Daughters of Freya, Sons of Odin: Gendered Lives During the Viking

Home , Dan (king), Hesselberg, Jelling, Roskilde County, Sport in Denmark, The Viking Way (book)

DAUGHTERS OF FREYA, SONS OF ODIN: GENDERED LIVES DURING

THE VIKING AGE

Chelsi Slotten

Submitted to the

Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences

of American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Anthropology

Chair:

Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences Daniel Sayers

April 30, 2020 Date Mary Frances Giandrea

Marie Louise Schjellerup Jørkov

Niels Lynnerup

Julie Wesp

2020 American University Washington, D.C. 20016

Chelsi Slotten

2020

DAUGHTERS OF FREYA, SONS OF ODIN: GENDERED LIVES DURING

THE VIKING AGE

Chelsi Slotten

ABSTRACT

Utilizing skeletal remains from the Viking Age in Denmark, this dissertation seeks to uncover how gender influenced lived experiences and identity formation during this period.

Historically, biases regarding the inherent abilities of individuals of either gender have heavily influenced analysis in this area. Bioarchaeology offers a unique perspective on this query as skeletons reflect an individual’s life experiences and are a relatively unbiased source of information about the past. As identity is performed through the manipulation of the human body, analyzing the evidence of those experiences can provide a window into the past. Through an analysis of Viking Age burials from across Denmark, I explore how gender impacted identity formation and lived experience at the time. I utilize a bioarchaeological approach to discuss how individuals were impacted by gendered expectations at the time. Through assessing activity patterns, trauma prevalence rates, and the general health of individuals in the sample, patterns of behavior that may shed light on lived experiences that impacted identity formation during the

Viking Age may be established. By combining that analysis with a discussion of the funerary treatment of the deceased the interplay between the deceased’s lived experiences and the social status ascribed to them by the community who buried them can be assessed.

The results show that the relationship between ascribed social status and lived experiences is complex and cannot be solely attributed to the influence of gender on individual

ii or social identity. The combination of skeletal and archaeological data help to provide a more nuanced understanding of how gender historically impacted lived experience and identity formation than either analysis could provide on its own.

ABSTRAKT PÅ DANSK

Ved hjælp af skeletter fra vikingetiden i Danmark forsøger denne afhandling at kortlægge, hvorledes køn påvirkede individets livsmuligheder samt identitetsdannelse i

Vikingetiden. Historisk set er flere forhold forudindtaget omkring kønnes muligheder, når der udføres undersøgelser på dette område. Bioarkæologi tilbyder et unikt perspektiv på dette område, da skeletterne afspejler individets livserfaringer og er en relativt objektiv kilde til information om fortiden. Folks identitet afspejler sig ligeledes i deres klæder og knogler.

Analyser man de arkæologiske fund for tegn på individets livsoplevelser kan dette give et nyt vindue til fortiden. Dette er gjort med fund fra vikingegravsteder fra hele Danmark. Jeg har i det følgende undersøgt, hvordan køn påvirkede identitetsdannelse og folks mulige oplevelse igennem livet i vikingetiden. Jeg bruger den bioarkæologisk tilgang til at diskutere, hvordan individer blev påvirket af kønsforventninger på dette tidspunkt. Ved at vurder aktivitetsmønstre, traume-prævalensrater og individernes generelle helbred, så kan der opstilles adfærdsmønstre.

Disse adfærdsmønstre kan kaste lys over de oplevelser og begivenheder som påvirkede identitetsdannelsen i vikingetiden. Ved at kombinere denne analyse med en gennemgang af begravelseshandlingen for den afdøde, så kan samspillet mellem afdødes levede liv og dennes sociale status i deres samtid vurderes.

Resultaterne viser, at forholdet mellem tilskrevet socialstatus og livserfaring er komplekst og ikke udelukkende kan tilskrives kønnets indflydelse på det individuelles identitet eller sociale normer. Kombinationen af skelet- og arkæologiske data bidrager til at give en mere nuanceret

iii forståelse af, hvordan køn historisk har påvirket det enkelte individs levede liv og identitetsdannelse. Et billede som ikke kunne være opnået med kun den ene af analyser.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The five years I have devoted to completing my PhD have been rewarding, challenging, enlightening and fulfilling. I feel privileged to have been able to research such an interesting and important topic, allowing me to contribute to a field I love.

This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of many people. I am grateful to my advisor, Dr. Dan Sayers for his feedback and support. Particularly, his critical approach to theory and big picture perspective were very helpful. There are not enough words to adequately thank Dr. Julie Wesp for her ongoing support, constructive feedback, and encouragement. Our long conversations over the past several years have shaped who I am as a scholar and a teacher.

I am grateful to Dr. Mary Giandrea for her expertise on the Viking Age and historical persepctives. Both Dr. Niels Lynnerup and Dr. Marie Louise Jørkov provided assistance and feedback during research collection at the University of Copenhagen. Their support, encouragement, and welcome in a new city meant a great deal to me.

On a more practical note I extend my gratitude to Dr. Chiara Villa for her assistance with taking CT scans. I greatly appreciated the assistance of Otto Christian Uldum at the Langelands

Museum and Susanne Klingenberg at the National Museum of Denmark in locating contextual information and reports in their archives. Phillip Kofoed was an invaluable resource for answering my translation questions and proofreading my Danish when required. Eric Schuler,

Guy Taylor, Nick Radcliffe, and Clay Haynes provided technical support and assistance with coding the data and utilizing Python. Without their help, the data analysis would have taken significantly longer and been much more of a struggle.

A big thank you goes out to all the graduate students at American University (past and present) for the excellent discussions, suggestions, and encouragement. It was lovely to find like-minded individuals to debate, befriend, and support. Furthermore, I owe my fellow Women in Archaeology Podcast hosts, Emily Long, Sarah Head, and Kirsten Lopez, a debt of gratitude for their encouragement, feedback, and proofreading over the last several years. You all have influenced my project, provided validation when imposter syndrome struck, and reinvigorated my love for archaeology when I was burned out, thank you.

Throughout the last several years my family has been amazingly supportive. Thank you all for being interested in my project, even if it sometimes didn’t make a lot of sense to you.

Your care of my dog Spice was also much appreciated as it allowed me to travel to conduct research and be involved in several different projects. My dog Spice has, potentially unknowingly, been a huge help in reminding me to go for walks every day, eat at least twice a day, and take breaks. She reminds me of the world outside academia. Lastly, to my amazing partner Guy Taylor, your support has meant the world to me. Your unshakable belief in me counters my own tendencies towards imposter syndrome, your interest in my field is amazing, and your ability to make me smile (even, and most especially, when I’m having a bad day and can’t get Python to do what I need it to) is incredible. I’m so lucky to have you in my life.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... v

LIST OF TABLES ...... xi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... xii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

The Argument ...... 2

The Reasoning ...... 4

Definitions...... 6

Chapter Overview ...... 10

CHAPTER 2: THEORY ...... 11

Sex and Gender Theory ...... 11

Osteological Theory ...... 15

Identity Theory...... 18

Mortuary Theory ...... 19

Strength in Numbers: The Benefit of Multiple Theoretical Approaches ...23

CHAPTER 3: THE VIKING AGE ...... 26

Geography and Climate ...... 29

Society...... 31

Home and Dress ...... 39

Trading, Raiding and Settling ...... 42

Travel ...... 46

Belief Structure ...... 47

vii

CHAPTER 4: WOMEN’S ROLES DURING THE VIKING AGE ...... 51

Archaeological Source Material ...... 52

Written Source Material ...... 63

Women in the Viking Age: What We Know So Far ...... 72

CHAPTER 5: MATERIALS AND METHODOLOGY...... 75

Materials ...... 75

Ethical Considerations ...... 80

Methodology ...... 83

Skeletal Sex Estimation ...... 84

Age at Death ...... 86

Stature and Body Mass ...... 88

Pathologies ...... 90

Infectious Disease ...... 91

Metabolic Disease ...... 93

Joint Disease ...... 94

Trauma ...... 96

Developmental Anomalies and Non-metric Traits ...... 99

Dentition ...... 99

Entheseal Changes ...... 103

Cross-Sectional Geometry of Long Bones ...... 109

Contextual Information ...... 111

Statistical Analysis ...... 113

Problems and Limitations of Bioarchaeological Analysis ...... 115

viii

CHAPTER 6: RESULTS ...... 119

Context ...... 119

The Body ...... 119

Grave Goods ...... 123

Demographic Information ...... 127

Age and Sex ...... 128

Stature and Body Mass of Adult Individuals ...... 129

Dental Diseases ...... 130

Dental Wear ...... 130

Caries ...... 132

Enamel Hypoplasia ...... 133

Calculus...... 133

Abscesses ...... 134

Congenital Dental Anomalies ...... 135

Pathologies ...... 135

Joint Disease ...... 136

Cribra Orbitalia ...... 141

Infection ...... 142

Other Pathologies ...... 142

Trauma ...... 143

Post-Cranial Fractures ...... 145

Cranial Trauma ...... 146

Entheseal Changes ...... 147

Lower Limb Entheseal Changes ...... 147

Upper Limb Entheseal Changes...... 150

Cross-Sectional Geometry ...... 155

CHAPTER 7: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...... 159

Discussion of Context ...... 159

Discussion of Dental Pathologies ...... 164

Discussion of Skeletal Pathologies ...... 165

Discussion of Trauma ...... 168

Discussion of Care ...... 171

Discussion of Entheseal and Cross-Sectional Geometry Data ...... 176

Limitations ...... 180

Key Findings ...... 180

Recommendations for Further Work ...... 186

Significance of the Study ...... 187

APPENDIX A ...... 188

APPENDIX B ...... 196

REFERENCES ...... 202

LIST OF TABLES

Table 5.1 List of the Danish Viking Age Sites which were Included in this Study ...... 78 Table 5.2 Formulas and Associated Errors for Stature and Body Mass Estimation ...... 90 Table 5.3 Entheses Analyzed on the Upper Limb Bones ...... 104 Table 5.4 Entheses Analyzed on the Lower Limb Bones ...... 105 Table 5.5 Muscle Movement Groups and the Entheses that Make Up Each Group in the Upper Limb Bones ...... 108 Table 5.6 Muscle Movement Groups and the Entheses that Make Up Each Group in the Lower Limb Bones ...... 109 Table 6.1 Stature and Body Mass Descriptive Statistics ...... 129 Table 6.2 Stature and Body Mass Significance Testing between Males and Females ....130 Table 6.3 Descriptive Statistics for Tooth Wear ...... 131 Table 6.4 Tooth Wear Significance Test between Males and Females ...... 131 Table 6.5 Caries Prevalence Rate by Type of Tooth ...... 132 Table 6.6 Caries Significance Test between Males and Females ...... 132 Table 6.7 Prevalence Rate of Enamel Hypoplasias within the Population ...... 133 Table 6.8 Frequency of Enamel Hypoplasia Relative to the Number of Grave Goods ...133 Table 6.9 Calculus Prevalence Rate by Type of Tooth ...... 134 Table 6.10 Calculus Significance Test between Males and Females ...... 134 Table 6.11 Abscess Prevalence Rate by Type of Tooth ...... 135 Table 6.12 Abscess Significance Test between Males and Females ...... 135 Table 6.13 Joint Disease Significance Test between Males and Females for the Right (R) and Left (L) Joints ...... 137 Table 6.14 Cribra Orbitalia Prevalence Rate ...... 141 Table 6.15 Infection Prevalence Rate ...... 144 Table 6.16 Fracture Rates Broken Down by Location and Sex ...... 145 Table 6.17 Mean and Standard Deviation According to Sex for the Lower Limb ...... 149 Table 6.18 Lower Leg Entheses which were Significantly Different between Males and Females ...... 150 Table 6.19 Mean and Standard Deviation Values According to Sex for the Right Upper Limb ...... 153 Table 6.20 Mean and Standard Deviation Values According to Sex for the Left Upper Limb ...... 154 Table 6.21 Individuals Used for Cross-Sectional Geometry ...... 156 Table 6.22 Lower Limb Cross-Sectional Geometry Values ...... 157 Table 6.23 Right Upper Limb Cross-Sectional Geometry Values ...... 158 Table 6.24 Left Upper Limb Cross-Sectional Geometry Values ...... 158 Table 7.1 Graves in which Weapons, Equestrian Objects, or Economic Objects are Found ...... 163 Table 7.2 The Relationship between Graves with Miscellaneous Grave Goods and their Total and Types of Grave Goods ...... 163

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 5.1 Factors Impacting Sample Size ...... 116 Figure 6.1 Frequency of the Different Body Positions (a) and Body Orientations (b) Found in Danish Viking Age Burials ...... 120 Figure 6.2 Frequency of Graves Disturbed in Antiquity (a) and Graves that Contained Decapitated Individuals (b) ...... 121 Figure 6.3 Frequency of Double Graves (a) and Burials with Stone Layers on Top of the Individuals (b) ...... 122 Figure 6.4 Total Grave Goods (a) and Types of Grave Goods (b) Broken Down by Age and Sex ...... 124 Figure 6.5 The Frequency of Different Grave Goods Being Interred with an Individual Broken Down by Sex and Age...... 126 Figure 6.6 Proportion of Males and Females by Age at Death During the Danish Viking Age ...... 128 Figure 6.7 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Shoulders ...... 137 Figure 6.8 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Elbows ...... 138 Figure 6.9 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Wrists...... 138 Figure 6.10 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Hips ...... 139 Figure 6.11 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Knees ...... 139 Figure 6.12 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Ankles ...... 140 Figure 6.13 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Cervical (a) and Thoracic (b) Vertebrae ...... 140 Figure 6.14 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Lumbar (a) Vertebrae and Sacroiliac Joint (b) ...... 141 Figure 6.15 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Lower Limb Entheseal Changes Created Using Muscle Movement Group Data and Colored According to Sex ...... 148 Figure 6.16 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Right Upper Limb Entheseal Changes Created Using Muscle Movement Group Data and Colored According to Sex ...... 151 Figure 6.17 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Left Upper Limb Entheseal Changes Created Using Muscle Movement Group Data and Colored According to Sex ...... 152 Figure 6.18 Maximum Entheseal Value According to Age and Sex ...... 155 Figure 6.19 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Right Humerus (a), Left Humerus (b), and Femur (c) Based on Eight Different Axes and Colored According to Sex ...... 156 Figure 7.1 Cranial Trauma of Individual BA from Bogøvej...... 172

xii

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Assumptions regarding gender roles in the archaeological record have been present for as long as archaeology has existed as a discipline. These assumptions conformed to the gendered expectations that society held when archaeology was developing as a field during the Victorian period in the mid to late 1800’s. The political and social contexts of research have always influenced what questions are asked and the interpretations that are made from the archaeological data (Geller, 2005; Gilchrist, 1999; Hollimon, 2017; Slotten, 2018; Walker,

1995). As a result, early investigation of the Viking world was biased towards a two-gender model that assumed men and women led radically different lives. In this model, gender is assumed to be the performance of biological sex as it is defined in modern society. It was only following the political feminist movement of the 1970’s that gender was identified as a distinct facet of identity that could be investigated academically and it wasn’t until the early 1990’s that archaeologists first began seriously investigating gender (Gero & Conkey, 1991; Stig Sørensen,

2000; Wylie, 2007). The earliest gender-focused Viking Age studies were centered on the ancient texts from the period before gender theory began to be applied to Viking Age archaeology (Damsholt, 1984; Jochens, 1996; Maher, 1999). These studies have mostly sought to first identify women in the archaeological record and then to look at how they contributed to their societies. Over the past approximately 30 years many individual case studies have been published investigating so called “exceptional” burials such as the Oseberg burial and individual

BJ 581 from Birka (Hedenstierna-Jonson et al., 2017; Moen, 2014). While these studies are important because they show that some women’s burials should be interpreted as revealing the range of lived experiences and social regard women could experience, a broader reanalysis of

gender roles in the Viking Age has yet to be undertaken. This dissertation will contribute to the understanding of population level gender constructs by investigating how gendered expectations shaped lived experiences and identity formation during the Danish Viking Age from 800-1050

AD.

The Argument

Gender is a complex and shifting construct that contributes to identity formation today.

One’s gender performance may change depending on their location, the company they are in, and the situation. Furthermore, gender is not a discreet construct and can be impacted by an individual’s age, social status, ethnicity, and belief structure. Depending on the above, the importance of gender in shaping one’s identity and experiences may wax and wane. Given that, it is shortsighted to simply assume the impact of gender would be any less mercurial in the past.

In order to reach the most complete picture of how gender impacted life in the Viking

Age it is important to consider individuals’ experiences through a variety of methodological and theoretical frameworks. Bioarchaeology allows archaeologists to access demographic information about individuals such as their sex and age at death, understand long-term health profiles, and study activity patterns. Embodiment theory views the skeleton as a repository of life, reflecting the habits, activities, lived experiences, consumption, and posture of individuals

(Csordas, 1994; Gilchrist, 1999; Hollimon, 2017; R. A. Joyce, 2000, 2006b, 2008b; Slotten,

2017; Sofaer, 2006). Gender theory tells us that gender is an emergent property, constantly being constructed and renegotiated based on individual performances (Butler, 1993; M. W.

Conkey & Gero, 1991; Geller, 2005; R. Joyce, 2017; Pearson, 1999). Those actions that make up gender performance can then be identified on the skeleton. One would therefore expect any strict sexual division of labor or gendered experiences would be evident in the bioarcheological

data. Intersectionality reminds us that gender is only one facet of many which contribute to identity, and it is important to consider how other personal characteristics may impact gendered experiences (Geller, 2009b; R. Joyce, 2017; Pearson, 1999). Finally, mortuary theory reminds us that the dead do not bury themselves. As such, any burial rites and inclusions reflect the living’s perception of the deceased’s identity and their relationship to the dead, although it is certainly possible that some grave goods may have been personal items of the deceased (Pearson, 1999).

All of these theoretical perspectives will be discussed further in chapter 2. By combining the various methodological and theoretical frameworks, one can take a more holistic view of the importance of gender as a facet of identity during the Danish Viking Age.

The purpose of this study is to examine the bioarchaeological data and put it in its social context. By examining preexisting material from across Denmark which has been excavated over the last century, this study will aim to look at gender constructs on a population level. This study will show that there are a range of variations among individuals in the same biological category and there are few statistically significant osteological differences between the sexes, suggesting that biological sex may not have played a large role in determining lived experiences.

Furthermore, the majority of mortuary data was not statistically significantly different for males or females, suggesting that social perceptions of individuals may not have been heavily influenced by their sex. This suggests that gender, as a performance of biological sex, may not be a major factor in identity formation or that gender constructs may not have been sex dependent during the Viking Age. Additionally, consideration of alternative gender constructs during the Danish Viking Age will be undertaken.

This approach to gender archaeology focuses on the intersection of personal experiences as showcased through the osteological data and the social perception of individuals based on

their associated grave goods. This approach allows the researcher to examine the degree to which sex and gender systems influenced daily life and experiences for Danish Viking Age individuals.

It seeks to place the preexisting data in its social context to create a more wholistic picture of the

Viking Age. While case studies investigating the possibility of a broader scope of experiences for women in the Viking Age are becoming more common, the basic assumption of a society where gender played a limiting role in women’s live is still prevalent. This study calls attention to the fact that current assumptions regarding gendered roles may not be reflected in the archaeological record and suggests further reanalysis is required.

The Reasoning

A multitude of different studies on the Viking world have been undertaken in the last century. Prior to the call for and creation of an explicit gender archaeology in the 1980’s and

1990’s most studies of the Viking Age did not utilize gender as a specific facet of identity that was worth investigating. The assumptions made in these studies were based on contemporary western attitudes that assumed a separation in male and female roles within society. Oftentimes, grave goods were taken to indicate difference in biological sex and the inclusion of a particular type of grave good, such as jewelry or weapons, was utilized to determine sex, even in instances where an osteological assessment of the skeleton was possible.

Once archaeologists recognized gender as a fruitful line of inquiry, the number of studies focused on gender in the Viking Age exploded. Early studies focused on recognizing women in the archaeological record and some recent studies have called long-standing assumptions into question. Gender studies concerning the Viking Age have looked at many avenues of investigation including history, folklore, anthropology, archaeology, and the sagas (Borovsky,

1999; Friðriksdóttir, 2013; Jesch, 1991, 2001, 2014; Jochens, 1996; Maher, 2013; Moen, 2011,

2014). The multiple avenues of investigation helped to provide a more well-rounded image of women during the Viking Age, recognizing that women could have power in certain spheres.

The issue with much of this research is the focus on women’s roles as they relate to the household, and women’s roles as they relate to the family’s social standing (Dommasnes, 1991;

Graslund, 2001; Stalsberg, 1991). Unfortunately, this always looks at women as they relate to others, rather than investigating the roles of women as an independent avenue of study worthy of analysis. It ignores the possibility that women could have power unrelated to the household, or outside of their familial relations. Power, held by either males or females, was bound to impact perceptions of their family; however the explicit link between power held by males and the impact on their family is made less often. While some studies have begun addressing this issue, the lack of comprehensive analysis of women based on their own merits is a substantial oversight in our understanding of Viking Age society. Furthermore, research on masculinity in the Viking

Age has tended to focus on heteronormative displays. The focus on hegemonic forms of masculinity fails to consider other displays of masculinity that may have existed. It is these oversights that I hope to address through this paper.

This avenue of inquiry is especially important to undertake given the current social and political climate. The rise in popularity of extremist far-right beliefs has resulted in mass shootings in several countries. Many of these shootings’ manifestos released after the fact have made reference to the Vikings (Kim, 2019; Martyn-Hemphill & Libell, 2018; Weber, 2018). The

Viking beliefs referenced by these individuals are not historically accurate. Rather they are imagined narratives that play into the xenophobic, violent, and sexist beliefs that the far right espouses (Kim, 2019). These dangerous ideals have also been utilized to energize Trump’s base and showcase how mainstream these ideas are becoming (Lewis, 2019).

While an analysis of gender roles may not seem like the most obvious place to start combating far-right ideas, sexist assumptions underpin much of the far-right discourse. As Lynn

Berg noted “gender issues are absolutely central for racist and authoritarian demands and right- wing mobilization” (2019: 80). The connection between sexist beliefs about women’s roles in the home and far-right ideologies have been further expounded upon by many scholars (Lewis,

2019; Miller-Idriss, 2017, 2019; Williams, 2012). The far-right also supports heteronormative gender roles for males that fit within the definition of toxic masculinity. Far-right brands such as

Thor Steinar carry shirts modelled on tall men with broad shoulders that have violent imagery and words. This brand broadcasts the idea of a male physical ideal who exhibit traits such as toughness, dominance, adventurousness, and violence (Miller-Idriss, 2017, 2019). This brand also has a Viking link as the logo includes the name of the Viking god Thor and is comprised of two runes. In order to counter this dangerous narrative of the far-right and their cooption of

Viking symbols it is important to produce counter narratives. As sexist assumptions and Viking imagery underpin so much of extremist far-right belief, countering the idea that Viking society was a gender binary society will provide a counter narrative to the historically inaccurate account utilized by the far-right.

Definitions

Some of the terms used in this dissertation may have multiple meanings or boundaries.

As such it is important to clarify which definition is meant when they are used in this dissertation.

• Viking Age- The Viking Age is historically seen as the period AD 800-1050 in

Scandinavia and western Europe. While the name of the period brings to mind those

individuals who left Scandinavia to go raid other lands, many other important social 6

changes occurred during this time. The Viking Age saw the development of towns and

trading centers, increased expertise in ship building, an outward expansion that resulted

in settlement as well as raiding, the consolidation of power that united much of northern

Europe under one ruler for a brief period, and the conversion to Christianity in

Scandinavia (A. Baker, 2004; Haywood, 1995; P. Sawyer, 2000b; Wolf, 2004). Despite

being named for the raiding that took place, many of the most important aspects of the

Viking Age related to internal social processes which in turn affected their activities

abroad. While some of these changes began prior to 800 AD, and continued after 1050

AD, this dissertation utilizes these dates to increase comparability with other research and

conform to the dating classification utilized within the collection.

• Vikings- Those individuals who lived in Scandinavia during the Viking Age.

• Sex and Gender- Current anthropological theory generally distinguishes biological sex

from gender. Sex is defined as the result of chromosomal makeup that results in

morphological differences between individuals with xx (female) and xy (male)

chromosomes. While other chromosomal combinations are possible, identifying them in

the archaeological record is difficult and rarely undertaken. The chromosomal makeup

results in differences in primary sexual characteristics (genitalia), and skeletal sexual

dimorphism- quantifiable differences in morphology between the skeletons of males and

females (White 2000: 26). However, the skeletal morphological differences are not

discreet; they exist on a scale. Some males may have typical female traits while some

females may have typical male traits. Gender is defined as the performance of the

masculine and feminine aspect of identity (Butler, 1988; Geller, 2009a). Gender is not

defined by one’s biological characteristics; rather it is the way one presents themselves

to, and is viewed by, society. Despite the difference in definition, the application of

gender theory to archaeological investigation often looks at gender as performance linked

to biological sex. This is not to say that one’s gender has to conform to their biological

sex; rather that there are two gender options and each individual has to adhere to one or

the other (R. A. Joyce, 2006a, 2008a). This is because “the concepts of modern language

are our tools for grouping past realities, but those concepts are products of our own time

and realities” (Dommasnes 1991:65). This limits our discussion of sex and gender to the

definition we possess today and does not allow for the possibility that sex and gender, as

we classify them today, may not have been important factors in shaping identity and lived

experiences.

• Gender Binary- Gender binary is the idea that there are two discreet and opposite genders

within any given society. This idea has pervaded much of archaeological literature and

ignores the possibility of other gendered constructions beyond masculine and feminine.

Generally, within archaeology this has been interpreted to mean that men and women led

separate lives with separate responsibilities. This difference could be reflected in a

division of labor, different nutritional access, separate spheres of influence and other

socially constructed behaviors. It often leads to the conclusion that there must be one

superior gender and ignores the possibility that gender may not have been an important

social category across all cultures (Joyce 2008a: 9). During the Viking Age it has been

posited that men had more social standing that women. When I refer to the gender

binary, I will be referencing this specific construct of men as different from, and more

important than women during the Viking Age.

• Burial site- A burial site is the location of one or more burials and is identified in the text

by the name of the site. Each site has at least one archival reference number; however

some sites have multiple numbers that correspond to regional, national, historic, and/or

current archival systems. The archival reference number(s) for the site can be found in

Appendix A.

• Cemetery- A cemetery is a burial site that contains four or more graves. The term does

not denote any religious affiliation.

• Grave- A grave is a hole in the ground that an individual or individuals may be placed in.

When individual graves are being discussed they will be referenced by the site they

originated from and by their specific grave designation (gr. ___) as originally given to

them. These grave designations may be alphabetic or numeric depending on when and

where the original excavation took place.

• Mortuary deposits- The archaeological remains of a burial that include the body position

and orientation along with any associated grave goods.

• Body position- Body position refers to the manner in which the deceased was put in the

grave. This does not include arm positioning as that information was rarely recorded.

• Body orientation- The body orientation is the cardinal direction in which the head was

pointing. It follows that the feet would be in the other direction. Therefore, a body

orientation of N means the head is located towards the north and the feet towards the

south.

Chapter Overview

I have utilized the data obtained from excavation reports, combined with my osteological assessment to better understand the role gender played in identity formation and lived experiences during the Danish Viking Age. The combination of these two types of analysis allows a richer understanding of the interplay between personal agency and gendered social expectations. I have organized this work in the follow sections:

• Chapter 2 introduces the theoretical approaches applied to this study including gender,

osteological, identity, and mortuary theory.

• Chapter 3 provides a broad overview of the Viking World including the social, political,

environmental, and economic factors that shaped the period. This chapter looks at both

pan-Scandinavian trends that were common during the Viking Age as well as Danish

specific information that will influence the analysis.

• Chapter 4 looks more specifically at how women’s roles during the Viking Age have

been traditionally viewed. It helps orient this study within the broader scholarship on

gender in the Viking Age.

• Chapter 5 introduces the materials and methods used in this analysis.

• Chapter 6 presents the results of the analysis and discusses the patterns that emerge in

relation to sex differentiation in the osteological and mortuary data. We explore the

possible interpretations that could be drawn from the data that move beyond the obvious

trends to understand why they might exist.

• Chapter 7 pulls together the work from the previous chapters by discussing the key

findings, how they relate to current work in the field, identifying the limitations of the

study, and outlining future research that could be done in the area. 10

CHAPTER 2

THEORY

As we seek to answer the question of how gender impacted lived experiences and identity formation during the Viking Age it is useful to consider several theoretical frameworks. The frameworks that will be utilized in this paper are gender theory, identity theory, mortuary theory and osteological theory. These theoretical frameworks reflect two types of data: intentional data and functional data. Intentional data includes information about the burial type, body position, and any grave goods that may be interred with the deceased including tools, jewelry, weapons, clothing, and religious items. Intentional data reflect things the community did in an attempt to create a certain perception (Härke, 1997; Maher, 1999; Pearson, 1999). Conversely, functional data is not generally considered to intentionally reflect a certain perception and will be discussed in more detail below. Functional data includes paleodemographic information as well as health profiles and nutritional information that can be identified using osteological methods (Gestsdóttir

& Price, 2003; Härke, 1997; Maher, 1999, 2013; Pearson, 1999). By combining these two types of data we can seek to understand the lived experience of an individual as well as how they were viewed by their community in death which will lead to a more holistic idea of how gender may have impacted Viking lives.

Sex and Gender Theory

As noted in Chapter 1, sex and gender are generally considered separate concepts relating to biology and social performances, respectively. However, biological and social frameworks of knowledge can influence each other. This had led some scholars to conclude that sex and gender are a “mutually constituted cultural and biological reality”, that they are one thing, not two

(Joyce, 2017:5; Wesp, 2014, 2017). This recognizes that perceptions of a two-sex model feed into perceptions of a two-gender model, which in turn promotes the idea of a two-sex model creating a binary loop that reinforces its own blind spots. If the construction of both sex and gender are culturally influenced, the distinction between the two is problematic at best. When researchers assume a one-to-one correlation between sex and gender it limits the possible exploration of alternative sex and gender constructs.

The sex and gender blind spot is one which archaeologists have happily existed within for decades and have only recently started to challenge. As Laqueur (1990) showed, classifying individuals into two sex categories is a relatively recent European development that reflects changes to our understanding of biology. While bodily differences do exist, it is possible that a binary sex division, as currently conceived, was less important in other times and places than it is today (R. A. Joyce, 2007, 2008a; Walrath, 2017). The definition of male and female as opposites also ignores the possibility of alternate gender constructions that may have existed, ones that may not be based on the biological sex of the individual (Agarwal, 2012; Agarwal & Glencross,

2011b; Gilchrist, 1991; Voss, 2008). This problem is further exacerbated by the methodological best practice of sexing skeletons into two discreet categories and the common practice of sexing grave goods. In doing so, modern researchers are buying into the belief that sex must have been an important factor in identity formation (Geller, 2017; R. Joyce, 2017; R. A. Joyce, 2006a,

2008a).

In order to move beyond the assumptions that limit us to applying modern understandings to past societies, archaeologists need to recognize the diverse possibilities that existed in the past.

First, archaeologists must move on from the biomedical model that “depicts select fragments- crania, breasts, penises, uteruses, genes- as signifying the whole individual” (Gellar 2017:75).

