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Home , Andre Gunder Frank, Development theory

M.A. - PART I

SOCIOLOGY PAPER III

SOCIOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT Dr. Sanjay Deshmukh Vice Chancellor University of Mumbai Mumbai. Dr. Dhaneswar Harichandan Professor-cum-Director Institute of Distance and Open Learning University of Mumbai

Course Co-ordinator:

Professor (Dr.) S.K. Bhowmik, Dept. of Sociology University of Mumbai Vidyanagari, Mumbai - 400 098.

Published by : The Professor-cum-Director of Institute of Distance Education University of Mumbai, Vidyanagari, Mumbai - 400 098.

Reprint: August, 2015, M.A. Part I - Sociology Paper III SOCIOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT

DTP Composed by Shree Graphic Centre 28, Mangal wadi, Mumbai - 400 004.

Printed by INDEX

Units Title Page No. 1. EMERGENCE OF THE CONCEPTION OF DEVELOPMENT 1

2. STATE AS AGENT OF CHANGE / DEVELOPMENT 10

3. MODERNISATION 19

4. DEVELOPMENT AND 37

5. GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT 51

6. CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT 59

7. ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT 67

8. THE GANDHIAN ALTERNATIVE "Hind Swaraj" AND SCHMACHER "Small is Beautiful" 85

9. FOURTH WORLD DYNAMICS 98

10. . ECOFEMINISM 102

11. PARTICIPATORY DEVELOPMENT: ROLE OF NON-GOVERNMENT ORGANISATIONS 112

12. SOCIAL & ENVIRONMENTAL CONSEQUENCES AND LOPSIDED DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA. 139

13. DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL PROTEST STRUGGLES AGAINST DESTRUCTION OF LIVELIHOOD AND ENVIRONMENT 149

14. GLOBALISATION AND DEVELOPMENT 188

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1 1 EMERGENCE OF THE CONCEPTION OF DEVELOPMENT

Introduction: 'Development' has been one of the key ideas of the last half a century. Although the word itself, Raymond Williams informs us, has been part of the English language since the mid seventeenth century, the 'theory' of development is mainly a post-Second phenomenon.

In the course of tracing its various uses, Williams points out that the most interesting modern usage of a group of words centered on 'develop' relates to certain ideas of the nature of economic change. This chapter seeks to trace the emergence of the conception of development as also to examine the intellectual and historical background in which we can locate the use of the tern.

Origin of the Concept: The concept 'development' in one of its earliest senses referred to the opposite of wrapping or bundling-thus unfold, unroll. It was metaphorically extended in the eighteenth century and came to include to sense of 'developing' the 'faculties of the human mind'. In common parlance, development describes a process through which the potentialities of an object or organism are released, until it reaches its natural, complete, full-fledged form, It thus went through its first main extension in the new biology, in close relation to ideas of 'evolution'. Hence the metaphoric use of the term to explain the natural growth of plants and animals.:Through this metaphor it became possible to show the goal of development and much later its programme.

The transfer of the biological metaphor to the social sphere occurred in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Further, it was between 1759 (Wolff) and 1859 (Darwin) that development evolved from a conception of transformation that moves towards the 'appropriate' form of being, to a conception of transformation that moves towards an 'ever more perfect' form. In mid nineteenth century the idea of a passing through definite 'evolutionary' stages was being expressed as 'Development'- which in turn was defined as,'Iater manifestations being potentially present in the earliest elements'. Implicit in this notion was the idea of ''. During this period, evolution and development began to be used as interchangeable terms by scientists. 2

The Intellectual Context : We see then that by the -end of the nineteenth century the word 'development' had accumulated a whole variety of connotations. The founding figures of sociology, in their separate ways, were concerned with the problem. Comte's consideration of social statics and raised some problems in the broad area of development; so also did Durkheim's notion of mechanical and organic solidarity. Marx posed the problem in a more direct manner and has since been a perennial influence on the growth and diversification of . 'Development', in fact, became the central category of Marx's works: revealed as a historical process that unfolds with the same necessary character of natural laws. Both the Hegelian concept of history and the Darwinist concept of evolution were interwoven in 'development', reinforced with the scientific aura of Marx. We also begin to understand the inextricable links that bind 'development' with the set of words with which it was formed-growth, evolution, maturation. Development always implies a favourable change, a step from the simple to the complex, from the inferior to the superior, from worse to better, The word indicates that one is doing well because one is advancing in the sense of a necessary, ineluctable universal law and toward a desirable goal. The word retains to this day the meaning given to it a century ago by the creator of , Haeckel: 'Development is, from this moment on, the magic word with which we will solve all the mysteries that surround us or, at least, that which will guide us toward their solution.' In the course of time, 'development'came to be seen as a necessary and inevitable destiny of all human . The industrial mode of production, which was no more than one, among many, forms of social life, became the definition of the terminal stage of a unilinear way of social evolution. Thus history was reformulated in Western terms. The metaphor of development gave global hegemony to a purely Western genealogy of history, robbing peoples of different cultures of the opportunity to define the forms of their social life. It is however instructive, at this point, to remind ourselves of the 'Eurocentric' nature of the 'development . 'Thus, for two-thirds of the people on earth, this positive meaning of the word 'development'- profoundly rooted after two centuries of its social construction - is a reminder of 'what they are not'. It is a reminder of an undesirable, undignified condition. To escape from it, they need to be enslaved to others' experiences and dreams. The Wolfgang Sachs edited 'Development Dictionary' first published in 1992 characterised the last 40 years as the 'age of development' while simultaneously asserting that "this epoch is coming to an end (and that) the time is ripe to write its obituary".

The Historical Context Colonialism... Colonialism, that is, the subjugation by physical and psychological force of one culture by another - a colonizing power-through military conquest of territory- 3 predates the era of European expansion (fifteenth to twentieth centuries). However, European colonialism was inarguably the most sustained the systematic attempt in history to devalue and redefine 'other cultures' in terms of European superiority."

The perception that non-European native people of colonial subjects were "backward", or trapped in tradition gave rise to the idea of the "white man's burden", a concept in which the West viewed itself as the bearer of civilization to the darker races.

With the rise of modern European capitalism, state bureaucrats began to pursue to finance their military and administrative needs. Western administrative, educational and religious accompanied colonial rule to stimulate progress in the colonies, along the European path.

In the third decade of the present century the association between development and colonialism, established a century ago, acquired a different meaning. When the British government transformed its Law of Development of the Colonies into the Law of Development' and Welfare' of the colonies in 1939, this reflected the profound economic and political mutation produced in less than a decade. To give the philosophy of the colonial protectorate a positive meaning, the British argued for the need to guarantee the natives minimum levels of nutrition, health and education. A 'dual mandate' started to be sketched: the conqueror should be capable to economically developing the conquered region and at the same time accepting the responsibility of caring for the well-being of the natives. After the identification of the level of civilization with the level of production, the dual mandate collapsed into one: development. In the post- World War 11 era newly independent states joined the world community in the rush toward development, with quite varying success.

... And After The worldwide decolonisation movement truly culminated in the collapse of European colonialism in the mid twentieth century, when the second world war sapped the power of the French, Dutch, British and Belgian states to withstand anticolonial struggles. However, in this world, non-European cultures had either been destroyed or irrevocably changed through the colonial impact. Newly independent states emerged within a framework defined by the European conception of development. From 1945 to 1981, 105 new states joined the United Nations as the colonial empires crumbled, swelling the ranks of the United Nations from 51 to 156. This global transformation, granting political sovereignty to millions of non- Europeans (more than half of humanity), ushered in the era of development. The development era was thus intimately linked to decolonization. The adoption of the European model across the formerly colonial world was the underpinning of the post-World War 11 'development project.' It was conceived of as an organized strategy to overcome the legacies of colonialism. Increasingly it was 4 understood that nations gaining political independence need to pursue national economic growth strategies.' However, Iocal cultures, long suppressed under colonialism, usually received short shrift in their move to imitate the Western model since the development project was rooted in an economic model driven by technology and behaviour rather than culture per se. This new paradigm produced a strategy for 'improving' the condition of the erstwhile colonies. The division between the developed world and the underdeveloped world was generalized to be a matter of degree that could be set right by the project. First, no matter how diverse was the cultural heritage of the newly independent states, the Western experience became the boilerplate model for their development. Second, conditions in the were viewed as early stages on a universal path to modern society. Absent from this model was any acknowledgement that the colonies had made a contribution to European development or that the non-European societies had many intrinsic merits. In a postcolonial era, Third World states would be denied the opportunity to develop by exploiting the resources and labour of 'other' societies. Development was modeled as a national process. The Beginning of the Cold War: In the post second world war era, the was the most powerful state economically, militarily and ideologically. It was a formidable and incessant productive machine, unprecedented in history. Its superior standard of living (with a per capita income three times the average for Western Europe), its anticolonial heritae and its commitment to liberalism in domestic and international relations gave it the trappings of an ideal society on the world stage. It was the undisputed leader of the and it came to be the model of a developed society. In his typically dramatic way Wolfgang Sachs proposes to call the age of development" that particular historical period which began on 20 January, 1949, when the then United States President Harry S. Truman for the first time declared, in a key speech, the Southern hemisphere as 'underdeveloped areas'- for whom, a bold new programme, for making available, the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress would be made. The old - exploitation for foreign profit-has no place in our plans." In order to stabilize populations and rekindle economic growth in strategic parts of the postwar world; as also to certain the 'communist threat', the United States hoped to use financial aid to gain the newly-independent nations' allegiance to the Western free enterprise system. The United States spearheaded two initiatives to reconstruct the the '' and the 'Bretton Woods' programme. The former was a 'bilateral initiative' because it involved agreements between two states on state- to-stage activities, the latter was considered 'multilateralism', as it involved collective agreements by a series of member-states. The development project emerged within the 'bilateralism' of the Marshall plan and became formalized 5 under the terms of the Bretton Woods programme. The Marshall Plan was a vast, bilateral transfer of billions of dollars to European states and Japan aimed at fulfilling U. S. geopolitical goals in the Cold War, The Plan restored trade, price stability and rising production levels there, immediately following the second world war. It aimed at securing private enterprise in these regions to undercut socialist movements and tabour militancy. Dollar exports, allowing recipients to purchase American goods, closely integrated these countries' economies with that of the United States, solidifying their political loyalty to the Free World-the Western bloc of the Cold War world. The creation of an international bank which would enable the restoration of trade by using credit to revitalize regions devastated by colonialism was a core idea of the Bretton Woods programme. In July 1944, the U. S. Treasury steered 'the conference of 44 finance ministers (of these 27 were from the Third World) at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, toward chartering the foundation of the"twin sisters"; the '' and the 'International Monetary Fund. 'These 'multilateral' arrangements between nation-states were seen to be echoing the key sentiments of the development project; multinational universalism, viewing natural bounty as unlimited and a liberal belief in freedom of opportunity as the basis of political development. Clearly then multilateral funding was ideologically committed to extending the realm of free enterprise. In their attempt to pursue a strategy of economic growth, a number of Third- World countries entered into the international economic cooperation programmes associated with the 'Bretton Woods' institutions. Consequently, national economic growth began to depend on the stimulus of these new international economic arrangements. These included foreign aid, technology imports, stable currency exchange, robust international trade-all were deemed necessary to sustain national development policies, Ranged against the United States were the Soviet Union and an assortment of other communist states, primarily those of Eastern Europe. The Second world was considered the alternative to First World capitalism. As the realm of free enterprise expanded, the political dynamics of the Cold War deepened. By 1964, the Soviet Union had extended export credits to about 30 newly-independent Asian and African states, even though most aid was concentrated among eight countries. Under the Soviet aid system, loans could be rapid in local currencies or in the form of traditional exports, a programme that benefited states short of foreign currency. Not only was the Soviet Union offering highly visible aid projects to key states like Indonesia and India, but in its aid policies it was clearly favoring states that were pursuing policies of central planning and public ownership in their development strategies. However, both Cold war blocs understood development in similar terms, even if their respective paths of development were different. Each bloc took its cue from key nineteenth century thinkers. The Western variant identified ' capitalism' as the high point of individual and societal development. This view was based in Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian philosophy of common good arising 6 out of the pursuit of individual self-interest. The Communist variant, on the other hand, identified the abolition of private property and central planning as the goal of social development. The source for this was 's collectivist dicturn" from each according to his ability and to each according to his needs." It is interesting that although the two political blocs subscribed to opposing representations of human destiny, they shared the same modernist paradigm: 'National industrialization'would be the vehicle of development in each. What is the Third World? At the time of decolonization, the world was subdivided into three geo-political segments. These subdivisions came about after World War 11 (1939-1944) as the Cold War set in and Europe was divided between the capitalist Western (First World) and the communist Soviet (Second World) blocs. The term Third World was coined by some French intellectuals i in the 1950s and referred to those countries, inhabited by non-Europeans, which were for the most part colonized by Europe. Further it was regarded as impoverished in standard economic terms. Frantz Fanon added political and cultural dimensions to the notion of impoverishment. He termed these people "the wretched of the earth". Where as the First World had 65 percent of world income with only 20 percent of the world's population, the Third world accounted for 67 percent of but only 18 percent of its income. Many observers feel that much of the gap in living standards between the First and the Third Worlds derived from colonialism. There were, however, simultaneous's attempts by the Third World to avoid becoming pawns in the ongoing geopolitical Cold War. While the United States and the Soviet Union were busy dividing the world, the countries of the Third World came together to assert their own presence in the international system., This group advocated a policy of 'non-alignment' and tried to steer an independent path between the First and Second Worlds. These countries included Egypt, India, Indonesia and Yugoslavia. In 1955, the growing weight of the Third World in international politics produced the first conference of "nonaligned" Asian and African states at Bandung, Indonesia, forming the 'Non- Aligned Movement' (NAM). The NAM used its collective voice in international forums to forge a philosophy of noninterference in international relations. In the 1980s a Fourth World was named to describe regions that were being marginalized internationally. The Career of 'DEVELOPMENT': The concept 'development', which according to Wolfgang Sachs, had suffered the most dramatic and grotesque metamorphosis of its history in Truman's hands, was impoverished even more in the hands of its first promoters - the modernization theorists - who reduced it to 'economic growth'. For these men development consists of growth in the income per person in economically underdeveloped areas. Lewis' 1955 dictum 'First it should be noted that our subject matter is 'growth', and not 'distribution,' reflects the mainstream emphasis on economic growth which permeated the whole field of development thinking. Interestingly the emphasis on economic growth is something that left-leaning 7 economists like Paul Baran and modernization theorists, like the author of the 'non-communist manifesto', Walter Rostow, both share. By the end of the fifties though, we notice an attempt to distinguish 'development' from mere 'economic growth'. The 'Proposals for Action' of the First LIN Development Decade (1960-70) established that, 'The problem of the underdeveloped countries is not just growth, but development... Development is growth plus change, (it added). Change, in turn, is social and cultural as well as economic, and qualitative as well as quantitative... The key concept must be improved quality of people's life." In spite of this gradual change, throughout the First UN Development Decade,'development'continued to be perceived as a definable path of economic growth passing through various stages, and 'integration was the watchword linking the social aspect to the economic aspect. In the 1960s as the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (Unrisd), established in 1963, acknowledged later, social development' was se i en partly as a precondition for economic growth; and partly as a moral justification for it and the sacrifices it implied.' At the end of the sixties however, many factors contributed to dampen the optimism about economic growth: the shortcomings of current policies and processes were more conspicuous than at the beginning of the decade; the attributes demanding integration had widened; and became clear that rapid growth had been accompanied by increasing inequalities. By then, the economists were moire inclined to acknowledge social aspects as 'social obstacles'. Conceptually there was a generalized revolt against the straitjacket of economic definitions of development, constraining its goals to more or less irrelevant quantitative indicators. The 1980s has been characterized as the "lost decade"of development for the poorer regions of the world economy, meaning that the debt crisis set them back considerably. However we need to note that although average per capita income may have fallen in and Africa; in South and East Asian countries, by contrast, per capita income rose. These Pacific Asian states were more in step with the global economy. Along with the South Asian states, they benefited from the oil boom in the Middle East, the most rapidly growing market at this time. The Pacific Asian states exported labour to the Middle eastern states, from which they received monetary remittances. One particular reason the Pacific Asian states were relatively immune to the "lost decade" was that the ratio of their debt serviced to exports was half that of the Latin American countries during the 1970s. Besides their geopolitical advantage, they were less vulnerable to the contraction of credit in the new monetarist world economic order. Inspite of this however, the gap between the 'development' North and the underdeveloped South only grew wider. Critics of modernization including would assert that this is a consequence of an 'increasing' (and not the 'lack' of 'incomplete') integration of the Third World economies into 'the global system of production (globalisation) that is responsible for this state of affairs. 8

