, the reactions of these powers toward the "First Serbian Uprising" (1804-13) revealed for the first time the broad outlines of the classic patterns of nineteenth- century Great-Power diplomacy in the Near East. In this regard, the uprising foretold the opening of a new era in the history of the Eastern Question. Western scholars, however, have failed to appreciate this significant develop ment.1 Historical investigation of the nineteenth-century origins of the Eastern Question has, for the most part, focused on the Greek Revolution (1821-30), while in turn treating the Serbian uprising primarily as a symptom of the internal disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. -
Leia Boudet 1 Pan-Slavism, State, and Society: Responses to the Balkan Crises on the Eve of the Russo- Turkish War, 1875-1877 &Q
Leia Boudet Pan-Slavism, State, and Society: Responses to the Balkan Crises on the Eve of the Russo- Turkish War, 1875-1877 "There has taken place and is taking place an unprecedented affair. War is being conducted apart from the government by the Russian people itself... and the Slavic Committee of Moscow which is treasury and commissariat. I began recruitment [of volunteers] without any Permission... Society won for itself this right." - Ivan Aksakov As Ivan Aksakov penned these words in September 1876, he was at the center of a Pan- Slavist campaign to generate support, both humanitarian and military, for the "liberation" of the orthodox Slavs in Ottoman Europe. 1 In June of that year, Serbia and Montenegro had declared war on the Ottomans in response to their ruthless suppression of revolts in their Balkan provinces. When these revolts had broken out the previous summer, a host of civil societies in the Russian Empire began raising money and supplies for refugees and insurgents. Among those societies, the undisputed leader was the Slavic Benevolent Committee chaired by Aksakov himself. Founded in Moscow in 1858, the committee opened new offices in the empire's provincial capitals in the wake of the Balkan revolts. From those offices, it dispatched representatives tasked with soliciting donations from the countryside. These representatives met with groups from all social estates ( soslovie ), hoping to persuade them that it was their duty to aid their oppressed Slavic brethren. With the donations they collected, committee directors arranged transportation for doctors, nurses, and other aid workers to the rebelling Ottoman provinces.