Instead, we need to understand that the body reflects multiple aspects of identity and that no one piece can stand in for the total. We must also reaffirm that gender is an emergent property and that a shared trait, like gender, does not necessarily mean that all individuals who can be categorized in a certain way have the same experiences (M. W. Conkey & Gero, 1991; R. Joyce,

2017; Pearson, 1999). This is true not only for individual experiences within one culture but between different cultures. Sex and gender categories are historically unstable and vary according to culture (Butler, 1990; Geller, 2008; Geller, 2017; Gilchrist, 1999; R. A. Joyce,

2008a; Martin, 1992; Slotten, 2017; Sofaer, 2006; Stig Sorensen, 2007; Walrath, 2017). Any attempt to define sex and gender as universals naturalizes our modern perceptions and clouds the view of the past.

The association of gender with women more than men is also worth noting. Gender has historically been discussed more as something women have (Laqueur, 1990; Nelson, 1997; S. B.

Ortner, 1972). Recent research into gender as it applies to men have more often been deemed

“masculinity studies” demarcating the study as inherently different than gender studies which have typically focused on women (Back Danielsson & Thedéen, 2012; Hadley, 2008). The association of gender studies with women is understandable as women were historically ignored in archaeological analysis and early gender studies focused on addressing that imbalance. While this dissertation does follow the trend of gender studies as they have typically been applied to women, it is vital to understand that any adjustment of the understanding of women’s roles must be accompanied by a modification of our understanding of men’s roles. For example, if women could engage in international trade, that means that men were not the only individuals who could carry out that activity. Any future analysis of trade must then account for this possibility.

This is not to say that gender constructs in the past cannot be discussed, simply that it must be undertaken with care. Most importantly, shifting gender norms for females will, by necessity, cause a shift in assumed gender norms for males. We can assume that gender roles may be affected by the seasonal availability of resources, the task that needs to be completed, the number of people who can help, and the individual’s sex, age, ability, and preference (Owen,

2005:187). Even in a society with strict gender roles, if a crop needed to be harvested and the men are ill, the women may do the harvesting rather than let a crop go to waste. One’s actions are, in part, dictated by individual and social need. We also can assume that “where women’s actions are subject to monitoring for adherence to conventional expectations…we should expect evidence of women behaving in unsanctioned ways” (Zuckerman in Joyce 2017:8). This quote will also hold true for men as well since both men and women can have their options restricted by constructions of masculinity and femininity (Zilmer, Forthcoming). People rarely do exactly what society expects them to, so some variation in behavior based on individual agency and desire is to be expected. It is in these moments of disruption that norms may become clearer and we can see the possibility of shifting norms.

Pecheux (1981), a linguistic theorist, offers up a unique way of looking at how individuals contest norms through moments of disruption and everyday interactions. While this dissertation is not primarily concerned with linguistic analysis, his theory applies to communication. If a picture is worth a thousand words, and how individuals act and dress can create a picture, those actions can be seen as a type of language. The mortuary record is a particularly rich type of visual communication that can be analyzed. For Pecheux, there are three types of individuals: good subjects who adhere to the social order, bad subjects who oppose the social order but confirm the power of the order by accepting the premise upon which it is based,

and individuals who engage in disidentification- the attempt to transform the social order without acknowledging the power of the underlying premise (1981). Applied to gender, a good subject would accept that gender shapes your life and behave according to the norms of their perceived gender, a bad subject would reject that gender shapes your life and behave in opposition to the norms of their perceived gender, and an individual engaged in disidentification would seek to transform the meaning of gender. By utilizing this framework, this project recognizes the power of the current gender binary and looks for evidence that either accepts or rejects its value as a theoretical approach to the Danish Viking Age while simultaneously looking for evidence of disidentification.

Osteological Theory

The human skeleton can provide a window into the lives of the individuals being studied.

The type of data that can be gleaned from skeletons includes an individual’s sex, age, trauma, numerous health conditions, activity patterns, and nutritional access (Roberts & Manchester,

2010; White, 2005). Data identified through osteological analysis has often been considered more ‘pure’ than some other forms of analysis because it is supposedly harder to distort to reflect an ideological bias (Csordas, 1994; Härke, 1997; Maher, 1999, 2013). However, we know that all cultural contexts influence research, framing the questions we ask and the interpretations we make (Geller, 2005; Gilchrist, 1991, 1999; Hollimon, 2017; Walker, 1995). Osteological data are also not considered the result of intentional action to relay a certain perception; rather it is a repository of one’s lived experiences. This is demonstrably false, as a body is “an unfinished biological and social phenomenon which is transformed within certain limits as a result of its entry into and participation in society” (Shilling 1993:12). Although the body does reflect lived experiences, the choices that shaped those experiences were made to convey a certain image of

oneself. Therefore, the osteological changes visible in the skeleton are a result of intentional action to convey a certain message. As a result, we might expect a different health profile for individuals exposed to certain environments, or evidence of different muscle usage for those engaging in radically different activities on a daily basis.

While the skeleton is impacted by social structures, the skeleton is also a biological structure. Nature and nurture work together over the life course to continuously reshape skeletal elements according to the stress they are exposed to over a lifetime (Marks & Odgren, 2002; C.

Ruff, Holt, & Trinkaus, 2006; Walrath, 2017; Wesp, 2014b) . In order to understand how social structures may impact skeletal morphology, it is important to understand how the skeleton grows and develops. Bones are comprised of two osseous components: cortical (compact) bone and cancellous (trabecular) bone. Cortical bone is the dense bone on the outside of a skeletal element and trabecular bone is the porous bone with a honeycomb structure found on the interior aspect of bones (White 2005:40). The combination of these two types of bone allows the human skeleton to be strong and weigh less than if all bone was cortical. The bones are filled with a combination of red and yellow marrow that produce blood cells and store calcium (White 2005:

40).

While we tend to think of the skeleton as a collection of bones, it is also important to recognize that those bones are a collection of cells that can grow and respond to stress. There are three types of cells that are primarily involved in the formation and maintenance of bones: osteoblast, which form osteoid cells that calcify into bone with the deposition of hydroxyapatite crystals, osteoclasts that resorb bone, and osteocytes, which assist with maintaining bone (White

2005:43). These three types of cells are constantly working, meaning that living bone is not static, but always changing and adapting. The maintenance or remodeling of bone tissue is

ongoing, allowing our skeletons to react to normal wear and tear, as well as access the minerals stored within bone (Ott, 2002; White, 2005). The constant remodeling of bone also allows our skeletons to adapt to different stresses placed on them throughout the life course. A biomechanical model allows researchers to link bone deposition processes with mechanical loading. When mechanical strain is increased there is a corresponding increase in bone deposition and a decrease in mechanical strain results in bone resorption (C. B. Ruff, 2008).

While the potential of bone growth and remodeling may be based on genetic factors, many environmental factors such as nutrition, disease, and the environment can limit or change how bones respond in certain situations. The amount of bone formation (hypertrophy) or bone resorption (e.g. atrophy) can be influenced by both biological (e.g. hormones) and or environmental (e.g. lack of nutrition) factors (D. J. Ortner, 2003a). Therefore, it is important to remember that bones reflect not only the biological forces that structure their response to stress, but also the social and environmental forces that create the conditions biology is reacting to.

With few exceptions (such as traumatic injuries) the rate of change to bone tissue takes place over many years. The amount of time it takes for bone to remodel depends on a variety of factors, including which bone is affected, the severity of the condition causing remodeling, the prior health profile of the individual, and their nutritional access (Roberts & Manchester 2010:

91). As a result, the information contained in a skeleton tells us more about the life of the individual than their death, again with a few exceptions where cause of death can be clearly determined. Embodiment theory, or the idea that skeletons reflect the habits, activities, lived experiences, posture and consumption of individuals is based on these ideas (Gilchrist, 1999;

Hollimon, 2017; R. A. Joyce, 2000, 2006a, 2008a; Sofaer, 2006). Using embodiment theory, one might expect that differences in the skeleton may in turn reflect perceived contemporary

social differences based on gender, age, status, religion, or personal ability. When osteological data is analyzed on a population level it can shed light on what categories were important in shaping lived experiences in the past. As this analysis is undertaken, it is important to consider not only the biological reasoning behind certain changes but the cultural forces that drive them as well (Baustian, 2012; Peterson, 2002; Sofaer, 2006). It is only through this holistic approach that a more nuanced understanding of the past can be reached.

Identity Theory

Although the focus of this dissertation is on the impact of gender on identity formation, identity as a larger concept needs to be addressed. Critically, identity is intersectional, meaning it is created through the combination of many different aspects of social perception such as gender, age, ethnicity, status, religion etc. (Boutin, 2016; R. Joyce, 2017). Each of these facets of identity help shape who an individual becomes, and those facets cannot be separated into discrete parts. Identity is more than the sum of its parts. While social expectations can limit what experiences are open to a person and how they construe their identity, we must also consider the impact of personal desire on individual experiences (Butler, 2004; Duncan,

Balkansky, Crawford, Lapham, & Meissner, 2008; Wesp, 2014b). As individuals, the choices we make shape our identity as much as any social category we may fit in to.

Just as gender is performed, so too is identity. As a result, identity is a fluid concept that is always in the process of forming; identity is not a discrete category (M. Conkey & Gero, 1997;

Leacock, 1983; Pearson, 1999). Furthermore, people may perform their identity in different ways to highlight specific facets in contexts with varying relationships (Svanberg, 2003a). Depending on the situation, the relative importance of any facet of identity can shift. The life course paradigm tells us that identity can change with age (Boutin, 2016; Geller & Stockett Suri, 2014).

When this is applied to women, it is often discussed in regards to whether or not they are capable of reproducing. Unfortunately, this makes women’s roles as incubators for new members of society their defining characteristic during their reproductive maturity. Any attempts at applying a life course paradigm to understanding identity and gender should therefore be careful not to naturalize this modern preoccupation with women as mothers.

Identity is shaped both by achieved and ascribed status. Ascribed status is something that is given to someone as a result of their sex, age, social status, and/or family connections, whereas achieved status is status that is earned through one’s actions (Hollimon, 2017; Pearson, 1999).

Both achieved and acquired traits can influence where someone lives, what they can do, and how they are perceived both in life and in death (Hollimon, 2017). Consequently, identity is created through the interaction of cultural norms and individual choice. As a result, cultural norms “do not represent the actual complexities or controversies experienced by people, individual and collectively, within their environments” (Zilmer, Forthcoming: 8). By combining the osteological data, whose strengths are described above, with the archaeological data, whose application is discussed below, a more complete idea of individual identity and the cultural forces that shape identity can be uncovered.

Mortuary Theory

The archaeological record is valuable because it can reveal information about the past that is not found anywhere else. The material remains of the past are important because they have meanings to individuals and to communities (Abrams, 2012; Díaz-Andreu, 2005; Pearson,

1999; Sorensen, 1991; Zilmer, Forthcoming). Symbols, such as a cross, have a specific meaning in certain times and places that can help create a sense of community and serve to identify individuals with similar beliefs. However, no material or symbol has any innate properties or

meanings; any assumed properties are the effect of cultural context (Back Danielsson, 2016).

This is important to note as, like all research, archaeology is conditioned by the society that undertakes the work (M. Conkey & Gero, 1997; Gero, 1985; Kaliff, 2005; Sellevold, Hansen, &

Jørgensen, 1984). Consequently, researchers must be aware of their biases when undertaking work to try and negate naturalizing their own culturally constructed beliefs.

Unfortunately, the interpretive bias in archaeology is alive and well. The assumption that particular types of mortuary deposits are associated with a particular category, such as gender, is prevalent. In fact, the presumed sex of an individual is sometimes determined solely on what graves goods appear in the assemblage, rather than or in contradiction to the biological profile

(Arnold, 2007; A. Baker, 2004; Elizabeth M. Brumfiel, 2007; Levy, 2007; Sorensen, 1991; Stig

Sorensen, 2007; Stig Sørensen, 2000). Working under this biased interpretation structure within the Viking Age, weapons can only be found in male graves and jewelry can only be found in female graves. Even for grave goods that are not believed to be inherently gendered, there is a double bias in interpretation. For example, imported items found in graves are often assumed to indicate a man is involved in trade or a woman received a gift (Díaz-Andreu, 2005). It has often been argued that burial with an object does not imply knowledge of its use (Díaz-Andreu, 2005;

Jesch, 2001; Pearson, 1999). While true at its core, that argument has been unevenly applied, primarily to women found with grave goods that are considered to be masculine, to diminish the importance of individual burials that do not conform to preconceived notions of gender difference. This is a way of keeping people in categorical boxes that researchers are comfortable in. Instead of interpreting burials as ways to prop up current understandings of identity categories, we should look at burials and the materials they contain as places of identity negotiation whose meanings are culturally constructed.

Funerary deposits and the materials they contain should be analyzed based on what they can reveal about a person and society, not for how well they align with our current ideas surrounding identity categories. The construction of the grave, the items interred with the deceased, and the deceased’s appearance reflect the social norms and classifications of the time when the deceased was interred (J. L. Baker, 2012; Díaz-Andreu, 2005; Pearson, 1999;

Randsborg, 1980; Svanberg, 2003a, 2003b). These norms may shift depending on the perceived cause of death, who the mourners are, and the deceased’s identity. This view recognizes that mortuary deposits reflect complex social structures whose meanings need to be carefully investigated.

By reframing interpretation around the social aspects of mortuary deposits, the focus shifts from what burials contain to what they mean. It recognizes that mortuary deposits are some of the most intentional finds in the archaeological record, organized by complex social structures and reflecting various aspects of both individuals and societies (Pearson, 1999). We can assume that the mode of mortuary deposit meant something to those living during the period.

Burials and their associated rites are a way of helping people cope with loss (J. L. Baker, 2012).

This can be used to reaffirm the relationship between the living and the dead, the living and the living, and the living and the past, as well as to create new bonds between the above (Arnold &

Wicker, 2001; Maher, 2013; Pearson, 1982, 1999). The living feature heavily in all of these interpretations because the dead do not bury themselves. The way the deceased are laid to rest represents an idealized version of that person that may be appropriate for their burial, but may not have been true in all times and places, or any time and place (Boutin, 2016; Hedenstierna-

Jonson, 2015; Pearson, 1999). A farmer who had earlier participated in Viking exploration and raids may be buried as a warrior, even if they had not engaged in that activity in many years, or a 21

child may be buried in a manner more consistent with the role they would have played as an adult to recognize the loss of their future contributions to society. Mortuary deposits therefore reflect the social perception of an individual and may not reflect who they were at the time of death.

Mortuary deposits can highlight different aspects of someone’s perceived social identity such as their wealth, status, personal accomplishments, social networks, travel, and belief system. The objects in a grave may have belonged to the deceased in life, be a family possession, or be a gift to the deceased. Generally, grave goods are considered to be more valuable when they take more resources, including material, time, and travel, to acquire (J. L.

Baker, 2012; Binford, 1971; Pearson, 1993, 1999; Shennan, 1975). The removal of them from circulation by placing them in a grave indicates the ability of the deceased family to either replace or cope without the object. While this may be true, and makes population level comparisons easier, some grave goods may be included due to sentiment, which can be harder to identify. Therefore, identifying the significance of any one grave good can be problematic and multiple possible interpretations should be considered.

Within the Viking Age there are a couple of accepted interpretations of grave goods based on our understanding of Viking cosmology (Further discussed in chapter 3- Viking general background). The Vikings believed the deceased travelled to one of several realms to await

Ragnarök, the end of their world. Given this understanding, grave goods are assumed to be items that would assist the individual in their next life (Batey, 1993; Batey & Graham-Campbell,

1988; Friðriksson, 2000; Graslund, 2001; Maher, 2013; Randsborg, 1980; Stig Sorensen, 2007).

Therefore, carts, horses, and boats would assist the deceased with travelling to the next world, while tools may represent the work the individual would do in the next world. 22

These interpretations, however, should not be taken as absolute truth. As Binford (1971) first noted, increasingly complex societies may result in increasingly complex burials rites that represent multiple aspects of society and the individual. This is further complicated by local traditions. While burials of elite individuals may have super-regional trends, (see chapter 3

Viking general background for the connectivity of the Viking world), many burials will be impacted by local traditions and customs that may shift the meaning of certain objects (N. Price,

2008; Svanberg, 2003b). Furthermore, not everyone would have been buried. Price (2008) estimates that up to half the population during the Viking age would have been exposed or cremated due to either low status or local traditions. While it can be tempting to state that graves which contain few or no grave goods reflect those individuals who are poor or low status, that ignores other possibilities. Those graves may actually belong to individuals from a different cultural group within society, people travelling with less material to inter, people who needed to be buried quickly following a violent event, or a different belief structure (Maher, 1999). Within the Viking Age specifically, the conversion to Christianity, where grave goods are not common, might be responsible for a lack of grave goods, which may then not reflect a lower social status.

Clearly, the archaeological record can be analyzed to shed light on the past, but careful interpretations must be employed to avoid any of the pitfalls detailed above.

Strength in Numbers: The Benefit of Multiple Theoretical Approaches

Four different strands of theory are utilized in this dissertation. I argue that the application of different types of theory to the problem of gender, identity and lived experience in the Danish Viking Age allows for a more comprehensive, flexible understanding of the past to be considered. Recent discussions about the ‘silos’ that exist in academia show the limitations of rigidly adhering to a single theoretical perspective (Carayol & Thi, 2005; Feldman, 2008;

Macfarland, 2006; Shore, 2012). In order to reach new understandings of the past different viewpoints must be applied and considered simultaneously.

In this dissertation I utilize multiple theoretical approaches in an attempt to avoid the pitfalls and limitations of any one perspective. The primary theoretical approach I apply is a feminist gender theory. This approach recognizes that a wide range of gender expressions must be considered in the past to minimize the influence of modern biases. Furthermore, it supports the notion that individual agency should always be considered, as women’s social roles were created by a combination of social expectations and personal desire. Identity theory further highlights the importance of individual agency. It also centers the fact that multiple facets of social perception combine to create one’s identity. Due to the intersectional nature of identity, a single facet, gender in this analysis, cannot be solely responsible for the lived experiences of any individual.

The two sources of data for this study, both of which have their own theoretical leanings, also complement each other. Osteological theory works under the understanding that the skeleton is a repository of information about the lived experiences of an individual. These experiences will be shaped by the social opportunities open to them, and their own desires.

Conversely, mortuary data reflects the social perception of the deceased. While this can reflect the deceased’s identity, it may not. Furthermore, recent considerations in mortuary theory focus on interpreting mortuary data for what it might reveal, rather than using it to support preconceived biased assumptions. By combining these two theoretical approaches to two different data types I can consider both the social perceptions of the deceased and how their lived experiences may or may not have matched those social perceptions.

By utilizing the different theoretical approaches discussed above I put forward the idea that gender should be considered a fluid, complex aspect of identity that influences both individuals and societies. The impact of gender on lived experiences and identity formation should be evident in both the osteological and mortuary data in the past. The analysis provided here calls into question the binary nature of gender that continues to be assumed in many studies of the Viking Age.

CHAPTER 3

THE VIKING AGE

Portrayed as an era of warriors, raiders, and explorers of new continents, the mythological Viking Age abounds with the possibility for adventure, with amazing stories of heroic figures that have fascinated people for centuries. Some of those stories come down to us in the form of the Icelandic Sagas. These and a few other written sources heavily colored the early days of Viking Studies, before archaeology had developed enough to have any real input.

Given that the imagination tends to run away with fantastical ideas at the mere mention of

Vikings, it is important to separate fact from fiction and discuss what the Viking Age refers to in the scope of this research.

The term ‘Viking’ as it is used today and the idea of the horned helmeted warrior is actually a 19th century invention (Arwill-Nordbladh, 1991; Downham, 2012; Graham-Campbell,

Page, Batey, Price, & Clarke, 1994; Svanberg, 2003b). The Vikings did not wear horned helmets, and while some were warriors, the majority of individuals were farmers, traders, settlers, and craftspeople. It is also unlikely that contemporaries of the age referred to themselves as ‘Vikings’. The term ‘Viking’ is likely derived from the Old Norse word vikingr.

While debates surrounding the origins of that word abound, it is accepted that contemporarily the word was used to refer to pirates or sea warriors (Androshchuk, 2007; Byock, 2013; Downham,

2012; Fitzhugh, 2000; N. Price, 2000). The written sources from areas attacked by these sea warriors certainly recall their ferocity and skill, although they understandably fail to acknowledge they were experiencing the activities of a very small set of individuals from

Scandinavia.

In more modern usage, the term Viking has come to refer to the various cultural groups that lived in Scandinavia as well as those who raided and settled elsewhere in Europe during the

Viking Age from 800-1050 AD. Noticeably, the Sami cultural group is not generally included in the Viking cultural groups. The Sami, sometimes referred to by others as ‘Lapps’, were trade partners of the Vikings whose homelands overlapped in the Northern parts of modern-day

Sweden and Norway. They were, and continue to be, semi-nomadic reindeer herders who consider northern Norway, northern inland Sweden, northern Finland and parts of the Kola

Peninsula in Russia their homeland, or Saapmi (Kaland & Martens, 2000; N. Price, 2000; T.

Douglas Price, 2015). While they may have shared geographical locations, the Sami were culturally distinct from the other inhabitants of Scandinavia during the Viking Age.

The emergence of the term Viking as a catch all for the cultural groups living in

Scandinavia between 800-1050AD was in part a reaction to the upheaval of the 18th and 19th centuries. Wars, shifting borders, and national insecurity led to the desire for a strong national symbol around which Danish identity could be reframed (Briggs, 2005; Hillerdal, 2009;

Svanberg, 2003b). The emergence of archaeology as a discipline at the same time allowed for more information than ever about the Vikings Age to be discovered. The desire for a symbol of a shared glorious past influenced early understandings of, and the very definition of, the Viking

Age. The strong ties between the present and the Viking past can still be seen by the numerous

Viking-themed restaurants, shops, and tourist souvenirs seen all around Denmark. As a result some scholars have argued that the Viking Age may not be a useful unit of analysis (Hodges,

2006; Svanberg, 2003b). It is precisely because the term Viking Age holds so much meaning today that it is important to utilize it as a unit of analysis. As the past is so often used to legitimize the way things are in the present, it is vital to analyze beliefs about the past (Ballard,

2007; Tomášková, 2011). This is especially true for time periods that have are so well-known and which still influence national identity.

It would, however, be a mistake to assume that the term Viking implies cultural unity

(Abrams, 2012; Hall, 2007; J. Lund & Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016; Roesdahl, 1998). The Viking age was a period of shifting political, cultural, and religious norms. The increased contact with the wider world exposed the people of the Viking Age to new ideas and belief systems which influenced their already diverse culture. Exposure to new ideas took place both as a result of

Viking travels and from the influx of foreigners into society as evidenced by foreign gene flow and isotope analysis showing migration over the life course (Ashot Margaryan et al., 2019; T. D.

Price, Frei, Dobat, Lynnerup, & Bennike, 2011). Even the idea of a firmly bounded timeframe for the Viking Age can be elusive. Different disciplines have different opinions and the date range for the Viking Age often changes depending on what area of Scandinavian influence one is studying. Most scholars agree that the Viking Age lasted approximately 300 years, although some would argue it lasted much longer in some of the overseas colonies.

Historians give the most clear-cut date range from 793 -1066 AD; the timeframe is based on firm dates tied to historical events. In 793 AD, the sack of Lindisfarne was recorded in the

Anglo Saxon Chronicle. While this is a somewhat arbitrary start date for the Viking Age given that earlier, smaller raids likely happened, it has long been accepted and is clearly recorded in historiography (Fitzhugh, 2000; Haywood, 1995; Jesch, 2015; Roesdahl, 1998). In 1066 AD, the

Battle of Hastings and the Battle of Stamford Bridge occurred, and this event has often been taken to signify the end of Viking dominance in the North Atlantic (Fitzhugh, 2000; Graham-

Campbell et al., 1994). These dates are not surprising, given that both of these events are well recorded.

Archaeologists often have a slightly less well-defined definition of the Viking Age. In

Denmark, the Viking Age has traditionally been given as 800 AD-1050 AD (P. Bennike, 1985;

Pedersen, 2014; Sellevold et al., 1984). The bounds of these dates are, roughly, the beginning of overseas activity by the Vikings and their later conversion to Christianity. There are two issues with these dates. The first is that this date range still preferences outside events as being the defining characteristics for the start of the Viking Age. While the Vikings are known for their overseas activities, these activities were preceded by internal cultural shifts, which made overseas activity appealing. These internal cultural events that took place within the

Scandinavian homelands are important for understanding the Viking Age (Barrett, 2008; Baug,

Skre, Heldal, & Jansen, 2019; Graham-Campbell et al., 1994; Pedersen, 2014). Secondly, society-wide religious conversion was, as it often is, a long and complicated process. This makes it difficult to assign a specific end date to the era, since the old religious traditions were often practiced beyond the accepted formal conversion date. Despite these draw backs, the analyzed collection presented in this research is organized according to the Danish definition of the Viking

Age and 800-1050 AD are used in this study.

Geography and Climate

The geography and climate of modern Scandinavia and Scandinavia during the Viking

Age are fairly similar. The Scandinavian Peninsula is comprised of modern-day Norway and

Sweden. Although not part of the Scandinavian Peninsula, Denmark is culturally and linguistically tied to the people living there and is considered part of the Viking homelands. One of the major differences across Scandinavia is that the land has been steadily rising since the glacial retreat which had receded off Denmark by 13,000 BC (Graham-Campbell et al., 1994; N.

Price, 2000; T. Douglas Price, 2015). The result is that areas previously close to rivers or coastlines, and therefore accessible by ship, are no longer located near waterways.

The cultural and political boundaries of the area during the Viking Age were also different. The nation-states of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway were in their infancy during the

Viking Age and national identity was fragmented at best. During the process of early state consolidation Denmark occupied considerably more territory than it does today. The geographical areas affected by these processes included the Jutland Peninsula, Schleswig in modern Germany, around 500 islands, and much of southern Sweden, including the provinces of

Skåne, Blekinge and Halland (Graham-Campbell et al., 1994; Haywood, 1995; Jesch, 2015;

Pedersen, 2014; Roesdahl, 1998). These areas were separated from the rest of what is modern

Sweden and Germany by natural barriers, such as rivers, wetlands, dense forests and steep topography.

The areas under Danish influence were relatively homogenous in terrain and climate during this period. That is not to say that variation did not exist, simply that the terrain and climate were more uniform when compared to the mountainous and less arable land in the majority of the Scandinavian Peninsula (Pedersen, 2014; N. Price, 2000). The coastline was long, with several deep fjords, or long inlets with steep sides, and the land was relatively low- lying (Abrams, 2012; Downham, 2012; Jesch, 2015). The soil was light and fertile and, in modern times, has been adapted for extensive agricultural use. During the Viking Age large portions of the terrain were covered in deciduous forest interspersed by bogs and marshes (N.

Price, 2000). While large patches of arable land existed in the past, they were not as large or as numerous as they are today.

The climate in the Danish areas was a combination of maritime and continental. There was a moderate amount of rain and summers were relatively warm, while winters were cold, although not extreme, a favorable climate caused by the Gulf Stream (Haywood, 1995; N. Price,

2000; Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). Given the latitude of this geographical area, winters were very dark and summers light, resulting in seasonal rhythms that still exist today. Mild weather, sunshine and good soil resulted in land that was easy to cultivate, something the locals took full advantage of (Kaland & Martens, 2000).

Despite having similar environments, there were distinctions between the people who lived in the various regions of Scandinavia during the Viking Age. One of the earliest literary references to Denmark is Orosius’s “History of the 890’s” which recorded the geographical area of ‘Denemearce’. However, within this document are reference to South Danes, North Danes and

Northmen (Downham, 2012; Sindbæk, 2008). While it is not clear what the geographical boundaries of these population distinction were, their existence suggests that important distinctions existed within the area, and that even those who lived outside the geographical area were aware that the people of ‘Denemearce’ were not an entirely homogeneous group.

Society

Cultural groups during the Viking Age were varied, with identities tied to local and regional structures. Broadly speaking, the military, civil, and religious aspects of life were very closely intertwined and may not have been viewed as separate by those living during the Viking

Age (A. B. Lund, 2016). Therefore, there may have been many competing forces that influenced how people identified themselves and what allegiances to particular groups they felt. These groups varied regionally, as certain areas of Scandinavia were more centralized than others during this time.

Denmark has the earliest evidence of a centralized power in the Viking homelands. Early

Viking Age Denmark has sometimes been considered an early medieval kingdom (Graham-

Campbell, 2013; Haywood, 1995; N. Price, 2000; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). However, the first signs of centralized power in Denmark appear before the start of the Viking Age. Many

Roman goods are found in Denmark during the Roman Iron Age, circa 1 AD- 400 AD

(Haywood, 1995). These goods are not evenly distributed, suggesting the existence of trading centers, probably operating seasonally and catering to a higher class who could afford these goods in the eastern portion of Denmark. Archaeological excavation has shown that the eastern portion of Denmark had a strong economic base with settlement continuity early on in the

Scandinavian Iron Age (Pedersen, 2014). The discovery of rich Roman Iron Age deposits on

Sjaelland support the possible presence of an early centralized authority there.

Moving west into other islands and Jutland, there is evidence of a central authority in the

Late Germanic Iron Age, circa 550 - 800 AD. The town of Ribe was founded in the early 8th century AD, the Kanhave Canal was built in 726 AD, and the Danevirk barrier was first constructed around 737 AD (Downham, 2012; Graham-Campbell et al., 1994; Hall, 2007;

Haywood, 1995; Roesdahl, 1998). Moving into the early Viking Age, coins were briefly struck at the town of Hedeby in the 9th century AD, although this endeavor was unsuccessful in the long term. Minting coins was not attempted again in Denmark until the late 10th century AD, this time far more successfully (Gaimster, 2007; Graham-Campbell, 2013; Malmer, 2007; Roesdahl,

1998; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). The interruption of the production of coins suggests internal upheaval and instability between the 9th and 10th centuries AD.

That instability was proclaimed over around the year 965 AD when King Harald

Bluetooth erected a large runestone in Jelling, although saying stability has returned and actual

political stability are two separate things. The runestone was a monument to his parents that also declared that he, Harald Bluetooth, had united the Danes and converted them to Christianity

(Graham-Campbell, 2013; Haywood, 1995; T. Douglas Price, 2015; Roesdahl, 2008).

Runestones are large raised stones or boulders with runic inscriptions. They played an important role in asserting social status and invoking memory, a theme we will return to later.

Harold Bluetooth may have united and nominally Christianized the Danes, but he did so working within the traditional social and judicial systems, which had existed earlier in Danish prehistory. This meant that his power rested on the support of other lords and his ability to garner support at the þing. The þing was an assembly that dealt with political and judicial issues that arose in society. There were local, regional and supra-regional meetings of the þing which all freemen, and some women, had the right to participate in (Fitzhugh, 2000; Sanmark, 2014;

Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). There were some limitations on who could participate at the

þing depending on social standing, age, etc. Following the transition from an oral to a written culture in the 11th century AD, some law codes were written down in Denmark although there is debate surrounding how accurately they reflect Viking Age norms (Graham-Campbell, 2013;

Jesch, 2015; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993; Vestergaard, 2002). While some of the laws from the earliest written law codes in Denmark may reflect earlier judicial systems, they also show a trend toward more modern nation-state development and may not adequately reflect the early

Viking Age þing.

As previously mentioned, participation in the þing depended on social status and age.