The development project has come under increasing scrutiny in the 1990s losing considerable credibility among member of the Third World states. It has had quite mixed success, and there is a growing reaction to its homogenizing thrust. Ethnic or cultural identity movements have begun to reassert their political claims in some parts of the world. Also, there is a growing movement to develop alternative livelihood strategies beyond formal economic relations - to explore new ways of community living or simply to recover older ways of life that preceded the specializing thrust of modern commercial systems. These movements express a loss of faith in the ideals of 'the development project. Consequences of Development: The United Nations and other institutions of the development establishment categorize the nations of the world into three: developed countries, developing countries, and least developed countries. Critics of the development establishment reconceptualised the division as one between the developed and the 'under' developed worlds in the late 1960s. According to them, the 'backward' or 'poor' countries were in that condition due to past lootings in the process of colonization and 'the -continued raping by capitalist exploitation at the national and international level: underdevelopment was the creation of development. In 1960, the northern countries were 20 times richer than the southern, in 1980, 46 times. Observers like Wolkgang Sachs object to the above critique claiming that, "By adopting in an uncritical manner the view to which they meant to be opposed, their efficient criticism of the ambiguity and hypocrisy of the Western promoters of development (only succeeded) in giving a virulent character to 'he (development) metaphor". For Sachs 'development' provided the fundamental frame of reference for that mixture of generosity, bribery and oppression which has characterized the policies of the North towards the South. He further claims that the historical conditions which catapulted the idea into prominence have vanished. The development project's inspired campaign to turn traditional man into modern man has failed. In its place there has been a tremendous loss of diversity within and among human societies. Market State and Science have been the great universalizing powers of our times. The spreading monoculture has eroded viable alternatives to the industrial, growth-oriented society and dangerously crippled humankind's capacity to meet an increasingly different future with creative responses. Conclusion: From another point of reference the rise of the Globalisation project has inaugurated the post-developmentalist era. It did not begin on any particular date, but it signifies a new stage of thinking about development. The debt crisis of the 1980s shifted the terms of development from a national to a global concern. States still pursue development goals, but these goals are less and less nationally managed. In fact several international assistance projects are increasingly cast in terms of subnational levels - witness, for example the zeal 9 of the present Andhra Pradesh CM Chandrababu Naidu. The infrastructure of at large has been shifted mainly to the level and goals of the globalisation project. These goals involve development of a world market in which states expect to share the benefits. The development project has shed its national characteristics and is now undergoing reformulation as the globalisation project.

Questions:

1 . What do you understand by the term 'development'? How is it related to colonialism?

2. Evaluate the project of 'development' over the last half a century. Do you agree with, Sachs contention that the age of development has ended?

------10 2 STATE AS AGENT OF CHANGE / DEVELOPMENT Introduction: The state is arguably the most ubiquitous of change in the present times. The nation-state has, in the modern world, come to acquire the status of being the preeminent organizing principle for both local and global systems. In this section we intend to review the role of the state in the 'development project'. Of late, within the context of 'globalisation' and 'post-modernism', the role of the state has been subject to wide-ranging assessment. Some observers have even heralded the 'end of the state' in contemporary political practice. We will, in this section, attempt a mapping of the concept of the state in the development debate.

The modern state is a set of institutions comprising the legislature, the executive, central and local administration, judiciary, police and armed forces. Its crucial characteristic is that it acts as the institutional system of political domination and has a monopoly of the legitimate use of violence. In various historical societies, the state was amorphous because the legitimate use of force was diffused, for example, to feudal lords, kinship groups or corporate bodies. The variety of institutions indicate that it may not always act as a unitary and homogenous entity.

Almost ever since the structural outlines of the modern state became clear in the sixteenth century, it has provoked contradictory responses. For Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes, Locke, Bentham, J. S. Mill, Kant, Hegel and others, it was the most rational mode of organizing the collective affairs of a society and securing peace, stability, personal autonomy, equality, justice, and all else that human beings most valued. Others such as the early Renaissance writers, Rousseau, Godwin, Proudhon, Marx and Romantic and Conservative writers took the opposite view that the state was an instrument of oppression, inhospitable to man's noblest impulses and aspirations and morally illegitimate.

Sociological Perspectives on the State: Sociological accounts of the state broadly fall into three categories. There are those like who sees the modern state, the patterns of authority and legitimacy, the role of leadership and the nature of bureaucracy as the quintessential "rational" organization. Thus the state in both, capitalist and socialist societies, is seen as an independent force that has its own rules of action-the legal-rational rules of bureaucracy - and dominates all social groups. 11

With the unification of as historical background, Weber was concerned about Germany "catching up" with the politically and economically more advanced England. Such "modem" issues naturally focused attention on the problems of carving out cohesive and centralized states and on the creative role of political leaders. For Weber then the evolution of he modern European state, while partly a product of the centralizing actions of monarchs, was an integral aspect of the larger trend toward the rational reorganization of society - which itself was the result of modern capitalism. Weber's concept of the modern state thus remained focused on territoriality and on elements of centralized control. Secondly there are the Marxist accounts of the state in capitalist societies which regard it as tied to the interests of and the dominant class. 'Instrumentalist' sees the state as simply an outpost of the dominant class because its personnel are drawn from this class. 'Structuralist' Marxism maintains that the state furthers the interest of capital or the capitalist class even though the state has relative autonomy of class. It may be pertinent to point out, at this point, that the only remaining 'classical' sociologist Emile Durkheim sought to focus attention on . the process of industrialization, the accompanying increases in division of labour and the resulting changes in a society's value system. This image of transformation. was to inspire later theorists to formulate the well-known dichotomy of tradition and modernity and the role of the state in bringing about this transition. However both Marx and Durkheim tended to focus analytical attention on a society's socioeconomic, rather than its political structure. Marx held that social and political change was propelled by capitalism as a mode of production and the dynamics of surplus accumulation. Durkheim considered the increasing division of labour and the resulting changes in the value system to be a partial explanation of the vicissitudes of an industrializing society. For both, the drama of the great transformation was located, not in the state, but in society. The state and politics were peripheral to the major processes of change. Although both Marx and Durkheim paid some attention to the state, they considered a state's actions and a society's politics to be largely a reflection of the more fundamental dynamics of socio-economic change. Thirdly, pluralist accounts steer a middle course, regarding the state as a partly independent force which, via the workings of the democratic process, may still be influenced by the different interests that are represented politically. Practitioners of modern sociology, generally speaking, adopt one of these above - mentioned perspectives. A Brief History of the State: What we have learned to call the state today is actually the modern nation- state. It entered the world scene only really after the treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Though a contractual element had already entered the civic space by the 13", century in parts of Europe, the treaty gave formal institutional status to the emerging concept of the state in Europe. But even then the concept would 12 never have attained the power it later did if the French Revolution had 12 not underwritten it by linking up the story of the state to that of nationalism. With the spread of republicanism in Europe, there also grew up severe doubts among European elites about the long-term legitimacy of the merging non- monarchical states. Nationalism came in, and was systematically promoted, as an alternative basis of such legitimacy. The Weberian charisma that was previously concentrated in the person of the monarchsupposedly mediating between the sacred and secular orders- was now distributed among the population and a non-specific nationalism was seen as the best guarantor of the stability of the state At the beginning, the new concept of the state in Europe and its corresponding institutional arrangements had to contend with other surviving concepts and structure of the state that were different from and antagonistic to the new concept. in another context, British colonialism, though it was perfectly at home with the concept of the nation-state in Britain, operated in India within the broad cultural framework of the Mughal empire which had preceded it. This it did explicitly and self - consciously during the early decades of the Raj and more tacitly and partly unwillingly till roughly the First World War. Despite this early compromises of the British colonial state, gradually the concept of the nation- state did manage to disparage and displace all other surviving notions of the state in the Third World as so many instances of medievalism and primitivism. The process was strengthened when, in one society after another, indigenous intellectuals and political activists confronting the colonial power found in the idea of the nation-state 'the' clue to the West's economic success and political dominance. The idea of a native nation-state, thus, was increasingly seen as he cure-all for every ill of the Third World. The State and Development The concept of the state that emerged from the modern European experience had some distinguishing features. Among other things, the new concept assumed a closer fit between the realities of ethnicity, nation and the state; it gave a more central role to the state in the society than the 'ancient regime' had done; and it redefined the state as the harbinger and main instrument of , which in the European context meant being the trigger for and protector of the modern institutions associated with industrial capitalism. In the immediate aftermath of colonialism in the 1950s and 1960s there was a revival of a major intellectual concern in the nature of state - specifically, a concern with the processes of state - and nation - building in the old societies turned new nations. It was widely believed in the modern world that every society had to pass through clear-cut historical stages to finally conform to the prevalent model of a proper nation-state - exactly as every economy had to go through fixed stages of growth to attain the beatitude of development. It was believed that to go through these inescapable stages, each society had to restructure its culture, shed those parts that were retrogressive and cultivate cultural traits more compatible with the needs of a modern nation-state. 13

Development was increasingly understood as a process that could be universal and should be universal and unimpeded by specific cultural patters. Its two universal ingredients were the nation - state and economic change. Thus, the nation state was to be the framework of the development project. Nation - states were territorially defined political systems based on the government/ citizen relationship that emerged in nineteenth century Europe. Use of this framework was a historical choice based on the West's experience, not on an inevitable unfolding of human destiny. Geopolitical decisions about postcolonial political arrangements were made in London and Paris where colonial powers, looking to sustain spheres of influence, insisted on the nation-state as the only appropriate political outcome of decolonization. The frontiers of most postcolonial states are inheritances from colonial partitions which in turn are completely arbitrary. They do not reflect the limits of natural regions, nor the limits of separate ethnic groups. They were shaped in their detail by the chances of conquest or of compromise between colonial powers. Furthermore, ideas about the limits to the nation-state organization resonate today in the growing macro-regional groupings around the world. These macro - regions involve states and firms that collectively reach beyond national boundaries to organize supranational markets. Examples include the European Community (EC), the North American Association (NAFTA), and Asia-Pacific Economic Conference (APEC). The Developmentalist State : The Third World countries vitnessed the establishment of relatively strong developmentalist states, advocating variants of economic nationalism. The developmentalist state was characteristic of late starters on the development path.- Planning and public investment were necessary to the strategy of catching up. Three intersecting forces stood behind the developmentalist state: 1 Development economies encouraged state planning to overcome market inefficiencies in Third World countries (for eg., low literacy levels).

2. Post-colonial governments inherited a centralized administration from colonial patterns of rule.

3. Management of foreign assistance funds were centralized in the hands of the state, giving planning elites considerable leverage over their society. In fact, access to foreign aid often depended on a country's having a Western-style state with a bureaucracy composed of ministries, career civil servants and the like.

The developmentalist state takes charge of organizing economic growth by mobilizing money and people. On the money end, it uses individual and corporate taxes, along with other government revenues such as export taxes and sales taxes, to finance public buildings of transport systems and state enterprises such as steel works and energy exploration. States also mobilize money by borrowing in private capital markets, competing with private borrowers. Where state enterprises (financed with public monies, but run on market criteria) predominate, we have what is called 'state capitalism'. Where they complement private enterprise, we simply have a form of state entrepreneurialism. 14

On the people front, typically in postcolonial states, governments mobilized political coalitions of citizens from different social groups - workers, capitalists, professionals and small business people. Political loyalty was obtained by the guarantee of certain kinds of social resources to these various groups: public services, price subsidies, easy credit terms to small businesses, tax exemption for capitalists, wage increases for workers and so on. The developmentalist state used these coalitions to support its programme of industrialization. When the government integrates labour unions and business into a three-way alliance with government economic programmes designed to stimulate private enterprise, the result is a 'corporatist' state, and the State Structural adjustment policies pursued by the multilateral agencies in the Third World reveal a telling rethinking of the state's role in development initially, as presented by the World Bank's 1981, report, the goal of "shrinking" the state was justified as a way to improve efficiency and reduce urban bias. Structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) directly challenged the political coalitions and goals of the national developmental state. At the same time, SAPs strengthened finance ministries in the policy-making process. In other words, within the Third World, power moved from the developmental coalitions (urban planning, agriculture, education) to the financial group, which was most concerned with a country's ability to obtain international credit. The report revealed a shift in Bank lending practices from providing assistance for developmental concerns to tying aid to "comprehensive policy reform." The World Bank's premise for the shift was that the postcolonial development states were over bureaucratic and inefficient on the one hand, and unresponsive to their citizenry on the other. The solutions proposed and imposed the Bank however substitute growing external control of these countries in the name of financial orthodoxy, The Bank by advancing the idea of "political conditionality" proposed "policy dialogue" with recipient states leading to "consensus forming". This is a sophisticated way of constructing political coalitions and shifting the balance of power within the recipient state towards those who expect to gain from the economic reforms proposed by the multilateral agencies. This strategy is actually a way of remaking states, through " building", it continues the practice whereby the administration of Bank projects gives greatest weight to the input of technical experts in national planning. The new phase of Bank involvement deepens by organizing coalitions in the state that are committed to the redefinition of the government's economic priorities. The state sheds its accountability to its citizens, who iose input into their own government. One clear implication of this practice is an expanding trusteeship role for the multilateral agencies. This procedure not only compromises national sovereignty but also subordinates national policy to the demands of the global economy. It illustrates the growth of global regulatory mechanisms that may override national policy making. Under these conditions, the World Bank, which is now the principal multilateral agency involved in global development financing, plays a 15 definite governing role. It dictates legal and institutional change through its lending process and since its 1989 report, it now asserts that evaluating governance in debtor countries is within its jurisdiction. The Decline of the Developmentalist State The debt regime shifted economic managerial power from former Third world states to global agencies. Countries surrendered their economic sovereignty as First World governments and financiers, both private and public, concentrated managerial control of the global economy in their own hands. Governments and business elites in the former Third World countries certainly collaborated in this enterprise, often for the same reasons they had promoted development financing in previous decades. They are usually well placed to benefit most from infusions of foreign capital and the debt burden in borne disproportionately by the poor. Treating the debt crisis as a banking crisis meant that global financial health overrode other considerations, including the viability of government management of national economies. Keynesian (state interventionist) policies had steadily eroded through the 1970s in the First World as the ideology of economic liberalism spread its message of giving the market a free rein. Public expenditure fell; so did wage levels as organized labour lost ground because firms were moving off shore and/or cheaper imports from the newly industrializing countries were flooding domestic markets. Under the new monetarist,doctrine in the 1980s, this trend was extended south. The debt regime directly challenged the developmentalist state. Debt managers demanded a'shrinking'of states of the former Third World, both through reduction in social spending and through the'privatisation'of state enterprises. In order to reschedule their debt, governments sold off the public companies that had ballooned in the 1970s. As a result, the average number of in this region of the world expanded ten-fold across the decade. Although there is no doubt that developmentalist state elites had pursued excessive public financing, accomplished two radical changes: (1) it reduced public capacity in developmental planning and implementation, thereby privileging private initiative; and (2) it extended the reach of foreign ownership of assets in the former Third World - precisely the condition that governments had tried to overcome in the 1970s. Between 1980 and 1992, the stock of international bank lending rose from 4 percent to 44 percent of the GDP of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Rather than losing the money they had loaned in such excessive amounts, banks earned vast profits on the order of 40 percent per annum on Third World investments alone. The restructured zones of the global economy were apparently now quite profitable for private investment; wages were low, governments were not competing in the private capital markets and an export boom in manufactured goods and processed foods are underway, The debt regime, in dealing with the problem of adjustment on a case-by-case basis, transformed the discourse of development in two distinct ways. First, 16 the conditions imposed on debtors for renewal of credit enabled the debt managers to reframe the national project. There was no longer a question of pursuing the goals of the original development project; rather, wholesale restructuring (to compete in the global economy) was necessary to guarantee repayment of debt. Second, measures, privatization, and export expansion renewed the global economy rather than individual national economies. Austerity measures lowered wages to encourage foreign investment, privatization ensured the revival of the principle of the global freedom of enterprise and export expansion sustained the flow of products to the wealthier zones of the global economy. Each measure potentially undermined the coherence and sovereignty of national economies. Lowered wages reduced power. Wage earners had a tighten their belts; as a result, the market for goods produced locally contracted. Privatization of public enterprises reduced the capacity of states. They were no longer in a position to enter into joint ventures with private firms and lay plans for production priorities. Reduction in public expenditure generally reduced states' capacity to coordinate national economic and social programmes. Finally, export expansion often displaced local production systems. The National State and Globalisation As parts of national economies became embedded more deeply in global enterprise through chains, they weakened as national units and strengthened the reach of the global economy. This situation was not unique to the 1980s, but the mechanisms of the debt regime institutionalized the power and authority of global management within states'very organization and procedures. This was the turning point in the story of development. Internalizing the authority of global management involves two significant and related changes in the structure of power. First, the conditions of debt rescheduling actively reorganize states. Second, the reorganization has a profoundly unrepresentative character to it, as bureaucrats in the global agencies exert more and more influence on how states should conduct their economic affairs. Reform policies are routinely imposed by the global agencies with little or no scrutiny by the citizens of the state undergoing restructuring. The World Bank established local agencies to administer its projects as a matter of course. Under the debt regime, this practice blossomed under the pretext of shaking markets loose from government regulation. Giving the market free rein is arguably a euphemism for allowing such bureaucrats, global banks, and global firms a stronger hand in determining what should be produced, where and for whom. The power of the global managers is typically institutionalized through the administration of adjustment programmes. Throughout the Bretton Woods era, the International Monetary Fund exerted considerable influence on the fiscal management of states by applying conditions to the loans it made to adjust short-term balance of payments. But this influence involved merely financial stabilization measures. Structural adjustment loans, by contrast, restructure 17 economic initiatives in debtor countries and redistribute power within the state. The most widespread restructuring redistributes power from programme- oriented ministries (social services, agriculture, education) to the central bank and to trade and finance ministries. The importance of this shift is the loss of resources to state agencies that support and regulate economic and social sectors affecting the majority of the citizenry, especially the poorer classes. These resources are shifted to the agencies more directly connected to global enterprise, where economic criteria replace the social criteria that define the national project. The End of the State : The relationship between culture and the state in most Third World societies is today subject to re-evolution. A huge majority of Third World societies have failed to walk successfully the arduous oath of 'progress', laid out so considerately by the dominant school of post World War 11 social science and they have failed to develop viable nation-states along the lines prescribed by postal In century Europe. The state in these societies often looks today like some kind of specialized coercive apparatus or private business venture. Further, culture in these societies has shown more resilience than expected. When pitted against the needs and rationales of the state, it is often the state which has given way to culture. This resilience of culture, also expressed in the spirited resurgence of ethnic self-awareness in many Third World societies, seems to show hat what was once possible in the case of small tribes and minorities which were bulldozed by modernization is no longer possible in the case of larger cultural entities without arousing stiff resistance. There seems to be a growing inability of the nation-state to serve the needs of civil society in large parts of the world. Further, the institution of the modern state was born into and presuppose a relatively stable and insular world that no longer exists today. In an age of increased mobility of labour, capital, culture and so on, territorial boundaries have become porous, no longer command old attachments and allegiances and cannot be the faci of individual and collective identity. Conclusion: Responses to the failures of the state can broadly be classified into three. First, there has emerged the concept of multi-national and multi-ethnic states as correctives to the standard idea of the unitary nation-state. Second, some people, noticing how the concept of the nation state seeks to pummel major civilizations into shape, have tried to redefine the state. Third, there have been others to whom the concept of a moderate or civil state promises some respite, if not a remedy. It is possible, they feel, to recover the liberal, pace-setting role of the state through detailed monitoring of the state by those politically active outside the state sector, in areas such as environment, peace, human rights, , alternative sciences and technologies. The enrichment of civil society and reform of the state through such monitoring, they feet will automatically bring about a redefinition of the scope of the modern state. Critics of the state, however, point out that the spectacular state-controlled development processes in a society are no guarantor of the development of 18 the society, however paradoxical this may sound. There are a number of states in the world where development means only the development of the state itself or, at most, the state sector. In fact, in a number of cases, the development of the state has been the best predictor of the underdevelopment of society. Further, the state's role as the ultimate development agency legitimizes its authoritarian nature and repressive policies. Some scholars have, consequently, defined development as the process in the name of which the state mobilises resources internally and externally and, then, eats them up itself, instead of allowing them to reach the bottom and the peripheries of society. Some scattered non-or post modem concepts of the state have, thus, began to emerge in respond to the crisis of the nation state in our times. For while it is an open question what forms the post-modern state will take, there is little doubt that the dominant concept of the state will have to be drastically altered. If not in response to intellectual doubts and criticisms, at least in response to the larger processes of demoncratisation going on all over the world. For the crisis of the modern state springs primarily from the contradiction that has arisen between it and the demands for of the world of knowledge and restoration of the dignity of the peoples peripheralised during the last 200 years. Questions: I . Account for the origins and contemporary practices of the state. Focus particularly on the notion of the 'developmentalist state.'

2. Do you agree with the 'end of the state' argument? Justify your response with special reference to the forces of globalisation.

______19 3 MODERNISATION THEORY

The objective of this unit is to understand the meaning of the term modernization to trace the origins of the and to focus on the main tenets of modernization theory. Finally, to critically evaluate the five major approaches of this theory namely, the Ideal Typical Approach, the Diffusionist Approach, the psychological Approach, the Historical Approach and the Marxist Approach.

Further, we try to understand Daniel learners important work the passing of Traditional society (1958) and finally we critically evaluate the strengths and weakness of the modernization .

Introduction: The term 'modernisation' became very popular in western social science in the 1960's. In the first development decade of the 1950s, development theory, practice and policy was dominated by the modernization approach and this continued into the 1 960s. the ideological framework proposed by the modernization approach was essentially Western and pro-capitalist. It formed part of the process of of developing countries. Before moving further, let us trace the beginnings of modernization theory. Conceptually, Modernization Theory was predicated on two distinctive and yet interrelated disciplines: A.- The Classical Evolutionary Theory B - Functionalist Theory (A) - The Classical Evolutionary Theory (Comte, Durkheim et all assumed the following:

1 . Social change is unidirectional, from a primitive to an advanced states, thus the fate of human evolution is predetermined.

2. The movement toward the final phase is good because it represents progress, humanity, and civilization, the latter three concepts defined in accordance with Western European cultural parameters.

3. It assumed that the rate of social change is slow and gradual. Most importantly, social change, in accordance with Charles Darwin approach to biological development, was evolutionary not revolutionary.

4. From above, the process (from primitive to complex modern societies) will take centuries to complete. 20

(B) Functionalist Theory, as outlined by , 1951, had the following tenets:

1 Human society is like a biological organism, with different parts corresponding to the different institutions that makeup a society;

2. Each institution performs a specific function for the good of the whole, thus there are four crucial functions that every institutions must perform to maintain the social fabric:

(i) Adaptation to the environment - performed by the economy, but not any economic system, only capitalism can adapt to the environment.

(ii) Goal attainment - performed by the government, pursuing liberal alms as defined by English and French thinkers.

(iii) Integration - (linking the institutions together) - performed by the legal institutions and religion. But not any religion. Branches of the Judeo- Christian religions were the right ones.

(iv) Latency - the maintenance and transmission of values from generation to generation-performed by the family as a historical basic human organization, an education.

Functionalist theory stated that societies tend toward harmony, stability, equilibrium and the status quo. Any behaviour jeopardizing these conditions will be considered anti-social and therefore punishable, etc. Functionalism, or its'related theories of (Malinowski, Talcott Parsons) and Systems Theory has been one of the most influential of all social science theories, not only in political science and sociology, but also in anthropology. Much of its origins depends on analogies with biological systems, and in just the way that a biologist might study the role of some physiological aspect, some set of cells, in the maintenance of life, functionalists have tried to understand what are the necessary "functions" that must be carried out in any political system if it is to cope with its environment and achieve its goals, and to locate the "structures" (political parties, socializing agencies like churches, family, etc.) which facilitate the functioning.

The notion of Economic Development in the Less Developed Countries (often regarded as synonymous with ) is a post-World War phenomenon. The strategy which advocated and promoted economic development and modernization in the newly-emergent nation-states of the Africa/Asia/Latin America (i.e. those within the Western sphere of influence) was formalized in the body o Modernization Theory.

After the Second World War, the world was divided into three major groups:

(i) The socialist countries (those with planned economies) like the then U. S. S. R., , Mongolia, North Korea, Vietnam, Cuba and others. 21

(ii) The developed capitalist countries with market economies, like U. S. A., Canada, Western Europe, Japan, etc. (iii) And finally, the underdeveloped countries (Third World) based on and comprising of Africa, Asia, , Latin America, etc. (which were recently decolorizing themselves were in search of a new development model). These under developed societies, which constitute more than two thirds of humanity, are characterized by certain features namely; (i) Predominance of animal and human power over inanimate power-such as steam, electricity or atomic energy as basis of production. (ii) Low per capita income, dependency on the primary sector of the economy, use of traditional technology and inadequate growth of in-frastructural facilities like roads, power plants, ports, etc. Large number of population living in the rural areas and still dependent on agriculture. Very low degree of urbanization. Level of standard of living of the average individual is very low. There is deficiency in the nutritional intake, basic civic amenities are absent, individuals live in unhygienic conditions and are susceptible to many diseases. Illiteracy is rampant and there is high rate of mortality. Individuals possess a traditional, primitive, irrational, complacent outlook towards life. They are entrenched in superstitions, have low levels of work discipline and no sense of achievement orientation. But what is modernization'?

According to scholars, the process of modernization sums up the changes that combine to convert an agricultural or underdeveloped society with a weak state into an industrialized society with a relatively efficient, active government. The modernization process embraces changes that leads up to this industrialization and urbanization. According to Wilbert Moore, 'modernization is a 'total' transformation of a traditional or pre-modern society into the types of technology and associated social organization that characterizes the "advanced", economically prosperous and relatively stable nations of the Western World'. Similarly, Daniel Lerner defined modernization as "the process of social change in which development is the economic component". According to the view prevailing at the time, based on both economic and social interpretations, the countries of the former coloniai empires could be seen as having a dual economy, comprising of two sectors, a modern sector which had come into being as a result of colonialism, and a traditional sector which was still based on the precolonial past, This traditional sector was seen as an obstacle to development and in order for the economy to grow and for 22 development to take place in the country, it had to be transformed and be modernized. For economic change to take place it was believed that there should first be social change. This as because it was considered that the value systems of traditional or underdeveloped societies, which emphasized collective ideals and action based on kinship and community, hampered development and prevented the mobility necessary for individual endeavour and achievement along capitalist lines. Based on this line of thinking, the main tenets of Modernisation Theory are as follows: (i) It emphasizes a high degree of structural differentiation and specialization. (ii) It is based on a mode of production that has come to be known as the capitalist mode of production. It is implied fro this that social order is constituted around two important classes - Capitalist, which owns the means of production, and the Working Class, which sells its labour in this process. (iii) It is essentially a economy. It highlights the growth of a market economy in which both buyers and sellers are seen as individuals capable of engaging in a rational choice and operating within a framework of voluntaism. (iv) The theory basically highlights the growth of bureaucratic institutions which themselves are constructed on principles of rationality and role differentiation. It is these bureaudratic organizations that are seen as being the foundations of this theory, The entire gamut of institutions that maintains and regulates social order are seen as bureaucratic. (V) The theory also emphasizes the growth of a political system based on the principle' of right as crystallized within the notion of state and mediated through a set of constitutional principles, (vi) The powers of the state are absolute and there is a democratic process based on the principle of political representation and adult franchise. (vii) This process of democratization of society has led to the existence of various interest groups within the political process who represent various competing ideologies that highlight the different ways in which the affairs of the state are to be managed. (viii) Modernisation theory also emphasizes the growth of individualism, where in the individual and individual rights are seen as being at the center of all social, economic and political development. (ix) Finally, the modernization theories is also emphasize the idea of social progress and through the process of democratization it is possible for societies to achieve higher levels of individual and social emancipation. From the sociological point of view, the process of modernization has yielded a vast amount of writing. Modernization theory is not a unified approach therefore, we will broadly analyse five major approaches which are dominant today. (i) The Ideal-Typical Approach. (ii) The Diffusionist Approach. (iii) The Psychological Approach. 23

(iv) The Historical Approach of Radical Social Scientists. (v) The Marxist Approach The first three approaches have dominated American thought and received immense support and patronage all over, especially in the fifties and sixties. There is a lot of literature available on these approaches. The fourth approach has emerged as a challenge to the other three approaches and offers a critique of their main tenets. Similarly, the Marxist approach is also opposed to the other four approaches. The Ideal Typical Approach: This approach has manifested itself in two major variants, namely; (i) The Pattern Variable Approach. Historical Stage Approach. (ii) The Pattern Variable Approach: This approach is derived from Max Weber's concept of Ideal Type which was later systemized by Talcott Parson's. According to This approach, characteristics of development and underdevelopment must be located and then programmes and schemes of development be made whereby, underdeveloped countries discard the pattern variables of underdevelopment and adopt those of development. The sociological model developed by Neil Smelser in 1959 was inspired by the work of Talcott Parsons, whose structural-functionalist approach to social action combining Durkheimian and Weberian views had been very influential in the post-war period to about the 1960s (the pattern variables of Parsons underlie Smelser's differentiation model. According to Smelser, the modernization process was seen as being made up of four sub-processes: (a) The modernization of technology, leading to a change from simple traditionatized techniques to the application of scientific knowledge; (b) The commercialization of agriculture, which is characterized by the move from subsistence to commercial farming, leading to a specialization in cash- crop production and the development of wage-labour; (c) Industrialization, which depicts the transition from the use of human and animal power to machine power; (d) Urbanization, which brings about the movement from farm and village to the large urban centers. These processes sometimes occur simultaneously and sometimes at different 24 rates. E. g. in many colonial situations, agriculture becomes commercialized without industrialization. Nevertheless, these four processes affect of traditional society in similar ways. Firstly, as a result of these changes taking place simultaneously or at ' different rates, traditional societies became more structurally differentiated. For Smelser a developed economy and society is characterized by a highly differentiated structure, whilst an underdeveloped one is relatively lacking in differentiation. By 'differentiation'Smelser meant the process by which more specialized and more autonomous social units were established. He saw this as occurring in several different spheres of traditional society, in the economy, the family, political system and religious institutions. For example, as cash cropping is introduced, it leas to the separation of consumption and production activities of the household; wage labour undermines the family production system, which is no longer the basic unit of production. Thus the nature and functions of the family change. Apprenticeship within the family declines, pressures develop against the recruitment of labour along kinship lins, the pattern of authority is transformed as elders lose the control they exercised and the nuclear family becomes differentiated from the extended family. Marriage norms may also changes as more emphasis is given to personal choice in the selection of mates and as women become more independent economically, politically and socially. Individual mobility increases as people are recruited to various occupational, political and religious positions based on achievement rather than as-cription. Multifunctional religious and political roles are replaced by more specialized structures. So structural differentiation is the process whereby one social role or organization... differentiates into two or more roles or organizations which function more effectively in the new historical circumstances. The new social units are structurally distinct from each other, but taken together are functionally equivalent to the original unit. Secondly, as these differentiated units merge into larger units of the modern type new relationships, which are not based on kinship, develop. This Smelser calls the process of integration. For example, the move from a pre-modern political structure, where political integration is closely bound up with kinship status, tribal membership and control of basic economic resources often with mystical sanctions being attached, to a modem type characterized by the existence of specialized political parties, pressures groups and state bureaucracy formed in which people from different ethnic groups in the country are represented. Thirdly, Smelser shows that through such differentiation, social disturbances, such as mass hysteria, outbursts of violence, religious and political movements may occur, which reflect uneven processes of change. This can lead to conflict between the old and new orders of society. In other worlds, it produces what Durkheim called '' or normlessness, a stae of conflicting norms in society and a culture of discontent, where people are unable to realize their aspirations 25 and may turn to violence, and other anti-social behaviour or to selfdestructive acts such as suicide. As Weber also showed, at the religious level, the process of secularization causes disenchantment, fragmentation between competing or partial worldviews, social and private worlds become meaningless and there is a sense of despair and hopelessness. One of the reactions to modernization has been the emergence of fundamentalist movements that reject modern values and preach a return to traditional ones. (ii) Historical Stage Approach: In this approach apart from identification of gap between characteristics of development and underdevelopment, it also specifies the intermediate stages and their characteristics. This approach is mainly associated with Rostow and his economic model developed in 1960. Walt Rostow was an economic historian who served as an adviser to the American government. His book entitled The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, which was published in 1960 clearly reflected the pro-capitalist ideological orientation of the modernization approach. His model was neo-evolutionary in nature and derived from the idea in earlier evolutionary theory that change and development take place according to a set of ordered sequences. Rostow's model was based on the British Industrial Revolution. According to Rostow, the processes of change were simpler and self-sustaining economic growth could be achieved by following a five stage mode of growth. He suggested that 'All societies can be placed in one of five categories, or stages of economic growth". Stage 1: the traditional society