One’s ability to participate in the þing and their authority there reflect the highly stratified nature of Viking Age society (Graham-Campbell et al., 1994; Hall, 2007; Raffield, Price, & Collard,

2017). Viking Age society can, very broadly, be classified into the free and unfree. The freemen

were united by three commonalities: they all had the right to bear arms, they could speak at the

þing, and they had protections under the law (Graslund, 2000; Haywood, 1995; Roesdahl, 1998;

Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993) . Slaves could not do any of the above. Not everyone within the class of freemen was equal. There were a range of statuses from landless laborer to a jarl, or chief. The majority of freemen were tenant farmers. Not all freemen had the same status, for example in some places individuals had to be freemen and land owners in order to participate in the þing. The freemen who owned land likely lived very different lives than other freemen depending on how much social capital they had and where they lived. Consequently, freemen should be considered a very broad social category.

We know less about the lives of the unfree as their activities were rarely recorded and archaeologists have struggled to identify traces of them in the archaeological record, although new methodologies are constantly being developed. The unfree were an important economic commodity during the Viking Age and were comprised of individuals of Scandinavian descent, as well as those from areas the Vikings raided elsewhere in Europe. If they were injured by someone, compensation for the injury would be paid to their owner, and if they caused harm their owner would be held liable (Brink, 2008). Their treatment likely varied a great deal according to their age, sex, and skill level (Karras, 1990; Raffield, 2019; Randsborg, 1984; Brigit

Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993; Somerville & McDonald, 2010). The unfree might work on farms, work in making goods for trading, or work as concubines. The unfree could be granted their freedom for good work, or even buy their freedom back from their owner (P. Sawyer, 2000a). It is difficult to determine how many unfree managed to buy back their freedom although some sagas record it happening.

As the above showcases, individual social capital and status were not fixed or static during the Viking Age. Individuals who were ambitious and capable could improve their rank through a variety of activities. Rank, social influence and power were based on land ownership, social and political allegiances, trade, taxes, and plunder (Fitzhugh, 2000; Graslund, 2000; T.

Douglas Price, 2015; Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993; P. Sawyer, 2000b). Any activity that could help an individual increase their wealth, land, or social capital could help them improve their rank. Understanding local norms and variations, as well as a winning personality were also incredibly important in winning favor (N. Price, 2000; Roesdahl, 1998). It should not be surprising that many families who gained power did not hold on to it for long after the death of the individual who first achieved such renown. Descendants who lacked their personal charisma often lost status.

As much as scholars study high status males, particularly warriors, it is important to remember that Viking Age society was comprised of more than just these individuals (Abrams,

2012; Graslund, 2001; Jochens, 1996). Most individuals were not high-status warriors. The basic social unit to which most individuals belonged was the agrarian household (Clover, 1993;

T. Douglas Price, 2015; Raninen, 2008; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). These family units were comprised of the homeowners, their extended family- parents, children, unwed siblings- and any servants they might have. Marriages were an important life event for all members of a household as they served to align two families (Magnúsdóttir, 2008; Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer &

Sawyer, 1993). Many individuals would likely have opinions on who married whom, including parents, siblings and those being married. Marriage was often a highly strategic arrangement and monogamy was not always the norm. For those men who had enough power and resources, polygyny was an option. Furthermore, high status households sometimes included concubines

(Magnúsdóttir, 2008; Raffield et al., 2017; Roesdahl, 1998). Members of the family could also be culled at birth through the practice of infanticide (Clover, 1991; Roesdahl, 1998; Wicker,

2012a). It is impossible to estimate how often this practice was employed as these individuals were not buried and do not end up in the archaeological record. However, after the conversion to

Christianity, the Church came out with many statements against infanticide, suggesting the practice was still occurring.

Examining the burial practices that do survive in the archaeological record provides a varied view of cultural practices during the Viking Age. There is no common burial practice spanning all of Scandinavia. Cremation has been mentioned as a common form of burial practice across much of Scandinavia (Haywood, 1995; N. Price, 2008; Rudbeck et al., 2005). However, many authors have also noted that inhumation was common in many areas of Denmark (P.

Bennike, 1985; Haywood, 1995; N. Price, 2000). Most of these burials are single burial with one individual in each grave; however some multiple burials are known. One trend that does exist across much of Scandinavia is the reduction in grave goods following a region’s conversion to

Christianity (A. Baker, 2004; Randsborg, 1980; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). Even though this trend is consistent with Christian burial practices, grave goods are sometimes still deposited for a short period post-conversion.

As the burial evidence indicates, there was a high degree of local variation across the

Scandinavian world. While some traditions, particularly those of the social elite, may be supra- regional, many customs were tied to regions or social groups (Abrams, 2012; Brigit Sawyer &

Sawyer, 1993; Svanberg, 2003b). The existence of supra-regional traditions was enabled by the existence of a common language that allowed individuals to communicate effectively with other speakers of Old Norse (Abrams, 2012; N. Price, 2000, 2008; Roesdahl, 1998). While Old Norse

did have regional dialects that would eventually form the basis of the differentiation of

Scandinavian languages, at this time the differences were small enough that people from different regions could still communicate with one another.

When the Vikings went abroad to trade and settle in places with different languages they often worked to maintain some Scandinavian identity (Abrams, 2012; Downham, 2012). The use of ‘traditional’ Viking names for people or places, or some similarities in dress ornamentation, allowed individuals to ensure there was a link between them and the broader Scandinavian world. This was extremely important, because Scandinavian identity could grant one access at trading centers and influence among those with a shared Scandinavian cultural identity.

This desire to relate to Scandinavian identity can be seen in the Vikings’ use of memory in shaping their cultural and geographical landscapes. The old Danish village of Gammel Lejre is an excellent example of how this process was used in a topographical manner. The village is located within visual distance of a Bronze Age Burial mound called Møllebjerget (T.

Christensen, 2007; J. Lund & Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016). By locating the village in such close proximity to earlier visible burial mounds, the Viking Age inhabitants may have been utilizing the visible earlier grave mounds to legitimize their right to inhabit that portion of land. This would create a sense of connection to the more distant past that could be used to create a more secure sense of communal identity.

Connections to the past can also be found in the storytelling traditions of the era. It is worth noting that the word bók in Old Norse means both book and tapestry (Wicker, 2012b).

There was clearly more than one way that a story could be conveyed to the wider world. Many of the Icelandic Sagas that tell of the founding of Iceland are particularly concerned with tracing family lineages back to the original settlers (The Book of Settlements: Landnamabok, 2007).

This is one way that current land inhabitants could seek to legitimize their claim to their land and status. Runestones could also tell stories, either of well-known oral traditions or by memorializing an individual, the commissioner of the stone, and their deeds (Jesch, 2010; Birgit

Sawyer, 2003). These stories help create connection between the living and the dead in a meaningful way.

Memorial runestones can lend additional insight into Viking Age society. It has been suggested that commemorative runestones may have partially taken the place of grave goods following the conversion to Christianity (Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). Traditionally, grave goods could be used to display the wealth and prestige of an individual or family. With the adoption of Christianity, this avenue for social displays of status would have waned; however, a runestone is a visible mark on the landscape which would ensure people knew of the status of the deceased and their family. Approximately 250 commemorative runestones have been found in

Denmark and they are among the earliest examples of this practice in Viking Age Scandinavia

(Jesch, 1991; T. Douglas Price, 2015; Birgit Sawyer, 2003; Wicker, 2012b). Since Christianity made earlier inroads into Denmark than other parts of Scandinavia, these early runestones in

Denmark help support the idea that Christianity played a role in the increase of commemorative runestones across the Viking Age landscape.

This does beg the question of how broadly literate Viking Age society was. It has been argued that the Vikings were not a fully literate society, who mostly used runes for charms and memorials (Graham-Campbell, 2013; Haywood, 1995). However, others have pointed out that runes have been found on well preserved fragments of wood in Hedeby, Bergen, and Lödöse

(Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). These runes were used to record personal, political, legal, and business messages. The use of runes to record such a broad range of matters

suggests more widespread use. The fact that these examples are rare in the archaeological record should be considered a reflection of the poor preservation of wood, rather than a rarity of occurrence in the Viking Age. Furthermore, the presence of runes on commemorative runestones are only useful in conveying the importance of an individual if passersby can read the inscription. The runes were carved into stone for communicative purposes, which is only possible if others could read and understand those runes. However, it should not be assumed that everyone in society was fully literate. The message of power and prestige contained in the runestones may therefore have been intended for specific literate audiences; those who might want to contest power in the region, or people of similar status hoping to create social or economic ties with the wealthy local elite.

Home and Dress

As previously mentioned, landownership was one of the important markers of status within Viking Age society. Regardless of where you were in Viking Age Scandinavia the basic social unit was the household (Clover, 1993; Graham-Campbell et al., 1994; T. Douglas Price,

2015; Raninen, 2008). This grouping included one’s extended family and all the able members helped contribute to the household. At the start of the Viking Age most of these households, and the smaller villages they were sometimes organized in, were self-sufficient (Graham-Campbell,

2013; Hall, 2007; Kaland & Martens, 2000). This means that while goods from further abroad were sometimes found at these sites, they created most of their own necessities in the farm or village.

Depending on where one lived in Viking Age Scandinavia there were slightly different economic bases. The Danes took advantage of the good climactic and geographical conditions in

Denmark and agriculture was their primary economic base. The most commonly grown crops

included barley, rye, oats, peas, beans and cabbage (Kaland & Martens, 2000; N. Price, 2000;

Roesdahl, 1998). In addition to their agricultural pursuits, the Danes also engaged in animal husbandry and fishing (Kaland & Martens, 2000; Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer,

1993). Certain animals, such as horses, were incredibly important in daily life as they could help plow fields, be used for transport between homes and markets, and participate in more violent pastimes such as war. These pursuits also provided them with additional food and raw material necessary for making clothing and tools.

Within Denmark, most homes were organized into small villages. These villages typically had one higher status household that often moved the village short distances approximately every century (J. Lund & Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016; Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer

& Sawyer, 1993). The high-status household would have differentiated itself from the other homes by the size and superior craftmanship of the home. Periodically moving the village allowed the construction of new buildings to accommodate changing sustenance trends, as well as renegotiating the relationship with the landscape, such as discussed above in reference to

Gammel Lejre. Most of these village moves would not have been far, with homes shifting less than a kilometer from their previous location.

The longhouse was the typical building style of the Viking Age. It comprised several rooms that both people and livestock would inhabit and usually had a central hearth. In

Denmark, buildings were mostly constructed using the wattle and daub technique over a timber frame with a thatched roof (Graslund, 2000; Kaland & Martens, 2000; Roesdahl, 1998). These buildings made use of the relatively readily available natural resources, but their remains can be harder to identify in the archaeological record. In addition to the main long house, many households had some outbuildings and these tended to become more specialized as the Viking

Age continued (Kaland & Martens, 2000; Roesdahl, 1998). Some archaeological finds have suggested that spinning and weaving may have been one important trade that had dedicated space in an outbuilding.

The production of cloth was a vital part of the Scandinavian economy for multiple reasons. Cloth was important for everyday use in clothing as well as for the sails that allowed

Viking ships to outperform ships from elsewhere. The cloth that was produced for clothing was primarily wool and linen, although some exotic materials, such as silk, have been found in high status graves (Halewood & Hannam, 2001; Haywood, 1995; Roesdahl, 1998). The exotic fabrics may have been used as decorative touches to clothing made of wool or linen. Many different dyes were utilized to add color to the cloth. Fur and leather would have been an important addition to any outfit in the cold winter months.

The Vikings were a generally well-groomed and hygienic for their time. Archaeological finds have uncovered ornate combs, tweezers, nail cleaners, and washing bowls (Ashby, 2011;

Roesdahl, 1998). Care of one’s attire and presentation was taken seriously. Women’s attire generally consisted of a pleated shift and an overdress attached to the shift using oval brooches.

Beads may have been strung between the two brooches as a sign of wealth (O'Sullivan, 2015). A shawl or cloak fastened with a decorative brooch would have completed the outfit during the colder months. Fewer finds of typically ‘Scandinavian’ oval brooches have been found in

Denmark, suggesting they went out of fashion earlier in Denmark than elsewhere in Scandinavia

(Jesch, 2015; Kershaw, 2013). Male attire generally consisted of trousers, cut either to the ankle or knee length, a tunic, and, in winter, a cloak fastened over the right shoulder (Roesdahl, 1998).

Fastening the cloak over the right shoulder was important because it kept the sword arm free for those who carried swords. A variety of style of swords have been found in Denmark, but it

appears the Petersen sword Type V was the most popular in Denmark (Androshchuk, 2007).

Fashion trends across the Viking world, particularly among the elite, would have been influenced both by local traditions and the fashion seen by those individuals who did travel abroad

(Raffield, Greenlow, Price, & Collard, 2016; Roesdahl, 1998). Differences may have been noticed in the color and type of cloth, style of jewelry, hairstyles, or other personal adornments.

Trading, Raiding, and Settling

Changing trends seen during the Viking Age were often influenced by the large geographical and cultural range that the Vikings operated within. The Vikings are known for being consummate travelers- they traded, raided and settled in the Baltic, Russia, the British

Isles, Iceland, Greenland, and are the first known travelers to cross the Atlantic Ocean to North

America, where they encountered indigenous groups (Batey & Graham-Campbell, 1988;

Fitzhugh, 2000; T. Douglas Price, 2015; Sharples & Smith, 2009). Some of these areas were already inhabited, while others were virtually untouched by humans, and each of these situations presented unique challenges to those Vikings who chose to settle in new locations. In areas where people already lived, the Viking immigrants tended to rapidly assimilate local customs and many married into local families (J. Buckberry et al., 2014; Downham, 2012; Hadley, 2006,

2008; Janet Montgomery & Evans, 2006; J. Montgomery, Grimes, Buckberry, & Richards,

2014; Richards, 2003). This assimilation allowed for the creation of a new shared cultural identity in new Viking settlements.

The cultural contacts were not simply unidirectional. Instead, trends, fashion, religious beliefs, social expectations and norms, artistic styles, technological knowledge, and political thought flowed back and forth with the aid of a common language (Androshchuk, 2007;

Downham, 2012; Jesch, 2015; O'Sullivan, 2015; Rudbeck et al., 2005). As mentioned in a

previous section, this helped to create a large social network, loosely connected by language, across areas with vastly different cultural traditions. However, it is not just the Vikings who travelled. Ancient DNA evidence shows genetic similarities between some individuals buried in the Vikings homelands and individuals from the Near East, India, and western Siberia (Holck,

2006; N. Price, 2008; Rudbeck et al., 2005). These individuals came from all social classes suggesting movement of people, likely both involuntary and voluntary, across large geographical areas. The possible impacts of the movement of people and their ideas on Viking Age society should not be understated.

In addition to travelling and settling in foreign lands, the Vikings are probably most well known for their pillaging and plundering. Although, as previously mentioned, the majority of

Vikings likely did not participate in raiding activity, there were certainly segments of society who undertook to attack and raid places, likely both foreign and local. During the early Viking

Age the primary targets for Viking raiders were undefended churches or markets (Morris, 2000;

P. Sawyer, 2000b). These venues offered the chance for maximum economic gain with the least amount of hassle. The willingness of the Vikings to attack sacred Christian sites may have contributed to their reputation as particularly bloodthirsty and immoral fighters. As the Vikings did not convert to Christianity until later in the Viking Age, they would not have viewed these sites as anything other than easy targets. As the Viking Age progressed, defenses in the rest of

Europe improved, necessitating larger groups and more organized raiding activity (J. Baker &

Brookes, 2013; Coupland, 1998; Roesdahl, 1998).

Much like the broader Viking populations, raiding groups, both small and large, did not have a homogenous composition (Downham, 2012; J. Montgomery et al., 2014; Raffield et al.,

2016; Richards, 2003; Roesdahl, 1998). They would have been comprised of people from across

Scandinavia, both from towns and rural areas, who came together to achieve a common goal

(Androshchuk, 2007). The membership of these war bands, particularly larger ones such as the

Great Army, which reshaped the political landscape in the British Isles in the 860’s and 870’s

AD, likely changed over time as some individuals returned home and others arrived.

The reasons behind the raids conducted by the Vikings starting in the 8th century AD have been much debated, with few concrete conclusions reached. Some of the explanations that have been put forward include: population growth resulting in an inability to support the population on the resources available in Scandinavia, polygamy and selective female infanticide resulting in the desire to acquire women abroad, political unrest caused by local chiefs losing ground to increasingly centralized powers, an improvement in ship design making foreign travel easier, the appeal of relatively easily accessible foreign wealth, and an adventurous spirit

(Barrett, 2008; Byock, 2001; Clover, 1991; T. Douglas Price, 2015; Raffield et al., 2017; Brigit

Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993; Simek, 2004). While it is beyond the scope of this dissertation to evaluate which of these options is most likely, it is worth noting that it was likely a combination of factors that made the Scandinavian homelands less appealing and foreign lands more appealing, resulting in this diaspora of Viking culture.

In addition to long term settlement and quick raids, the Vikings also participated in trade across the Baltic, Europe and the North Atlantic. Both trading and raiding activities contributed to a massive exponential increase in wealth in Scandinavia during the 9th and 10th centuries AD

(Fitzhugh, 2000; Graham-Campbell, 2013; Morris, 2000; Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer &

Sawyer, 1993). The goods available for trade would have been a combination of items acquired during raiding and items produced in Scandinavia. Some of the raw materials that were sourced in Scandinavia and popular in trading centers included fur pelts, iron, amber, tar, and walrus

ivory (Frei et al., 2015; Hennius, 2018; Kaland & Martens, 2000; T. Douglas Price, 2015;

Roesdahl, 1998). These materials could be difficult to acquire elsewhere and had considerable monetary value due to their rarity outside Scandinavia.

Since the production of coins in Scandinavia during the Viking Age was limited, a different trading system was employed. Goods were either bartered for materials or silver could be used based on its weight. While coins from Anglo-Saxon and Arabic areas were in circulation, the Vikings instead utilized a weight-based economy in the trade dealings, highlighted by the discovery of hack-silver in various hoards across the Viking world (Gaimster,

2007; Graham-Campbell, 2013; Roesdahl, 1998; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). Hack-silver is generally comprised of cut up bits of coins, ingots and jewelry. When paying for an item, silver could be cut up to add small units of value, measured by weight, to the payment. Buying power could also be displayed in silver jewelry, such as arm bands that could then be used to purchase goods.

The increase in wealth that trade and raiding brought to Scandinavia resulted in the creation of several new towns in Scandinavia and in the areas where the Vikings settled.

Oftentimes these towns grew up in locations where onward travel became more difficult, acting as links in the extensive network of Scandinavian influence (Sindbæk, 2007, 2008, 2014). The archaeological remains of these towns, in combination with foreign items discovered in

Scandinavia, reveal trade network that covered much of Europe, Asia, and the Middle East

(Graham-Campbell, 2013; Hall, 2007; Noonan, 1992; Wicker, 2012b). Based on archaeological and historical sources, it appears that Viking Age culture reached the peak of its influence on the wider world around 1000 AD before diminishing in the 11th century AD (Dissing et al., 2007;

Fitzhugh, 2000; Hall, 2007). During this period the Vikings helped to reshape the economic and

political landscape of Europe, connected Europe to North America for the first time in recorded history, and redistributed wealth within their sphere of influence. In turn, they were influenced by those they encountered.

Travel

The impact that Vikings had on the world in the 9th and 10th centuries AD would not have been possible without their superior ship technology. Scandinavian populations have a long history of sea travel even before the Viking Age (Abrams, 2012; A. E. Christensen, 2000; Hall,

2007; T. Douglas Price, 2015). Ship imagery dominates much of Scandinavian art going back into the Bronze Age, highlighting the importance of ships to daily life (Graham-Campbell, 2013;

Graslund, 2000). This reliance on ships resulted from the difficulty of overland travel in parts of

Scandinavia. Dense forests, bogs, lakes, and mountains all posed navigational difficulties for overland travel (Haywood, 1995; Kaland & Martens, 2000; N. Price, 2000; Roesdahl, 1998).

Overland travel, when it was undertaken, was done primarily during the winter when the ground was frozen, making it easier to transport people and goods over the landscape without getting bogged down. However, steep mountains and dense forests cause problems throughout the entire year. Efforts to make overland travel easier, such as bridge building, were often commemorated in runestones (Graslund, 2000; Kaland & Martens, 2000; J. Lund & Arwill-

Nordbladh, 2016). It becomes clear that these attempts to improve transportation and communication routes were highly regarded.

While waterways provided a good alternative to overland travel, they were not without their own drawbacks. One major drawback is that ships require considerable time and resources to build. Not everyone would have been able to have their own ships, so access to long-distance water transport may have been limited to those with the means to build a ship and their

supporters. Ships were made out of pine or oak wood and constructed in the clinker built, or lapstrake, style wherein the edges of the hull planks overlap. Oak was the preferred wood for ship building, but was not available in much of Denmark (A. E. Christensen, 2000). Large square sails made of wool, linen, or hemp were also necessary, and the time required to weave enough cloth for a sail would have been significant (Cooke, Christiansen, & Hammarlund, 2002).

The sail was a vital part of the ship. It has been argued that the Viking mastery of the square sail in the 8th century AD is what allowed the Vikings to be so successful (A. E.

Christensen, 2000; Haywood, 1995; P. Sawyer, 2000b). The combination of a sailing and rowing vessel provided excellent maneuverability and versatility in Viking Age ships. The

Vikings built ships that could be used in shallow water or oceans and could be used for transporting cargo, warriors, or settlers (A. E. Christensen, 2000; Fitzhugh, 2000; T. Douglas

Price, 2015; Roesdahl, 1998). These ships could achieve speed of 6-8 knots per hour and had the ability to tack against the wind which allowed for quick getaways after raiding. The immense impact the Vikings had across the Baltic, Europe and the North Atlantic would not have been possible without their ships.

Belief Structure

Exposure to many different cultures resulted in diverse opinions and beliefs making their way back to Scandinavia. One of the new beliefs that would have a lasting impact on the Viking way of life was Christianity, which the Vikings eventually converted to. Prior to their conversion to Christianity, the Vikings were a pagan society with a pantheon of gods and goddesses who represented different facets of human nature that could be worshipped and invoked in times of need. It was believed that these gods interfered in human lives to help guide notable humans, explain natural phenomenon, give strength in battle, and determine their fates

after death. They also believed that the mythological world was populated by giants, dwarves, norns, disir, Valkyrie, and elves (Davidson, 1969, 1993 ; Graslund, 2000). Variations in which gods and goddesses were worshiped differed by region, but pagan beliefs could affect almost every aspect of everyday life.

The Vikings would not have necessarily thought of their belief structure as a religion. In fact, there is not specific word for religion in Old Norse (Graslund, 2000; Maher, 2013). Instead, the Vikings believed the universe was organized around a tree of life called Yggdrasil. They believed Yggdrasil connected the nine worlds that made up the universe: Muspelhein (the world of fire), Asaheim (the world of the gods), Ljosalfaheim (the world of the light elves), Vanaheim

(the world of the fertility gods called the Vanir), Mannaheim (the world of man), Jotunheim (the world of giants), Svartalfaheim (the world of the dark elves), Helheim (the world of the dead), and Niflheim (the world of mist) (Page, 1990; Sturluson, 2005). The Vikings also believed in an afterlife, believing that the dead would travel to one of several death realms to await Ragnarök, the end of their world. Knowledge of the Viking belief structure comes mostly from the Icelandic poet Snorri Sturluson’s work. The idea of a separation between religious, political, and social institutions and practices did not exist during the early Viking Age. Instead pagan beliefs were incorporated into daily life through acts of ritual, sacrifice, and festivals (Graslund, 2000; Lucas

& McGovern, 2007; N. Price, 2008; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). The rituals of beliefs could be utilized in dynamic and changing ways depending on the event which was occurring. The flexibility of the belief structure also meant Viking Age people could incorporate new deities fairly easily.

The openness to new deities was both a boon and a drawback to the conversion process.

The Vikings were willing to consider the validity of a new god, the Christian God, but it took

longer to be convinced that this being was the one true and only god. The Conversion period in

Scandinavia was between 800 AD and 1000 AD, although the process of conversion had variable amounts of success. The first recorded instances of missionary activity in Denmark were around

850 AD when the missionary, and future Archbishop of Hamburg- Bremen, Ansgar built churches in Ribe and Hedeby with the approval of King Horik (Haywood, 1995; Roesdahl, 1998;

Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). The conversion was declared officially complete in Denmark in

965 AD with the erection of the Jelling Stone by King Harold Bluetooth, although older pagan traditions likely still persisted in some places.

While the written record may have declared Denmark to be converted, the reality was less certain. Many runestones from across Scandinavian contain a combination of pagan and

Christian motifs (Graham-Campbell, 2013; Graslund, 2000; Wicker, 2012b; Zilmer,

Forthcoming). Oftentimes runestones could depict Christian stories, but the artistic style may reflect pagan norms and the written portion would be comprised of runes. These runestones highlight the overlapping belief practices and inconsistent adoption of stricter Christian religious beliefs.

If a genuine belief in the new religion as the one true religion was not responsible for the entirety of the conversion practice, it is worth looking at the factors that did positively influence individuals towards conversion. The Vikings were a practical and, as previously seen, adaptable people. Being nominally Christian would have aided them socially, politically and economically in specific situations (Hadley, 2006; Pedersen, 2014; Richards, 2003). Certain trading centers required merchants to be nominally Christian and conversion allowed traders access to the wealth in these centers. Furthermore, conversion gifts could be obtained in certain situations, resulting in some expedient Vikings viewing multiple conversions as a good way to obtain

wealth. High status individuals and kings also realized the political benefits of conversion

(Graham-Campbell, 2013; Haywood, 1995; Brigit Sawyer & Sawyer, 1993). The Christian doctrine that grants one family the divine right to rule could be a very useful belief in attempts to strengthen a monarchy. Furthermore, a more united population under one belief may be easier to control and organize.

The conversion to Christianity impacted the entire Viking Age society, marking the end of the Viking Era and the start of the Middle Ages in Scandinavia. It would also impact the social expectations and roles for various different components in society. One group whose possible social roles would be drastically altered as a result of these changes seen during the

Viking Age was women. A discussion of women’s roles during the Viking Age will be the focus of the next chapter.

CHAPTER 4

WOMEN’S ROLES DURING THE VIKING AGE

A brief survey of the academic literature concerning Viking women tells a primarily binary story. Women were second class citizens, having very little power outside the domestic realm, while men were strong, respected leaders, warriors, and traders. For over a century, since academics first became interested in the Vikings, this assumption regarding women’s roles has dominated. However, some recent scholarly research has contested this view of Viking Age gender norms. The aim of this chapter is to investigate what earlier scholars have said, as well as the primary source documents they are referencing, and examine it critically using the most recent understanding of gender as a cultural construct. This will help situate the current analysis in its broader academic context.

The term ‘Viking’ brings to mind an image of long ships manned by horned helmet wearing male warriors who raid, pillage, rape, and murder. While there were certainly men who engaged in these activities, horned helmet wearing aside, academics have long recognized that

Viking men could also be traders, settlers, craftsmen, and farmers (Fitzhugh, 2000; Hadley,

2006; Wolf, 2004). Unfortunately, the expansion of men’s roles during the Viking Age has not been paralleled by an expansion in the understanding of potential women’s roles in Viking society. Over twenty years ago, Carol Clover stated that “when commentaries of Viking and medieval Scandinavian culture get around to the subject of women or roles…they tend to tell a standard story of separate spheres” (Clover 1997: 2). That mindset still exists, and it is still widely taken for granted that women’s roles were restricted to more domestic activities (A.

Baker, 2004; Hedenstierna-Jonson & Kjellström, 2014; Jesch, 1991; Jochens, 1996; Levy, 2007;

Moen, 2011, 2014; Slotten, 2018; Wolf, 2004). 51

These attitudes have been traced to the beginning of academic interest in the Viking Age during the Victorian period (Arwill-Nordbladh, 1991; Svanberg, 2003b). It is worth noting that women and men led very separate lives during the Victorian period, with the ideal woman’s activities constrained to the domestic realm (Arwill-Nordbladh, 1991; Dommasnes, 1991).

Archaeology, as a discipline, has recognized that archaeologists are influenced by their own biases and that any interpretations we make should be appropriately contextualized (Arwill-

Nordbladh, 1991; Barker, 2010; M. W. Conkey & Gero, 1991; Geller, 2009b; Svanberg, 2003b).

Rosemary Joyce states that some gender models “project a modern preoccupation with difference between men and women on the past, ignoring the possibility that this binary division was less central at some times and in some places. Analyses like these can give an air of inevitability to one kind of sex/gender system” (R. Joyce, 2008: 9). Applied to the Victorian understanding of gender roles during the Viking age, this statement implies that Victorian ideals were retroactively placed on Viking women in order to justify and sustain the cultural beliefs regarding women’s place in the domestic sphere and exclusion from the powerful positions available to men in the public sphere during the Victorian era. It is therefore important to understand how past perceptions of women’s roles in society are still influencing research into gender roles during the

Viking Age in order to reach a more complete understanding of women’s roles during this era.

Within the last 20 years some research on women’s roles during the Viking Age has started to consider a broader scope for women’s roles, particularly looking at individual women, but more work is necessary.

Archaeological Source Material

When studying the Viking era there are several types of sources that can be consulted to try to gain a more complete understanding of gender roles during this time period.

Archaeological evidence, particularly from burials, can provide meaningful insight into possible women’s roles during the Viking Age. This type of evidence is exceedingly useful because it reveals practices that may not leave any written trace. It can also provide tangible evidence of past events from a variety of people, not only those individuals wealthy or important enough to be written about. That is not to say that every person in the Viking Age was buried, or that we will have access to their graves. Some estimates suggest that up to half of the population, probably of lower social status, may have been exposed to the elements after death, or cremated and scattered on the surface, neither of which will show up in the archaeological record (N.

Price, 2008). Additionally, the archaeological record can provide evidence from two viewpoints, that of the deceased and of those who buried them. This is one of the major drawbacks of mortuary archaeology, as it is often said ‘the dead do not bury themselves.’ Therefore, it is impossible to say with complete certainty that any grave goods would have been utilized by the deceased during their life; however, grave goods can provide an excellent example of how the deceased was viewed by those who buried them. The grave may also contain skeletal material which can be analyzed to estimate biological sex, health profiles, activity levels, and place of origin. This information can shed light on the life the deceased actually lived, as discussed previously in Chapter 2.

On a very basic level it is supremely important to estimate biological sex from skeletal material if it is available and to interpret the material in the archaeological record for what it can tell us, not try to make the material fit a pre-determined interpretation. The burial at Santon

Downham in Norfolk is an example of the issues that can arise from failing to do so. This burial was excavated in 1867 AD and contained a sword, a pair of tortoise brooches, and one set of human skeletal remains that has never been analyzed osteologically (Evison, 1969). Despite

only finding one skeleton scholars stated that “it looks as though this must have been a double burial of man and woman” (Evison, 1969:333). This assumption was made because the sword was and still is viewed as a very masculine artifact, while brooches like those found in the grave are worn by women. At the time of its excavation, it was not considered that it may have been a woman who was buried with a sword. Even as late as 1969 AD, the interpretation of a double burial was accepted. This acceptance is not surprising as it has been common practice to determine the sex and gender of individuals in Viking Age burials by the associated grave goods, therefore confirming the preexisting biases of the researcher (Svanberg, 2003b). This sort of circular logic is common when discussing gender and burial contexts in the archaeological record for various different times and places (Wesp, 2016). Finally in 2011, Shane McLeod questioned this assumption in print and pointed out the absurdity of assuming that two individuals were interred in this burial, with only one set of bones surviving while the other did not, or that the archaeologists simply failed to recover or note the second skeleton. A potentially fruitful avenue of investigation was missed because no one questioned why a female might be buried with a sword, or a male with tortoise brooches.

Recently, academics have begun the process of reanalyzing older Viking Age finds to consider these avenues of investigation and have identified evidence that contests the traditional narrative of women being confined to the domestic sphere. The reanalysis of grave Bj 581 from

Birka, Sweden is indicative of this new trend. Grave Bj 581 was considered the grave of a male warrior because of its grave goods. The grave, which is considered “exceptionally well-furnished and complete” included: a sword, an axe, a spear, arrows, a battle knife, two shields, two horses, and a complete set of gaming pieces (Hedenstierna-Jonson et al., 2017: 2). Bioarcaheological analyses to estimate sex from the skeleton was not undertaken at the time of its excavation. The

individual was assumed to be male because the concept of female warriors during the Viking

Age had long been dismissed by academics (Gardela, 2013b; Jesch, 1991; Jochens, 1996;

Roesdahl, 1998). A recent osteological examination has called this assumption into question.

The biological sex estimate of the skeleton in grave Bj 581 indicated the deceased was likely a female which caused some controversy. This sex estimate was then confirmed through ancient

DNA analysis of the individual in Bj 581 (Hedenstierna-Jonson et al., 2017; N. Price et al.,

2019). The authors caution against the oft-used dismissal of weapons in female graves as symbolic items or heirlooms. They do note that it can be difficult to say for sure that these weapons were used by the deceased individual, but emphasize that “the interpretation should be made in a similar manner regardless of the biological sex of the interred individual”

(Hedenstierna-Jonson et al., 2017: 6). Further analysis of the skeleton, including an examination of activity markers and pathological changes, has yet to be published. The study’s authors draw the conclusion that, regardless of this individual’s biological sex, this woman was likely a warrior which strongly suggests that women could operate in a greater variety of roles than traditionally assumed.

Not everyone is prepared to believe that a female could be a warrior during the Viking period. Price et al. (2019) ascribe this disbelief to the long-held idea that a female warrior would be contradictory to the Viking ethos. However, the individual from Birka, BJ 581 is not the only example of a grave containing a biologically female skeleton with grave goods that have traditionally been associated with men. These graves are found all over the Scandinavian homeland and the areas they settled (Gardela, 2013b; Hedenstierna-Jonson & Kjellström, 2014;

Hedenstierna-Jonson et al., 2017; Linderholm, Hedenstierna-Jonson, Svensk, & Liden, 2008;

Maher, 2013; McLeod, 2011; N. Price et al., 2019). While certain scholars view these finds as

indicative of a broader range of gender roles available to women, other scholars suggest that these finds simply indicate the status of the male family members of the woman who was interred (Jesch, 1991, 2014; Jochens, 1996). This double standard, where weapons mean warriors for males but indicate a relationship to a male warrior for females, can be tied to preconceptions of what items should belong in men’s and women’s graves. During the Viking

Age brooches, needles, beads, and utility knives are used to identify female burials, whereas swords, spears, shields, weights, and long knives identify male burials. Key rings often identify female burials of higher status, while combs, buckles, pots, knives, whetstones, and coins are often found in both male and female graves (Jesch, 1991, 2014; O'Sullivan, 2015; N. Price,

2008; Wolf, 2004). However, archaeological evidence suggests that these categories of grave goods are rarely found exclusively with individuals of one sex. Looking at the general dispersal of grave goods one might conclude that there are definite trends in which grave goods belong to biologically male or biologically female graves, but few, if any, categories of grave goods which are entirely linked to the biological sex of the deceased. Given the previously mentioned habit of early archaeologists to assign sex and gender based on grave goods alone, the tendency of certain grave goods to be associated with either men or women may be exaggerated.

This trend can be seen in Ruth Ann Maher’s 2013 book, Landscapes of Gender, Age and

Cosmology: Burial Perceptions in Viking Age Iceland. Maher analyzed differences in the composition of grave goods relative to an osteologically determined biological sex. There were some gendered differences visible in the grave good assemblages. Maher broke down types of grave goods into several categories, such as adornment, weapons, equestrian goods, domestic equipment, and fishing equipment, and found that some male graves could contain as many as six different categories of grave goods, while the most categories of artifacts found in a female

grave was four (Maher, 2013). However, there were also graves of both sexes that contained no grave goods at all. Despite having slightly different amounts of graves goods, there were no artifact categories that were found solely in the graves of one gender, although both weapons and items related to commerce were statistically significantly more likely to be found in male graves than female graves. This indicates that social roles were not completely binary, and that women’s and men’s roles could overlap in the Icelandic settlement. Age played an important role in grave good assemblages as well, with older individuals having a higher quantity and quality of grave goods than younger individuals. The importance of age in increasing status has been noted in other cemetery populations from the Viking Age (Clover, 1993; Haywood, 1995;

Wolf, 2004). This research established that while social status could be partially based on gender, there were other contributing factors and that not all women were subordinate to all men.

For researchers who accept that women could have had higher social status during the

Viking Age, there is then the question of what their status derives from? A common supposition is that high status women may derive their status from ritual activities, while men gain status from military success (Gardela, 2013b; Jesch, 1991; Sjovold, 1969; Wolf, 2004). Even when weapons are placed in the grave, it is suggested that they may be of ritual, rather than practical, importance. Gardela, who recognizes that women could be of equal importance to men, analyzed a selection of high-status female graves that contained weapons and suggested that all of the weapons could have had ritual significance (2013b). These burials contained swords, axes, spears, knives, and arrows, but the significance of the weapons was often downplayed.

Axes and knives were always questioned as potentially being household tools or, for axes, possibly associated with the god Thor. Spears were interpreted as staffs associated with seiðr

(magic) that could convey status and authority, but not military prowess. Swords found in

multiple burials that contained individuals of both sexes were assumed to be associated with the deceased male, even when the deceased woman clearly had higher social status. This is an odd conclusion to draw, given that swords were the most prestigious of all weapons (Wolf, 2004). It would also be possible that the sword belonged to the higher status individual, but this conclusion is rarely drawn if the higher status individual is female. Despite outlining abundant evidence of female graves that contained weapons, Gardela interpreted weapons associated with female graves as being ritualistic in nature (2013b). The status conferred by the inclusion of weapons in women’s graves seemingly had to be reinterpreted as something other than indicating military usage as a method to differentiate male sources of status from female sources of status.

Another popular interpretation of weapons found in female graves is that they indicate the status of the deceased’s family, or as previously noted, belong to another individual in the grave. This interpretation is particularly popular outside the Viking homelands in Scandinavia.

Burial 1 from Repton mortuary in England, UK contained an adult female who was buried with an axe, a seaxe, and sword pieces (McLeod, 2011). Burial 50 at Heathwood, also in England, contains the remains of one adult female and one juvenile individual with associated grave goods including a sword hilt grip, shield clamps and a knife. While it is possible that the grave goods are associated with the child, as has been suggested, that eventuality is highly unlikely (McLeod,

2011). Most children’s burials from this time period generally do not contain grave goods as children were not considered appropriate manifestations of societal ideologies and had not taken on the social responsibilities they eventually would (Hedenstierna-Jonson, 2015). Other double internments with children and adults normally involve no grave goods or grave goods that are viewed as matching the adult’s biological sex. The presence of a sword, or sword pieces, in burial 1 from Repton and burial 50 from Heathwood is noteworthy as well. Spears were the

most common weapon deposited in graves, but swords were the most prestigious (Wolf, 2004).

One possible interpretation of these finds is that the intentional internment of symbols of prestige speaks to these women’s status in their society. However, it has been suggested is that it is through masculine display that status and land claims can be expressed (Hadley, 2006, 2008;

Levy, 2007). Weapons in these graves are then reinterpreted as symbols of the deceased’s family’s right to occupy the land and the social position that they had claimed upon settling in a foreign land.

These two graves mentioned above are interesting as well because neither of them contains brooches. It is assumed that most female graves would have contained brooches, which were a necessary part of women’s garb (Arnold, 2007; A. Baker, 2004; Haywood, 1995; Jesch,

1991). They were used to hold an outer dress in place at the shoulder and oftentimes would have beads, keys or tools hung from them. Female graves that do not contain brooches are considered to be from very poor families. Given that these women were otherwise buried with very rich artifacts it seems markedly unusual that they do not have brooches. Regardless of whether the weapons belonged to the deceased woman, if their families were wealthy enough to bury them with a sword, they should have been wealthy enough to have buried them with brooches.

Unfortunately, textiles do not survive very well in the archaeological record, so it cannot be determined if these women were buried in male clothing, which the lack of brooches may suggest. However, these women were buried with items that modern scholars have interpreted as indicating maleness in Viking society and were lacking the typical trappings of femininity found in female graves. This should suggest that these women may not have been viewed as stereotypically female in the Victorian sense, although such an interpretation has rarely been put forward, and only in studies explicitly concerned with gender.

Additionally, these two graves may also provide a tantalizing glimpse into how gender roles may have changed to accommodate settlement in new areas; however, there are large gaps in the Viking burial record in the UK, particularly in England, where less than thirty Viking burial sites have been found (J. Buckberry et al., 2014). It has been suggested that one reason for the paucity of obviously Viking burials, as identified by grave goods, could have been a desire to assimilate with the local population (Hadley, 2006, 2008). This suggestion was born out in a recent study that conducted isotopic analysis of Christian burials from Masham and York. The researchers found several individuals whose isotopic values indicate that they were first generation settlers from Scandinavia (J. Buckberry et al., 2014). It is likely these individuals were migrants, rather than merchants, since they were buried in the local customs indicating a desire to assimilate.

Female graves of exceptional grandeur without male artifacts are also evident in the archaeological record, such as the Oseberg Ship burial from Vestfold county, Norway. Despite the generally held belief that male graves were more elaborate than female graves, one of the most elaborate Viking graves ever found was built for two females. It has been the subject of constant debate and study since its discovery in 1904 AD, both for its enormous array of grave goods, the incredible preservation of wood and textile, and the fact that it contains two female skeletons. Scholars have been studying this burial to explain the ‘conundrum’ of a highly prestigious burial for women in a society that was believed to be highly gender binary, with women having lower social status than men. The ship and its inhabitants were interred over the course of several months in 834 AD (Arwill-Nordbladh, 2002; Bill & Daly, 2012; Holck, 2006;

Moen, 2011; Sjovold, 1969). The ship contained the following artifacts: an almost 70 foot long ship, a cart, three sleighs, working sledge, five animal head posts of exceptional craftsmanship,

rattles, hooks, harnesses, buckets, a trough, five dippers, four dishes, wooden bowls, stools, a knife, lamps, a cauldron, three beds and some textiles that were likely bedcovers, a chair, several chests, four looms, spindle whorls, scissors, flax beater, combs, shoes, a saddle, picks, spade, textiles, and two female skeletons (Sjovold, 1969: 52). There is virtually no metal left in the grave, likely as a result of looting that was undertaken around 1000 AD. Scholars generally assume the grave would have originally contained jewelry that was also likely removed during the looting process (Bill & Daly, 2012). The removal of other types of metal, such as weapons, is not often discussed, although it is assumed for other high-profile male graves in the area that were looted. The wealth of the Oseberg burial is often assumed to be the result of a relationship with a powerful king or chieftain (Moen, 2011, 2014). This assumption removes the possibility that these women were powerful based on their own merits.

Some recent studies have started to question this assumption. Marian Moen (2014) highlighted the ways in which scholars have been reluctant to acknowledge the Oseberg Ship burial as a symbol of female power on the same footing as similar male burials. Male burials from that area of Norway, notably the Gokstad and Tune burial mounds, have been considered part of a royal tradition with a secure power base, however this notion is often disregarded or downplayed when discussing the Oseberg burial (Moen, 2011, 2014). It has also been theorized that the presence of this mound on a plain, rather than a hill, was an attempt to remove the burial from the public sphere of power, a suggestion that is never made about male ship burials on plains. Besides the obvious double standard, the area that the Oseburg burial was in was a well- populated area near an important waterway. Therefore, its location would have been very public, nullifying the previous argument that seeks to minimize the burial’s importance based on its positioning within the landscape. Moen concludes that high status female graves should be

interpreted for what they can reveal about the women they interred, rather than insisting they reveal more about the status of the deceased’s male relatives (2011, 2014).

Not all scholars try to remove or diminish the importance of this burial and the two women it contains. Oftentimes, the grave goods are interpreted as indicating a religious affiliation for the two women. These scholars allow that the women in the Oseberg ship were important and powerful people but see their power as inherently different from the male political power that other monumental ship burials indicate (Bill & Daly, 2012; Jesch, 1991). The recent analysis of the archaeological evidence of break ins at the Oseberg and Gokstad ships belies this assumption of difference. During the reign of Harold Bluetooth both ships were broken into and intentionally desecrated beyond what would be necessary for simple grave robbing (Bill & Daly,

2012). Two major shifts occurred during Harold Bluetooth’s reign that could explain the looting of these two mounds a century after they were built. Harold Bluetooth both converted to

Christianity and expanded his territorial base to include portions of western Norway. It would make sense that Harold Bluetooth would undertake the “destruction of the opponent’s symbols

[in order to] reduce his legitimacy and to demoralize and weaken his power base” (Bill and Daly,

2012: 822). While similar tactics could be undertaken to undermine the validity of the previous belief structure, the looting of both ship burials indicates to Bill and Daly that these break ins were more likely politically motivated, although potential religious affiliation of the Oseberg burial is never expressly ruled out.

The logic that two similar events which occurred within 20 km of each other in the same time frame are likely motivated by similar reasons would likely appeal to Moen who once stated

“if one monumental grave is a representation of [a particularly type of] power, it follows that another, very similar one, most likely carries the same meaning” (Moen, 2014: 129). The

insistence that the Oseberg Ship burial be different from other ship burials from the same time period says more about modern conceptions of what should be, than what actually was in the past. Moen concludes that the Oseberg Ship burial should be understood to symbolize the same power and social standing that other large ship burials do. Given that, the Oseberg Ship burial should be analyzed for what it can tell us about possible gender roles in the Viking Age, rather than interpreted differently than similar male burials as a result of modern gender bias.

Written Source Material

Gender bias, not surprisingly, is evident in the problematic written record from the

Viking Age. While all written records must be understood through the lens of the author’s bias, this is particularly true for records concerning the Viking Age. Records from the Viking Age can be broadly broken up into two categories– accounts written down several hundred years after the events they purport to describe, and accounts written by outsiders. There is also a small corpus of contemporary runestones with short inscriptions that can be analyzed. As Leslie

Abrams notes “literary sources are particularly tricky, because they provide a very detailed picture of Viking-Age society in action- but from the pens of thirteenth-century and later saga- writers whose agendas were not always historically helpful” (2012: 20). This has often meant that written accounts of events which do not conform to preexisting ideas about Viking gender structure have been written off as either a misunderstanding by outsiders, or fabrications by the

Christians who wrote them down to emphasize the superiority of Christianity over the pagan past. Despite questions of historical accuracy, the sagas do provide tantalizing glimpses of possible female activities and it would be irresponsible not to consider what they may reveal.

Runestones are an invaluable resource when looking at Scandinavian perceptions as they are one of the few emic written sources that were recorded during the Viking Age. The majority

of runestones are found in Sweden, but 168 runestones are known from Denmark (Wicker,

2012b). Runestones tend to have a very formulaic way of writing, introducing the individual who commissioned the stone, who it was in memory of, and what was special about that person.

They were often utilized as ways of creating memory, marking boundaries, making inheritance claims, and indicating bridges as discussed in the previous section. Only 33% of all runestones mention women, revealing a skew towards concern with male activities in these public spaces

(Wicker 2012b). Oftentimes, runestones that mention women either list them as a sponsor, or commemorate their skills at craftwork, managing a farm, or being a good wife (Jesch, 2010;

Wicker, 2012b). While it might be tempting to extrapolate that these were the activities women partook in, it would be a mistake to assume that this is the whole picture. The majority of Viking

Age runestones are Christian, and the themes reflected on the runestones may reflect a desire to portray appropriate Christian femininity (Wicker, 2012b). Furthermore, runestones were expensive to commission, so the female roles recorded on them may reflect only those behaviors expected of high-status women. There would have been many women who did not fit into these categories, and it is worth further examining their activities.

The most famous literature from the Viking Age is the Icelandic Sagas, which were part of an oral tradition that was written down several hundred years after the end of the Viking Age.

While closer in time to the Viking Age, there were significant social differences between the

Viking Age and the Medieval period that make some academics question the accuracy of the historical events portrayed in the written sagas. One major difference between the Viking Age orators and later writers is their belief structure. The Christian Church is very patriarchal and has ethical viewpoints that may have contradicted common practices in the pre-Christian Viking

Age. This bias could result in after-the-fact changes to written-down oral traditions thereby making the sagas reflect the Christian viewpoint rather than the original pagan viewpoint.

The Christianization of a pagan story can be confirmed using the saga of Erik the Red.

There are two historical versions of this document- the Hauksbok and the Skalholtsbok

(Magnusson & Palsson, 1965). Despite the long-held belief that the Hauksbok translation was closer to the original document due to its more coherent nature and developed poetic style, linguistic analysis has proven the Skalholtsbok version of this saga is in fact more likely to be reminiscent of the oral tradition, despite being the more recently written down source.

(Magnusson & Palsson, 1965). The change in which version is believed to more consistent with the original oral tradition poses two problems. The first is that early scholars based their conclusions off of the Hauksbok rather than the Skalholtsbok, which is likely the more accurate version in terms of events and recording social perceptions. This has affected how the saga of

Erik the Red has been discussed in the academic literature, giving more weight to the earlier written down but more edited source. Despite this knowledge, earlier secondary sources are still around and referenced- which perpetuates the conclusions drawn from a source which was heavily filtered through a Christian viewpoint, rather than a pagan Viking viewpoint.

The second major problem posed by this knowledge is how to interpret other sagas for which there are not multiple versions. Without multiple written versions of sagas, it is difficult to perform a linguistic comparison to discover which sagas are more reminiscent of the oral tradition, and/or closer in time to the historical events, and which versions are heavily edited later editions. While some analysis is possible using the understanding of different writing styles and story styles gleaned from analyzing Erik’s Saga, variations could also be the result of different authors and should be applied extremely carefully. Without comparative material it can

be difficult to determine what reflects Viking belief and what reflects Christian belief at the time of writing. Regardless, it is likely that all the sagas that were written down in the Medieval period have some degree of Christianization and may reflect the bias of the scribe to different degrees. Therefore, it is inadvisable to take anything the sagas say as absolute truth; rather they should be analyzed for their plausibility (Somerville & McDonald, 2010). Despite the drawbacks of the written sources, Viking Age scholars must “come to terms with the testimony of Old Icelandic Literature [as] it would be almost impossible to write about the period without taking [the literature] into account” (Jesch, 1991: 181). As such, the evidence from the sagas must be considered while recognizing the major limitations of any research based solely on the sagas.

The Icelandic sagas provide a varied, complex, and at times, competing view of gender roles. There are two types of women in the Icelandic sagas, strong, fierce, capable women who are involved in all aspects of their own lives, and weak, docile women who have very little agency in their own lives. Within the first category of powerful women who act as drivers for the story, there are several different ways that women wield their power. Some women are positively portrayed for exerting direct power over economic, political, and social decisions, while, more commonly, women are seen as more subtly exerting their power through influence and social connections. Unn is the woman who most adheres to this narrative, although several capable women who hold high degrees of social and political power are mentioned in the

Landnamabok (The Book of Settlements: Landnamabok, 2007).

The Landnamabok, or Book of Settlement, records those individuals who settled Iceland in the 9th century AD. Many of the founders of Iceland who are recorded in the Landnamabok are female, although it is well established that the Landnamabok has underreported the number

of female settlers (Clover, 1991, 1993; Wicker, 2012a). Genetic diversity in mitochondrial DNA from ancient Icelandic sources suggest that a large number of women travelled to Iceland. Their genetic similarity to Viking Age Norwegian populations suggests that most of these women were

Scandinavian, although there are mitochondrial haplogroups that suggest some female founders came from Orkney and the Western Isles of Scotland (Krzewińska et al., 2015). Of these founders, Unn is the most well-known and revered for her strength, cunning, and determination.

Unn’s exploits are recorded in detail in the Laxdaela Saga. It is reported that “she had a knorr built secretly in the forest. When it was finished, she made the ship ready and set out with substantial wealth. She took along all her kinsmen who were still alive, and people say it is hard to find another example of a woman managing to escape from such a hostile situation with as much wealth and as many followers. It shows what an outstanding woman Unn was”

(Magnusson & Palsson, 1969). Unn’s ability to lead and act in a man’s stead brought her great renown in the Norse world. Parts of her story are mentioned in no fewer than six different

Icelandic Sagas. This showcases that, according to the historical record, women did not have to engage in battle to gain prestige and status. Additionally, we learn that women could be the driving force in exploration and settlement.

Positive representations of female power can also be seen in written records of the volve, or seer. Volve were women who practiced a type of prophetic magic called seiðr, although this type of magic could also be practiced by males (Hedeager, 2004; Heide, 2006; N. Price, 2002;

Solli, 1999, 2002). Men who practiced this type of magic were often referred to as feminine, or soft; conversely, Odin, the god of warriors, practiced seiðr and was not thought of as any less masculine for it (Price 2002; Sollie 1999, 2002). It is possible that the power gained by practicing seiðr may reflect not on the practice itself, but how competent one was at prophecy.

Male practitioners of seiðr have also been considered third gender by some scholars (Hedeager,

2004; Solli, 1999, 2002). Further evidence of the existence of volve can be found in burials that contain staffs, talismans, or drugs that may induce trances (Price, 2002).

There are also negative portrayals of powerful women who use their power over a situation or use their influence to behave in deceitful and dishonorable actions that shame them and their kin. Freydis exemplifies this archetype. Freydis organized one of the voyages to

Vinland. Her high status is indicated by her ability to get men and women to follow her to

Vinland; however she lied to and betrayed her followers, which resulted in their murders (A.

Baker, 2004; Gardela, 2013b). Her ability to lead makes her a capable and respected individual, but her betrayal of those who followed her ensures she will not be fondly remembered. The sagas do indicate that women acting as warriors may have been viewed as something other than women. In the Laxdaela Saga, Audr is divorced for acting like a man (Gardela, 2013b; Kunz,

2000; Magnusson & Palsson, 1969; N. Price et al., 2019). She wears men’s cloths and attacks her husband with a sword. There are other instances of crossdressing and masculine behavior in the sagas used as grounds for divorce within the story and males could be divorced for engaging in overtly feminine behaviors (Jesch, 1991). While this suggests that some social roles, such as husband and wife, necessitated a certain type of behavior, it does not inherently suggest that such behavior was socially abhorrent. Women who are portrayed as docile are far less evident in the sagas. They act as background characters or are acted upon by male protagonists; while we know they exist, their lack of agency is the trait that most defines them. The varied representation of women in the sagas suggests a variety of roles that women could occupy, as well as showcasing possible societal reactions to powerful women.

There are also several accounts of a historical rather than literary nature that discuss women in the Viking world. Historical records also need to be interpreted carefully as they also reflect the bias of the writer. Saxo Grammaticus wrote the Gesta Dancorum, a history of the

Danes from pre-Christian times, between 1180 and 1220 AD (A. B. Lund, 2016). Women are mentioned throughout the Gesta Dancorum, but occur more regularly in in the portions of the book that address the pagan period (Strand, 1980). Specifically, the most active women can be found in books 2, 4, 7, 8, and 9, including references to warrior women (Jesch, 1991; A. B.

Lund, 2016; J. Lund & Arwill-Nordbladh, 2016; Strand, 1980). Saxo makes it clear that women had the right to free choice, but also insists that women’s desires were often sublimated by their family’s desires. Even so, women who exercised control of their own lives were often used as turning points in the history or as explanations for the events that would follow making it clear that women’s decisions could greatly impact the world in which they lived (Strand, 1980). The women who are described by Saxo are notably strong, free-willed, and capable. Their contemporaries who adhere to the Christian ideal of a timid woman are much less present in the narrative, suggesting that women worth recording were not those who adhered to docile

Christian expectations. The overt concern with pagan gender roles during this early medieval period may also reflect the need to adapt to changing gender roles (Jesch, 2014). Pagan gender roles may have been an important issue at the time, worthy of noting, because what was once considered normal no longer was and difference between the past and present was easily recognized and remarked upon.

The concern with appropriate roles for women can also be seen in later law codes that reflect some of the laws of the Viking Age, as discussed earlier. The parameters under which women could participate at the þing were laid out in both the Icelandic and Norwegian law

codes. Primarily, a woman’s ability to actively participate in the þing depended on her marital state, kin ties, and status. Generally, women were allowed to participate if there was not a capable male present to represent her interests, although women could also act as witnesses regardless of marital state or male kin (Clover, 1993; Raninen, 2008; Sanmark, 2014).

Therefore, women could participate in the þing if they were unmarried, widowed, or if their spouse was indisposed by either illness, injury, or travel. It was also likely that a woman’s age, personality, and experience played a role in her participation, although that is not recorded in any law code. The Icelandic Grágásalso records concern with women’s clothing. Written around

1120 AD, it outlaws women crossdressing (A. B. Lund, 2016; Sanmark, 2014). It might therefore be assumed that women were crossdressing, given that the legislators felt it was necessary to outlaw this practice.

Women appear in other historical sources as well, if not with the same degree of depth.

The Anglo Saxon Chronicle mentions that women were present at King Halsteinn’s camp at

Benfeet in England in 893 AD and 895 AD, although their role within the camp is not clearly stated (Hadley, 2008; Jesch, 2001; Smyth, 1979). While it is unknown whether these women fought alongside the men, there were clearly women who travelled with large armies. There are also records of women actively participating in or running raids from other sources. Three named women, Visna, Hetha, and Vebiorg are listed among those who fought in the Battle of

Bravellir in Sweden (Jesch, 1991). Furthermore, an 11th century Byzantine account of battles between the Imperial army and the primarily Scandinavian Rus record that females “equipped like men” were discovered during corpse looting after the battle (Price et al., 2019:22).

Historical documents suggest that women were present in armies and on battlefield and could be found in roles that might generally be considered part of the masculine purview.

Viking Women could also be involved with leading an army. The Irish Cogadh Gaedhil re Gallaibh mentions a particularly brutal 10th century AD Viking raid on Munster that was led by a woman dubbed Inghen Ruaidh, or Red Maiden, who was clearly identified by the monk who wrote about the attack (Clover, 1993; N. Price et al., 2019). The Cogadh Gaedhil re

Gallaibh states that the “evil which Erinn had hitherto suffered was as nothing compared to the evil inflicted by these parties” (Jesch, 1991: 108). Clearly, this woman was regarded by the writer as a fearsome warrior commanding awe, terror and respect. Records also reveal that

Princess Olga, in her role as regent, led a successful attack on several Derevlian cities to avenge her husband’s death (Jesch, 1991). She did not actively participate in the fighting, instead acting as the commander-in-chief or strategist. During her time as regent she further extended her territory, set up trading stations and collected tributes. Both Princess Olga and Inghen Ruaidh took on roles that have been considered men’s roles and were successful. The historical record does contain women actively participating in society and activities that did not fit the mold of a docile female.

An archetype for these women who participated actively in Viking Age society and warfare can be found in stories, often considered myths, of Valkyries and Shield Maidens. The

Valkyrie are believed to have been the handmaidens of Odin who escorted the worthy dead to the halls of Valhalla where they would revel while being served by Valkyrie until Ragnarök

(Graham-Campbell, 2013; T. Douglas Price, 2015; Roesdahl, 1998). Shield Maidens, while sometimes considered synonymous with Valkyries, actually have a unique backstory and

Kathleen Self (2014) argues they should be considered a third gender. In order to do this, she ascribes to a rigid gender binary system, one the Shield Maidens can exist outside of for as long as they choose. The Shield Maidens are unique from both Valkyrie and humans because they

have human lineage, but possess supernatural abilities, such as the ability to ride through the air.

In stories, these Shield Maidens often protect and help heroes in battle, and many times end up marrying them, at which point they cease to be Shield Maidens and become regular women as they take up a more heteronormative female role (Clover, 1986; Self, 2014). Prior to marriage,

Shield Maidens participate in battles, carry weapons, wear masculine attire, and have the ability to choose their spouse when they desire to marry- all traits stereotypically associated with masculinity during this period. In doing so, their behavior overrides their female attributes, although their desire for and by men, coupled with their pronouns makes it clear they are not men. After marriage these former Shield Maidens cease to be treated differently than their peers, marking their transition into one of the binary gender categories typically ascribed to the Viking

Age. Self (2014) argues that the blending of masculine and feminine marks these women as a third gender and their assumption of the normative female roles of wife and mother remove them from this blended sphere.

Women in the Viking Age: What We Know So Far

The examples provided in this chapter show that archaeological, historical, and literary sources support the notion that women in the Viking Age could take on a variety of roles, including those of warrior, explorer, settler, trader, and political leader. While gender studies have recently begun looking at women as active agents in their own lives, broad generalizations about the docile nature of women in the Viking Age are still being propagated outside of studies focusing specifically on gender. However, a critical analysis of gender reveals a complex and rich tapestry of potential roles which women could inhabit. I believe it is essential for this research to be considered outside the realm of gender studies to further our understanding of the

Viking Age.

Written sources, including laws, sagas, and historical documents, have often been interpreted to support the idea of a strict gender binary system during the Viking Age. However, these interpretations fail to consider that social roles were not rigid or that women could engage in activities outside the home that traditionally have been considered the realm of men (Elizabeth

M. Brumfiel & Robin, 2008; Gilchrist, 1994, 1999; Hedenstierna-Jonson et al., 2017; Nelson,

1997; N. Price et al., 2019; Self, 2014). When open to the possibility of a myriad of roles women could engage in, reanalysis of the sagas provides examples of women who were powerful, deceitful, or docile while the historical record provides contemporary examples of women warriors, slaves, and leaders. The range of sex and gender roles portrayed in these sources should be apparent in the archaeological record as well.

The archaeological record is filled with examples of female graves with high status objects, objects that are viewed as traditionally masculine, objects that are viewed as traditionally feminine, or very few objects. While some of these variations could result from differing burial practices among geographically dispersed populations, they could also indicate differing social roles among females. The diverse mortuary practices seen in female burials corresponds to the variety of women’s roles portrayed in the literature. Case studies examining individual women’s roles provide an excellent starting point; however, work still needs to be done on population level studies to address how exceptional these women were or if these expanded gender roles were more broadly applicable. Alternatives to the traditional understanding of female power as being inherently different from male power must be investigated to ensure modern biases are critically engaged with in any discussion of female gender roles during the Viking Age. It is only through undertaking these population level studies that a strong case can be made for the application of updated gender constructs to broader scholarship focused on the Viking Age.

This chapter has provided an overview of current thoughts on women’s roles in Viking

Age society. This information should help situate the current study on how gender shaped women’s lived experience and identity formation within a broader tradition of scholarship.

Furthermore, this chapter is the foundation on which data analysis and interpretation will rest.

Drawing on archaeological information in the novel way discussed below will lead to a better understanding of how one’s gender could impact their life in the Danish Viking Age.

CHAPTER 5

MATERIALS AND METHODOLOGY

In order investigate the role gender played in shaping lived experiences during the Danish

Viking Age, I will examine a large collection of human skeletal remains that represents a sample of different ages and sexes. While I am interested in discussing broad gender expectations during the Viking Age, I will include remains from multiple locations, as opposed to remains from a single cemetery and recognize that local and regional trends may impact the data.