Stage 2: the preconditions for take-off

Stage 3: take-off

Stage 4: drive to maturity

Stage 5: high consumption

The first stage: The Traditional Society: The essential feature of this society is that output is limited because of the inaccessibility of science and technology. Values are generally "fatalistic", and political power is noncentralized. Large number of people are employed in agriculture, which has very low productivity because of the factors mentioned above. In such a society, family and clan groupings are emphasized in the social organization. The second stage: The Preconditions for take-Off: This second stage of growth is one of transition. A traditional society does not move directly into the process of industrialization, first certain preliminaries need to take place. 26

There are clusters of new ideas favouring economic progress arising, and therefore new levels of education, entrepreneurship, and institutions capable of mobilizing capital like bank, etc. investment increases, especially in transport, communications and raw materials, with a general direction toward commercial expansion. But, in accordance with Rostow, traditional social structures and production techniques remain. There is the presence of a "dual society". The third stage: The Take-Off: In this stage finally the old, traditional order and resistances are overcome. New forces, which mobilize economic growth, expand and dominate the society. Agriculture is commercialized, there is a growth in productivity, because that is necessary if the demand emanating from expanding urban centers is to be met. New political groups representing new economic groups push the industrial economy to new heights. In Britain, Canada and the United States, the proximate stimulus for take-off was mainly, though not entirely, technological. The take- off period began in Britain after 1783, in France and the United States around 1840, in Russia in about 1890 and-in countries like India and China around 1950. The fourth stage: The Drive to Maturity: In this stage, the growing economy drives to extend modern technology in all its economic activities, Between 10 and 20 per cent of is invested and the economy takes its place in the international order. Technology becomes more complex, refined and there is a move away from heavy industry. Now production is not the outcome of social necessity but of the need of maximizing profits to survive in a competitive capitalist market. The fifth stage: Mass Consumption: In this final stage, the leading economic sectors specialize in durable consumer goods and services. All this stage, economic growth makes sure that are satisfied and more resources are allocated for social welfare and social security. The emergence of the welfare state is an example. Durable consumer goods and services are diffused on a mass basis. Rostow thought of his theory as a dynamic one Le..."that deals not only with economic factors but also with social decisions and policies of governments". The assumptions underpinning Rostow's schema may be summarized as follows: _ Modernization is characterized by "phases", and the stages in this process are common to all societies thus, this assumption put the theory outside historical development. _ Modernization is a homogenizing process. As such, societies tend toward convergence: which can justifies by the central powers. 27

- Modernization replicates European/North American values/Wodd-view, The nations of Western Europe and the United States are the models that latecomes would like to emulate.

- Modernization is characterized by "phases", and the stages in this process are common to all societies thus, this assumption put the theory outside historical development.

- Modernization is a homogenizing process. As such, societies tend toward convergence: which can justifies cultural imperialism by the central powers.

- Modernization replicates European/North American values/world-view. The nations of Western Europe and the United States are the models that latecomers would like to emulate.

- Modernization is an irreversible process. In other worlds, once the underdeveloped societies come into contact with the Western European and North American societies, they will not able to resist the "impetus toward modernization". Towards adopting capitalist relations of production, that is.

- Modernization is a progressive process. Modernization creates agonies and suffering for many, but that is "the right price" to pay.

- Modernization is a lengthy process. It is an evolutionary change, not a revolutionary change.

- Modernization is a transformative process, societies must abandon traditional ways of thinking, traditional ways of human relations. In a word, societies must drop traditional structures, cultures and values, and adopt those of Western Europe and North American societies today.

Critical Examination of Rostow's Theory: (i) Rostow has been criticized by many on the basis of the teleological approach. Teleological Approach is one where the purpose, which is not explicitly intended by any-one, is fulfilled, while the process of fulfillment is presented as an inevitable sequence of events. In Rostow's model, policies are the result of development and not vise versa, and this is unacceptable to many, as policies of a state should be chosen and not just merely adopted.

(ii) Also one cannot assume that every country will have a similar past and future. So generalizations of any sort are not possible,

(iii) It is felt by many scholars that characteristics of stages might overlap or spill into the other stages, For example, the pre-conditions stage things may continue in the take-off stage and could also get carried further beyond this stage also.

(iv) Critics feel that Rostow plays down all the obstacles and never discusses 28

them. Therefore, it is felt by many that his approach is conceptually vague and empirically superficial. In the take - off stage, it is felt that merely a shift from agriculture to other sectors is not enough. For example, while Denmark, Canada and France attained this shift, in other countries like Russia, Sweden, Germany, etc it did not take place to the extent conceived by Rostow. v) Similarly, it has also been pointed out by extents that Rostow failed to take into consideration other aspects, like the 'bumps, crash landings and nose dive crashes' !in his take-off stage. He has failed to discuss:

* The hauled take-off (in which progress is limited)

* The assisted take-off (in which the economy can be catapulted by some thing else)

* The self-propelled take off (which as the name suggests, is a very powerful take-off like a rocket).

(vi) Rostow also failed to consider that an economy-could reach the fifth stage without going through all the stages or a particular stage. For instance, it has been pointed out that countries like Canada and Australia entered the stage of mass consumption even before reaching the stage of maturity. This was happening, in recent times, with the oil rich countries also.

(vii) Following the same argument, it has also been argued that the last stage of mass consumption may not be reached at all. This could be due to the fact that inflation can reduce the levels of consumption in a society.

(viii) There are limits to a particular country's growth, As there might be instances when a particular country should be regarded as 'fully developed" even though it might not I have reached the standards of the Western countries like the U. S. A, etc. because it have exhausted all its natural resources, manpower and capital, which set the limit of growth. ix) Finally, with respect to the less developed countries, it is felt that Rostow did not take into account crucial factors like unemployment, under- employment, , lack of infrastructure, nature of the government, etc.

(11) The Diffusionist Approach: This approach view development as a process in which there is a diffusion of cultural elements from the developed to the under developed countries. The underlying assumption is that the under developed countries cannot overcome their backwardness without assistance from the developed countries. There is diffusion of capital, technology, Knowledge, skills, institutions including values and so on. These scholars perceive this aid as a sacrifice on part of the developed countries for the benefit of the backward and suffering underdeveloped countries. If still a society dopes not reach the level of modernity and development as projected by them, then it is blamed on the inherent 29 weaknesses present in the under developed-backward societies, like demographic factors, presence of traditional institutions, beliefs, values, etc. (See characteristics of under developed societies presented earlier).

(iii) The Psychological Approach: This approach is mainly associated with McClelland, Kunkel, Hagen and others. According to McCLelland, a society with a high level of achievement will produce energetic entrepreneurs who, in turn, will produce a more rapid economic development. This is because a high level of achievement among people makes them behave in ways which help them fulfill their entrepreneurial roles successfully. Therefore, the crucial factor for economic and cultural development, according to this approach, is the presence of achievement motivation among members. This leads to a planned and concentrated growth and development.

(IV) The Historical Approach: This approach focuses on concrete historical studies of both developed and under developed societies and recognizes the fact that conflicts and tensions of various kinds are present in both, the developed and the under developed societies. This approach has many strands and the main postulates of this approach are sometimes characterized as "new sociology", "radical sociology", "conflict sociology", etc. this approach is especially associated with C. Wright Mills. (His Work Sociological Imagination is considered very important).

The main features of this approach can be summarized as follows, * It emphasizes a historical study of both developed and under developed societies,

* It evolves policies of development on the basis of its concrete findings, and

The creative role of conflicts is highlighted. Though this is different from the approach because here though the role of conflict is recognized, class conflic, As considered to be central. Further, the capitalist class is not considered TO be the in either the developed or the underdeveloped societies.

This approach is severely critical of the first three approaches. The following criticisms have been levied by this approach:

(i) According to this approach, the other three approaches are based on principles which tend to be abstract and formal. (ii) Secondly, these theories perceive change not as it happens actually in history but as transformation of one equilibrium of ideal type to another equilibrium of ideal type. They tend to force reality into abstract ideal- typical social systems rather than concretely evolving social structures. (iii) Therefore, as a result, it is felt that the critical spirit disappears in these approaches. 30

(iv) Finally, it is argued that these approaches have committed the fallacy of trying to derive particulars of human behaviour in any specified given society on the basis of certain formulas and models that they have evolved.

(v) The Marxist Approach,

This approach accepts the fundamentals of the Marxist philosophical and sociological postulates. According to this approach, the underdevelopment of some countries and the development of others, is linked to the emergence of the modern capitalist system on a global scale. So the causes of under development and the problems arising out of this are blamed on the growth of capitalism.

According to this theory, the relationship between the developed capitalist countries and the underdeveloped counties is not one of harmony and cooperation, instead there is a subtile and indirect subjugation of the latter under the guise of "aid". It is argued that the developed world is transforming the underdeveloped societies into their neo-colonial dependencies and the entire image of "aid", "assistance", 'Support" and diffusion of skills, techniques, capital and modernized institutions and values is false and deceptive. The aid itself is seen as the basic obstacle to overcoming backwardness.

Followers of this approach, further state that the policies and schemes for development pursued by the ruling class of the advanced capitalist countries are based on a theory of development which relies on strengthening and furthering the interests of the propertied class and the rich.

Therefore it is postulated that, a policy of development will only be successful if it is based on achieving the reliance of the working class.

The Marxist Approach also presents a critique of the other three approaches which are;

* the other approaches failed to explain the true character of under development and its causes,

* they did not consider the real alternative on the path for development, which is, Socialism.

Daniel Lerner and his important work The Passing of Traditional Society (1958)

One of the most famous of early modernization studies was carried on by Daniel Lerner. In his major work The Passing of Traditional Society (1958), he examined the process of modernization in several Middle East countries, carried out a sample in other under developed societies and supplemented all this with his observations of village society. Lerner's premise is that modernization is a global process occurring in a similar manner the world over, and the role of indices of development like mass media, urbanization, increase in literacy, etc. are responsible for the emergence of a 31 new economic order. According to Lerner, modernity is result of not merely institutional changes in society but also due to changes in the personality of people. He had illustrated this with his account of the grocer and the chief in the village of Balgat situated in Turkey. For Lerner one of the crucial aspects of modernization is the development of a'mobile personality' which is characterized by rationality and empathy. Empathy is the capacity to see oneself in the other person's situation, and this enables people to operate efficiently in a changing world. Modernization, then, is characterized by a high degree of literacy, urbanism, media participation and empathy. As mentioned above, Lerner had carried out questionnaires, and on the basis of the responses he had classified the respondents into traditional, transitional or modern. He found that compared to the 'traditional' individuals, the 'moderns' were happier, better informed and relatively young, and the people placed in the 'transitional' category were inclined to be discontented and liable to extremism, especially is their progress was blocked by a lack of suitable political institutions. Bur Lerner was aware of the fact that although the people placed in the 'modern' category seemed happier, there were difficulties in development, for example, strains may be put on the government, there are problems of social control, etc. similarly, there are personal problems at an individual level, for example, individuals placed in the 'transitional' category may have to adjust traditional Arab and Muslim beliefs to a 'modern' setting. (His study was conducted in the Middle East). Lerner's basic premises can be briefly summarized as follows; * There is a classification of society into traditional, modern (like the other approaches), plus an intermediate category. * Focus on indices of modernity like urbanization, literacy, mass media, etc. * Importance is given to specific personality types in the process of modernization.

THE STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES OF MODERNIZATION THEORIES: In analyzing the assets of modernization theory, it should be understood that this emerged in the early years of the 1950s, and began to disappear in the 1970s when belief in it started to wane. In light of this, it could be presupposed that the weaknesses outnumber the strengths; otherwise the theories would still be relevant today. The strengths are: The main quality of modernization theory is that of its simplicity - the objective is already visible in the image of the West, and the path to follow is laid out by the history of Western evolution. All that remains is for the traditional society to recognize what is needed, from examination of other 'take-off s' to modernity, 32 for their own culture to evolve. Having alleadly achieved their goal, the modern societies can assist in the evolution of the traditional society (although in reality this is far from the truth), by reference to their own history, and to essentially modernization becomes a form of mimicking - a case of 'what works for them - hould work for us.' The same concept was already covered in the term 'Westernisation' referring to the mimicking of the West), but the word 'modernisation has far less -grocentric connotations, and as a result gains much more affection from developing societies are keen to retain some sense of their own history. However, the strengths of modernization theory also lead to its weaknesses. A few of are presented below: (i) The straightforward approach of advancing a society byway of itself evolving internally is, though easy to grasp and as such has strong exterior appeal, is far too basic to incorporate into the world system we see today. The very fact that there are modernized societies to 'look up' too entails that a communication and possible co-operation between North and South already exists, and that there are therefore links and ties already in place - not necessarily to the extent that dependency theorists would go, arguing that the South cannot grow without the severing of the North's stranglehold, but nonetheless significant ties in the organization of society - which mean that the target society cannot be solely regarded as an internal entity; there is little hope of avoiding international factors in today's global village. To resolve this, some thinkers have developed the theory of diffusionism (covered earlier), which bears many of the same characteristics of modernization, but accepts the diffusion of ideas, product, and workforce between both modernized and traditional societies. A culture can be changed sub-consciously and indeed overnight, in ways that may not be intended or in a accordance with the planned evolution. Modernization may be revolutionary, in that it replaces the traditional with the modern, but it must also be considered that revolutions can take some time - they are not an instantaneous event. (ii) Another criticism put forth is that while the struggles to Update its social, political, and economic structures to that of the , it is extremely likely that the modernized country will continue to grow at the same, or possibly faster, rate that the developing country is, and will find difficult to catch up. Though global evolutionary equality is not a particular goal of modernization theory, it is surely one of the aims of development as a whole, and something that is worth pursuing. If this 'closing of the gap' cannot be easily achieved by the performance of an established theory, such as seems to be the case with modernization, then it is clearly not a comprehensive cure for the problem of development. (iii) It is also argued that since modernization theory is typically a Western phenomenon, its roots obviously must lie around capitalist society-the developing world is to be a mirror image of the civilized, which generally embraces capitalism. For example, it is automatically assumed by thinkers like Rostow that this is the correct way for all, underdeveloped society to develop, 33 without considering the implications or alternatives. (See critique of Rostow) The most well known reaction to theories of modernization is that of its antithesis, the Theory of Dependency. takes a far more global viewpoint postulates that the difficulties in development are not due solely to the internal working of the country or region in question, but are more to do with the global imposed by the developed onto the less developed. This is best illustrated Gunder Frank's conceptualization of international relations as a chain of satellite' relationships. Frank (of the socialist tradition) suggests that there unseen hierarchical structure to world relations: the chain begins with the first ropolis (usually attributed to the USA) that has no satellites - i.e. that has no strong dependencies on any other region - and continues downwards; the next layer are still strong metropolises, but still require the USA or other well-developed Western societies in some way-, until much further down we reach the ultimate satellite, which is dependent on everything above it for existence. Frank argues that these dependence links are both the key and the problem when an inability to develop arises. The sanctions imposed, often consciously, by the metropolises to which the satellite is dependent, strip the freedom of the satellite society to evolve and grow, because all of their output is effectively consumed by the upper society. This theory is actually visible in reality, with the situation revolving around aid to the Third World, where the interest rates and terms are so harshly imposed that the recipient country will always be at the mercy of the donor. Frank feels that it is tile dismantling of these dependency relations that is the solution to the problem of development: notably, though, this is a very socialist perspective, since the release of such restrictions allows for much freer and potentially diverse global system, one which does not fit well with traditional capitalist characteristics. The connect this has with modernization theory is simple: both have equal merits, even though they are completely opposed in attributes, but the question of which is most suitable is dependent on the belief to the observer-those brought up and embroiled in a capitalist society, and who believe in the benefits of capitalism, may be more likely to prefer modernization theory. On the other hand, a neo-Marxist will almost certainly stick with theories of dependency. Clearly it is only the completely impartial spectator that can truly judge the pros and cons of both, concepts. (iv) Finally, it has been pointed out that modernization theory itself has produced nothing truly visible yet. This is not because there has been no development in the past 50 years, there has been evolution related to both fields of thought-but.rather because the theories themselves are so indistinct and vague: modernization theory does not Paint a very precise picture of what should be happening, and more particularly, how it should be occurring. As a motivational aid, this theory is an excellent boost to the, drive of a developing society, but it is not the solution. What is, remains to be seen. 34