Territory and power were being consolidated throughout the Viking Age, but consolidation did not necessarily reflect the adoption of a single culture, although Denmark was more centralized earlier in the Viking Age than elsewhere in Scandinavia. The groups living within this large region had cultural differences which are reflected in their art and mortuary traditions. These differences may have also impacted gender expression in these areas, necessitating consideration of the geographic variable, although preservation conditions may make this more difficult.

Given the inconsistent preservation of Viking Age remains due to age and variable soil acidity across Scandinavia, larger collections are preferable as they allow for the best chance to obtain large amounts of usable data.

Materials

The Viking Age skeletons housed at the University of Copenhagen are an ideal population for this study. In order to gain access to this collection I contacted the head of the

Department of Forensic Medicine. I submitted a proposal and request to access the collection, which was granted. This collection represents one of two major skeletal collections in Denmark that contains 30,000 skeletons from 10,000 years of Danish history, including populations from abroad. The Viking Age collection is comprised of approximately 550 individuals, although 75

estimating the biological sex of the skeleton is not possible for every individual. The skeletons originate from 76 different archaeological sites excavated throughout the past century and include single finds, small group burials, and a couple of larger cemeteries that contain up to 70 individuals each. Mortuary treatment and grave goods reflect a mix of pagan and Christian funerary practices, a variable that may also impact my hypotheses. The time period when the remains were excavated impact the recording practices. As such the contextual information that is available and was analyzed as part of this study varies by site since historical collection practices were not as meticulous or robust as in modern archaeological norms. Prior to the

1950’s, most discoveries were made during construction projects and excavation was undertaken by amateurs whose recording methods were not standardized. Furthermore, the level of reporting varied heavily depending on the interest in archaeology expressed by citizens or construction crews (Pedersen, 2014).

Previous demographic research indicates that this population is comprised of roughly

55% men and 45% women who died between the ages of 16 and 60+ (P. Bennike, 1985;

Sellevold et al., 1984). This previous work did include some analysis of trauma and health; however, the researchers pointed out the need for an in-depth and comprehensive study of health and disease (Sellevold et al., 1984). The preliminary data suggest that caries, or cavities, and other dental anomalies were prevalent, as was osteoarthritis, while other pathologies were less prevalent (Sellevold et al., 1984). None of this information was sufficiently accessed for frequency according to age, sex, location of pathology on the skeleton, or status implied from mortuary treatment, making the systematic collection of these data necessary to evaluate my hypotheses. Furthermore, in the 30 years since this study was undertaken, the number of Viking

Age skeletons in the collection has more than doubled and the data from all these individuals has yet to be collected and analyzed with the rest of the collection.

As this project is primarily concerned with understanding sex and gender roles, I only analyzed skeletons with the necessary skeletal elements to estimate biological sex. Issues with sex estimation are most often caused by poor preservation, although the group of excluded individuals will also include subadults who have not gone through puberty, and thus the associated skeletal changes that are used to estimate biological sex. Individuals whose sex can be estimated, but who lack sufficient preservation to collect additional life-course data will also be excluded. This category is primarily comprised of individuals for whom partial pelvises had been preserved and collected with few other elements present. I will not analyze comingled remains, as it is not possible to associate specific pathologies or morphological changes to unique individuals.

Given these constraints, the sample in this study comprises 174 individuals from 30 sites across modern-day Denmark. The smallest sites have one analyzed individual and the largest site has 33 analyzed individuals. The site locations by geographical area vary according to local preservation conditions and the amount of archaeological research that has been conducted in the area. Excavation reports for each site were analyzed when available so that contextual information could be combined with osteological assessment for each of the individuals in the sample. A short overview of each site, excavation information, and the available resources on each site follows.

Table 5.1 List of the Danish Viking Age Sites which were Included in this Study. Further information about the sites can be found in Appendix A. Site Name and Location Date Dates of Number of Number Excavated Usage Skeletons Analyzed Aggersborg Kirk Aggersborg parish, 1976 Early 11th 1 NM II D1906/1977 Øster Han herred century Bakkendrup Bakkendrup parish, 1979, 1980, 9th century 7 NM I 2814/79 Løve Herred 1983 Besser Besser parish, 1941 Viking Age 1 NM C24368-83, NM I Samsø herred 353/41 Bogøvej Lindelse parish, 1924, 1987- Late 10th and 29 LMR 12077, NM I Langelands, Sønder 1989 early 11th 6943/89 herred centuries Bødkergård Mark Tryggelev parish, 1997 Early Viking 5 NM C33979-80, LMR Langelands Sønder Age 13372 herred Bårse/ Bårse sogn. Bårse 1986 10th century 3 Tyvesteensagren herred SMV 28/86 sb-67 Errindlev Errindlev parish, 1896 10th century 1 NM C8302-21 Fuglse herred Forlev Vemmelev Parish, 1895 Viking Age 3 NM C7777-7852, Slagelse herred C10042-43 Galgedil Otterup parish, 1999-2001, 8th-11th 33 OBM 4520 Lunde herred 2004-2005 centuries Gammel Lejre Kornerup parish, 1921, 1927 Viking Age 3 AS 25/2010, ROM Sømme herred 641/85 Grydehøj Roskilde parish, 2007 8th and 9th 9 ROM 2285, AS189/07 Sømme herred centuries Hesselbjerg Randlev parish, 1963-70, Viking Age 17 FHM 1379, FHM Hads herred 1997-98 4015 Hesselbjerg Marken Magleby parish, 1869, 1982 Viking Age 1 LMR 11163 Langelands, Sønder herred Hessum Skeby parish, Lunde 1950 Viking Age 3 NM I 818/50 herred Kappelsbjerg Humble parish, 1987-88 Viking Age 2 LMR 12001, Langelands, Sønder NM II 38/87, herred NM I 6861/88 78

Kongemarken/Skt. Sankt Jørgensbjerg 1953, 1996 End of 9th 1 Jørgensbjerg parish, Sømme century NM C26874, NM I herred 314/53, ROM 1819 Kongemarken Roskilde county, 2001-2010 11th- 13th 8 ROM 1829 Sømme herred centuries Kuml Høje Lindelse parish, 1855, 1998 Viking Age 5 LMR C27ff, 12845 Langelands, Sønder herred Kaargården Lindelse parish, 1984-87 Early Viking 15 LMR 9665, C50, Langelands, Sønder Age 11563 herred Ladby Kølstrup parish, 1934-5 Viking Age 2 NM C30238 L4 Bjerge herrod Lejre Kornerup parish, 1945, 1953- Viking Age 5 NMC29984-85, Sømme herred 68 C29987-93, C29994- 30150, NM I 419/71 Muldbjerg Gørløse parish, 1975 Late 9th 1 NM C29710, NM I lynge-Fredrujsbord century 1354/75 Herred Nӕsby Kirke Stillinge 1914, 1922 Early Viking 1 NM C16346 parish, Slagelse Age herred Nørre Longelse Longelse parish, 1903, 1926 10th century 2 Molle Langelands Sønder LMR 484-509 herred Nørre Kongerslev Nørre-Kongerslev 1976 10th century 1 AHM 670 parish, Hellum herred Rantzausminde Egense parish, 1927 Viking Age 6 NM C20342-49 Sunds herred Runegard Bornholms Sønder 1979, 1980 Late 10th 1 BHR 677, BHR 948 century Sebbersund Sebber parish, Slet 1991-1994 8th-11th 4 AHM 2863 herred centuries Snubbekorgård Sengeløse sogn, 2006, 2008 Late 8th and 2 TAK1304, AS44/2007 Smørum herrod early 9th centuries Stegade 1 Tullebølle parish, 1903-1923 10th century 1 LMR C158ff Langelands Nørre herred

Ethical Considerations

Any study that utilizes skeletal material must engage with the ethical quandaries of the discipline. Early physical anthropologists were interested in defining different ‘types’ of people.

Most often, this meant putting people into different racial categories as a way of justifying injustice (Walker, 2008; Walrath, 2017). Through the early 20th century, skeletal data was used to justify the superiority of some over a majority of others, providing a so-called “scientific” basis for racism and sexism. Despite numerous studies that have shown how flawed and scientifically invalid these early attempts were, the negative repercussions of these studies must be acknowledged and addressed today. Descent communities remember how damaging these studies were and are understandably skeptical about new osteological studies utilizing remains of their ancestor.

Even where descent communities are willing to have their ancestors examined, other ethical considerations exist. Skeletons are useful repositories of scientific and historical information, but they are also objects that have religious, symbolic, and cultural significance

(Agarwal & Glencross, 2011a; Walker, 2008). The popularity of TV shows such as CSI, Dark

Tourism, and History Channel specials on specific individuals show the morbid curiosity that many people feel towards skeletons, while public outrage over the display of skeletons on these shows showcases how human remains can also be viewed with fear and reverence. The symbolic power of skeletons can and has been used to “advance or suppress political ideas and help to facilitate or disrupt social cohesion” (Walker 2008: 15). As such, the symbolic nature of skeletons cannot be ignored and must be engaged with in order to undertake an ethically sound osteological analysis.

The consideration of ethical bioarchaeology has come up with three major tenets that must be considered in any osteological analysis. First, human remains must be treated with dignity (Walker, 2008). What constitutes dignity will depend on the context, location, and subject of the study. Relational ethics must be employed to understand the cultural context of any study to ensure that scholars are engaging in ethical research behavior (Zuckerman,

Kamnikar, & Mathena, 2014). Second, the wishes of descent communities should be listened to.

In some cases, this means repatriation, and in others it means the descent community should have control over what analysis are performed, what questions are investigated, and how that information is disseminated to the public. By listening to descent communities’ control of their history, identity and memories are returned to those individuals it represents (Michael L.

Blakey, 2008; Michael L. Blakey, 2010; Dobbin, 2013; Walker, 2008). While some countries have laws that mandate this consideration, such as the Native American Grave Protection and

Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) in the United States, descent communities should be considered in all studies. Third, bioarchaeologists have a responsibility to preserve skeletons as they are important to understanding the history of our species. Information from skeletons can help us understand some of the issues our species is facing today, such as violence, disease, inequality, and climate change (Walker, 2008). Furthermore, “research on skeletal remains particularly those of oppressed individuals, could be justified because researchers and remains can come together to recognize and recover the meaning of past people through giving voice to their stories which are otherwise suppressed or invisible (Zuckerman et al., 2014). The studies can show that past people were active in their own lives, with their own agency and desire, rather than reducing them to stereotypes based on biases in the written record. While it may be tempting to think that descent community desires and research are incompatible, that would be shortsighted. While

some descent communities do not want research done on their ancestors, as is their right, compromise can be made based on mutual respect, communication, personal relationships, and recognizing common interests (Michael L. Blakey, 2010; Walker, 2008). By adhering to the three principles discussed about we can create a more equitable and ethical bioarchaeology.

When the above is applied to Danish archaeology from the Viking Age, two main points of concern become clear. The first concerns the Sami. Although Sapmi, the Sami homeland, does not cross any Danish borders, the Sami and the Vikings did engage in trade with one another and it is not unreasonable to think that some Sami individuals may have been in

Denmark at some point during the Viking Age. While I could not find any evidence of this in the archaeological literature, archaeologists should be aware of the possibility and take appropriate ethical actions should any possible Sami remains be excavated (Harlin, 2019; Mulk,

2009). The second issue is one of borders and cultural continuity. Decisions regarding access to

Viking Age Danish collections are made by modern Danes; however, the borders of Denmark were very different during the Viking Age. Denmark lost large amounts of land during the 19th century AD as a result of wars and treaties. However, portions of Sweden and Germany used to be culturally and politically Danish (Briggs, 2005). The Danevirk boundary that was discussed earlier is actually in Schleswig-Holstein in Germany. In this case, a boundary jumped over people and access to the German and Swedish skeletons that would have been seen as Danish during the Viking Age is not controlled by modern Danes. There is a further question of how cultural connectedness is defined- by geographic location, genetics, language, religion etc

(Walker, 2008). Questions remain about what identities, local or more regional, are more important and how cultural changes over the centuries have shifted beliefs in ways that would not be contemporary to the Viking Age. It is important to remember that the population under

analysis does not comprise the totality of those individuals who would have claimed to be

Danish during the Viking Age, and that cultural shifts within Viking Age society, for example the conversion to Christianity, may have result in losing some cultural connections. With these two issues in mind, an osteological analysis based on the methods below can be undertaken to consider how gender influenced lived experiences during the Viking Age.

Methodology

In order to understand the way that gender may have impacted lived experiences and identity formation during the Viking Age I analyzed skeletal indicators of health and activity and compared these data to the archaeological contextual information recovered during excavations within the last century. The variables analyzed were chosen because they have the potential to shed light on the lived experiences and social identity of the deceased. The osteological analysis was performed at Panum Institute at the University of Copenhagen and all the remains were examined macroscopically. A literature review of the sites analyzed was also conducted where the information was extant. Information came from the archives at Panum, the National Museum of Denmark, the archives at the Langelands Museum and the published corpus of material. The information was entered into a database for each individual that included:

• Sex

• Age at death

• Stature and body mass

• Dental wear and pathologies

• Pathological changes due to disease and trauma

• Entheseal markers

• Contextual information 83

Skeletal Sex Estimation

Attempts to estimate the sex of a skeleton have been a concern in the field of bioarchaeology almost since its inception. Traditionally, sex has been defined as a binary biological category while gender is defined as a cultural category that occasionally results in the consideration of more than two categories. Ongoing research has shown that sexual difference as seen in the body is more complicated than dividing people into two categories (Fausto-

Sterling, 1993, 2000; Roughgarden, 2004). These complications necessitate that bioarchaeologists have an understanding and awareness of the flaws inherent in the system and how they may impact the undertaken analysis.

Bodily differences in the skeleton can result from a variety of factors including biologically mandated growth patterns, hormones, environmental pressures unique to their time and place, and random mutations (Roberts, 2009; White, 2005). Biological sex does impact the development of a skeleton during puberty and can therefore be estimated from adult skeletal material. There are, however, three major limitations that are placed on the estimation of sex from the skeleton: identifiable sex differences only appear in certain elements of the skeleton after puberty, the normal range of variation according to sex for those elements often have some degree of overlap, and the assumed difference on which the analytical framework rests may vary across time and place (Wesp, 2013). Consequently, it is difficult, and often expensive and time consuming, to attempt sex estimations on juvenile remains. When sex estimate on juvenile remains are made, they are the result of costly aDNA analysis, or time consuming statistical analysis based on dental measurements (Tierney & Bird, 2015; Viciano, Lopez-Lazaro, &

Aleman, 2013). As a result of these limitations, assigning any individual to a particular sex measures analytical confidence, rather than true likelihood that individual was the estimated sex

(Geller, 2005). While there are limitations to the analysis of skeletal sex, it does provide a way of categorizing people that is commonly done today. Whether or not that categorization is valid through history and prehistory is a different question that can only be analyzed through scientific analysis that utilizes the category of apparent skeletal sex as a variable.

Sex estimation of adult individuals is based on morphological features and metrics of specific bones, notably the pelvis, skull and femur. The level of accuracy varies according to what elements are being examined, with the skull providing accurate estimates 80-90% of the time (Margaret Cox, 2000; M. Cox & Mays, 2006; Meindl, 1985; Walker, 2005; White, 2005).

When the pelvis is present the accuracy increases to 90-95% (Bass, 2005; Meindl, 1985; Walker,

2005; White, 2005). The morphological features that are considered useful for sex identification include the greater sciatic notch, the ventral arc, the subpubic concavity, the ischiopubic ramus, and the preauricular sulcus on the pelvis and the nuchal crest, mastoid process, supraorbital margin, glabella and the mental eminence on the skull (Bass, 2005; Brothwell, 1981; M. Cox &

Mays, 2006; White, 2005). For this study the sexually dimorphic features were all individually assessed and then a final sex estimate was created by combining the results of the individual features. The features used varied depending on the existence of the necessary skeletal elements and their preservation.

The dimensions of the femur, humerus and tibia were also recorded for potential use in sex estimation. These sexing methods are less accurate and are based on the assumption that male bones will be larger than female bones (Brothwell, 1981). However, the area of overlap is often large and skeletal development can be influenced by genetics and lifestyle. As a result, the amount of sexual dimorphism can vary greatly between populations and any application of long bone length in estimating sex should be population specific. For this reason, primary sex

estimates were based on pelvic and skull morphology. In the present study, long bone length was considered in only two instances where the pelvis and the skull provided indeterminate sex estimates.

The sex estimates were scored according to the standard system created for skeletal analysis by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994). As only skeletons with the necessary skeletal features to estimate sex were assessed, all individuals were estimated as either: male (M), probable male

(M?), probable female (F?), or Female (F). For analytical purposes, these categories were further combined into Male (M) and Female (F).

Age at Death

Since sex estimates are only possible for adults, it was important to estimate age in order to exclude sub-adults from this study. Children and neonates could be easily identified by their dentition, small skeletal dimensions, and lack of fused skeletal elements (Margaret Cox, 2000;

Scheuer & Black, 2005; White, 2005). For adolescents, the fusion of secondary ossification centers within individual bones was used to determine age (Schaefer, Scheuer, & Black, 2009;

Scheuer & Black, 2005; Schwartz, 1995). The age ranges for any individual element are often wide, particularly as there can be as large as a two year difference in fusion time depending on the sex of the individual (Ubelaker, 2008). This means that some individuals may be considered adults and still retain some unfused elements. Where possible and necessary, age ranges from multiple secondary ossification centers were utilized to determine the minimum age of the individual. If that age was less than 17 years old the individual was excluded from this study.

While the growth and development of teeth and bones has a genetic timeline, after maturity age estimates from the skeleton are based on degenerative processes which can vary greatly by individual. As a result, adult age at death estimates tend to be less precise with more

limitations than sub-adult age at death estimates. There are a variety of methods for estimating adult age at death which utilize a wide array of skeletal features. The methods used in this study are based on morphological changes to the pubic symphysis (Brooks & Suchey, 1990; Todd,

1920; White, 2005), changes to the auricular surface of the os coxa (J. L. Buckberry &

Chamberlain, 2002; Meindl, 1985; White, 2005), cranial suture closure (Meindl, 1985; White,

2005), and the amount of dental wear (Brothwell, 1981; Meindl, 1985; White, 2005).

Morphological changes to the pubic symphysis and the auricular surface are more reliable than cranial suture closure or dental wear (Margaret Cox, 2000; Falys & Lewis, 2011; White, 2005).

In estimating age at death for this study, the age range estimates based on the pubic symphysis and the auricular surfaces were more heavily weighted in the estimation that cranial sutures or dental wear. In any instances where pathological changes may have impacted skeletal changes, such as agenesis of the mandibular condyle or trauma, the age at death estimate for that element was discarded.

Given the imprecise nature of age at death estimates for adults, broad age categories that are standard for skeletal analysis (Buikstra & Ubelaker, 1994) were utilized in this study. The young adult category suggested by Buikstra and Ubelaker has been expanded slightly to include individuals from 18-34. The inclusion of individuals whose age at death estimates could be narrowed down to 18-24 based on secondary ossification centers ensures the study captures individuals who were sexually mature and likely considered adults by society. The individuals in the young category may be considered to be at the peak of physical ability. The middle category encompasses individuals aged 35-50 whose bodies are starting to age. The old adult category is for anyone over the age of 50 and includes individuals who have likely seen significant degenerative changes as a result of their age. Additionally, some individuals are

simply categorized as adult. For these individuals it was not possible to estimate a more precise age at death due to poor preservation conditions or historical collection practices such as gluing the pelvis together.

Stature and Body Mass

Both internal and external factors can influence an individual’s body size. While genetics may influence the maximum possible height that might be attained or make some individuals more prone to a certain body mass, environmental or nutritional factors may limit the individual from reaching their genetic potential. Given the external factors that can influence height and body mass, these estimates have been used as indices of past health (DeWitte & Hughes Morey,

2012; Steckel, 2002), to examine the effect of the environment (C. B. Ruff, 2000b), and to examine changing societal norms (P. Bennike, 1985; Bogin & Keep, 1999). Both height and body mass can therefore shed light on a variety of environmental and cultural forces that are of interest to archaeologists.

There have been several different methods used to determine adult stature and body mass over the decades, but it is now accepted that the accuracy of different methods may be impacted by differences between the sample population and the population used to create the method (C.

B. Ruff et al., 2012). It is therefore important to utilize a method best suited to the sample, in this case the Danish Viking Age. While multiple methods have been suggested (see Ruff et al

2012 for further discussion), I have chosen to employ a mathematical model for both stature and body mass estimation. The benefit of choosing a mathematical model is that both stature and body mass can be estimated based off of a single skeletal element. Usually the total length of the femur or tibia and occasionally the humerus is used for stature estimation (Sellevold et al., 1984;

Trotter & Gleser, 1958) and the femoral head breadth is used for body mass estimation (C. B.

Ruff, 2000a, 2000b; C. B. Ruff & Hayes, 1983b; C. B. Ruff, Scott, & Liu, 1991; Stock &

Pfeiffer, 2001). In mathematical models, specific measurements from these bones are put into regression formulae that is used to calculate stature and body mass. These mathematical formulae are beneficial for poorly preserved materials as only one skeletal element is required for estimation. The drawback is that the formula must be based on a similar sample to account for differences in population.

In order to ensure the appropriate formula was used, I examined several different options for applicability to this study. The formulas created by Ruff et al. (2012) were based on the largest samples and contained the highest number of Scandinavian and British individuals. As many Scandinavian individuals settled in Britain during the Viking Age, the data from these individuals is likely relevant for the stature formula. For stature estimates the standard error was

1.66-2.62% depending on the skeletal element used and the sex of the individual. The standard error for body mass was slightly larger at 7.82% for females and 9.04% for males. These error rates are lower than what is found in other commonly used formulas for stature and body mass estimation. Given the reduced error, the formulas in Ruff et al. (2012) were applied for this study (reproduced in Table 5.2).

A preference was given to using lower limb bones for stature estimation as they had smaller associated errors. Ideally, complete lower limb bones would be used; however, if a bone was broken postmortem and could be confidently reassembled and measured, that was done. If complete lower limb bones did not exist, the humerus was used instead. Additionally, some portions of long bones shafts had been sampled in the past, resulting in an incomplete bone. In this case, the original measurement associated with the anthropological assessment records held at the University of Copenhagen was utilized. For body mass, only complete femoral heads were

used. Furthermore, any skeletal element that showed evidence of pathological change that might impact the measurements was not utilized. Measurements were taken with a standard osteometric board and sliding calipers.

Table 5.2 Formulas and Associated Errors for Stature and Body Mass Estimation (C. B. Ruff et al., 2012) Bone slope intercept %SEE Stature Femur 2.77 40.50 1.93 Tibia 3.13 50.11 2.14 Femur + Tibia 1.49 43.53 1.73 Humerus 3.72 44.86 2.62 Body Mass Femur 2.30 -41.72 9.04

Pathologies

In this study, the term pathology is used to denote any skeletal changes that may be related to disease or trauma. Every skeleton was macroscopically analyzed for pathological lesions and, where possible, cause has been suggested. Pathological lesions were further segmented into 3 categories: disease, trauma, and developmental. These three categories were separated as trauma is generally the result of action, either violence or accidental, developmental anomalies could impact the entire life course of an individual, and disease can be acquired at any life stage and is generally not considered purposeful. Disease includes pathologies associated with infections, metabolic issues, and joint disease, categories which have been employed in many paleopathological studies (Mann & Hunt, 2005; D. J. Ortner, 2003b, 2003d; D. J. Ortner &

Putschar, 1981; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). Dental disease is considered separately as part of the dental analysis. Trauma was further classified as fractures, dislocations, sharp force, or blunt force. The pathologies were identified based on the work of Roberts and Manchester (2010),

Mann and Hunt (2005), and Ortner (2003a, 2003b). The following sections address specific methodologies associated with each of the disease categories.

Infectious Disease

Infectious diseases can be caused by different pathogens such as bacteria, parasites, or viruses and can be transmitted between people and in some cases, across species lines (Ortner

2003a: 179-181, Roberts & Manchester 2010). While antibiotics and vaccinations have limited the impact of these diseases, antivax movements around the world highlight how deadly these diseases could be in the past. Despite the assumed prevalence of infectious diseases in the past, the archaeological record often does not show signs of high rates of infection. This is primarily for two reasons; because many diseases only affect soft tissue, and for those that may affect the bone, it takes an extended amount of time for bones to remodel in response to any stressor. As many infectious diseases are quick acting, death often occurs before any remodeling of the bone would be possible (Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Waldron, 2009). However, there are some infectious diseases that are chronic and can coexist with a living human for a long enough period of time to affect the skeleton. These diseases include tuberculosis, leprosy, treponemal disease, and parasitic infections (D. J. Ortner, 2003b, 2003d; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). Oftentimes there are skeletal changes present that do not have a clear aetiology, such as sinusitis and periostitis. The lesions associated with these changes are included in the discussion of non- specific stress indicators below. As none of the skeletal lesions found in this study corresponded with the specific infectious diseases listed above, only the non-specific stress indicators will be discussed in further detail.

Periostitis is caused by a non-specific infection of the bone surface (Merbs, 1992; D. J.

Ortner, 2003b, 2003d; D. J. Ortner & Putschar, 1981; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). It is

characterized by the presence of newly formed ‘woven bone’ on the affected area that has an unorganized appearance and can vary in color when compared to lamellar bone. Woven bone is created by the body as a stress response to the introduction of a pathogen or stress to the bone

(Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Waldron, 2009). The pathogen may be introduced to the bone either by direct contact through a deep open wound or be transmitted by the bloodstream from an infection elsewhere in the body. Alternatively, some have suggested that periostitis may be the result of repeated minor soft tissue trauma, especially to the tibia (Roberts & Manchester, 2010).

Goodman et al (1988) also posited that periostitis may be an indicator of non-specific stress of the body. This pathology is usually considered descriptive rather than diagnostic as it is difficult to ascertain what caused the periostitis to form. What can be determined is that whatever the causal factor, it occurred for a long enough period of time to affect the bone, and the affected individual was healthy enough to survive the infection, stress, or trauma. In this study, individuals who showed signs of periostitis were identified and the bone affected was recorded.

If the pathological lesion was clearly associated with a traumatic injury it was not included under this category. The stage of healing was not assessed.

Sinusitis is a localized infection of the nasal sinuses. It can be recognized in the archaeological record by the presence of pitting and new bone formation on the interior aspect of the nasal sinuses (Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Sundman & Kjellström, 2013). The lesion occurs as a response to an irritant such as smoke or pollution but may also be caused by allergies or an upper respiratory tract infection (Liebe-Harkort, 2012; Roberts & Manchester, 2010).

Infection may also be caused by the expansion of an abscess into the sinus cavity. As the sinuses are internal structures of the facial bones, they can be difficult to assess for sinusitis unless the maxillary bones are broken or an endoscope is used, a process which requires the destruction of a

small amount of bone. In this study, only maxillary sinuses that were already broken were examined macroscopically- no destructive processes were undertaken. Furthermore, the sinuses are delicate skeletal structures, meaning they often do not preserve well enough to be examined.

As such, the prevalence rate for sinusitis will most likely be underreported.

Metabolic Disease

Metabolic diseases are linked to nutritional deficiencies for an individual or population.

They may reflect either a lack of available food resources, or the lack of quality food containing the necessary vitamins and minerals for survival (D. J. Ortner, 2003d; D. J. Ortner & Putschar,

1981; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). Some of the diseases seen in the archaeological record which may reflect a lack of proper nutrition include osteoporosis, scurvy, rickets, porotic hyperostosis, and cribra orbitalia. These conditions may indicate issues with diet, environment, or genetic conditions. Only cribra orbitalia was identified in the population examined for this study, although other lesions associated with metabolic disease were looked for.

Cribra orbitalia is typified by porous lesions of the orbital roof (Angel, 1981; D. J. Ortner

& Putschar, 1981). Understanding the aeteiology of these lesions has been a concern of palaeopathology for decades and the underlying cause has often been linked to anemia (M.

Brickley, 2018; Megan Brickley & Ives, 2008; Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Stuart-Macadam,

1989). Recent research has linked cribra orbitalia to specific types of anemia that may be caused by chronic diseases or endocrine disorders (Rivera & Lahr, 2017). It has also been suggested that cribra orbitalia may be the result of a low iron diet, or a parasite that keeps iron from being absorbed properly (Roberts & Manchester, 2010). If at least one orbit was affected by cribra orbitalia, it was recorded as present. The stage of cribra orbitalia was not evaluated.

Joint Disease

Joint diseases are commonly identified pathologies on archaeological skeletons. They are mostly related to degenerative changes that are often associated with aging. Synovial joints, or those with a membrane filled with synovial fluid, are the most commonly affected joints (D. J.

Ortner, 2003b, 2003d; Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Waldron, 2009). The changes to these joints can be the result of lifestyle patterns, but may also be caused by infection, metabolic issues, or trauma (D. J. Ortner, 2003c; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). Oftentimes, it can be difficult to tell the underlying causes of these joint diseases apart as they share diagnostic traits.

Given the difficulty in determining the aetiology of many joint issues, the three most commonly observed joint conditions- osteoarthritis, vertebral osteophytosis, and Schmorl’s nodes- were identified and further diagnoses were not undertaken.

Osteoarthritis is extremely common in palaeopathological analysis. It occurs at synovial joints and is characterized by the formation of osteophytes on the joint surface as cartilage is being worn down. Once the cartilage is destroyed, eburnation, a polished appearance of the joint surface as a result of bone rubbing against bone, can follow (D. J. Ortner, 2003c; Roberts &

Manchester, 2010). Eburnation is generally considered to be the most defining change necessary to diagnose osteoarthritis. These changes may also occur in conjunction with the appearance of a very porous bone surface as the bone is worn away. Another possible outcome is a fused joint if the osteophyte formation is particularly active. Identifying this pathology rests on viewing a combination of the above indicators as any single change may indicate a different condition, or simply be the result of the aging process. As osteoarthritis can sometimes be difficult to identify, each joint was scored based on the degree of associated changes- mild, medium, extreme, and fused. Mild changes were defined as osteophyte formation with no other changes, medium was

the presence of two bony changes, extreme was the presence of three bony changes, and fused indicate that the joint was fused at some point, either partially or completely. The joints included in the analysis were: the gleno-humeral joint of the shoulder, elbow, wrist, hip, knee, and ankle joints.

Spinal osteophytosis should be considered a form of osteoarthritis of the vertebral bodies of the spine. This condition most commonly occurs of the margins on the anterior portion of the vertebral body and in extreme cases can lead to ankylosis, or the fusing of vertebrae and complete lack of mobility in the joint (Roberts & Manchester, 2010). In living humans, it is accompanied by degenerative changes to the intervertebral discs. The creation of osteophytes can be a result of spinal stress associated with bipedal posture; however, they may also be the result of disease ankylosing spondylitis, diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis (DISH), trauma to the spine, and scoliosis (D. J. Ortner, 2003c; Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Waldron, 2009).

As vertebral columns are often damaged or missing in the archaeological record it can be difficult to determine the causal factor for the spinal osteophytosis. Therefore, the presence of osteophystosis was recorded as mild (<20% of the vertebral margins covered), medium (between

20% and 50% coverage), extreme (>50% coverage), and fused. If an underlying causal factor, such as trauma or Schmorl’s nodes, was present the osteophyte formation was evaluated as part of that disease. As some vertebral columns were incomplete and it was occasionally difficult to identify the specific vertebrae being analyzed the vertebrae were segmented out into sections: cervical 1-3, cervical 4-7, thoracic 1-4, thoracic 5-8, thoracic 9-12, lumbar 1-5, and the sacroiliac joint. These sections were evaluated separately. If osteophytosis was found on several of the vertebrae the most severe degree of change was recorded for the group.

Schmorl’s nodes are depressions seen on the vertebral bodies that result from herniated intervertebral discs (Mann & Hunt, 2005; Plomp, Roberts, & Vidarsdottir, 2012, 2015; Roberts

& Manchester, 2010). The specific aetiology of disc herniation is unknown, however it is likely a combination of genetic predisposition, vertebral morphology, trauma or strain to the area, osteoporosis, and disc morphology. Recent work has found that Schmorl’s nodes are more likely to occur in individuals with a pedicle shape that may not provide enough structural support to the vertebral bodies (Plomp et al., 2012, 2015). The nodes are especially common on the thoracic and lumbar vertebrae (Plomp et al., 2012, 2015; Waldron, 2009). In this study the vertebral column was divided into the same sections as described above and the condition was recorded as present if a depression was found on at least one vertebral surface in the section.

Trauma

Trauma to the skeleton results from an injury or wound. It can be intentional or accidental and is broadly broken down into four categories: fractures, dislocations, disrupted nerves or blood supply, and artificially modified shape such as cranial modification (Roberts &

Manchester, 2010). Four types of trauma were found in this population: fractures, head injuries, trepanation, and osteochondritis dissecans. The location and type of injury were recorded.

Fractures are a partial or complete break of a bone. As such, head injuries including sharp force trauma, blunt force trauma, and trepanation have all been classified as fractures by

Roberts and Manchester (2010). However, the aetiology of these injuries and the mechanical reaction to them are unique enough to warrant separate consideration and they will be discussed separately here. Fractures may be caused by a variety of factors such as an accident, violence, disease, or repeated stress to an area. Healing begins immediately following the break and is easily identified by the presence of new woven bone. This is followed by the replacement of the

woven bone with lamellar bone and concludes with ongoing remodeling of the broken area

(Roberts & Manchester, 2010). Depending on when the injury occurred and how well aligned the bone fragments were during healing, the break may not be visible macroscopically if it has had enough time to heal. If the bone is not properly aligned prior to healing, it will likely always be identifiable in the archaeological record. In rare cases, the bone may not even unify completely, leaving the affected individual with two healed but disconnected pieces of bone.

The location of all fractures and their state of union were recorded.

Head injuries are unique in the pathological literature because of the range of issues one can see associated with head injuries. The injuries may be superficial- affecting the skin or bone without cause brain injury, serious- leading to a traumatic brain injury, or even fatal (Roberts &

Manchester, 2010; Tornberg & Jacobsson, 2018). These injuries may be the result of interpersonal violence or a serious fall. Depending on the size and shape of the weapon used, and the force behind the blow, different fracture patterns will appear. These differing patterns can help archaeologists determine what kind of weapon was used (Merbs, 1989; Roberts &

Manchester, 2010). One of the most common injuries are depressed fractures, where the ectocranial surface of the skull is pushed inwards. This type of fracture can also cause the endocranial surface to push inwards and may cause brain damage (Roberts & Manchester, 2010).

Evidence of sharp force trauma is also observed. Sharp force trauma injuries usually have straight edges and may either scrape along the bone or be visible as a puncture (Roberts &

Manchester, 2010). Theses wounds can show evidence of healing as a rounding of the wound edges or may be unhealed. In cases where the wound is unhealed, it suggests the wound may be a contributing factor to the cause of death.

Trepanation is the surgical removal of a portion of the skull (D. J. Ortner, 2003b; Roberts

& Manchester, 2010). This procedure would expose some of the membrane covering the brain.

First, the skin over the area to be trepanned needs to be cut to expose the skull for removal. The removal of the skull is often done with a scrapper and layers of bone would be slowly removed.

The advantage of this style of trepanation is that it allows the person performing the trepanation to remove bone without cutting and potentially piercing the brain. While other methods for trepanation existed, the scrap method appears to have been used during the Viking Age in

Denmark. It is not always clear why the procedure was undertaken, although some suggestions include to relieve pressure on the brain following an injury, to attempt to improve some other type of medical issue, or for spiritual or cultural reasons (Moghaddam et al., 2015; Oakley,

Brooke, Akester, & Brothwell, 1959; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). In this study the location of the trepanation and the state of healing were noted. If an underlying cause, such as a head injury, was apparent it was also included in the analysis.

Osteochondritis dissecans results from a tear of the cartilage covering joints (Roberts &

Manchester, 2010). This disrupts the blood supply to the area and can result in a piece of necrotic bone separating. The necrotic bone can either remain loose or heal back into the lesions, obscuring its original presence. The resulting lesion is easily identifiable as a porous circular depression with defined edges. The most commonly affected joint is the knee (Roberts &

Manchester, 2010; Waldron, 2009). This condition is most often found in young individuals and trauma is one of the most probable causes of the injury. In this study osteochondritis dissecans was identified by its distinct appearance and its location was recorded.

Developmental Anomalies and Non-metric Traits

Developmental anomalies and non-metric traits were recorded as they were discovered during the course of analysis. They were not further analyzed as they would not provide information regarding lived-experiences and identity formation. The occurrence of individual anomalies is recorded in the dental portion of the results chapter.

Dentition

Dentition is a well-researched area of palaeopathology in part because teeth preserve so well in the archaeological record. Dentition can reflect dietary habits, dental hygiene, stress and occupations of past populations. As such, teeth can provide information both about individual lives and population trends. Dental pathologies are often reported with both the crude prevalence rate (CPR) and total prevalence rate (TPR). The CPR is the percentage of individuals with a given pathology within a category, and the TPR is calculated based only on those for whom that element is preserved. For this study, only the TPR will be reported as the CPR inherently minimizes the percentage of individuals affected by a certain pathology. In order to minimize the effect of missing data on the statistical analysis, teeth were separated into their different types (incisors, canines, premolars, and molars) before analysis. For the TPR, if the individual had at least one tooth of that type they were included. The dental traits that were macroscopically identified in this study were: caries, abscesses, enamel hypoplasias, ante- mortem tooth loss, calculus, attrition, and congenital traits. Each of these categories will be discussed below.

Caries, colloquially referred to as cavities, are among the most common dental diseases reported in the archaeological record. Visually, they are most often identified as a hole in the enamel, but careful examination will also reveal opaque spots on the enamel that are the earliest

forms of caries (Hillson, 1996; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). The progression of caries from an opaque spot on the enamel to a hole in the tooth is caused by the progressive destruction of enamel or dentine cause by a variety of factors. The factors that influence the development of caries include preexisting enamel defects, dental composition, trace elements in the environment, dental hygiene, and diet (Powell, 1985; Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Waldron, 2009). Caries can occur on the crowns and roots of permanent and deciduous dentition. Differences in caries rates based on sex has often been attributed to different diets or social norms. In this study caries were identified macroscopically and recorded for each individual tooth. Only the presence/absence of caries is utilized in statistical modelling; however, the size and location of the caries on the tooth were also recorded for potential further analysis.

An abscess is formed when the pulp cavity of a tooth is exposed and bacteria enters, resulting in a pus-filled cavity. An abscess can be caused either as a result of a deep cavity, trauma, or periodontal disease (inflamed bone surrounding an alveolus). These pus-filled cavities are often found at the bottom of the tooth root and can affect nearby tissues, including bone. As the infected area increases in size, the bone surrounding the abscess will thin and eventually a hole will form, allowing the pus to escape (Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Waldron,

2009). Archaeologically, abscesses are mostly visible at this stage; however, if post-mortem tooth loss occurs, some early stage abscesses can be identified in the visible alveolus. As most abscesses are not visible prior to this stage, their presence is likely underestimated in the literature. Abscesses were identified macroscopically, and their presence, location and size were recorded.

Dental attrition, or wear to the occlusal surface of the teeth, is often seen in the archaeological record. Tooth wear has been used as a method for determining age at death of

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adults in specific populations (Brothwell, 1981; White, 2005), but can also be impacted by cultural factors. As such, the use of tooth wear to age an individual must utilize culturally similar reference material. However, dental attrition is still an important consideration as it can predispose individuals to developing other pathologies (Roberts & Manchester, 2010).

Importantly, difference in wear patterns may also reflect different uses of teeth for sections of a population. For example, Merbs (1983), discovered that increased wear among female Inuits was the result of using their teeth to soften and stretch animal hides when making clothing.

Therefore, tooth wear was recorded according to a graded scale outlined in White (2005). Each tooth was scored individually for level of attrition.

Calculus is the mineralization of accumulated dental plaque on the tooth or root surface

(Roberts & Manchester, 2010). The plaque itself can be a rich source of information about past diets as it is formed by a combination of the proteins in saliva and the food organisms (Hillson,

1996, 2005). It is more common to see calculus on the tooth, but it can sometimes be observed on the tooth root if it becomes exposed as a result of receding gums. Calculus can affect the buccal, labial, and lingual sides of teeth. For this study calculus was identified macroscopically according to tooth and location on tooth.

Ante-mortem tooth loss is identified in the archaeological record when the bone in the alveolus begins to remodel, sometimes resulting in the complete closure of the tooth socket before death (Waldron, 2009). Ante-mortem tooth loss can be caused by caries, trauma, abscesses, and periodontal disease, although the exact cause if often difficult to ascertain once the tooth is lost and the remodeling is underway. Tooth loss was identified as ante-mortem if remodeling of the alveolar socket had begun and recorded as present or absent for each tooth position.

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Unlike the previous dental traits, dental enamel hypoplasias are the result of stress only during tooth growth due to “deficiencies in enamel matrix composition” (Goodman 1990: 281).

Enamel hypoplasia is easily recognized as horizontal lines, grooves or pits on the tooth surface that usually occur on the incisors or canines. These grooves or pits form while the tooth is growing and provide a record of childhood stress, usually a nutritional deficiency or serious disease (Roberts & Manchester, 2010). Differences in rates of enamel hypoplasia between populations or sexes may indicate individual stress or population level stress, such as a famine or disease outbreak. Additionally, it may point to different coping strategies during periods of stress, such as providing more or nutritionally superior food to children of a certain sex. Each tooth in this study was macroscopically examined for evidence of enamel hypoplasia and its presence or absence was recorded. In some cases, calculus significantly obscured the tooth surface making an assessment of enamel hypoplasia impossible, in which case a NA value was assigned to the tooth.

A wide variety of congenital dental traits exits, such as extra cusps on teeth. As this study was not focused on congenital dental traits, and these traits may not tell us about cultural practices, they were not extensively identified. The two congenital dental traits that were identified in this study were retention of deciduous teeth and extranumerary teeth. Neither of these traits occurred abundantly and they were not included in the interpretation of results; however, they are listed in the dental portion of the results chapter.

While each of these categories can be identified in isolation, it is worth noting that dental diseases may develop in tandem with one another. For example, calculus deposits on an individual’s teeth may result in irritated and inflamed gums, which can cause the alveolar bone to resorb, leading to ante-mortem tooth loss (Roberts & Manchester, 2010). As such, instances

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where teeth have been lost, a large amount of wear is present, deep cavities exist, or extreme calculus is present, may obscure other dental pathologies that may have led to the pathology that was present at death.

Entheseal Changes

As both disease and trauma can be written on one’s bones, so too can evidence of daily activities be recorded on one’s bones. Human movement is made possible through muscle contractions, which in turn cause our bones to move. As muscles contract, they place pressure on the areas of bone they attach to called entheses. As muscle use continues or increases, the increased pressure on the entheses will result in new bone formation (Benjamin et al., 2002).

The changes to the entheseal attachment sites can be analyzed macroscopically, allowing bioarchaeologists to compare the amount of muscle use performed by different people. The difference in strain may correspond to different activity patterns. The upper and lower limb entheseal attachment sites analyzed in this study are listed in Table 5.3 and Table 5.4.

While entheseal changes can provide important information about muscle use that may help shed light on division of labor in the past, there are some limitations. Entheseal changes can be impacted by trauma to the area or specific diseases (Sébastien Villotte & Knüsel, 2013).

Furthermore, age-at-death and increased size of entheseal changes are positively correlated

(Mariotti, Facchini, & Belcastro, 2007; S. Villotte, 2009) but the range of changes cannot be solely attributed to increasing age. While it is possible to link entheseal changes to levels of activity controlled by certain muscle groups, it is not possible to accurately state what specific activity that muscle group was doing (Perréard Lopreno, Alves Cardoso, Assis, Milella, &

Speith, 2013). Stated plainly, different activities can result in similar changes to entheseal attachment sites. This allows activity levels to be compared between individuals or populations

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but should not be used to indicate socio-cultural differences such as status or identify individuals as solely performing a specific occupation.

Table 5.3 Entheses Analyzed on the Upper Limb Bones. All entheses are insertions unless marked as origins (O-) Bone Enthesis Clavicle Trapezius O-Deltoid O-Pectoralis major Costoclavicular ligament Subclavius Conoid ligament Trapezoid ligament Scapula Pectoralis Minor Levator Scapulae Triceps Long head Trapezius Humerus Subscapularis Teres major Latissimus dorsi Pectoralis major Deltoid Coracobrachialis Supraspinatus Infraspinatus Teres minor O-Extensor muscles O-Flexor muscles Ulna Brachialis O-Pronator quadratus Triceps brachii Anconeus O-Supinator Radius Biceps brachii Supinator Pronator teres Pronator quadratus Brachioradialis

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Table 5.4 Entheses Analyzed on the Lower Limb Bones. All entheses are insertions unless marked as origins (O-) Bone Enthesis Femur Gluteus minimus Gluteus medius Piriformis Obturator internus Obturator externus Quadratus femoris Iliopsoas Gluteus maximus Pectineus O-Vastus medialis O-Vastus lateralis Adductor magnus O-Gastrocnemius O-Plantaris O-Popliteus Tibia Tensor fascia latae Quadriceps muscles Sartorius Gracilis Semitendinosus O-Tibialis anterior Biceps femoris Semimembranosus Popliteus O-Soleus O-Tibialis posterior O-Flexor digitorum Patella Quadriceps muscles Calcaneus Achilles tendon

In order to analyze changes in entheseal attachment sites a modified version of the methodology developed by Hawkey and Merbs (1995) was used and interpretation of these data is based on Wesp’s (2014) work. This is the most commonly used scoring methodology, making the data easier to compare with other studies carried out with the same methodology. This

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method involves scoring entheseal changes into one of three categories: robusticity, stress lesion, or ossification exostosis.

• Robusticity- increase in bone at the attachment site as a result of normal muscle

use (R1- mild, R2- moderate, R3-strong)

• Stress lesion- pitting of the attachment site as a result of regular microtrauma (S1-

mild, S2-moderate, S3- strong)

• Ossification exostosis: bony spurs or exostosis at the attachment site as a result of

macrotrauma (OE1- mild, OE2- moderate, OE3-strong)

As others have found, there is a large range between the above interval changes, so intermediate categories (0.5) were utilized to provide a more nuanced view of the changes

(Eshed, Gopher, Galili, & Hershkovitz, 2004; Peterson, 1998; Wesp, 2014b). Each entheseal attachment site was given a score by selecting the appropriate category and degree of change.

This scoring method was used for 32 entheses on the upper limb bones (Table 5.3) and 30 entheses for the lower limb bones (Table 5.4) providing a more complete picture of muscle usage patterns during the Viking Age. In order to facilitate the interpretation of the data, the robusticity, stress and ossification exostosis changes were translated into a numerical scale where

0-3 represent the robusticity values, 3.5-6 represent the stress values and 6.5-9 represent the ossification exostosis values.

To minimize the issues with missing data and to get a better understanding of how muscles were used, the entheseal changes were divided into muscle movement groups according to what action they assist with based on an interpretive methodology developed by Wesp (2014)

(Table 5.5 and Table 5.6). A mean score was calculated for each of these muscle movement

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groups, giving individuals one average value for entheseal changes associated with each type of muscle movement. The muscle movement groups for the legs and arms were analyzed separately as different activities produce different entheseal changes that may affect the arms and the legs separately. Furthermore, the left and right arm were analyzed separately as humans have dominant hands which may be used more often and tasks may require the use of only one or both arms. Conversely, the scores for the changes to the entheses of the leg were averaged as bipedalism produces a more symmetrical usage of our lower limbs. This also increases the sample size and will help offset some of the issues caused by differential preservation. The average values were then analyzed using statistical tests to look for activity patterns. Data Desk

7.0, an exploratory data analysis program, was utilized to create rotating scatter plots that can visualize patterns in the data that may not be otherwise obvious. The use of a 3D scatter plot also allows multiple different variables to be analyzed simultaneously. Standard statistical significance testing was also undertaken for each enthesis to offset any skew in the movement groupings that may be caused by missing data. The exact statistical methods utilized will be discussed further below.

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Table 5.5 Muscle Movement Groups and the Entheses that Make Up Each Group in the Upper Limb Bones. Muscle Movement Group Entheses Included Action Shoulder Stabilization Trapezius, Subclavius, Prevents the dislocation of Pectoralis Minor, the shoulder by stabilizing Subscapularis, Latissimus the scapula, humerus, and dorsi, Supraspinatus, clavicle Infraspinatus, Levator scapulae, Costoclavicular, Conoid and Trapezoid ligaments Shoulder Rotation Deltoid, Trapezius, Rotates the humerus at the Subscapularis, Teres major, shoulder Latissimus dorsi, Pectoralis major, Infraspinatus, Teres minor Arm Flexion Deltoid, Pectoralis major, Bends the arm at the Coracobrachialis shoulder joint Arm Extension Deltoid, Latissimus dorsi, Extends the arm from the Pectoralis major shoulder joint Arm Adduction Teres major, Latissimus dorsi, Moves the arm toward the Pectoralis major, body Coracobrachialis Arm Abduction Deltoid, Supraspinatus Moves the arm away from the body Forearm Flexion Brachilais, Biceps brachii, Bends the forearm at the Brachioradialis elbow Forearm Extensions Triceps brachii, Anconeus Extends the forearm at the elbow Forearm Supination Supinator, Biceps brachii Rotates the forearm to face the palm upwards Forearm Pronation Pronator quadratus, Pronator Rotates the forearm to face teres the palm downwards Hand/Wrist Control O-extensor muscles, O-flexor Bends and straightens the muscles wrist and controls finger movement.

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Table 5.6 Muscle Movement Groups and the Entheses that Make Up Each Group in the Lower Limb Bones. Muscle Movement Group Entheses Included Action Hip Rotation and Gluteus minimus, Gluteus Rotates the leg from the hip Stabilization medius, Piriformis, Obturator and helps prevent the femur internus and gemelli, from dislocating Obturator externus, Quadratus femoris, Gluteus maximus, Tensor Fascia latae, Sartorius, Gracilis Leg Flexion Iliopsoas, Pectineus, Tensor Bends the leg at the hip fascia latae, Quadriceps muscles, Sartorius Leg Extension Gluteus maximus, Adductor Extends the leg at the hip magnus, Semitendinosus, Biceps femoris, Semimembranosus Leg Adduction Pectineus, Adductor magnus, Brings the leg toward the Tensor fascia latae, Gracilis body Leg Abduction Gluteus minimus, Gluteus Moves the leg away from the medius, Piriformis, Sartorius body Lower Leg Flexion Gastrocnemius, Popliteus, Bends the lower leg at the Sartorius, Gracilis, knee Semitendinosus, Semimembranosus Lower Leg Extension Vastus lateralis, Vastus Extends the lower leg at the medialis, Quadriceps muscles knee Plantar Flexion Gastrocnemius, Plataris, Bends the foot at the ankle to Soleus, Tibialis posterior, point the toes Flexor digitorum, Achilles tendon Doris flexion O-tibialis anterior Bends the foot at the ankle so the foot is flexed

Cross-Sectional Geometry of Long Bones

Cross-sectional geometry is the analysis of the amount and shape of cortical bone in a transverse plane of a long bone that draws on the engineering principles of beam theory. The cross-sectional shape of long bones changes based on the loads it carries from gravity, use, and biomechanical stress (C. Ruff et al., 2006; C. B. Ruff, 2008; Wesp, 2014b). By analyzing the shape of the long bone, bioarchaeologists can determine which axes of the bone received the 109

highest loads over the course of an individual’s life. As bodies are used more, cortical bone on the shaft of a long bone will change shape to better deal with the increased load placed on the bone. Conversely, the shape of the shaft of a long bone will also change if a bone is used less, as a result of injury or disability, as maintaining that bone strength is no longer necessary. Since activity is an important aetiological factor in determining cortical bone mass and shape in long bones, cross-sectional geometry analysis may provide insight into general activity levels and variations in types of activity across different portions of society.

Generally, the femur and the humerus have been used as a proxy to indicate general lower and upper extremity mechanical loads respectively. The humerus cross section should be taken at 35% of the diaphysis from the distal end to avoid interference from the morphology of the deltoid process and the femur cross section is taken at 50% of the diaphyseal length (C. B.

Ruff & Hayes, 1983a; C. B. Ruff & Leo, 1986). Historically, these studies would involve cutting the bone in order to take measurements; however, the invention of computed tomography (CT) image technology has provided a non-invasive way to take the same measurements. For this study, a Siemens Somatom CT machine was used. Each slice was 0.6mm thick with 300 mA and 120 kV parameters. These images were analyzed using the free NIH software, ImageJ, and the Moment Macro plugin developed by Dr. Christopher Ruff

(https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/fae/mmacro.html). A bug in the code for the plugin resulted in the axis not being drawn over the CT image. Mr. Guy Taylor, a software engineer, identified and solved the issue. The fix has been sent to Dr. Ruff for review and publication.

This analysis was completed on a subsection of the population. Ten individuals who do not have pathological changes that might impact the cross-sectional geometry of their humerus and femur were chosen to analyze. They included individuals from both sexes and all the age

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categories to ensure a representative sample was selected. As data analysis had not yet taken place when the individuals were selected for CT imaging, the representativeness of the sample does not extend to social status or health. Once the different demographic categories were determined, individuals who had more complete skeletons were preferentially selected so that

CT scans could be taken of both left and right long bones of the individual. For each bone several different are calculated and analyzed. The total area (TA), cortical area (CA), medullary area (MA), and the percentage of cortical bone (%CA) all indicate the amount of bone in the cross section. Second moments of area analyze how the bone is distributed around the center of the beam and address the bone’s rigidity. The second moments of area analyzed are: the anterior-posterior axis (Ix), the medial-lateral axis (Iy), the maximum axis (Imax), the minimum axis (Imin), and the general polar axis (J). Lastly, the relative strength of the anterior-posterior axis (Zx) and the medial-lateral axis (Zy) were calculated. Due to the small sample size for the cross-sectional geometry analysis, the results are preliminary.

Contextual Information

The contextual information available for individual graves varied significantly. Several factors contributed to the variance of contextual information available for each grave. One of the largest contributors was the time period of the excavation. The earliest excavations took place in the 19th century when archaeological methodology was not as developed as it is today. As such, many of the early excavations did not have detailed excavation reports associated with them.

These excavation reports often included only the location and grave goods found at the site, but did not associate particular grave goods with specific individuals. For sites that did have detailed excavation reports, the body position, body orientation and associated grave good information was recorded for each of the interred individuals.

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Body position describes how the body was placed in the grave. Bodies could be placed in a supine, crouched, or prone position. Although some excavation reports specified whether individuals were lying more on one side or the other or whether their arms or legs were in unique positions, most did not include these details. As a result, broad categories were used for this analysis. Differences in body position may indicate different identities or social roles, particularly for those individuals whose position deviates from the norm. Body orientation is what direction the head was placed in the grave. Most site reports included this information; however, in a couple instances the body orientation and position were determined by looking at site photographs. Individuals whose remains were disturbed as a result of agricultural work or contemporary grave robbing were not assessed in these two categories as the intent behind the mourners’ actions could not be assessed. Individuals who were partially disturbed were assessed only if enough articulation remained to make an accurate assessment.

Grave goods are another important contextual factor and have been used to date certain burials in the assemblage. These dates were assessed by previous scholars and I accepted their assessment for this analysis. The items recovered in burials can also provide clues as to how individuals were viewed within their society and their status. In order to determine whether grave goods had any significant relationships with certain biological categories, the grave goods associated with each individual were recorded when possible. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis of the grave goods were undertaken. Statistical tests assessed the significance of the number of grave goods included in a burial. The grave goods were categorized into the following ten types based on those developed by Maher (1999).

• Weapons- swords, axes, spears

• Burial containers- coffins or coffin substitutes (such as wagons) 112

• Appearance- brooch, cloak ring, bracelet, bead, comb, buckle, mounts

• Textile- textile fragments, needle, spindle whorl

• Organic material- animal bone, charcoal, flowers, shells, burned bone

• Equestrian- stirrups, bits

• Economic- coins, scales

• Utilitarian- knife, whetstone, awl, scissors, vessel, pot sherd, flint flakes

• Iron- small pieces of iron including fragments, nails, and unidentified iron objects

• Miscellaneous- lock, key, Thors hammer, iron rod, bronze disk, unidentified

bronze, quartz

The prevalence of each type of grave good was recorded and comparisons were made between the variety of types in each grave and what types of grave goods were found in male and female graves. Unfortunately, not all of the sites have this information for every burial, so information was only recorded for objects with a reliable provenance. Furthermore, the grave good assemblage may have been altered in burials that were disturbed either in antiquity or in more modern times by removing some objects from the grave, making it impossible to associate objects with specific graves.

Statistical Analysis

In this study, statistical tests were based on Aron et al.’s (2008) guidelines on statistics for social science. A frequency analysis was undertaken for all the variables stated above. The use of descriptive statistics was an important first step in understanding how the data was distributed and determining how to proceed with the analysis. While the data from my own analysis was collected with this set of statistics in mind, not all the excavation reports were

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thorough enough for comprehensive statistics. Unfortunately, in several instances grave goods are recorded as being multiple, but a specific value is not given, making it difficult to ascertain how many grave goods may have been interred with an individual. In these cases, a value of one, being the minimal number of objects we can assume were in the grave, was used.

Prevalence rates are all reported as true prevalence rates as differential preservation would skew some statistics unfairly.

The Fisher exact contingency test or the Chi-squared test were used to test for differences in the paleopathological prevalence rates for categorical and binary variables. The Fisher test was used instead of a Chi-squared test when the sample size was small, which allows for an exact probability to be calculated. The p-value for these tests was 0.05 which corresponds a 5% chance that differences between the samples are due to chance. Any p-value smaller than 0.05 was considered significant for this analysis.

For continuous variables such as the total number of grave goods, the number of types of grave goods, entheseal changes, and dental wear the student t-test was used. A t-test compares the means of two populations to determine if there is a statistically significant difference between the two and also provides a p-value. Unfortunately, t-tests were designed to work on larger samples, which makes them less accurate and more prone to be biased by a single outlier in small samples.

The data analysis software Data Desk 7.0 was used to visually analyze the entheseal change data and cross-sectional geometry data. As biomechanical forces on the leg are generally symmetrical as a result of human bipedal locomotion, an average value of both sides of the body for leg entheseal changes and cross-sectional geometry were used for visual representations.

Biomechanical force applied to the arms can be asymmetrical, so the right and left arms were

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analyzed separately. All of the muscle movement groups were used for entheseal changes. The individual’s body mass, TA, CA, Ix, Iy, Imax, Imin, and J values were used for visualizing the cross-sectional geometry data. The software allows the user to create rotating scatter plots to compare multiple different variables along more than 3 axes at the same time (Velleman, 1997).

The color-coding capabilities of the software further allow the user to highlight different groupings of individuals based on any variable in the sample, such as age or sex, or to identify relevant groups based on the data used to generate the scatter plot. The visual differences that are noted can then be compared using more traditional statistical models like those outlined above.

Problems and Limitations of Bioarchaeological Analysis

Despite being an excellent means of analyzing the lived experiences of those in the past, bioarchaeology has many limitations caused by preservation bias, sample bias, difficulty in identifying specific diseases, and the destructive nature of some sampling techniques, such as stable isotope analysis and radiocarbon dating (DeWitte & Stojanowksi, 2015; Mays, 1998; D. J.

Ortner, 1992). The representativeness of any sample is of particular concern to many bioarchaeologists. There are five factors which limit what skeletons are available for study as seen in figure 5.1. The skeletal sample is limited to those buried at the site which may be impacted by geography, religion, sex, age, kinship, and other factors (Gilchrist, 2004; Waldron,

2000). The sample is further diminished by taphonomic forces that may result in the destruction or decomposition of individuals before they could be recovered archaeologically. Once a burial site is discovered, the remains might be removed from their context, or they may not be depending on the parameters of the excavation. For example, a rescue excavation may take place on only a portion of a larger burial site. Bioarchaeologists conduct research on the skeletal

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remains that are actually recovered, which can be further limited by historical collection practices such as known cases of misplaced skeletal elements. Therefore, the sample that bioarchaeologists examine is usually much smaller than the original population buried in an area, although it is impossible to know how much smaller.

Figure 5.1 Factors Impacting Sample Size, adapted from Waldron 2007.

There is also the oft-discussed “osteological paradox” that can greatly impact how paleopathological data is interpreted. The osteological paradox was first discussed by Wood et al. (1992) who suggested that the skeletal health of an individual may not be a true reflection of

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their actual health. This is because changes to the bone take time and acute illnesses do not show up in the skeletal record. It was suggested that individuals with a frail constitution may succumb to an illness before any skeletal changes could occur. A skeleton without evidence of skeletal changes or pathological lesions may, therefore, seem healthy, while in actuality they may have had a frail constitution that caused them to die before the illness registered in the skeleton.

Conversely, individuals whose skeletons have boney lesions survived long enough to develop pathological signs of a disease, suggesting a more healthy body and the ability to fight a disease for a prolonged period of time. Therefore, frequencies of pathological lesions likely do not reflect actual rates, as some people may have passed away before any skeletal changes could occur.

Selective mortality refers to the fact that archaeological samples represent only a portion of individuals of a certain age (Wood, 1992). There are others of the same demographic category who would have survived and whose remains archaeologists will never analyze for a variety of reasons such as burial practices, destruction in antiquity, environmental issues, and collections practices (DeWitte & Stojanowksi, 2015; Waldron, 2007). As a result, the rate of pathological occurrence only represents the rate of occurrence in the population being analyzed and may not correspond to the true prevalence rate of individuals living in any specific time frame. These individuals are also likely not accurate representations of general health at the age of death in the population as the individual would have been outlived by their contemporaries

(DeWitte & Stojanowksi, 2015). Therefore, rates of certain pathologies seen in individuals who were younger when they died may in fact reflect the frailty of those individuals and the rate of pathological change among the remainder of the population would differ from what the skeletal assemblage suggests.

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Even though the osteological paradox points out several important limitations in bioarchaeological research, there are some ways to mitigate these limitations. One way of addressing the osteological paradox is to utilize a biocultural approach. This approach utilizes both archaeological context and historical records to help differentiate between competing interpretations of skeletal data and point towards an interpretation that is more likely. Even with the possibility of making a more informed decision regarding which scenario may be more likely, it is important to consider, and if necessary, present, different possible interpretations to attempt to limit the impact of personal bias in any analysis.

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CHAPTER 6

RESULTS

The results of the analyzed data are presented and discussed in this chapter. The number of individuals analyzed varies for each variable as a result of differential preservation and historical recording practices across the collection. Where reasonable, variables have been combined to reduce the negative impact of the missing data on the analysis.