Summary The concept of modernization emerged after the Second World War, instigated primarily by the global dismantling of European empires, and was widely viewed as the most valuable development theory for around 15 years. It is concerned with the development gap between the developed and under developed countries, and how best to lessen this gap so that the Third World can develop quicker and more effectively. Modernization is a conceptual framework that articulated a common set of assumptions about the nature of developed societies and their ability to transform a world perceived as both materially and culturally deficient. Specifically, modernization theorists posited a sharp distinction between traditional (read poor) and modern (read Western) societies. They took for granted that economic development, from traditional to modern, proceeded along a single straight, unambiguous line. Modernization advocates expected that contact with vital modern societies would accelerate progress in stagnant traditional societies. Put simply, modernization theory is the fundamental proposition that people in traditional societies should adopt the characteristics of modern societies in order to modernize their social, political and economic institutions. It should also be noted that theories of this nature typically come from Western thinkers, not the societies in question themselves, and so we should also assume that the under developed societies have an aspiration to develop into a modern society. Whether this is an entirely compelling assumption is doubtful. Naturally, there are many variants of modernization theory, but the most commonly held stems from Wait Whitman Rostow's views, popularized in the 1960s volume, The Stages of Economic Growth: a non-communist manifesto. Rostow outlines five main stages of sociological growth, in an effort to define firstly where the constituents parts of the world stand in this scheme, and then how best for the under developed countries to climb the ladder of development. The first of these stages is the traditional society, which can be said to encompass all societies prior to the 17th century, which possess little of the structural characteristics that can be seen today. Technological constraints limit production in this stage. As these constraints are removed through education and changes in the value system at the second stage, rational scientific ideas, infrastructure and an orientation to business assume greater importance. These changes do not endogenously as was the case in Western Europe, but from external intrusion, which forces the traditional society into changing. The next stage Rostow terms the preconditions for take-off, which is best illustrated with respect to the third stage, the take-off itself. The take-off is the period whereby a society begins to grow at a steady rate, both in quantity and quality. Essentially, the political, social, and sectors are reformed to allow growth within all aspects of the country, and the society can be said to be emerging as a modern, typically capitalist, civilization. The preconditions for this are various, but can be 35 categorized as a general change in direction through all walks of society, toward the transition from a traditional to modern society. The final two stages are natural extensions from the take-off: the drive to maturity is the expansion of the newly developed ideas and technology into other divisions of society, investment increases to 10-20% and modern technology is diffused throughout the economy, and the age of high mass consumption, the final stage whereby the progress made previously has been fully filtered throughout the economy and culture, and is essentially the state of a country whereby little or no growth is longer necessary to maintain itself. As a theoretical model, Rostow's perspective on modernization is useful in that it is, whether purposefully or not, very indiscriminate and simplistic: it requires little remoulding to adapt from one culture to the other, because there is no real substance to modify. The basis of the theory is that the ultimate goal already exists and can be examined readily, and that this is what the developing country should strive for. Rostow makes no attempt to isolate individual cases and discover different ways to adapt the theory to them, because this is not the purpose of the study - his theory, if not others, supplies the structure and ground rules, rather than the solution, Smelser was concerned with the effects of economic development (for Smelser, economic development had the restricted meaning of economic growth) on social structures. Smelser distinguished four processes: 1) there was a move from simple to complex technology 2) there was a change from subsistence farming to cash crops 3) there was a move from animal and human power to machine power 4) there was a move from rural settlements to urban settlements. For Smelser these processes would not occur simultaneously, and, more, importantly, changes would differ from one society to another. He added that there was a variety of pre-modern starting points and the impetus to change would also vary, being crucially affected by tradition, thus leading to different paths towards modernization. National differences are also important, even in the most advanced stages of modernization, and wars and natural disasters, can crucially affect the pattern of development. The other theories of modernization are the Diffusionsit Approach, in which development is seen as the diffusion of cultural elements from the developed to the under developed world. The Psychological Approach - associated with McClelland and others, where importance is placed on the individuals personality trait of achievement motivation which accelerates economic growth in a country. The other two approaches, the Historical Approach and The Marxist Approach emerged as a critique of the other three approaches. According to them, the earlier three approaches are empirically invalid when observed in the context of reality, theoretically inadequate and policy wise ineffective in pursuing the proclaimed intentions of promoting modernization and development of 36 underdeveloped countries. Then came the ideological, political, and economic earthquake of the 1960s and culture was conceptually pushed aside as the social sciences came to be strongly influenced it not dominated by , Institutionalism, Marxism and Dependency Theory. "Modernisation" theory was not only criticized, it was ultimately pronounced dead. The postwar version of modernization theory had seriously neglected external factors, such as colonialism and imperialism, as well as the newer forms of economic and political domination. The emerging neo-Marxist and world-systems theorists emphasized the extent to which rich countries exploited poor countries, locking them into positions of powerlessness and structural dependence. "Culture" was replaced with the specificity of class, race and gender in the developmental process, all of which are still prominent in the social sciences as analytical constructs. Critics alerted people to the fact that their prevailing belief that industrialization frees them from much of the drudgery found in non-industrial societies was largely a myth. This provided a yet another antidote to the modernization school's implicit assumptions of Western technical and moral superiority.

References: Desai, A. R. (ed). Essays on Modernization of Underdeveloped Societies, 1971. Vol 1: Thacker and Co. Ltd., Number.

Questions: (1) What is Modernisation Theory? Discuss its main tenets? (2) Discuss the Modernisation Theory of Daniel Lerner. (3) Broadly analyse the five major approaches of the Modernisation Theory. (4) Discuss in detail with criticisms the Ideal Typical Index Approach. (5) Present a critical analysis of Rostow's'Stages of Economic Growth'. (6) Discuss the Modernisation Theory of Smelser. (7) What according to you are the major shortcomings of the Modernization Theories?

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DEVELOPMENT AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT

Objectives: By exploring the theories of underdevelopment and dependency, this section focuses on the understanding of the precarious relationship between the First World and the Third World. Concept a) Dependency Theory: A set of theories which maintain that the failure of Third World states to achieve adequate and sustainable levels of development resulted from their dependence on the advanced word. b) World System Theory It refers to a historical description of the capitalist economic system, from centre to periphery and of the effects of this growth on capitalist and precapitalist societies alike. It is mainly associated with the work of . Centre - Periphery : Metropolis - Satellite These are spatial metaphors which attempt to explain the structural relationship between the advanced or metropolitan center/metropolis and a less developed periphery / satellite, either within a particular country or as applied to the relationship between capitalist and developing nations. It is found in the world systems theories of Amin, Wallerstein and Frank. Introduction: There are a variety of approaches originating in classical Marxism whose collective work has come to be known at various times as dependency theory, world systems theory -and underdevelopment theory. Dependency 'theory is used to designate that body of though concerning 'development' which emanated from Latin America in the 1950s and 60s, which later led to a more general view of development. Underdevelopment refers to the key features of the world capitalist system. Dependency theory and world systems theory despite considerable overlap can then be seen as constituting underdevelopment theory. 38

Underdevelopment is a term associated with dependency theory and used to describe the condition of poverty and economic stagnation which characterises many Third World countries. It implies that these societies are not simply suffering from lack of development, but also that they have not achieved the expected levels of development which would have occurred had they not been exploited by the advanced capitalist states. Underdevelopment theory is primarily concerned with economic structures, but is was developed, in part, as a direct challenge to modernisation theory and the sociology of development. This theory offers an explanation for the development or lack of development of the Third World. The focus in this chapter is on the theories of Paul Baran, Gunder Frank, Immanuel wallerstein and . Baran's Theory of Underdevelopment: In the period after the second world war when American Social science was engaged in explaining underdevelopment within the Parsonian framework of socio-economic adaptation and neo evolutionism, there were other social scientists working on underdevelopment, from outside the established perspectives. By using Marxism as a theoretical framework they were also developing theoretical insights into the phenomenon of underdevelopment. They were putting forth perspectives that only crisis that afflicted the underdeveloped countries in the period following their attempts to modernize along capitalist lines. The most important of these scholars is undoubtedly Paul Baran whose famous work: "The of Growth" was able of offer a radically new insight into the new phenomenon of underdevelopment. Baran's main thesis on underdevelopment was to show how the process of capitalist development in Less Developed Countries (LDCs) was directly linked with the process of capitalist expansion in the advanced capitalist countries. He developed a concept called the Economic Surplus which he defined as the difference between the Total Product and Consumption (similar to the idea of in Keynesian economics). He argued that throughout colonial times the economic surplus of the colonies was drained off to the so-called "mother country" and little of it was reinvested for the purpose of the economic development of the colony. He put forth that this was done with the help and cooperation of the native elites who stood to gain materially from the colonial economy. Baran also argued that the economic surplus could be made much larger by planning the total product and making consumption move towards essential consumption. Actual Surplus = Actual Production - Actual Consumption Potential Surplus Actual Production - Essential Consumption, and Planned Surplus Rational Production - Essential Consumption. 39