Context

The context of a burial is important as it indicates how a society may have felt about a particular individual. Burials are some of the most intentional deposits in the archaeological record and can provide a wealth of information about the society they originate within. The amount of contextual information available for the burial depends on when it was excavated, the methodology employed in the excavation, and the note-keeping skills of the excavators. Both the treatment of the body as well as the grave goods are important aspects of mortuary rites and will be considered below.

The Body

The primary body position for internment during the Danish Viking Age was supine.

85.5% of the individuals were interred in a supine position. Some excavation reports specified leg and arm position, although most did not. As recording was not consistent across sites and time periods all the individuals interred on their backs were grouped into one category.

Individuals interred in a crouched position accounted for 10% of the population and were primarily females (Figure 6.1a). Only two individuals were interred lying on their stomachs, one middle age male (Bogøvej gr. P) and one young female (Muldbjerg). The difference in body position during internment between males and females is not significant (p=0.076). 119

Figure 6.1 Frequency of the Different Body Positions (a) and Body Orientations (b) Found in Danish Viking Age Burials.

The most popular body orientation was to lay someone with their head towards the west

(Figure 6.1b). Burying an individual with their head to the north or northwest was also fairly common, while burying someone with their head to the southwest, south, southeast, east, or northeast was less common. There are more instances of females with their heads to the southeast or east, and more instances of males with their heads to the northeast and southwest, but the difference in orientation between males and females is not statistically significant

(p=0.127).

It was rare for both males and females to be disturbed after internment or decapitated prior to internment (Figure 6.2a and 6.2b). Nine burials are identified as being disturbed in antiquity. This number may be an underestimate as several finds were discovered after being disturbed by modern agricultural practices or construction, making it impossible to determine if the burials had also been disturbed in antiquity. There are only two instances of decapitations, one middle age male (Galgedil gr. AQQ1573) and one old age female (Bogøvej gr. T). Neither 120

individual had a complete set of cervical vertebrae, making it impossible to determine how the decapitation occurred. The decapitation was only recognized through the placement of the head in the burial.

The most common form of internment is a single burial, although eleven individuals were discovered in double burials (Figure 6.3a). The double burials that contained two individuals included in this study are grave A2036 from Grydehøj, grave F from Kuml Høje, grave UD from

Galgedil, and grave AQQ from Galgedil. Grave AH from Bogøvej, grave 4Y4 from Hesselbjerg, and grave A2033 from Grydehøj are also double graves, although only one individual from each of these internments are included in this study, either due to preservation issues or age. While more males than females are found in double burials, the difference in prevalence between the two sexes is not statistically significant (p=0.372).

Figure 6.2 Frequency of Graves Disturbed in Antiquity (a) and Graves that Contained Decapitated Individuals (b).

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Figure 6.3 Frequency of Double Graves (a) and Burials with Stone Layers on Top of the Individuals (b).

Stone layers over bodies are found in 13.85% of the graves. This number does not include stone layers over burial chambers where the stone was part of a larger construction.

Instead, it refers to the placement of larger stones over parts or the entirety of the body. In total, thirteen males and five females were discovered with stone layers, a difference that is statistically significant (p=0.036). When the frequency of stone layers is compared to age

(Figure 6.3b), it revealed that middle and old individuals were more likely to be buried with a stone layer, but not significantly so (p=0.113). Four of the individuals buried under stones had an unusual burial position, two crouched old age males (Grydehoj gr. A2037, Kaargården gr.

AK), one crouched middle age female (Forlev gr. 7), and one middle age male (Bogøvej gr. P) lying on his stomach. These individuals account for three of the four males who were not buried in a supine position.

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Grave Goods

It was more common to be buried with grave goods than without them in the Danish

Viking Age (Figure 6.4a). Only 29 of the 149 individuals for whom there is context information did not have any grave goods. Most individuals have three or fewer grave goods interred with them. There are two noticeable outliers, individual 9 from Bakkendrup who has 49 grave goods and individual 2 from Nørre Longelse Molle who was buried with 62 objects. There is no statistically significant difference in the number of grave goods that males and females are interred with (p=0.672).

The variety in the type of grave goods found associated with males and females is similarly consistent (Figure 6.4b). One third of all the burials contain only one type of gave good and 23.5% of the burials contain two types of grave goods. Only 12.8% of the burials contained four or more different types of grave goods. Eleven males and eight females have four or more associated grave goods, a difference that is not significant (p=0.618). The number of graves with particular types of grave goods can be found in Figure 6.5.

Burial containers are not common finds for the excavated individuals. Twenty-one individuals were buried in a coffin or a coffin substitute, three individuals (young female from

Lejre gr. 321, middle age female from Forlev gr. 7, and young male from Bogøvej gr. BE1) were buried in coffin substitutes, and the other eighteen were buried in coffins. All of the individuals in burial containers were buried in cemeteries. There is no significant difference in the likelihood of being buried in a burial container between males and females (p=0.945).

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Figure 6.4 Total Grave Goods (a) and Types of Grave Goods (b) Broken Down by Age and Sex.

Items relating to one’s appearance are found in 32 of the graves. Nineteen individuals have only one item relating to their appearance, five have two items, two have three, four or five items, one individual has 22 items and one individual has 46 items. Both of the individuals with a high number of appearance type items are female. Individual 9 from Bakkendrup was buried with 46 beads and individual 22IR from Hesselberg was buried with 21 beads and a brooch.

Beads and buckles were interred with 15 individuals and are the two most common appearance related grave goods. The difference between males and females is not significant (p=0.127).

Materials relating to textiles were found in eight burials. Seven textile fragments were found, mostly preserved near beads, brooches, or cloak rings. These textiles were likely all from clothing and should not be considered status goods like tapestries have been. Additionally, two spindle whorls were recovered in young female graves (Forlev gr.25 and Lejre gr. 321) and a needle was found in a middle age male grave (Kaargården gr. BG). The presence of a needle in a male grave is particularly interesting as sewing has traditionally been viewed as a feminine

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pursuit, although the needle was important enough to inter with this male. The differences between males and females is not significant (p=0.730).

Organic material was found in 23 burials of females and 31 burials of males. Males are slightly more likely to have multiple organic material interred with them, although the difference is not statistically significant (p=0.127). Burned bone was found in 31 graves, charcoal was found in 28 graves, animal remains were found in 28 graves, shells were found in eight graves and quartz was found in three graves. Unfortunately, very few of the excavation reports listed what type of animal was interred with the deceased, so further analysis of whether any animal species corresponds with sex is not possible.

Weapons were found in the graves of five males and no females. Three of the graves contained one weapon (Kuml Høje gr. C1, Nørre Longelse Molle gr. 2, Galgedil gr. UL)) and two graves contained two weapons (Nørre Longelse Molle gr. 1, Errindlev). In total three axes, two swords, and two spears, were uncovered. Additionally, one middle age female grave

(Hesselbjerg gr. 11DT) was found with an iron pole that may or may not have been part of a weapon. I was unable to learn any more information about this object from excavation reports so it is included in the miscellaneous category. The difference in weapons presence between males and females is statistically significant (p=0.039).

Materials relating to equestrian activities were only found in three graves. One old age male had two equestrian items (Nørre Longelse Molle gr. 1), another adult male had five equestrian items (Errindlev), and one young age male had eight equestrian items (Nørre Longelse

Molle gr. 2). While equestrian items were only found in male graves, the t-test is not significant

(p= 0.132), although this has more to do with the low frequency of equestrian material than anything else.

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Figure 6.5 The Frequency of Different Grave Goods Being Interred with an Individual Broken Down by Sex and Age.

This pattern is also seen with economic material. Three males, all young, are the only individuals who had either coins or scales included in their grave goods. Individual 2 from

Nørre Longelse Molle had both economic and equestrian materials, including a scale. Individual

B from Hesselbjergmarken was buried with eight economic items, and individual A2066 from

Grydehøj was buried with two economic items, both scales. In total, eight coins and three scales were found, although one individual had all the coins, one individual had one scale, and one individual had two scales.

Utilitarian items are the most likely to be found in graves. Most of the 87 individuals with utilitarian grave goods only have one utilitarian item; however, 18 individuals have two, five individuals have three, three individuals have four, and one individual have five, six and ten items. The 87 graves contain a total of 121 utilitarian objects including 73 knives, 20 pot sherds,

15 whetstones, 8 flint flakes, 3 whole vessels, 1 pair of scissors and 1 awl. Most individuals only

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have one knife, although four females have two knives in their graves and one male has three knives. Depending on the length and type of knife, it is possible knives have a symbolic meaning beyond their utilitarian purpose; however, sufficient details on the length and styles of knives were not available enrich the analysis further. The difference between men and women is not statistically significant (p=0.702).

There are unidentified bits of iron and iron nails in 36 graves. Most of the graves contain one or two pieces of iron, although one grave has 13 pieces (Bakkendrup gr. 8), and another has

34 pieces of iron (Nørre Longelse Molle gr. 2). Both individuals with higher quantities of iron objects are male although there is no statistically significant difference in prevalence rates between males and females (p=0.187).

Miscellaneous items were found in 13 graves. The miscellaneous items are primarily single finds of items that did not fit into any of the other categories. Only one individual has multiple miscellaneous items. That middle age male (Kaargården gr. BS) has four unidentified pieces of bronze in his grave. Females are twice as likely to have a miscellaneous item included in their grave goods; however, the difference is not significant (p = 0.152).

Demographic Information

Demographic information provides an important baseline of information upon which an analysis can be made. By looking at demographic information archaeologists can reach a basic understanding of sex differences and mortality rates within a population. Trends in the demographic data might then be linked to the social practices from which they arise.

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Figure 6.6 Proportion of Males and Females by Age at Death During the Danish Viking Age.

Age and Sex

The sample population is comprised of 174 adults from the Danish Viking Age. There are 86 females and 88 males. There are 40 young age (20-35) individuals, 84 middle age (35-50) individuals, 39 old age (50+) individuals, and 11 adults (18+) for whom a more specific age estimation could not be determined, usually as a result of preservation conditions. The numbers of males and females in each age group are roughly the same although slightly more males fell into the middle age category and slightly more females are in the old age category (Figure 6.6).

The number of adults is large enough that this difference may be eliminated if those individuals ended up being old age males and middle age females. The slight difference in age at death is not statistically significant (p=0.374).

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Stature and Body Mass of Adult Individuals

Stature is calculated for 136 individuals and body mass is calculated for 125 individuals.

A summary of the mean stature and body mass for males, females, and the sexes combined are provided in Table 6.1. For both stature and body mass men have a larger range of variation. The skeletal elements used for stature and body mass estimation were also more likely to be sufficiently preserved from males than females. The differences between mean stature of males and females is statistically significant and has a positively skewed distribution. The correlation coefficient between stature and sex is 0.6. The difference between mean body mass of men and women in also statistically significant and is normally distributed. The significance values can be found in Table 6.2. The correlation coefficient between sex and body mass in 0.72.

The statistics show that stature and body mass are sexually dimorphic but not exclusive variables. There is some area of overlap where values in that range could be considered normal

(within two standard deviations) for either males or females. While both stature and body mass are strongly correlated with sex, body mass has a stronger correlation than stature.

Table 6.1 Stature and Body Mass Descriptive Statistics Stature Count mean std min 25% 50% 75% max Sex F 60 158.70 5.84 146.41 154.56 158.80 163.11 171.37 M 76 169.70 8.18 140.22 165.71 169.55 175.69 188.46 Combined 136 164.85 9.06 140.22 158.37 164.29 172.10 188.46

Body Mass Count mean std min 25% 50% 75% max Sex F 56 57.63 6.25 45.61 53.34 57.065 62.23 69.55 M 69 71.47 6.79 52.40 67.88 71.08 75.99 89.32 Combined 125 62.27 9.51 45.61 57.18 66.38 71.81 89.32

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Table 6.2 Stature and Body Mass Significance Testing between Males and Females (* statistically significant at p < 0.05) Mann Variable T-test Whitney DF Stature* 8.27E-14 134 Body * 8.68E- Mass 22 123

Dental Diseases

There is a difference in Total Prevalence Rates (TPR) and Crude Prevalence Rates (CPR) as a result of poor preservation and collections practices over the last century. As a result, all statistics are based on the TPR as it gives a more accurate representation of what a population looks like. Teeth are broken down into the different types (incisor, canines, premolars, and molars) in order to minimize the impact of missing data on the analysis. The groups are then analyzed to determine if any differences in behavior might be apparent.

Dental Wear

Dental wear is examined for between 156 and 159 individuals depending on the presence of each type of tooth. A summary of dental wear data is provided in Table 6.3. Generally, the posterior teeth (premolars and molars) have heavier wear patterns than the anterior teeth (incisors and canines). The mean wear value for males is slightly higher for the canines, premolars and molars. Only the incisors are slightly more worn for females than males. However, the difference in mean tooth wear between males and females is statistically insignificant, and normally distributed for all types of teeth (Table 6.4).

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Table 6.3 Descriptive Statistics for Tooth Wear. Count is the number of individuals with at least one of that type of tooth to examine. The mean value refers to the rate of wear as described in Lovejoy 1985 where 1=A, 2=B1, 3=B2, 4=C, 5=D, 6=E, 7=F, 8=G, 9=H, 10=I. Incisor wear Canine wear

count mean std count mean std

Sex Sex

F 77 5.43 2.20 F 79 5.16 2.33

M 80 5.28 2.09 M 79 5.62 2.45

Total Total 157 5.36 2.14 158 5.39 2.39 Premolar wear Molar wear

Count mean std count mean std

Sex Sex

F 79 6.86 2.19 F 76 7.02 2.71

M 80 6.94 2.47 M 80 7.59 2.02

total total 156 7.31 2.39 159 6.9 2.33

Table 6.4 Tooth Wear Significance Test between Males and Females (* statistically significant at p < 0.05)

Variable T-test Degrees of freedom

Incisor wear 0.656 155

Canine wear 0.231 156 Premolar 0.813 157 wear Molar wear 0.133 154

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Caries

Caries are present in 30.82% of the individuals. Caries are more likely to occur on the posterior teeth and the higher frequency of caries means that Chi Squared could be utilized rather than a Fisher Test for the posterior teeth, particularly the molars (Table 6.5). Forty of the affected individuals had caries on only one type of tooth while nine individual had caries which affected two types of teeth. Slightly more females than males have dental caries; however, the difference in prevalence rates between males and females is not statistically significant for any of the types of teeth (Table 6.6).

Table 6.5 Caries Prevalence Rate by Type of Tooth. NI is the number of individuals affected. % is the percentage of individuals with that type of tooth who are affected. Incisor Premolar caries Canine caries caries Molar caries Total caries TPR NI % NI % NI % NI % NI % Female 1 1.41% 2 2.90% 8 10.39% 25 35.71% 29 37.18% Male 1 1.35% 0 0.00% 4 5.13% 17 21.52% 20 24.69% Total 2 1.38% 2 1.43% 12 7.74% 42 28.19% 49 30.82%

Table 6.6 Caries Significance Test between Males and Females (* statistically significant at p < 0.05) Fisher Chi Element Test Squared Incisor P=1.00 caries Canine P=0.241 caries Premolar P=0.22 caries Molar P=0.055 caries

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Enamel Hypoplasia

Enamel hypoplasias affect 26.75% of the studied individuals on at least one tooth (Table

6.7). The differences in enamel hypoplasia prevalence rates between males and females is not statistically significant (p=0.932). Additionally, when the prevalence rate of enamel hypoplasia is compared to wealth, as indicated by the number of grave goods, there is no significant difference (Table 6.8). There are fewer occurrences of enamel hypoplasia as the number of grave goods increases; however, there are still instances of enamel hypoplasia in graves that contained relatively more grave goods.

Table 6.7 Prevalence Rate of Enamel Hypoplasias Within the Population. NI is the number of individuals affected. % is the percentage of the sample which is affected. Enamel Hypoplasia TPR NI % Female 21 26.58% Male 21 26.92% Total 42 26.75%

Table 6.8 Frequency of Enamel Hypoplasia Relative to the Number of Grave Goods # GG 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 14 15 17 19 24 49 62

EH no 22 34 10 17 6 4 3 7 2 2 1 2 1 0 1 0 1 1 1 1 yes 7 11 5 2 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0

Calculus

Calculus affected 61.64% of the individuals on at least one type of tooth in this study

(Table 6.9). The most likely teeth to be impacted are the incisors and the molars, which each have a roughly 50% chance of having at least some calculus. The difference in calculus rates between males and females is not statistically significant (Table 6.10). Calculus affected all four types of teeth for 34 individuals, affected three types of teeth for 25 individuals, affected two types of teeth for 19 individuals, and affected only one type of tooth for 20 individuals. 133

Table 6.9 Calculus Prevalence Rate by Type of Tooth. NI is the number of individuals affected. % is the percentage of individuals with that type of tooth who are affected. Incisor Canine Premolar Molar calculus calculus calculus calculus Total calculus TPR NI % NI % NI % NI % NI % Female 36 50.00% 24 34.78% 36 46.75% 35 50.00% 48 61.54% Male 37 50.00% 30 42.25% 33 42.31% 38 48.10% 50 61.73% Total 73 50.00% 54 38.57% 69 44.52% 73 48.99% 98 61.64%

Table 6.10 Calculus Significance Test between Males and Females (* statistically significant at p < 0.05) Chi Element Squared Incisors P=1.00 Calculus Canine P=0.364 calculus Premolar P=0.578 calculus Molar P=0.817 calculus

Abscesses

At least one abscess is present in 25.16% of the population with observable dentition

(Table 6.11). The most likely type of tooth to have an abscess is a molar, followed by premolars.

Canines and incisors are the least likely to have abscesses. There are no statistically significant differences in abscess prevalence rates between men and women (Table 6.12). The majority of individuals with abscesses only have one type of tooth affected (72.5%) although nine individuals had two types of affected teeth and two individuals had three types of teeth with abscesses.

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Table 6.11 Abscess Prevalence Rate by Type of Tooth. NI is the number of individuals affected. % is the percentage of individuals with that type of tooth who are affected. Incisor abscess Canine abscess Premolar abscess Molar abscess Total abscesses TPR NI % NI % NI % NI % NI % Female 3 3.95% 3 3.90% 8 10.13% 14 18.67% 20 25.32% Male 3 3.85% 3 3.90% 4 5.00% 15 18.75% 20 25.00% Total 6 3.90% 6 3.90% 12 7.55% 29 18.71% 40 25.16%

Table 6.12 Abscess Significance Test between Males and Females (* statistically significant at p < 0.05) Fisher Chi Element test Squared Incisor P=1.00 abscess Canine P=1.00 abscess Premolar P=0.221 abscess Molar P=0.989 abscess

Congenital Dental Anomalies

While they were not analyzed in this study, several individuals had congenital dental anomalies that are worth noting. Individual BG from Kaargården had a left upper canine that was rotated 90 degrees clockwise and an unerupted right mandibular canine that grew perpendicular to the rest of their teeth. The following individuals had retained deciduous teeth: individual BR from Kaargården, individual A from Bårse, individual UN from Galgedil, and individual a2033 from Grydehøj.

Pathologies

Pathologies can indicate a longstanding illness, infection, or traumatic events. They can also be related to movement, as is sometimes seen with the development of arthritis in specific skeletal locations. Due to the preservation of the material, TPR’s were again used to report the

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findings from this research. Three different types of pathologies- joint disease, infection, and cribra orbitalia- were analyzed separately to look for any sex-based patterns in the data.

Joint Disease

Overall, 83 individuals, or 48.53% of the skeletal population, have evidence of degenerative changes to the joints (Figures 6.7-6.14). Most degenerative changes to joints are mild or moderate and the joints on the right side of the body are more likely to have joint damage, though this difference is not statistically significant. The one exception is that the left hip is slightly more affected than the right hip. The vertebrae are the most likely type of bone to show evidence of degenerative changes to the joint and there are 57 individuals whose only degenerative joint changes appeared on the vertebrae. This is not to say that any individual vertebra was more likely to be affected; rather, the sum of all vertebral joints is more likely to be affected. This study is unable to be more specific about whether certain vertebrae are more affected than others as preservation did not allow for the vertebrae to be ordered in every individual. The most common skeletal elements to show extreme degenerative changes and fusing are the cervical vertebrae and the lumbar vertebrae. Lumbar vertebrae are the most likely to have degenerative changes with 44% of individuals presenting degenerative changes on at least one lumbar vertebra. Females are slightly more likely to have fused vertebrae than males, although this difference is not significant. Males are more likely to have Schmorl’s nodes, with one female and five males having the condition. None of the of the degenerative joint conditions are statistically significant when examined by sex (Table 6.13). Instead, age is a statistically significant (p=0.005) variable linked to the severity of joint for both the cervical and lumbar vertebrae, though not significant for thoracic vertebrae.

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Table 6.13 Joint Disease Significance Test between Males and Females for The Right (R) and Left (L) Joints. (* statistically significant at p < 0.05) Element Fisher Test R_Shoulder P=0.414 L_Shoulder P=0.351 R_Elbow P=0.334 L_Elbow P=1.0 R_wrist P=1.0 L_wrist P=0.282 R_Hip P=1.0 L_Hip P=0.87 R_Knee P=0.557 L_Knee P=0.289 R_Ankle P=0.496 L_Ankle P=0.469 Sacro_illiac P=.206 Cervical_Vertabrae P=0.304 Thoracic_Vertabrae P=0.419 Lumbar_Vertabrae P=0.242

Figure 6.7 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Shoulders.

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Figure 6.8 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Elbows.

Figure 6.9 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Wrists.

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Figure 6.10 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Hips.

Figure 6.11 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Knee.

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Figure 6.12 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Left (a) and Right (b) Ankles.

Figure 6.13 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Cervical (a) and Thoracic (b) Vertebrae.

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Figure 6.14 Graphs of the Types of Degenerative Joint Changes Seen on the Lumbar (a) Vertebrae and Sacroiliac Joint (b).

Cribra Orbitalia

Cribra orbitalia is present in the roof orbits of 9.86% of the population whose orbital roofs were preserved (Table 6.14). Most of the observed changes were mild. While the prevalence rate of cribra orbitalia is slightly higher for males, there was no statistically significant difference in prevalence rates between males and females (p = 0.782). No corresponding cases of porotic hyperostosis were identified.

Table 6.14 Cribra Orbitalia Prevalence Rate. NI is the number of individuals affected. % is the percentage of individuals with preserved orbital roofs who are affected. Cribra Orbitalia TPR NI % Female 6 8.82% Male 8 10.81% Total 14 9.85%

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Infection

The changes to the skeleton that result from infection are relatively non-specific, making it difficult to assign a particular aetiology to any evidence of infection in the past. In total 30 individuals, 14 females and 16 males, showed evidence of infection on at least one skeletal element which amounts to 17.24% of the population (Table 6.15). Most individuals in the sample only have one instance of infection; however, five individuals have two sites of infection, one individual (Bogøvej gr. AP) has three sites of infection, one individual (Hessum gr. 2) has four sites of infection and one individual (Gammel Lejre gr. A1859) has seven sites of infection.

The most commonly infected bones are the sinuses, followed by the tibiae.

The majority of the infectious changes to the skeleton are periostitis, or an inflammation of the bone characterized by new bone formation (Roberts & Manchester 2010: 172). The two bones with the largest difference in prevalence rates between men and women are the right and left tibia; however, the difference is not statistically significant for either bone (p=0.117 and p=0.119 respectively). Of the 30 individuals who have infections, half of them have maxillary sinusitis. The maxilla was, therefore, the most likely bone to show evidence of an infection.

This number is likely an underreported value as the interior aspect of the maxilla could not be assessed for everyone. Ten of the fifteen individuals with maxillary sinusitis are females; however, the difference between males and females is not statistically significant (p=0.172).

Other Pathologies

There are very few other pathological lesions on the skeletons including neoplastic lesions and osteochondritis dissecans. A neoplastic lesion is an abnormal growth that may be either benign or cancerous (Roberts & Manchester, 2010). Five neoplastic growths are found in this collection on the following elements: the left scapula of a middle age female (Hesselbjerg gr.

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5V5), the right ulna of a middle age male (Bogøvej, gr. O), the right femur of an old age male

(Stengade gr. 1), and on the skull of one young age male (Bødkergård Mark gr. D1) and one middle age female (Galgedil gr. WG). Osteocondritis dissecans is the death of bone tissue as a result of interrupted blood supply, usually as a result of trauma (Roberts & Manchester 2010:

121). There is one instance of osteochondritis dissecans on the right femur of a young female

(Hessum gr. IIIa). Finally, there are also five individuals (Grydehøj gr. A2036B, Galgedil gr.

AQQ 1572, Kaargården gr. DO, Rantzausminde gr. 1, Glagedil gr. UN) with os acromiale, or the non-union of the acromion processes of the scapula. Os acromiale is found in both males and females of all ages. A low occurrence of os acromiale is common in modern populations and can be the result of either genetic or environmental factors (Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Stirland,

2000). The low rate of occurrence in this sample is similar to that seen in modern populations, suggesting it is more likely the result of genetics than environmental factors. This condition affected the right scapula of one male and one female and the left scapula of two females and one male. None of the affected individuals presented with os acromiale bilaterally.

Trauma

The most commonly identified sign of trauma in the archaeological record is fractures.

They result from any event which causes either a complete or a partial break to the bone (Roberts

& Manchester 2010:89). They can be identified macroscopically in most cases, although if enough time has passed and they healed well they might not be detectable any longer. While blunt and sharp force trauma are technically considered fractures, they will be discussed separately in this study. There were very few bones that multiple individuals broke in this sample, so trauma rates will be considered per individual rather than per bone, unless otherwise noted.

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Table 6.15 Infection Prevalence Rate. NI is the number of individuals affected. % is the

percentage of individuals with the skeletal element preserved who are affected.

% 0.0 3.1 1.6

0 2 2

Left Fibula NI

% 3.2 4.6 3.9

2 3 5

Right Fibula NI

% 1.5 8.0 4.8

1 6 7

Left Tibia NI

% 1.4 8.0 4.7

1 6 7

Right Tibia NI

% 0.0 1.3 0.7

0 1 1

Left Femur NI

% 0.0 1.3 0.7

0 1 1

Right Femur NI

% 1.4 1.4 1.4

1 1 2

Left Radius NI

% 0.0 2.7 1.4

0 2 2

Right Radius NI

% 0.0 1.3 0.7

0 1 1

Ulna

Right NI

0.0 1.3 0.7

0 1 1

Right Humerus NI

% 1.3 1.3 1.3

1 1 2

Skull NI

6.8

% 14.7 10.7

10 15

Facial Bones NI

F M T

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Post-Cranial Fractures

There are 25 individuals who had fractures of the postcranial skeleton. These fractures affected 14 different bones- the right and left clavicle, the left humerus, the right and left ulna, the right and left radius, the right femur, the right and left tibia, the right and left fibula, the ribs and the vertebrae. One male individual (Kuml Høje gr. Hsk1) had fractures on four different bones and three males (Kongemarken gr. A427, Galgedil gr. SB, Glagedil gr. ALZ1328) had fractures to two bones. Most of the fractures were healed; however, two individuals (Kuml Høje gr. Hsk1, Galgedil gr. SB1)1 had two fractures that healed without reunifying. The remaining twelve females and nine males only had one fracture. When a student t-test was performed the results showed that the likelihood of having a postcranial fracture is not statistically significantly different between males and females in their total (P=0.6570).

Table 6.16 Fracture Rates Broken Down by Location and Sex. Postcranial Fractures Healed Unhealed M F M F Right Clavicle 1 Left Clavicle 1 Left Humerus 1 Right Ulna 1 1 Left Ulna 1 3 1 Right Radius 2 L Radius 1 1 Right Femur 1 Right Tibia 3 Left Tibia 1 Right Fibula 3 Left Fibula 1 1 Ribs 1 4 Vertebrae 1 3

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Looking at the individual bones some patterns emerge; however, the prevalence rate of fractures for any particular bone was low enough that none of the patterns are statistically significant (Table 6.16). Males fractured ten different bones, while females fractured seven.

Five of the six ulna fractures meet the criteria to be considered parry fractures, suggesting they may be the result of defensive actions to protect one’s head (Judd, 2008). The parry fractures occurred in four females and one male. Both males and females injured their upper limbs, but only males injured their lower leg. The right tibia and fibula have the greatest disparity in prevalence rates between males and females; however, that difference is statistically insignificant according to the student t-test (p=0.0898). Fractures are found more often on the ribs and vertebrae of females than males. The only individuals with fractures that did not unite were men and both were serious enough injuries to fracture both bones near the site of the injury.

Cranial Trauma

Both blunt force and sharp force trauma are technically classified as fractures since they are breaks in the bone; however, the type of damage they cause can be different and it is therefore worth considering them on their own. The only evidence of blunt or sharp force trauma in this population is identified on the skull. One old age male (Galgedil gr. AXE1425) and one middle age female (Bogovey gr. BU) show evidence of sharp force trauma to the occipital region of their skulls. The male has a slicing wound and the beveling on the female suggests a projectile wound. Neither of these injuries show signs of healing and were sustained at or near the time of death. Conversely, the three depression fractures caused by blunt force trauma all show signs of healing. The two blunt force injuries to middle age males (Hesselbjerg gr. 41bPC, Gammel Lejre gr. A1860) are relatively small and affect the left frontal and the left parietal. The largest of the three depression fractures is located on the right parietal of a female

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(Bogøvej gr. BA). The female from grave BA from Bogøvej also has the only evidence of trepanation found in the skeletal population for this study.

Entheseal Changes

Entheseal changes provide a record of the types of habitual movements that were performed in the past. Bones are constantly remodeling to meet the stress placed on them by repetitive actions. While entheseal changes have often been investigated as a way to affirm that a sex-based division of labor existed in the past, they can also be investigated to look for patterns of activity that may shed more light on how labor was actually organized in the past. Doing a visual analysis of the data can help create a clearer picture of the range of habitual activities undertaken by individuals.

Lower Limb Entheseal Changes

If a sex-based division of labor occurred in the past, one might expect that these differences would show up in entheseal changes. However, the scatterplot of the entheseal changes observed in the lower limb shows more similarities than differences between males and females (Figure 6.16). On both extreme ends of the graph, there are instances of both males and females, and they are fairly uniformly distributed throughout. Furthermore, males and females overlap significantly in the amount and type of changes, as evidenced by no clear divisions in the graph. The lack of distinction between males and females suggests that sex may not have been an important factor driving labor divisions during the Danish Viking Age. It is also possible that males and females undertook different tasks that required similar muscle movements, resulting in a similar pattern of entheseal changes.

The rank order of average scores for each muscle movement group divided by sex further supports this interpretation (Table 6.17). For both males and females, the highest ranked muscle

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movement groups are those linked to bipedalism (plantar flexion, lower leg extension, and leg extension). Males have slightly higher overall scores than females, although the only values that are statistically significant according to t-tests are lower leg extension, lower leg flexion, and leg abduction. These differences may be linked to different amounts of certain types of activity, or they may be linked to differences in body mass. Since males have statistically significantly higher body mass which puts more stress on the bone at the enthesis, it is possible these differences may simply be the result of a biological difference rather than a social difference.

Figure 6.15 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Lower Limb Entheseal Changes Created Using Muscle Movement Group Data and Colored According to Sex.

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Differences in preservation may also contribute to the male and female value differences.

As some entheses have higher ranked changes and others have lower ranked changes, the proportion of high value entheses and low value entheses for each muscle movement group could skew the averages. T-tests were preformed on all of the individual entheses and significant values correspond to those movement groups which were significantly different (Table 6.18).