He said that in each Third World country the potential surplus was larger than the actual, and the planned surplus was larger than the potential and actual surplus. Baran believed that the kind of capitalism that existed in Third World countries was a form of dependent capitalism. The existing patterns of investment, production, and consumption prevented the underdeveloped economy from attaining the larger surplus. Baran argued in "Political Economy of Growth" that it was in the direct interest of the Advanced Capitalist Countries (ACC's) to maintain a low level of development within the less developed countries. If the process of exploitation of the of the less developed countries under colonialism was direct and overt with the emergence of free nations at the end of the colonial period, the process continued to be exploitative. But this time it took on a new form which on the face of it would seem as if the advanced capitalist countries through aid and development grants were helping the less developed countries to develop; but in effect these new overtures from the advanced capitalist countries guised the continued process of economic exploitation of the underdeveloped countries. For the advanced capitalist countries, the economies of the Third World continued to be indispensable in terms of the availability of raw materials and existence of large captive markets for the continued growth of profits within the advanced capitalist counties. The process of capitalist development in Europe was essentially accompanied by the growth of capital amongst certain classes within European societies such as the merchants, landlords etc, Thus capitalist accumulation according to Baran was instrumental in the further development of capitalist mode of production, i.e. the wealth that was accrued from within the capitalist system could be ploughed back for further expansion and development. It was in this continued state of growth that created a situation in which European capital could create the conditions for sustained and long term growth of capitalism within their society. In the colonies however the concept of growth provided a very different picture. Here the main objective of the capitalist enterprise was essentially in making maximum profits that were then returned to the imperial country. This gave rise to a situation in which the process of capitalist development in the colonies was carried out primarily not for the purpose of developing capital in these backward areas, but in terms of using them as appendages for the development of capitalism in Europe. Thus the surplus value generated by economic enterprise in the colonies was never ploughed back into the economies of these regions, rather it was exported directly to the imperial country that ruled the colony. In the period following the independence of these colonies, the process of capitalist development became more entrenched within these new nation states. While political independence and sovereignty might place each of the nations as a separate entity, within the larger community, their choice to carry on the path of capitalist development now linked them up into a global economic system commanded by the advanced industrial systems of America and Europe and 40 in which the less developed countries were trapped in a continued process of economic exploitation. The structural conditions both internal and external were such that any form of economic surplus was either exported in one or another devious way to the advanced capitalist countries or it was utilized for consumption purposes. This was basically seen as economic wastage. On a global scale it may be pointed out that certain colonies like Australia, New Zealand and Canada followed very different trajectories as compared to the ones outlined by Paul Baran. From the very outset these economies were completely run by European enterprise and the question of them severing ties for nationalistic purposes did not arise. In this sense they continued to be part of a command economy or a global capital rather than parts of the backward less developed countries. The process of capitalist development in these societies Thus took a different turn than that of the Third World. The basic feature of Baran's theory in showing how development in the underdeveloped countries are linked up with the development of advanced capitalist countries, is grounded on the observation that Baran made concerning the way in which economic surplus of the underdeveloped economies gets appropriated. The development of dependent capital in the underdeveloped countries gave rise to some degree of economic surplus. This economic surplus instead of being ploughed back in to the economy, thus creating a greater impetus for capitalist growth, was being appropriated by four groups in the less developed countries. The first was the Lumpen Bourgeoise, which was a class of basically economic parasites. Their activities were essentially non productive such as money lending, real estate etc. The second was a class of Domestic Industrial producers and enjoyed government protection, Their industrial output was limited and the profits generated were usually spent in conspicuous consumption exported to the advanced capitalists countries. The third group was of foreign investors and multinationals. This group operated at the level of providing more capital and advanced technologies for the purpose of production. They provided technology and capital intensive techniques. Their main focus was on the markets of the less developed countries for raw materials / manufactured goods~. The profits that accrued to them were always exported out of the less developed countries. Finally the economic surplus was also taken by the state. Baran referred to 3 types of states: 1) the directly administered colony which used is revenue to develop its resources of raw materials 2) the comprador, agent or government which ruled on behalf of Western capitalism. It concentrated on developing military and ideological policies suitable for the tastes of the rich and with little interest in the welfare of the masses. 3) 'new deal' type of government which was the sphere for competing class interests of national bourgeoise, feudal and comprador elements. The only 41 common factor for then was nationalism. Thus Baran felt that underdevelopment in the Third World was a direct result of capitalism of the West. No amount of aid or agrarian reform could disguise this relationship. Thus the see - saw theory of theory of development was born. Baran continued that the underdeveloped economies were fated to remain forever underdeveloped. By choosing to become part of a global capitalist system, these economies were now engaged in reproducing the structure of domination and dependence that had earlier marked their history under colonialism and imperialism. What Bran sought to offer as a solution for these countries was to opt out of the global capitalist system and develop their own economic system based on the principles of egalitarianism and independence in terms of the path of socialist development that they must pursue. Baran's book did not win instant approval from established economists. However the book was to play an important part in the formation of Marxist and neo-marxist views of development. Dependency Theory and ECILA: The features of development advocated by the advanced capitalist countries was from the very outset trapped within the structures of dependence that existed in the relationships within the advanced capitalist countries and the less developed countries. In the period after the second world war when economic modernization was seen as the dominant model of development for the underdeveloped countries the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) was one of those bodies that was monitoring the growth the development within the countries of Latin America. The basic problem for these countries was the inability to generate capital to carry out their programmes of industrialization. The only way that they could achieve their objective was to shift their agricultural production from a traditional sustenance agriculture to a modern commercial agriculture catering to national and international markets. Thus in the first phase of economic modernization these countries set out to transform their agricultural practices such that a shift to commercial agriculture would yield capital so badly required for their economic development. This was a transformation of rural societies in these countries leading to a situation wherein wage labour would dominate the sphere of agricultural production. The enthusiasm with which many countries followed this gave rise to a situation in which the global prices for primary products began to fall. These prices were not only a result of increased supply in the commodity market but also the growing level of self sufficiency in agricultural production in advanced capitalist countries. For many Latin American countries the relationship between the less developed countries and advanced capitalist countries was marked by a form of unequal exchange in favour of the advanced capitalist countries. While agricultural prices were low and the capital accrued from such activities was 42 low, the cost of technologies being sold to them by the advanced capitalist countries remained high. The result of this unequal exchange was a period of stagnation. In the underdeveloped countries, the rural countryside witnessed a growing pauperization among the wage labour force and a large percentage of the population even became landless. It thus became clear that it was risky to real on export led growth only. These factors led Latin American theorists to explore the ways in which their societies were linked to the West. For the ECLA the basic critique of this agricultural policy was that it had too narrow an objective and by the beginning of 1950s it was proposing to many Latin American countries to adopt the policy of import substitution. Thus in the 1950s the policy of import substitution was adopted by the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) under Raul Prebisch. Accordingly this policy was to revitalize the process of industrialization production within the less developed countries and also expand the scope of the market economy. Industrial entrepreneurs were encouraged through concessions and other protection policies to undertake manufacturing of good which hitherto were imported from advanced capitalist countries. ECLA believed that protectionism and state planning would give rise to degree in employment levels. This would lead to more efficient use of local capital supported by foreign investment. On the face of it the policy was well meaning. What the policy however failed to take cognizance of was the role of foreign capital. While indigenous entrepreneurs might take up industrial production to meet the needs of an internal market, such a production was in most cases possible only with the help of foreign capital and foreign investment. Import substitution succeeded in achieving larger and larger outflow of capital profits from underdeveloped countries. This led to a condition of economic stagnation and underdevelopment. By 1964 the ECLA realized the effects to import substitution on Latin American countries. There was a fall in the rate of growth, stagnation and reduction in the absolute levels of per capita income. Thus Latin America did not achieve a steady economic growth in the post war period. The fall in the price of agricultural exports relative to imported goods, increases in the importation of fuel and intermediate products, rapid , inadequate advances in agricultural production were all held responsible by ECLA for the failure of import substitution policy. However some blamed ECLA for not having a general theory of Latin American dependency whilst others focused on the internal obstacles to industrial growth. Thus even by the ECLA's narrow definition of development - economic growth and increases in per capita income - the policies of import substitution were judged to have failed. It was suggested that foreign capital led to greater reliance on the to an even greater dependency on the West instead of increasing export activities. When import substitution did occur, it tended to be of goods which 43 were not important national development and certainly did not look after the hunger needs of the people. Such kind of expenditure of scarce national re sources on unnecessary products, even if it saved foreign exchange, served to highlight the existing social and economic inequalities and highlighting the disparities. ECLA economists had not taken these issues into consideration. They pointed out to the uneven relationship between the developed 'centre' and the undeveloped 'periphery' and emphasized the importance of internal structure. It was in this context of disillusionment and international pride that dependency theory arose in Latin America. Although Latin American countries achieved their importance before the 1960s, it was felt by many that economically they remained colonies. Thus dependency theory developed in opposition to the to the optimistic claims of the modernization theory which saw the less developed countries being able to catch up with the West. Economic interests in the dominant economy i.e. the advanced capitalist countries, were able to determine the parameters of economic relations between the dominant and the dominated. Vested interests in both the centre and the periphery sought to maintain and extend these power structures thus promoting and continuing the dependency. Dependency theorists argued that these distortions and overall relations would seriously hamper, impair and in some instance prevent economic development. Dependent states could find themselves importing costly and inappropriate technologies. Dependency could also have implications in the areas of high politics with regard to seeking allies and the construction of alliances. Thus dependency theory had the merit of drawing attention to the international dimension of development. Gunder Frank and the World Systems Theory: Andre Gunder Frank was born,in on February 24,1929. He was an economics professor and theorist. He is one of several writers who can be collectively categorized as theorists of the world system. Though not the originator of the world system viewpoint, he was the one who greatly popularized the theory. Dos Santos, Wallerstein, Emmanuel and Amin represent variants on the same theme. In his more recent work he focused his attention on the analysis of the crisis in world economy and then also on global world history. According to Frank, in the history of capitalism what colonialism and imperialism did to the shaping of the less developed countries was not just a phenomenon of rampant greed, plunder and exploitation. If it was only that, then the end of colonialism would have market a return to more progressive and enlightened sentiments within those countries. This however did not happen. This was because the process under consideration was one in which capitalism laid the structural foundations for the continued and relentless exploitation of the less developed countries, irrespective of the demise of colonialism. What Frank proposed is a global system in which development and underdevelopment are understood as forms of exchange relationship. Here 44 the surplus capital is moved around from the nodal point to another. The movement of capital to the next nodal point is simultaneously acompanied by a process of underdevelopment for theregion from which the capital is removed and a process of development for the region in which capital is brought into. These two geo spatial economic entities were identified as being metropolis and satellite or in the case Amin: centre and periphery. The essential features of these were as follows: Metropolis : In the global network of capitalist relationships this was the nodal point within the advanced capitalist countries from which relations of economic exchange with the Third World countries were be shaped out. These relations were always more favourable to the metropolis. Satelite: The terrn satellite was used to indicate those large geo spatial sections of were once under the gro of colonialism and now constituted capitalist development. The metropollis would earn greater profits increasing capital formation, at the cost of the satelities. Thus while satellite economies would be providing all the necessary conditions for capitalist development - raw mate rial, labou r, markets - the final out come always a process wnereby the surplus generated by these economies found their way into the xploitative exchange relationship with the satelities. The link between the metropolis and satellites. constituted a global network. At each point in this network there there were exchanges that displayed the central features of a dependency syndrome. Thus while on the one hand one could identify dependency between the advanced capitalist countries and less developed countries, within their respective countries both, displayed metropolis- sallellite relationships. Thus the rural countriyside would be exploited by the city and surplus capital from the rural countryside would find its way into the city. Like wise the city being the hub of trade and commerce" the surplus would once again be ploughed back into the advanced capitalist countries. Thus one observes how in the name of development a continued process of dependency and underdevelopment is maintained, In this consideration of Latin American countries, Frank pointed out that where the relationship between metropolis and satellite is strongest there one observes the highest degree of dependence and underdevelopment within the satellite and the highest degree of capital appropriation economies. Further in times when this link was broken or severed for historical reasons, satellite economies displayed a high level of development resulting from their own initiaative and based on the fact that the flow of capital to the metropolis re reduced and can now be utilized for the country's development needs. Such a relationship between the metropolis and satellite would also have to takeinto a! conditions within the satellite economies, In the case of Latin American countries what Frank observed was the class basis of such society, 45 worked towards regenerating conditions of dependency and underdevelopment. The social class that Frank termed 'lumpen bourgeoise' referred to a class made up of ruling elite : the landed classes, chants, industrial entrepreneurs etc., He was highly critical about the role of this class in development of their societies. He observed that the lumpen bourgeoise had a way of life and aspirations which identified with the capitalist class of the metropolis economies. According to Frank they were the class which colluded with foreign capital in the appropriation of FranK they were the class which colluded with foreign capital in the appropriation Of Surplus capital from the less developed countries. This class due to its parasitic nature and inability 'to come by with an form of self initiative for the progress of their country, was thus a major obstacle the overall development in a give Third World nation. Thus Frank suggested that a theory of under development would have to take account the history of underdeveloped societies which goes to show that the state of under developed countries is due to the imperial relations with the capitalist countries These , . developed societies are now a part of the world capitalist system, They are not dual societies c be classified with a traditional' and modern sector, Capitalism has successfully penetrated the hinterlands of the "traditional" societies too. It is also not right to suggest that development in the Third World can take place only in association with the capitalist countries. The history of underdeveloped societies cannot be a duplication of the capitalist countries. This it would seem that, like Baran, Frank is suggesting that the development of the underdeveloped nations can take place only if they can severe links with the advanced capitalist nation. Immanuel Wallerstein and World System Theory: Born 1930, Immanuel Wallerstein has since 1976 been Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the State University of New York (SUNY) in Binghamton. He is the founder and director of the Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems, and Civilizations in Binghamton. He has published countless books and articles. Wallersteiln's macro-theory of social development, in particular capitalism. Wallerstein viewed the world as single world system that exists beyond the boundaries of individual nations, and that is based largely on economic processes, The structure of individual societies would have be viewed within the context of the larger system. He suggested that the modern world economic system developed in four distinct historical stages : 1450-1640, 1650-1730, 1760-1917 and the period of consolidation. For Wallerstein, capitalism existed as a system from the middle of the fifteenth century. According to him the essential feature of capitalism is to produce good for sale in the market inorder to maximize profits. He stated that the world system consisted of a single worldwide division of labor that unified multiple cultural systems into a single economic system. 46

Because of political fragmentation, no single state could dominate the world system. Therefore, the world market with its own internal logic could operate practically free of political control. The world-system was an interdependent system of countries linked together by economic and political relations. According to Wallerstein, all countries in the world should be viewed as members of a single global market held together by flows of capital and material. The system came into being in the early part of the 16th century in Europe and expanded over the centuries through improved transportation and communication. Wallerstein's conceptualization of the world economy had 3 components: core, periphery, semi periphery. The core regions consisted of countries that had high per capita income, advanced industrial technologies, and dominated trade and overseas investment. They consumed bulk of the world's resources. The periphery had underdeveloped economics, low per capita incomes, low levels of technology, with high dependency on external trade which worked to their disadvantage. In more common usage these would be the Third World countries. Economic activity in the periphery, in contrast, was predominantly in the primary sector, very labor intensive with very low wages (in contrast to the core), and whose technologies are not heavily capital or energy dependent. Wallerstein argued that the basic relationship between the core and periphery was one of exploitation. The semi-peripheral regions lie between the core and the periphery, and they contain countries that are able to exploit peripheral countries, but they themselves are exploited by . South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia, Brazil, and India are examples of semi-peripheral countries. In other contexts these are referred to as the newly industrialized countries, Interchange between the three economic entities was regulated by the core but followed a very structured pattern. Typically, the periphery supplied low cost raw materials, unskilled labor and a compliant and social regime to both the core and the semi-periphery. The core supplied managerial and organizational skill, research and development, capital and cost, high quality, high tech finished goods mostly to itself but also to the periphery and semiperiphery. Additionally, the core provided/induced political stability in the periphery and semi periphery through direct and indirect economic leverage, and through military intervention, particularly when a critical resource such as oil (i.e., the Gulf War) is threatened. Though there was one world system, various countries are incorporated into it, though the degree varies. This led the countries to meet the need of the system. The economic and the social system and structure then become liable to fulfill the needs of the core. The worldsystem was an interdependent system of countries linked together by economic and political relations. The capitalist world economy, as envisioned by Wallerstein, was a dynamic system which changed overtime. However, certain basic feature remained the same. Perhaps most important is that when one examined the dynamics of 47 this system, the core regions of always benefited the most. Through extremely high profits gained from international trade and from an exchange of manufactured goods for raw materials from the periphery (and, to a lesser extent, from the semi-peripheries), the core enriched itself at the expense of the peripheral economies. This, of course, did not mean either that everybody in the periphery became poorer or that all citizens of the core regions became wealthier as a result. In the periphery, landlords for example often gained great wealth at the expense of their underpaid coerced labourers, since landowners were able to expropriate most of the surplus of their workers for themselves. In turn in the core regions, many of the rural inhabitants, increasingly landless and forced to work as wage laborers, at least initially saw a relative decline in their standard of living and in the security of their income. Overall, certainly, Wallerstein saw the development of the capitalist world economy as detrimental to a large proportion of the World's population. Through this theory, Wallerstein attempted to explain why modernization had such wide-ranging and different effects on the world. The geographic expansion of the capitalist world economy altered political systems and labour conditions wherever it was able to penetrate. Although the functioning of the world economy appeared to create increasingly larger disparities between the various types of economies, the relationship between the core and its periphery and semi- periphery remains relative to circumstances. Technological advantages, for example, could result in an expansion of the world economy overall, and precipitate changes in some peripheral or semi-peripheral areas. However, Wallerstein asserted than an analysis of the history of the capitalist world system showed that it had brought about uneven development in which economic and social disparities between sections of the world economy had increased rather than provided prosperity for all. The concept of the semi periphery is an innovative feature of Wallerstein's scheme, and adds an interesting dimension to Gunder Frank's model. In any situation of inequality a three-tier system is more stable than a two-tier system. This is because the middle tier can always be help up as an example of what the members of the lowest tier could accomplish. In fact the existence of a middle tier serves the interest of those at the top. Samir Amin and World Systems Theory: Born 1931 in Egypt. Educated in Paris. Amin is one of the most important NeoMarxian thinkers, in development theory as well as in the relativistic-cultural critique of social sciences. He is a better known Neo-Marxian thinker, both in development theory as well as in the relativistic-cultural critique of social sciences. He has been a promoter of the conscious self-reliance of developing countries, particular for the Arab world. According to Amin capitalism started initially as mercantile capitalism. Subsequently there were changes in the nature of capitalism; it became developed as in 1 9th century England, and then changed to imperialism. In turn, he said, precapitalist peripheral countries change from primitive communalism to tribute paying societies and then to capitalism.Amin divided 48 the world economic system into two spheres sectors. "self-centred system"and "perilpheral systems", In the former, production was mainly for the consumption of the masses . There was a social contract between capital and lobour. This helped to reduce conflict levels. The system had its own patterns of working and dynamics, without getting affected by. On, the other hand to role of the periphery was to fulfill the needs of the center. This was done through whatever capital was collected was siphoned off to the center. The periphery was characterised by low wage rates, and a vague distorted domestic market. Only the demands for luxurv aoods by the privileged classes were catered to. This led to impoverishment of the masses. As a part of the world system the periphery suffered decline of small agricultural producers and and cottage industries, the semi proletarisation of rural areas and unemployment and underemployment. Poverty in the periphery thus functioned to maintain and increase wealth at the core and among the periphery's privileged classes. Amin stated that the internal workings of the periphery are similarly inhibited by the international scenario. Though the Third World had different needs and modes of production the spread of Western capitalism led peripheral societies increasingly to resemble on another. This was because they existed primarily to satisfy the requirements of the center. Their economic systems indicated lopsided productivity and prices and prevented the development of a national capitalist class. The drive towards industrialization was thus led by the bureaucracy, possibly through some kind of state capitalism and whatever surplus remained in the periphery was expropriated by this class for its own interest. Amin stressed on the relationship of central and peripheral economic structure within a world wide process of . His system was the world made up of core and peripheral societies, everyone of which has different articulations of modes of production. within these modes there were polarized classes, simultaneously united and divided but all defined by their functions in production. He however, recognized that social formations are more complex than what his two class model put forth. For socialism to succeed, a new world system has to come about. Thus even Amin suggests that only with a break from the center, can the periphery have real autonomous self centered development. But this process alone will not suffice. The creation of a "global socialist society" is needed with the initiative and drive coming from the periphery and not the center. Critique: Underdevelopment theory has been criticized on several grounds. Sociologists belive that it has often been applied too uncritically, without recognizing the diversity of development experiences that can be found in the Third World. Also in considering individual and collective political action it disregards factors such as ethnicity, religion and culture in favour of the primacy of economic rationales. It does not sufficiently take into account the dynamic nature of capitalism. 49

And finally, like the proponents of modernization before them, the underdevelopment theorists are too Euro-centred and stereotypical in their approach to the less development countries.

Conclusion: Frank, Walierstein and Amin reflect the sketch of what came to be systems theory. They differ in numerous details and also focus an different areas thread running among them, however, is the blanket opposition to modernization

Underdevelopment theory emerged as a very important theoretical explanation, was able to root itself in the historical context of colonialism and imperialism the so called process of economic modernization was intricately linked relationship a given underdeveloped nation had with the advanced capitalist country.

Summary: Underdevelopment theory comprises of the dependency and world systems theory . There are quite a few common features in the theories of Baran, Frank, Amin, Lhe Dependency School, though each retains its individuality.

Baran focuses on the linkages of development in the underdeveloped countries with the development of advanced capitalist countries and the process in which the economic surplus is taken away from the less developed economy.

Dependency theory with the background of the ECLA maintains capitalist countries have vested interest in preserving the economic advantages they have vis the less developed countries.

Gunder Frank, Immanuel Wallerstein and Samir Amin discuss the world systems theory. They relate development and underdevelopment as two sides of the same coin. IT is a process whereby and increase in development essentially leads to an increase in underdevelopment. As a part of the world capitalist system the Third World's doors to progress are closed.

Despite the criticisms underdevelopment theories provide an interesting perspective on the slow economic progress of the less developed countries.

Additional Readings: Alavi Hamza and Shanin Teodor (Ed), Introdoction to the Sociology of Developing Societies" , Press, London, 1982. 50

Baran Paul, The Political Economy of Growth, Peoples Publishing House, London, 1962

Harrison David, Sociology of Modernisation and Development, Heritage Publishers, New Delhi, 1988

Internet Sources: Barton Henry and Hunchuk Allan M hftp:/www.aabss.orgfjoumal200.fO6Barton.Jmm.htmI

Paul Halsall, Modem History Source Book

1997 http://www.fordham,edu/halsall/mod/wallerstein.htmi http://www.polk.cc.fl.us/lNSTRUCT/ALSS/Carlesf/depend. htm http://isi.uwjmona.edu.jnVsocsci/Government/GT24Anotes5a.htm

www.geog.psu.edu/courses/geogl 03/polecon2.html

Questions: 1) Discuss Paul Baran's theory of Underdevelopment

2) How did the ECLA's approach in Latin America fail?

3) Examine's the terms metrolpis and satellite as used by Gunder Frank.

4) Discuss Amin's theory of underdevelopment.

5) Explore Wallerstein's world systems theory.

______51 5 GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT

Introduction: The debate and discussion regarding Women and Development has gained momentum during the last few decades. This theme has assumed importance because two major areas of research are concerned: the status of women and economic development. Recently, development has been viewed as a cure for the problems of less developed countries. It has been advocated that once a modern infrastructure is created, the economy will develop bringing about a solution for all ills and ameliorating the lives of people. In spite of this view, it appears that in most developing countries and among all classes, development has brought little relief to the conditions of women, especially in relation to that of men. The concern about women in relation to development has let to several research projects being undertaken, seminars and conferences being organized at national and international levels. All these have pointed towards a need for a multidimensional definition of development. This must include political, social and human aspects along with economic aspects of development, It is also seen that development has widened the gap between the incomes of men and women and has had a negative effect on the lives of women. This is largely due to a lack by development planners in recognizing women's dual roles and the continuing use of old stereotypes as a base for development plans. The concept of women and work also needs to be understood more comprehensively, especially the changing patters of women's participation in the labour force as development takes place. In this chapter, we will look at some theories on Women and Development, the pioneering views of Ester Boserup and Maitreyi Krishna Raj on the subject, Women's relation to development and development indicators and women. Theories: Women and Development: Women secondary status in modern society and their subordination to men have been traced to the beginning of history and culture. Today, as societies are following the path of development, it is seen that the position of women has not improved obviously and significantly. The benefits of development have gone mostly to the male population in society whereas it seems that women have been adversely affected by is. The role of women in development and the impact of development on women are undergoing serious consideration. While this points to the need for new theories, methodologies and research, it is necessary to understand and analyse earlier intellectual traditions and perspectives. We shall therefore briefly outline some theories regarding development and its relationship with women. Some of these theories are: 52

(i) Cultural dualism used by Simone de Beauvoir to look at the position of women? (ii) Social evolutionary theory which gave rise to both modernization theory and the Marxist analysis of stages in the development of capitalism; (iii) Developmentalism, which identified obstacles to women's participation in national development; and (iv) Dependency theory which examined the nature of development and underdevelopment. (I) Cultural Dualism The theory of cultural Dualism may be attributed to Simone de Beauvoir who uses it to explain woman's secondary status in society. According to her, the origin of woman's subordinate status lies partly in her relationship to nature and partly in nature's relationship to culture. Human societies have a universal opposition between and culture. Human beings, by their very constitution, make great efforts at overcoming the limits of nature through culture. In the process of attempting to control nature man is more free than woman who is naturally restricted in this by her tasks of reproduction and sustaining life. At the same time, man cannot live without woman, just as he cannot do away with nature. As a result, man regards woman with contradictory and opposed feelings. He reverse her and also degrades her. He wishes to control her but also refrains from completely quashing her creativity. In some cultures such as the Hindu culture, this ambivalence is all prevalent. In some others, women do play a dominant roles in regulating nature and sexual behaviour. In evaluating such dualistic theory, it must be accepted that there are some universals in the social and cultural position of women butting across almost all known societies. However, such a theory does not throw much light on the question of women and society, as it pays little attention to differences of fundamental patterns of human existence nor is it concerned with change. (II) Social Evolutionary Theory The Social Evolutionary theory has viewed societies as undergoing progressive change as a result of changes in population balance and in increasing division of labour and differentiation. The question of changing status of women and their roles has also been perceived from the Point, of social evolutionary theory. According to this theory, societies range from simple, where the some persons perform several tasks, to complex societies where there is higher level of technology, formal institutions and greater occupational specialization. By characterizing societies on the basis of division of labour, social evolutionary theory has tried to explain inequality both among and within societies. As specialization increases, each labouring group becomes more specialized and productivity also increased. Thus societies moving toward specialization have a higher level of productivity. And, simple societies with less specialization remain less productive and therefore poorer. Within complex societies those groups performing less specialized tasks are also less productive and 'therefore disadvantaged. This is how inequality is explained by the social evolutionary theory. Extending this argument and applying it to the sexes shows that since women are normally found to be relegated to backward sectors of the economy, 53 they suffer inequality. The same argument has been used to explain the effect of social differentiation on political participation. With increasing differentiation between domestic tasks and those of politics and governance, woman were relegated to domestic chores and kept out of participation in public decision making. The subordination of women increased as society became more complex with the growth of a specialized state, professional armies and bureaucracies. (III) Developmentalism The developmental approach has perceived that modernization has affected men and women differently and seeks to locate the causes preventing women from participating in the development process. The developmental perspective basically views social change differently from the modernization theorists. This difference can be found in three basic ideas: (i) Society is not seen as a single unit so that changes in one area will generate changes in other areas. Therefore technologies introduced to raise productivity as part of development planning does not benefit women as it does men.

(ii) There are contradictions in the process of social change thus women's exploitation may I increases if only employment is increased and not wages and working conditions.

(iii) Conscious policies are necessary to move society in a particular direction. In this external forces and national leaders play a positive role.

The failure to implement development programme has led to-developmentalists taking a modified approach to the problem of women in development. They feel that it is important to look at women as rational decision makers. They point out that by concentrating on increasing the value of the GNP, the full production of a society is undervalued and the question of distribution is ignored. The contribution of women is hidden sectors is not taken into account. This involves neglect in non-market work done in households, subsistence agriculture and the informal labour market, all of which is done more often y women than men. It has also led to policies which impade its productivity. Women suffer an increasing narrowing of social roles and capacity to generate income as little attention is paid to upgrading non market work. Eater Boserup and others have proposed expending of the GNP to include women's work as a strategy to include assessment of their costs in the formation of development goals. (IV) Dependency Theory Dependency theory developed as a result of the dissatisfaction of the developmentalists's explanation of poverty and backwardness in Third world countries. Their investigation pointed to constraints on development in these countries caused by international forces. Even after formal colonization declined, former colonial powers controlled Third World Economies in a new garb of , The backwardness of these countries was perpetuated through economic dependence on industrialized nations. As regards women, the dependency theory disagreed with conservative Marxists. While the latter argued 54 that power relations between men and women cannot be understood except in the context of the mode of production, dependency theory points out that how the mode of production affects Third World women is part of an international system based on dependency. The classic Marxist explanation that women's subordination is due to women's relegation to the domestic economy and denial in the opportunity to participate in production of goods for exchange in the large society has been belied by different case studies. Dependency theory explains that if industrial capitalism places women on the edge of the economy. Third world capitalism makes their position even more difficult. Capitalism in dependent nations finds women holding a disproportionate number of jobs in sectors such as agriculture, domestic servants, street vendors and prostitutes and the like, in short, the informal labour market. The significance feature of the dependency theory regarding women is that it does not distinguish between socially productive and domestic work, All women's work is taken as one and considered uniformly. It does however (ink the role and status of women to the economic position of the whole society which is ultimately determined by the international system. Women and Development Ester Boserup: The study of women and Development owes a great deal to Ester Boserup whose contribution in this area has been very significant. Through her pioneering work'Women and Development' she first drew attention to how the process of development and related social change was affecting the lives of women. She states that status of women and economic development are two significant areas in which research is needed and is rightfully being conducted especially in the Third World. Studies on women in these countries has shown that the problems of women in the labour force are peculiar. Women are over burdened with work while their efforts are partly wasted because they have less training and even more primitive equipment than the male labour force in their communities. This brings about a need for more research to improve the working conditions of women in the Third World, especially women in domestic work and in rural areas and to provide them with better access to the labour market. Boserup states that there has been objection to studies on women and development as they largely stress on the Problems of labour market and productivity which is not seen as a major problem confronting women. Studies show that women in developing countries are actively involved in agriculture, crafts, trade or construction and support themselves and their families by such work. In spite of being wholly engaged in labour activities, their continues to remain low. There fa,ra- the study of women's status especially in relation to male family members is the main issue and should take priority over labour market studies. However, in Third World countries, the subordinate position of women derives from legal or customary rules which women are unable to change. As a result, economic self-support exists along with interior status. In some countries important changes have taken place in the legal status of women by giving women the right to divorce, guardianship of her children in the case of divorce or widowhood. But, these have not brought about a corresponding change in 55 the real family status of women. Economic change is also occurring in most developing countries. This change however is making it more difficult for women to support themselves. Women's work is mostly in the informal sector or in the household. If women do not have opportunities to earn money their dependence on men will increase and their social family status will -, acrease in spite of their legal dependence. Studies on women and development must be integrated with studies of the developrnerl process itself. In this process, some groups get a large share of development benefits while others may become victims of development because their products activities or skills may be replaced by newer, more productive or efficient activities. Both men and women may become victims of development but it is mostly women who suffer from the adverse impact of development. This happens because women find it more difficult to adapt to new conditions because of the following reasons. (i) They are less mobile than man due to family obligations; (ii) traditionally their choice of occupations is more narrowly limited; (iii) they usually have less education and training; and (iv) They face sexual discrimination in recruitment. Also, in developing countries, a much larger percentage of the female labour force is involved in traditional occupations which are gradually replaced by newer enterprises in economic development. This generally points in large numbers of women in Third World countries being adversely affected by development. The speed of modernization and economic growth in the different Third World countries is at great variance. The occupational opportunities available to women are related to the differences in natural resources, the stock of human and physical capital, foreign relations, and government policies. In countries where economic growth is rapid attitudes toward women's work outside the home are also changing swiftly and women are joining the labour market, Conversely, in countries where economic growth is slow and population growth is rapid, women from economically weaker sections are forced into already crowded occupations such as market trade and domestic service, to help support their large families. Therefore, in order to help women improve their status in developing countries, the patterns of development to be applied must take into account the economic conditions, institutional patterns and attitudes to women's work in that specific country. It would make little sense to merely apply the development models, either'Western 'or' alternative' to the developing country. Women and Development Maitreyi Krishna Rai: Yet another perspective on women and Development has been put forward by Maitreyi Krishna Raj. According to her, the process of underdevelopment and development has had much significance for women. The impact of development on women's status in society can be understood only if one accepts the fact that the oppression of women is completely linked to the exploitative world system of which development is a part. She asserts that real developments means ending the exploitative system and reducing the vast gulf between the rich and poor nations. The adverse affect that development has had on women can only be altered if ;he nature of development itself is changed. The world Conference of the U. N. Decade for women held at Copenhagen in 1980 has defined development as follows, "Development is here interpreted to mean 56 total development in the political, economic, social cultural and other dimensions of human life as also the development of economic and other material resources and also the physical, moral, intellectual and cultural growth of the human person. The improvement of the status of women requires a change in the attitudes and roles of both men and women. Women's development should not only be viewed as an issue in social development but should be seen as an essential component in every dimension of development." Development and Women's Dependency: Maitreyi Krishna Raj states that the process of development has in fact led to underdevelopment and greater dependency of women. This is especially so in the case of developing countries such as India. In pre-colonial and pre-industrial and pre-capitalist India there was an advanced technology and adequate resource management to provide's people with a simple way of life. There was also a great deal of technology transfer from East to West which has been completely reversed today. Today, India has a small modern and developed sector of the economy which is the organized sector while the larger sector remains scattered in small units of production called the unorganized sector. Women, due to their subordinate status and special social responsibilities are mostly drawn into the unorganized sector. Developmental processes have also destroyed the earlier balance with nature, loading to environmental degradation creating special problems for women. Due to pressures of foreign trade, women are used as cheap labour in export-oriented industries, Krishna Raj further reiterates that the political economy of women has been subjected to the continuing ideology of patriarchy. This ideology perpetuates the unequal, discriminatory and oppressive relations between the sexes. These relations derive their strength from a material base through production whereby the woman's role in labour and family leaves her in a state of dependence, The discrimination against women and their subordination is further encouraged in India through , customs and practices. The model used for development has not tried to change these structures and provide a base for involving women in developmental participation. The continuing structures of male dominance has prevented women from receiving any benefit of development. Moreover, commercialization imposed on traditional values has brought tragic consequences for women. Increasing violence against women and general devaluation of women through various forms of exploitations are the expressions of these new disorders. The older anti-social practices against women such as sati, child marriage or female infanticide have been replaced by new ones such as bride burning for non-fulfillment of dowry and female feticides. Discrimination against women has been persistent despite and even because of development. This affects women, of all classes, but more so poor women who have little access to social resources essential for effective human existence; education, health and employment. They are also denied access to power and authority and thus deprived of the opportunity to speak for themselves. Changes brought about by development have increased the contradictions for women thought their forms vary in different classes and 57 cultures. Strategies for improvement in the position of women adopted until now have had little impact because they do not attempt to change the conditions that cause subordiration of women but simply aim at alleviating some of the glaring negative expressions. The alleviation too have not been effective as is shown by the increasing marginalization and pauperization of women in the country and the increasing violence against women. Women's Relation to Development: Development is today accepted as meaning the creation of conditions by which the potential of all human beings can be fulfilled. This of course includes women. However. it seems that development has not only missed women but has also hurt and exploited them if the process, Women have yet to become partners in the development process. Development literature from developing countries in Asia Africa and South America point to two trends, (1) that disparities exist in opportunities for survival and growth between men and women, (ii) that development is bringing about new forms of oppression and subordination of women, The status of women still remains secondary. She is essentially a dependent being suffering exclusion from decision making and devaluation of her personality. The emancipation of women has been hindered by patriarchy and make domination. This is seen in society's refusal to recognize women's contribution and independent identity. Women support a large part of the world economy by their services in the home and the community. Women have always worked and been part of the economy though much of their work is not included in the definition of work. Women's work,is plagued by low status, low pay and low skills. For reasons of bias and prejudice in statistical and conceptual analysis, much of the work performed by women has been officially described as non-economic activity. A glaring discrepancy is seen in the fact that though women are the main growers, providers and distributors of food, it is the men who always receive more food than women, Women, by are excluded from ownership of land and also from access to technological developments. Development has yet to draw women equally into its process. Development Indicators and Women: Women differentially affect the process of socio-economic, growth and are differentially affected by the changes brought about by this development. Conventional measures and indicators have failed to capture adequately both women's contribution to development as well as the impact that development has on women. Therefore, it is necessary to have gender sensitive development indicators. In recent years the HDI () has become a development indicator of choice. The HDI has three components, namely, adult literacy, life expectancy and purchasing power parity. Of the three, the first two are non-economic indicators. The use of the HDI in ranking countries has shown the huge gap that exists between men and women, everywhere, particularly in education. The inequality of access at all levels of education (primary, secondary, 58 university) is only one discriminatory factor against women. As early as 1980, there was a demand that women's work should be counted and included in GNP (Gross National Product). This was raised at the international level in Copenhagen during the mid-term evaluation of the LIN Decade for Women. During the last twenty years, several attempts have been made to include women's work in the calculation of the GNP of various countries. However, the prerequisites of these calculations were focused "on non-economic activity" which includes seventy five percent of women's work not recognized in official statistics. The World Bank's World Development Report of 1991 defined economic development as "a sustainable increase in living standards that encompass material consumption, education, health and environment." The report also published nine indicators, including the GNP in which there was an attempt to desegregate data by sex. All other development indicators, namely, education, labour, force participation, access to health, number of seats in parliament, had data desegregated by sex over a period of twenty years for a large number of countries. By using these indicators women were included for the first time in the 'parameters of development.' 1 . Boserup, Ester: Women & Development 2. Krishnaraj, Maitreyi: 3. Women and Development. Indicators of their changing role (UNESCO 1981) 4. Women in Development (World Bank Pub. 1990) 5. Women in Development (World Bank 1989 6. Commission on Status of Women (UN 2000)

______59 6 CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT

Introduction: The cultural dimension of development has been identifiedas a major area of study in recent years. This is especially so in the last two decades since the United Nations General Assembly declared the period f rorn 1988 to 1997 as the "World Decade of Cultural Development." However, the genesis of this idea may be traced to the International Conference on Cultural Policies organized by UNESCO in Venice in 1970. The United Nations resolution heralded the importance of culture as an essential element in development. Italso encouraged the increase of cultural cooperation at the international level. Since the resolution, UNESCO has taken keen interest in promoting studies relating to the cultural dimension of development. In this chapter, we will attempt to understand briefly the concept of development, how it has undergone changes to includes different aspects of social life and the relation and importance of culture and development. Concept of Development: The concept of development assumed importance in the second half of the twentieth century. Initially, all thinking about development was dominated by economics, There was a tendency to apply a single model based on the experience of the West and a failure to recognize and accept diversities, Development only meant economic development. Economic growth and development were synonymous. The assumption was that once a country achieved capital formation and increased productivity growth would inevitably follow and the distribution system would become equitable. This concept of development remained valid until the relationship between economic development and social change began to be emphasized. Development began to include various aspects of human life and goals. The new concept of development fuses the earlier objective of economic growth and the later emphasis on the freely chosen by each society in the context of its particular traditions, problems and aspirations. Today, development can be understood at two levels: (i) fulfillment of basic needs of existence (food, shelter, health and security) and (ii) the larger pursuit of life's quality beyond the basic needs of survival. Objectives of Development: In general, the search for development is marked by the pursuit of the following objectives: i) Wiping out poverty in all its forms of extreme want and misery, i.e. hunger, 60

insecurity, ignorance and ill-health.

(ii) Establishing identity; personal identity of individuals as well as the cultural identity of local groups;

(ii) Fulfilling potentials; individual fulfillment and social harmony

(iii) The free choice and meaningful pursuit of quality of life for the 'individua' and society;

(iv) Participation in the movement towards a new world order and the solidarity of mankind.

In the late 1980's, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDO) asserted that human development is a process essentially concerned With Increasing, levels of social and a process of enlarging people's choices. The most important of these choices are (1) to live a long and health life; (2) to be educated and have access to resources needed for a decent standard of lliving (3) additional choices includes political freedom, guaranteed human rights and personal self-respect.

The 1993 report of the UNDP explained that human development is also concerned with personal fulfillment. Therefore, an important goal of development is to allow for the active participation of people to realize their full potential and make their best contribution to society. It is through participation in the social and economic fields that individuals can widen their choices and move to towards a life of self-respect and social dignity, There is also increasing the cultural dimension of development in recent years.

Thus, economic growth, social justice and quality of life form the triangle of development, balancing universality and diversity of cultures. Each society must have the freedom to choose its way of life and its values according to its own cultural patterns derived from its own notions of llife's meaning. The extent of free chooice is however somewhat limited in the interdependent world of todya.

What must be aimed for is the plurality and diversity of cultures along with the uniformity imposed by science, technolgoy and communciation.

Development is the need of all humanity. For the developing countries, initial stress must be on the fulfilment of basic needs. But quality of life cannot be ignored even for the poor. Inextreme poverty too the human spirit strives and often finds some form of llife's quality and its meaning. For the developed countries, it is necessary to regulate growth and to seek life's real quality shedding waste and exceesive consumption in order to go beyond the superficial towards a richer quality of life and uplifting culture. 61

Concept of Culture: The culture of a particular society is comprised of thre distinct elements; ideas, aesthetic forms and values, largely moulded by the traditions of the past. Ideas give rise to habits and beliefs thereby perpetuating themselves through social institutions that provide stability. Aesthetic forms reflect the artistic expression of a culture in its visual arts, poetry as well as a sense of beauty seen in the daily lives and social groups, The values of culture are formed by the interplay of both ideas and aesthetic forms and provide norms of behaviour code of conduct and faith and vision. Of these, three elevements of culture the values are most important. Values help in developing wisdom and discrimination, and morality in a particuaIar culture. They also provide the dynamism for change and impart vitality and quality to the life of the people. In order to understand a specific culture, one must look into the values, aesthetic forms and ideas which form the basis of its culture. Cultural Dimension of Development: Culture has been included in development along with economic and social factors intact today it forms an integral part of the understanding of development. The cultureal dimension of development refers to all the cultural factors of a society such as values attitudes, beliefs and social behaviour which have an impact on the process of development it also takes into account the effect of science, technology and economy on traditional values attitudes, values and behaviour of society. Humanistic Conception of Development: The idea of cultural development considered to be an essential aspect of development in general is directed to ensuring a creative renewal on the basis of the broadcest possible participation. In the first place, the too narrow economic view of development is being broadened by introducing culture both as a form of behaviour with its own specific needs and system of values imposing its own specific needs and of a general moral demands. This new conception of development marks a decisive and very satisfactory step forward in our thinking about civilization. Economic growth is undoubtedly an essential and fundamental factor but it is when that growth is directed to the satisfaction of the needs and communities and individuals that the human significance of development materialsises. The direction and use of growth for social and cultural processes result from political choices. The word political may be understood in the broadest sense, i.e. going much further than mere economic considerations. Generally, in all circumstances, and even in the most extrement, poverty, the improvement of the condition of mankind cannot be reduced to simply increaseing resources. It requires above all, an improvement in the "quality of life". We can sum up this idea very aptly in the well-known : "It is not a question of having more by being more." The terms "quality of life" or "being more" are meaningful only in relation to a system a of values which provides the only means of measuring the use man 62 makes of his existences. Culture provides these values and is also the source of its continuous renewal. Man is both the agent and end of development. Culture can be seen from two angles, as the starting point of development and its culmination. This is also because man becomes rnotivated as a cultural being; he therefore acts and sets himself goals making his activity purposeful. This humanistic conception of development does not deny the necessity of economic growth, but on the contrary, embraces it and puts it in the forefront. However, at the center is man's culture and its importance for development today and this is what should dominate efforts for development. UNESCO's Activities in Culture for Development: For the past twenty-one years UNESCO has been focussing primarily on the impact of cultural factors on development in its research programms. The emphasis has been on spreading awareness and understanding of the importance of culture for development. UNESCO has advocated towards this policy of "endogenous development". It has also commissioned research, held seminars and published studies. Several international conferences on cultural policies were between 1970 and 1982 bringing new aspects of the subject to light. All these activities led to the World Conference in Mexico City in 1982. At this conference, a declaration was adopted which provided a detailed and indepth relationship between culture and development and provided fresh direction to further activities in this area. The World Conference - Mexico City 1982: For the first time, the concept of development (which until then has been identified with economic growth alone) was explained as "an infinitely more complex, comprehensive and multi-dimensional process, effective only if it was based on the independent will of every society and if it truly expressed its fundament identity, at an international forum. It therefore "had to be engendered from within realized by all the vital forces of a nation" and "incorporate all dimensions of the life of a community within which every individual, very professional category and every was called upon the make a contribution and share in the benefits". The declaration also enlarged upon the concept of culture. It stated that "culture may now be said to be the whole complex of distinctive spritual, .material, intellectual and emotional features that characterize a society or social group. It includes not only the arts and letters, but also modes of life, the fundamental rights of the human being, value systems, traditional and beliefs." Further, the Declaration also dealt with the problem of the cultural dimension of development. It explained that "growth has frequently been conceive in quantitative terms, without taking into account its necessary qualitative dimensions, namely the satisfaction of man's spiritual and cultural aspirations". "Balanced development can only be ensured by making cultural factors an integral part of the strategies designed to achieve it; consequently, these strategies should always be devised in the light of the historical, social and cultural context of each society." After the World Conference of Mexico City and as a result of its deliberations, 63 several works have been published on this topic and many studies and research projects undertaken on the specific relationship between culture, industry, commerce, scientific and technological development, , urban development, communication, agriculture, food health and so on. With the help of UNESCO studies have also been conducted regarding the preparation and evaluation of development strategies at regional, interregional and international levels. Most of the studies conducted and projects undertaken on culture and development have focussed on the developing countries, especially Africa and some Asia and Latin America. UNESCO has put in great efforts at attempting to bring about the widespread awareness of the concept of cultural dimension of development. However, this ides was not easily accepted by the international development community. The earlier quantitative perspective towards development put forward by scholars such as rostow and other modernization theorists perceived that all societies go through the same stages of development. This approach gave us to understand that development essentially meant growth in accordance with development along the lines of advanced, industrialized Western Countries. Such a notion of development also presupposed that traditionalism would be an obstacle to modernization. This view was reinforced by Bernard Hoselitz who stated that to become advanced or developed, a country had to change its value orientations from functional diffusiveness to functional specificity or division of labour and from particularism to universalism. International Development Policy: A Historical Overview: An international Development Policy has evolved through many phases as a result of discussion and debate between theorists and policy makers. During the 1920s development entailed mainly industrialization and increased capital formation. Two strategies were devised to help developing countries ability to earn sufficient resources from exports to finance import requirements. These were high levels of development assistance and import substitution policies. In the 1960s there was a corrective emphasis on market oriented systems. This let to greater focus on liberalized trade rationalization of exchange rates and export promotion strategies. The trend in development policy began to focus on agricultural de!velopment rather than industrialization. By 1970s there was a review of the nature of development taking place in the developing countries and a realization that while growth was emphasized it did not bring about equitable distribution and reduce poverty. Development shifted from the earlier quantitative approach to a new qualitative one. There was now a concern for meeting basis human needs along with economic growth. Greater priority was given to -rural development projects and social issues such as health, education nutrition and population. This approach was reinforced by UNESCO in its efforts at promoting the cultural dimension of develoment. The UNDP through its Human Development reports also widened the scope of development to include social factors in the development of human beings, Some issues have also been identified for overall development policy planning and implementation. They are: (1) protection of the enviroment as there is a link between environment and sustainable 64 development, (ii) the impact of development interventions on women; (iii) increased role of non-govern mental organization in development planning and implementation; (iv) the need to take cultural and social factors into account. The cultural dimension of development approach differs from the human development approach. While for both the focus of attention is the human being, the latter deals with the satisfaction of human physical needs. This involves development plans to improve the welfare of the people in social sectors such as education housing, democratic government and guarantee of fundamental human rights. As against this strategy, the cultural dimension of development approach adovates development taking into account the beliefs, values, attitudes and perceptions that effect the behaviour of the group undergoing development. The 1999 report of the South Commission. the Challenge to the South, shows the increasing focus on cultural factors ind evelopment. It states: "Culture must be a central component of development strategies in a double sense; on the one hand, the strategies must be sensitive to the cultural roots of the society, to the basic shared values, attitudes, beliefs and customs; on the other, they must include as a goal the development of the culture itself, the creative expansion, depending and change of the society's cultural stock." Traditional Culture and development: The relation between cultures and development is only now being understood and explained. Earlier, since development focussed on economic growth, socio-cultural data was not included in development approach believes in a thorough udnerstanding of the exact relationship between social and cultural factors and economic activities. Cultural factors may e said to include values, bellief systems, attitudes and specific behaviour patterns. Social factors comprise among other things institutional factors such as patterns in interactions and roles, positive and negative sanctions and so on. Cultural and social factors are not completely separate from each other and can therefore be termed as socio-cultural factors. A recent work by Thomson, Ellis and Wildavsky suggest that "values and social relations are mutually interdependent and reinforcing and that institutions generate distinctive set of preferences and adherence to certain values legitimizes corresponding institutiona rrangements." Individual behaviour and action is both constrained by institutional arrangements and held together and modified by them. The cultural dimension of development approach aims to find an answer to a basic question put forward by denis Gaulet: "How does any human community preserve the value esential to its identity and cultural integrity while changing its social conditions to improve the quality of life of its people?" This approach basically follows the premiss that each society has its own culture, its own rationality and reality. Any development policy, programmed and implementation must take into account the given society's culture and rationality system. This approach does not hold that culture is static, nor does it glorify poverty or cultures that have failed to improve the conditions of their people. development must take place within the given socio-cultural framework of a society. There has been a tendency to broadly generalise that traditional culture, beliefs and practices, have been obstacles in the path of economic growth. However, empirical studies have shown this to be quits invalid. One widely accepted 65 view has been that extended family systems hinder economic development and reduce individual incentive because such systems tend to absorbe surplus capital of the most productive and because they are controlled by older members who are conservative. However, two studies conducted in India have shown the contrary. One study conducted in rural areas showed that farms cultivated by extended families produced much more crop that those worked by small family units. Another study conducted in industrial areas showed that extended families played an important role in industrial development. Inf act, extended families showed enterprises and innovation in business activities, in a resettlement project in senegal, it was found that settlement took placed spontaneously as a result of extended family networks. This benefited many more people that was anticipated by the project. Traditional cultures have thus shown to be beneficial to development rather than hinder economic growth. Yet another factor cited as an obstacle to economic growth has been the lack of social mobility ecause it restricts the movement of individuals into other occupations. Traditional cultures in many cases do not encourage social mobility. It is also seen as preventing the maximum and best utilization of human resources. However, it has been pointed out that social constraints in Japan which did not allow merchants and their sons to join the administration or become landlords provide beneficial to economic development. It actually helped in encouraging private enterprise and business growth. It can therefore safely be concluded that culturs and institutional differnces do not hinder economic development. Infact, they may actually serve as positive factors in development. Development policy makers must therefore perceive these factors in a constructive light and rather than view them as obstacles, transform them into spearheads of growth. Role of Social & Cultural Factors in Development: The evaluation of importance of development projects have demonstrated the role of cultural and social factors in development. there have been many instances where projects did not succeed because socio-cultural factors were not taken into account. Projects regarding development ina grculture, medicine, population planning especially in African countries, have revealed that local cultural traditions play a determine role in their success or failure. Introduction of new technogies in developing regions also require sensitivity to lcoal sociocultural realities. As a part of the development and economic assistance projects, collection of socio cultural data is essential. Two major development assistance institutions. the United States Agency for International development (USAID) and the World Bank have had muc experience in collecting socio-cultural data. USAID used Social soundness Analysis (SSA) to increase the potential for the project benefits to spread and for an equitable distribution of project benefits among the affected groups. The World Bank on the other hand, used 'Beneficiary assessment' to improve the design and implementation of the Bank's projects. In this method, the Bank hired a consultant to provide important feedback on the target groups' values and attitudes that would help improve the project. The assessment of the beneficiary was done throught he use of participant observation and qualitive 66 interviewing. This method has been used in several projects in various regions of the world in such diverse sectors such as education, rural settlement, population and industry. In conclusion, we may say that definite lessons could be learned from the use of socio-cultural variables. Attention to issues of socio-cultural compatibility were economically beneficial. Those projects that had incorporated socio- cultural factors into development project planning and implementation had much higher economic rates of return. Further, "successful projects were those which did not over-innovate but rather tended to incorporate indigenous cultural practices and social structures for implementation. 1 Culture and Development - UNESCO\ 2. Maheu Rane: Culture in the Contemporary World (UNESCO 1973) 3. Culture in sustainable Development (UNESCO 1998) Ismail Serageldin Joan Martin - Brown (Ed) 4. Kirpal Prem Culture and Development (Har - Anand Publications 1993)

______67 7

ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT

The objective of this unit is to get a better understanding of the relationship between environment and development and the impact of such a relationship. Focus is on the fact that environment and development are not isolated are has of political and social dispute. They are part of a comprehensive system of local, regional, national and international interdependencies of political and economic power structure. Whatever happens somewhere on this planet will have an impact on our individual and communal living conditions. Thus, the aim is to become aware and hopefully more responsible and educated citizens of the world. Introduction : Historically, the term environment is a rather new linguistic buzzword and refers to different sectors of . We speak of social, personal, cultural, economic, political and, of course, biological and physical environments. Environment, to a certain extent, has replaced the terms nature, society and community. Ecology has replaced ideology - so it seems. As a political concept, environment is closely linked o the concept of development. Economic growth and technological progress of all kinds are basic approaches of industrialized societies. It is assumed that the development of a society depends on the improvement of the socio-economic conditions, i.e. on economic growth and the improvement of existing, and the invention of new, technologies to rationalize production processes and services. Research and development are key economic sectors of industrialized societies. The production of knowledge and skills to develop, implement and control technologies lies at the heart of these societies. While traditional societies are based on agriculture, post-traditional societies (Giddens 1991) are based on technology and on those traditional societies which provide them with resources of food, raw materials and inexpensive labor. Development refers to two different processes which happen simultaneously: the improvement of socio-economic living conditions in industrialized countries and the political, economic, technologies and military control development in traditional societies, The development of industrialized countries is based on lower levels of development in other parts of the world. According to classic economics, development has always been linked to economic 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84

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