Based on this information, it is fair to say that there is a significant difference in the entheseal changes associated with lower leg extensions, lower leg flexion, and leg abduction between males and females and that differential preservation is not a major factor.

Table 6.17 Mean and Standard Deviation (SD) Values According to Sex for the Lower Limb. * significant at p < 0.05 Males Muscle Movement group Mean SD N Plantar Flexion 1.871 1.069 75 Lower Leg Extension* 1.869 1.072 74 Leg Extension 1.649 0.813 68 Leg Flexion 1.567 0.978 73 Hip Rotation Stabilization 1.396 0.692 74 Lower Leg Flexion* 1.202 0.561 65 Leg Abduction* 1.105 0.529 59 Doris Flexion 1 0.722 47 Leg Adduction 0.898 0.563 58 Females Plantar Flexion 1.596 1.28 64 Leg Extension 1.527 0.835 61 Lower Leg Extension* 1.443 0.668 65 Hip Rotation Stabilization 1.339 0.824 61 Leg Flexion 1.288 0.793 65 Lower Leg Flexion* 1.013 0.457 58 Doris Flexion 0.931 0.556 47 Leg Adduction 0.847 0.571 60 Leg Abduction* 0.845 0.462 50

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Table 6.18 Lower Leg Entheses which were Significantly Different between Males and Females. The side of the entheses is denoted by a R (right) or L(left). * significant at p < 0.05 Variable T-test p-value Mann-Whitney Degrees of test p-value freedom R_O_Vastus_Lateralis* 0.020 106 R_Popliteus * 0.005 71 R_O_Soleus * 0.00004 101 R_Achilles * 0.026 50 L_O_Vastus_Lateralis * 0.016 109 L_Semimembranosus * 0.002 60 L_Popliteus * 0.002 71 L_O_Soleus * 0.004 105 L_Quadriceps* 0.023 58

Upper Limb Entheseal Changes

The leg is somewhat restricted in movement by its linkage to bipedalism, yet the arms may show more variation in activity. Individuals can be either right or left hand dominant and the society they live in may either accept or reject those differences. Differences, either biological or cultural, in dominant arm usage should be apparent in the upper limb entheseal data. Furthermore, some activities can be performed with one hand and others require two hands, trends which should also be visible in the data. If there is a difference in who is doing which habitual activity, these variations should leave a mark on the skeleton. As there is a possibility for asymmetric movement between the right and left arms they are analyzed separately.

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Figure 6.16 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Right Upper Limb Entheseal Changes Created Using Muscle Movement Group Data and Colored According to Sex.

When analyzing the scatterplot for the upper limb movement groups it is clear that males and females are performing similar types and intensity of movement. When looking at the right arm (Figure 6.16), there are three females with higher values, but otherwise the entheseal change values for males and females show significant overlap. The entheseal change values are even more similar on the left side (Figure 6.17) with only one male having markedly different values.

Given the overlap between males and females it is clear that sex was not the main factor influencing labor organization or that males and females were engaging in activities that utilized the same muscle movements.

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Figure 6.17 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Left Upper Limb Entheseal Changes Created Using Muscle Movement Group Data and Colored According to Sex.

The rank order of average muscle movements scores separated by sex further showcases the similarity between males and females (Table 6.19 and Table 6.20). For both the right and left arms, males have slightly higher entheseal change scores and the entheseal changes are almost always more pronounced on the right side, suggesting a primarily right-handed society.

Furthermore, there are no significant differences between males and females for any of the muscle movement groups. The left wrist and left forearm pronation entheseal changes for females and the left shoulder stabilization entheseal changes for males are more pronounced than the right side. The ordering of entheseal changes by muscle movement is similar but not identical between males and females. Males had the highest entheseal change scores for forearm 152

extension, whereas females had the highest entheseal change scores for arm abduction. This suggests that whatever activities were being undertaken would have required slightly different muscle movements for males and females. Intriguingly, the other forearm muscle movements of males are not equally high scoring, suggesting a very distinctive muscle usage that primarily required forearm extension.

Table 6.19 Mean and Standard Deviation (SD) Values According to Sex for the Right Upper Limb. Males Muscle Movement group Mean SD N Forearm_extensions 2.026 1.883 38 Arm_Flexion 1.942 0.72 70 Arm_Extension 1.879 0.765 70 Arm_Abduction 1.822 0.831 69 Shoulder_Rotation 1.618 0.682 71 Arm_Adduction 1.611 0.804 63 Shoulder_Stabilization 1.433 0.533 67 Forearm_Flexion 1.409 0.622 63 Forearm_Supination 1.264 0.615 60 Forearm_Pronation 1.148 0.568 53 Hand_Wrist 0.993 0.841 37 Females Arm_Abduction 2.077 1.301 68 Arm_Extension 1.964 1 70 Arm_Flexion 1.907 0.831 70 Shoulder_Rotation 1.809 0.908 70 Forearm_extensions 1.758 1.466 30 Shoulder_Stabilization 1.584 0.833 62 Arm_Adduction 1.544 0.62 61 Forearm_Flexion 1.324 0.504 60 Forearm_Supination 1.237 0.607 59 Forearm_Pronation 1.121 0.582 47 Hand_Wrist 0.97 0.518 33

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Table 6.20 Mean and Standard Deviation (SD) Values According to Sex for the Left Upper Limb. Males Muscle Movement group Mean SD N Forearm_extensions 1.826 1.353 36 Arm_Flexion 1.776 0.636 69 Arm_Extension 1.746 0.663 69 Arm_Abduction 1.707 0.702 69 Shoulder_Rotation 1.534 0.59 69 Arm_Adduction 1.488 0.663 63 Shoulder_Stabilization 1.486 0.997 66 Forearm_Flexion 1.351 0.613 61 Forearm_Supination 1.161 0.566 56 Forearm_Pronation 1.126 0.595 55 Hand_Wrist 0.839 0.441 42 Females Arm_Abduction 1.842 0.748 67 Arm_Extension 1.718 0.677 68 Arm_Flexion 1.674 0.693 68 Shoulder_Rotation 1.602 0.689 69 Shoulder_Stabilization 1.478 0.628 61 Forearm_extensions 1.34 0.915 25 Arm_Adduction 1.285 0.519 62 Forearm_Flexion 1.272 0.473 56 Hand_Wrist 1.207 1.109 35 Forearm_Supination 1.198 0.562 54 Forearm_Pronation 1.183 0.681 51

Interestingly, the largest amount of entheseal changes in an individual is statistically significantly related to sex (p=0.0002). For each individual, the highest entheseal values are plotted (Figure 6.19) and it becomes obvious that males are more likely to present with at least one instance of a stress lesion or ossification exostosis, although some females also have stress lesions or ossification exostosis. Males are therefore more likely to need to engage in unusually high impact activities that may cause more pronounced changes to the entheses.

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Figure 6.19 Maximum Entheseal Value According to Age and Sex.

Cross-Sectional Geometry

A visual analysis of distribution of cross-sectional geometry data by sex shows a more separated picture. While some male and female values are close to one another, and even overlap at times for the right humerus data, there is a definite distinction between the two sexes.

In general, males had larger cross-sectional values across the board; however, the small sample size makes it difficult to run any population level statistics as the number of individuals from each category would only be five. This suggests that sex plays a role in determining the amount and type of biomechanical stress that is applied to certain bones, although some of the variation in stress are likely a result of differences in body mass which are statistically significant between males and females.

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Table 6.21 Individuals Used for Cross-Sectional Geometry Individual Age Sex Bødkergård Mark D Young M Mulbjurg Young F Gammel Lejre A1860 Middle M Bogøvej BS Young F Rantzausminde 1 Old F Kaargården EC Old M Bakkendrup 16 Middle M Nørre Kongerslev Middle F Bogøvej BR Middle F Hessum 1 Young M

Right Humerus Left Humerus Femur

Figure 6.19 Rotating Scatter Plot for the Right Humerus (a), Left Humerus (b), and Femur (c) Based on Eight Different Axes (body mass, TA, CA, Ix, Iy, Imax, Imin, and J) and Colored According to Sex.

A closer examination of the lower limb data reveals that while males have larger overall values, females had more variation within their femurs as showcased by the larger standard deviations (Table 6.22). Males also have larger medullary cavities than females, resulting in a less than 0.1% difference in the proportion of cortical bone between males and females (%CA is

76.95% for males and 77.03% for females). Males have a greater bending rigidity than females for the anterior-posterior and medial-lateral axis (Ix and Iy). In both males and females, bone strength is greater in the medial-lateral axis (Zy) than the anterior posterior axis (Zx). Males are

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almost twice as resistant to bending than females as highlighted by the polar rigidity measure (J).

Despite almost identical %CA values, the larger TA and MA values seen in males means that their bones are much stronger (J).

When looking at the data for the upper limb, males have both larger values and larger standard deviations, suggesting more variance in biomechanical loads among males (Table 6.23 and 6.24). Males also have a greater amount of cortical bone than females and the right arm has more cortical bone than the left in both males and females (%CA is 84% for male right humerus,

78% for male left humerus, 75% for female right humerus and 71% for female left humerus).

Males also have greater bending rigidity for both the anterior-posterior and medial lateral axis (Ix and Iy). Both males and females have a greater strength in the anterior-posterior axis (Zy). The amount of rigidity in both arm bones is nearly two and a half times larger in males than in females

Table 6.22 Lower Limb Cross-Sectional Geometry Values Males(n=5) Females(n=5) Mean SD Mean SD TA 622.828 72.789 456.225 74.215 CA 477.402 35.857 350.383 54.237 MA 145.426 38.527 105.844 32.355 %CA 76.949 3.390 77.030 5.386 Ix 29658.744 8657.829 14435.189 4646.634 Iy 31559.555 5552.850 18034.130 5571.571 Imax 34379.072 6116.330 18387.956 5850.664 Imin 26839.227 8069.689 14081.363 4364.491 Zx 1774.223 305.988 1091.600 267.7889 Zy 1999.071 246.169 1331.680 311.840 J 61218.298 13784.416 32469.319 10100.628

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Table 6.23 Right Upper Limb Cross-Sectional Geometry Values Males (n=5) Females (n=5) Mean SD Mean SD TA 313.090 87.168 226.318 27.483 CA 256.154 55.239 169.184 23.908 MA 56.935 44.206 57.134 14.329 %CA 83.964 13.955 74.794 5.422 Ix 8911.392 4206.041 4001.910 951.092 Iy 8095.594 3140.597 3904.093 1324.745 Imax 9263.024 4169.901 4519.375 1396.726 Imin 7743.963 3165.294 3386.629 678.885 Zx 689.196 393.254 436.904 71.262 Zy 654.054 351.422 406.392 90.591 J 17006.987 7327.205 7906.004 1981.645

Table 6.24 Left Upper Limb Cross-Sectional Geometry Values Males (n=5) Females (n=3) Mean SD Mean SD TA 313.141 42.593 210.911 24.872 CA 242.253 30.820 150.273 23.831 MA 70.888 21.813 60.640 13.225 %CA 77.559 5.213 71.182 5.9780 Ix 8199.257 2302.624 3729.187 1164.398 Iy 7120.626 1883.726 2921.268 535.659 Imax 8393.154 2254.734 3775.615 1149.323 Imin 6926.729 1949.308 2874.840 554.383 Zx 743.925 126.798 409.578 98.010 Zy 676.691 128.956 354.121 71.295 J 15319.88 4181.501 6650.455 1698.135

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CHAPTER 7

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

All the analyses undertaken in this investigation look at how different individuals’ lives may have been affected by their biological sex and the perception of their gender. This analysis recognizes that identity is influenced by a combination of personal desire and social pressures.

The embodied skeleton showcases the ways in which an individual’s life can be shaped by everyday activities and experiences. Social perceptions of the deceased can be accessed through an analysis of the mortuary record. Oftentimes, the presence of ‘gendered’ objects in graves can bias interpretation towards modern notions of gender roles. It is therefore important to recognize that the meaning behind objects can shift over time and to investigate whether the osteological data supports the interpretation of grave goods based on assumed gender roles. Importantly, grave goods reflect perception at a certain moment in time, whereas skeletons reflect the course of an individual’s life, revealing information over a longer time span. By analyzing skeletal remains and mortuary evidence, this study strives to understand how gender impacted individuals lived experiences and how they were viewed by those who interred them.

Discussion of Context

Mortuary deposits are an important record of how a society views an individual. Of the

149 graves included in the context portion of this study, there are six variables that provide some interesting insight into the effect of sex on mortuary practices. The treatment of the body was relatively uniform, although two patterns did emerge. Females are more likely to be buried in a non-supine position, most likely in a crouched position on one of their sides. While supine burials are the norm, burial in a crouched position occurs frequently enough across Viking Age

Scandinavia to be considered normal (N. Price, 2008). This practice may demarcate individuals 159

whose identity justified a different type of burial; however, crouched burials are not uncommon, and difference should not be considered deviant in this case. When additional contextual information for those individuals in crouched positions is investigated no further trends are evident. Individuals buried in a crouched position were buried without grave goods or with up to

49 objects. They included burials with up to six different types of grave goods, although most have between one and three type of objects deposited with them. It is, therefore, unlikely that a crouched burial position is linked to wealth as the deposits covered a range of types and total number of grave goods. Four of the crouched burials contained miscellaneous objects. As many of the miscellaneous items are unique finds, this may further the argument that those individuals are somehow different although not deviant. This may not be true for the two individuals buried in a prone position. Prone burials are sometimes viewed as individuals who may return from the dead or those whose mode of death was alarming and are buried on their stomach to ensure it does not spread (Gardela & Kajkowski, 2013; Reynolds, 2009). Both individuals buried in the prone position were buried with a knife and no other grave goods. This suggests either that neither individual was wealthy, or that they were not deserving of a wealthy burial even if they may have had wealth in life. Furthermore, the male buried in the prone position also had a layer of stones placed on top of him after death. This practice is interpreted as furthering the argument that this individual may be a draugr, or one who can return from the dead. He was also buried with his head in the east, which is opposite the norm of burying people with their heads towards the west. All this suggests that individual P from Bogøvej was a deviant burial. The female in a prone position did not have a stone layer on top of her and was buried with her head towards the northwest. This suggests that her burial may have more to do with her cause of death, perhaps an unusual illness, than any concern that she may be a draugr.

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In addition to the stones found over the male buried in a supine position, stone layers are found in eighteen other instances. Similar to the crouched burials, these individuals have a variety of number and types of grave goods indicating a range of wealth. The presence of stone layers is one of the only statistically significant values in this study, occurring more often for male burials than female burials. The burial of individuals with stones covering portions of their body has often been interpreted as a desire to ensure the dead stay dead, or as a punishment for malevolent sorcery (Gardela, 2013a; Gardela & Kajkowski, 2013). As sorcery has been viewed as more of a female occupation, the fact that more males were found under stones is intriguing.

Based on the analysis in this study it should be considered that more males engaged in sorcery than has been supposed. If this is the case, male practitioners of seiðr may still be considered

‘other’ and require special care after their deaths. It is even possible that this distinctive burial pattern may identify males whose participation in seiðr may have designated them as a third gender, one that combines biological maleness with more feminine social roles, as noted in Price

(2002), Strömbäck (1935), and Raninen (2008). There may have been a clear template for how to deal with these male practitioners of seiðr, suggesting it was not incredibly uncommon.

Furthermore, fourteen of the burials are oriented north, northwest, or west, which are the most common burial orientations, suggesting that they are not so ‘other’ to necessitate further abnormal burial practices. Moreover, the male in grave BG from Kaargården who was covered with a stone layer was buried with a needle, a grave good that is typically thought of as feminine.

This might further suggest that stone layers were included in graves for individuals who did not conform to gender roles. Alternatively, as practitioners of seiðr could be either benevolent or malevolent, the burial practice could reflect concern that individuals buried under stone layers were practicing malevolent sorcery. As seiðr was more commonly practiced by females, the

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existence of a male seiðr practitioner may have been more unusual and therefore potentially worrisome. It is also possible that the stones were placed for a more practical reason, as a means of deterring gave robbing or animal activity.

Males are the only individuals whose grave goods fell into the weapons, economic and equestrian categories. While none of the categories are statistically significant, this says more about the low prevalence rates of these types of grave goods than the difference between males and females. Additionally, the majority of the skeletal population was not buried with weapons, suggesting that the situation leading to internment with weapons was uncommon for both males and females. When looking at the other context variables, it becomes clear that weapons and equestrian grave goods are often found together (Table 7.1). Furthermore, the graves that contain weapons, equestrian items, or economic items are all more likely to have higher total numbers of grave goods and more variety in types of grave goods. This suggests that all three of these variables are good indicators of individuals that society viewed as wealthy or high status.

These individuals are all interred in an otherwise normative fashion, except for the individual from Errindlev who was buried under a stone layer. While tempting to hypothesize that these categories, particularly the equestrian and weapons category, might also be associated with individuals who participated in Viking raiding, the osteological data does not support this conclusion. None of the individuals with equestrian objects and weapons in their grave goods have traumatic lesions that one might expect to see in those who fought for at least part of their lives. Furthermore, the entheseal changes for the individuals are not noticeably different from those of other individuals without weapons or equestrian objects. These data suggest that males were buried with the trappings of warriors, but they may not have been warriors.

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Table 7.1 Graves in which Weapons, Equestrian Objects, or Economic Objects are Found. Total grave Types grave Grave Equestrian Economic Weapons goods goods Hesselbjergmarken_B 0 8 0 11 3 Grydehøj_A2066 0 2 0 15 5 Kuml_Høje_C1 0 0 1 5 3 Erindlev_ 5 0 2 19 7 Nørre Longelse Molle_2 8 1 1 62 8 Nørre Longelse Molle_1 2 0 2 4 2 Galgedil_UL 0 0 1 11 5

Table 7.2 The Relationship between Graves with Miscellaneous Grave Goods and their Total and Types of Grave Goods. Grave Miscellaneous Total grave goods Types grave goods Bogøvej_AU 1 3 3 Bakkendrup_9 1 49 3 Hesselbjerg_11DT 1 5 4 Grydehøj_A2036B 1 3 3 Grydehøj_A2036B 1 3 3 Kaargården_BS 4 8 4 Kaargården_CA 1 6 3 Forlev_7 1 3 2 Kappelsbjerg_D 1 10 6 Lejre_321 1 7 5 Galgedil_BFQ 1 1 1 Galgedil_UN 1 17 6 Galgedil_KR 1 8 3

Miscellaneous grave goods are twice as likely to be found in a female grave than a male grave. The individuals found with these unique grave goods are more likely to have more total grave goods and a variety of grave goods, suggesting that they may be higher status individuals

(Table 7.2). These objects may be local, but denote status, such as a Thor’s hammer, which could have a ritual purpose, or potentially be from further afield, such as bronze disks. The

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individuals are mostly lying in the supine position, although four individuals were buried in a crouched position. Individuals BS and CA from Kaargården and individual 7 from Forlev were also buried under a stone layer. The varied treatment of the body for individuals with miscellaneous items may suggest that they could be wealthy, but also viewed as different. The varied treatment may also be tied to meanings associated with the miscellaneous graves goods which we are no longer aware of. Some items have a clear link to pagan belief structures, such as a Thor’s hammer (Lejre gr. 321, Galgedil gr. BFQ), or the iron pole buried with individual

11DT from Hesselbjerg, which could be a staff associated with the practice of seiðr, while the meaning of others items, such as the bronze disks, is less clear. It is also possible the varied treatment may be linked to grave goods that were not preserved, were not recovered, or were not deemed important enough to mention in early excavation reports. This category may, in fact, group objects together that Viking Age individuals would have seen as radically different.

Therefore, conclusions drawn from this category should be viewed as tentative.

Discussion of Dental Pathologies

Among the Danish Vikings, both men and women show moderate to high frequency rates for dental pathologies. However, there is no obvious statistically significant differences in dental wear and pathology between males and females. The lack of statistically significant differences in dental pathologies that can impact individuals through adulthood suggests that males and females were not engaging in radically different activities that might affect their teeth. The relatively high frequency of enamel hypoplasias indicate that childhood stress was severe enough for growth to be impacted for roughly one quarter of the population. The types of stress usually associated with the formation of enamel hypoplasia are nutritional deficiencies and severe childhood illnesses that might cause growth to be interrupted (Roberts & Manchester, 2010).

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Enamel hypoplasias are especially relevant to look at since they have been used to analyze sex differences in populations and may show evidence of different nutritional access during growth (Buckwalter & Baten, 2019; Oyamada et al., 2012). The lack of a significant difference in enamel hypoplasia frequencies in the Viking Age Danish sample suggests that male and female children were exposed to similar levels of stress that could impact growth. This might reflect a belief that males and females should be given similar access to food, reveal similar exposure to pathogens that may cause serious illness, reflect that children were not seen as individuals of a certain sex or gender before adulthood, or a combination of the three. When analyzing the number of grave goods interred with individuals, it becomes apparent that enamel hypoplasias are not significantly linked to the amount of wealth deposited in the grave either.

There are three possible interpretations of these data. First, it is possible that even children of wealthier families could become ill and develop enamel hypoplasias. Second, it is also possible that individuals who may have been lower status and not have had sufficient nutritional access as children, could have gained social status throughout their lifetime; thus, the adult burial context is not representative of their childhood social status. Finally, the prevalence of enamel hypoplasias across all perceived status levels may be indicative of periods of hardship where food was scarce for everyone. If this is the case, the lack of difference between males and females may be even more meaningful since preferential treatment of certain individuals or groups of individuals may become more apparent when food is scarce.

Discussion of Skeletal Pathologies

The Danish Viking Age population was relatively healthy in terms of pathologies that might appear on the skeleton. Infections mostly occurred in the maxillary sinuses and periostitis of the tibia. The presence of periostitis in the tibia is noteworthy as tibial infections are more

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common in settled agrarian societies (Larsen, 1995; Roberts & Manchester, 2010). The presence of these infectious lesions should serve as a reminder to archaeologists that the Vikings were primarily an agrarian society, despite the fact that Vikings are often defined by their foreign exploits. Males are more likely to have tibial periostitis, but not significantly so. There are two possibilities for why men may have a higher incidence of tibial periostitis- one cultural and one biological. As Ortner (2003) noted, females often show a stronger response to infectious disease; this may result in infections being healed before they become chronic and impact the bone.

Alternatively, men may have been exposed to more strains of bacteria as a result of travel.

Increased local population density, the rise of towns and the expansion of trade networks would have resulted in an increase of environmental conditions that promote the spread of infectious disease. Therefore, the spread of infectious pathogens should not be assumed to mean that all people were traveling; rather the arrival of an infectious pathogen with one tradesperson could quickly spread around a local area and might impact men more than women as a result of their immune response.

Sinusitis may also be the result of a pathogen, particularly one infecting the ear, nose and/or throat, but environmental factors should also be considered. Pollutants from burning wood for cooking and warmth may irritate the nasal sinuses and cause sinusitis, as could pollutants from increasing urbanization. Furthermore, sinusitis can be caused by the eruption of a tooth root through the sinus floor- as happened with two of the females in this population. The other five males and eight females with sinusitis was likely caused by disease or pollution. The rate of maxillary sinusitis is much lower across this population than compared to other more urban populations across Viking Age and Early Medieval Sweden which have sinusitis rates between 70% and 95% (Sundman & Kjellström, 2013). This is surprising since Denmark was

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further along the state formation process at an earlier time than Sweden and had more early towns. A possible explanation of this difference is exposure to different pollutants based on what type of material was being burned in homes. Despite these societal differences, the increase of sinusitis that is normally seen with urbanization and increasing pollution is not present in this population. It is possible that the underreporting of maxillary sinusitis is due to preservation issues where the extra bone growth that occurs as a result of this pathology could strengthen the wall of the sinus, thus making affected individuals more likely to have intact sinuses. These cases would not be recognized as individuals with intact maxillary sinuses were not assessed for sinusitis as no destructive sampling was undertaken. The low rates of sinusitis may instead suggest that Danish individuals during the Viking Age were spending more time in less polluted areas or were less prone towards nasal infections. There is also no statistically significant difference in prevalence rates between males and females suggesting that exposure to pollutants or pathogens that can affect sinus health was not impacted by sex; however, it is impossible to determine if the causal factor was different for males and females.

There are no significant differences in degenerative joint changes between men and women. The causes of degenerative joint changes are multifaceted and include genetic predisposition and activity patterns (Gestsdóttir, 2014), thus the lack of statistically significant differences between males and females suggest that neither genetics nor occupation were markedly separate. The difference in Schmorl’s nodes prevalence rate is similarly non- significant, although the condition did occur more often in males than females. As the presence of Schmorl’s nodes has been linked to vertebral morphology, this is likely a result of a biological sex difference rather than reflecting a difference in social roles (Plomp et al., 2012, 2015). There was one instance of osteochondritis dissecans in the population. Osteochondritis dissecans is

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most commonly found in young males as a result of their activities, so the presence of the condition in a female is potentially unusual; however, it is impossible to generalize as there is only one case (Roberts & Manchester, 2010). There are a few more cases of os acromiale, although they are evenly spread between males and females. While some cases of os acromiale have been used to indicate certain activity patterns, such as repetitive drawing of a heavy bow, this condition occurs in 3-6% of modern populations (Roberts & Manchester, 2010; Stirland,

2000; Stirland & Waldron, 1997). As such, the less than 3% of this skeletal population with unilateral os acromiale should not be considered indicative of any particular activity pattern.

As with the prevalence rates of enamel hypoplasias, the prevalence rates for cribra orbitalia do not vary significantly for males and females. As cribra orbitalia is a manifestation of iron deficiency anemia, a significant difference in prevalence rates would suggest differing nutritional access. However, the lack of distinction suggests that nutritional requirements were being met for most individuals in the society regardless of their sex. When looking at evidence of joint disease, infection and cribra orbitalia, the data does not provide any evidence of statistically significant differences between males and females.

Discussion of Trauma

Given perceptions of the Vikings as a bloodthirsty group one might expect to see high rates of trauma in the population. While 47 individuals have evidence of trauma, that only accounts for 27% of the total skeletal population. Furthermore, only seven individuals, or 4.02% of the skeletal population, have clear cases of trauma as a result of interpersonal violence. These include the two cases of sharp force trauma and five of the six ulnar fractures. Neither individual who died as a result of sharp force trauma had weapons in their grave. One had a knife and the other has no grave goods. This suggests that even though they died from violence, society did

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not view either of these individuals as needing weapons in the afterlife. Four of the five parry fractures affected women, suggesting women may be more engaged in defensive activities. As

Judd (2008) points out, parry fractures may be the result of shielding one’s face from a blow with the forearm; however, ulnar fractures may also occur as a result of stress or accidents. As such, it is worth noting that the ulna fractures may artificially inflate the rate of trauma as a result of interpersonal violence. The blunt force trauma to the skull might be the result of interpersonal trauma but could also be the result of an accident so it was not included in this category.

Beyond the trauma that likely resulted from interpersonal violence, the fracture rates between men and women were similar. While different elements were affected, men and women seemed to be engaging in activities that were equally likely to result in traumatic injuries. The presence of lower leg fractures in males might suggest a different behavior pattern than females.

One male skeleton (Kuml Høje gr. Hsk1) had unhealed fractures to his left tibia and fibula and healed fractures of his right tibia and fibula. This suggest the individual was in a major accident that affected both legs; unfortunately, the leg bones were not in the box containing the remainder of this individual’s remains, so no further assessment could be carried out. My knowledge of the trauma to individual Hsk1 from Kuml Høje is based on excavation notes and records from a previous osteological assessment. Additionally, only males have non-union of fractures. In both these cases fractures were sustained to both the tibia and fibula, and the radius and ulna, respectively. This suggests that the injuries were more high impact as they affected both bones.

The non-union of the bones may be a result of the severity of the injury, lack of care, inability for the broken bone to heal in alignment with the nearby bone as both were broken, or a combination of all three factors.

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While males were more likely to fracture their appendicular skeleton, females were more likely to fracture their axial skeleton. Rib fractures have been associated with domestic violence, particularly when found in conjunction with nasal fractures, which was not the case here (Novak,

2006). It is therefore more likely that the fractures were a result of an accident, such as a fall or being kicked by an animal, although violence cannot be ruled out as a causal factor. The fractures to the vertebrae are all compression fractures to lumbar vertebrae, an injury that is often associated with osteoporosis (Roberts & Manchester, 2010:91). However, the vertebral compression fractures occurred in a middle age male, a young female, a middle age female, and an old female. While it is not impossible that osteoporosis caused at least some of these fractures, it is likely not the causal factor for all of them as most of the individuals are not old enough for osteoporosis to be a major concern. As it is impossible to diagnose osteoporosis without doing x-rays, it is not possible confirm or reject this hypothesis at this time.

Compression fractures to the vertebrae may also be the result of high impact falls, such as might be sustained if one was thrown from a horse. Given the ages of the affected individuals, the compression fractures are more likely to be the result of an activity or accident rather than osteoporosis.

While trauma was not uncommon during the Viking Age, it is not so prevalent in this skeletal collection to uphold the notion of Vikings as a bloodthirsty violent lot. While some individuals who participated in raids may have settled abroad or died, particularly those who suffered very serious injuries, many individuals who went on raids likely came back to the

Scandinavian homeland following their period abroad. Unfortunately, as not all bones were preserved equally, there may be instances of fractures that were not recorded, particularly for the bones which do not preserve as well, such as the ribs and facial bones. The prevalence rates

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may, therefore, be skewed by preservation bias. From the information available at hand, we know that both males and females were engaging in activities that could result in traumatic injuries. While differences in location of injury do occur, they are not so numerus as to be statistically significant between the sexes, yet these differences should be kept in mind when analyzing other patterns in the data.

Discussion of Care

Only one case of direct care can be identified in this sample. Individual BA from

Bogøvej has both a large blunt force wound to the right parietal and the only evidence of trepanation found in the sample population. Individual BA was a female who was likely between 45 and 50 years old. She was found in one of two chamber graves on the site with a large quantity of iron nails and rivets, as well as decomposed planks, suggesting that she was interred in a wagon. She was buried resting on her back with her head towards the west. This is consistent with the body positioning for 75% of the individuals interred in the cemetery at

Bogøvej. In addition, her grave contained a small iron knife, a necklace with four glass beads and a silver bead. Small textile fragments surrounded the silver bead. An ornate dagger was placed in the individual’s lap, along with a small whetstone. Several animal bones were also found, possibly from a domestic bird. A fossil shark tooth was found in the grave filling. These grave goods and burial treatment suggest Individual BA was a high-status individual in this community.

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Figure 7.1 Cranial Trauma of Individual BA from Bogøvej. A depression fracture (a) can be seen on the left and trepanation (b) can be seen on the right.

The major pathologies visible on individual BA’s skeleton are a healed depression fracture on the superior aspect of the right parietal and a healed trepanation on the left parietal

(Figures 7.1a and 7.1b). Unfortunately, the bone surrounding the trepanation is not entirely preserved, so it is unclear whether there was an underlying injury to the left parietal. In addition to these pathological changes, individual BA had a slight case of maxillary sinusitis in both the right and left sinuses, some lipping on the lumbar vertebrae, and two dental caries.

While cranial fractures today are often the result of a serious accident such as an automobile accident, they can also be cause by interpersonal violence. The amount of force required to fracture a human skull is significant and it is likely that any individual who suffered such a severe blow to the head may have also suffered from a traumatic brain injury. The impacts of a traumatic brain injury are generally split into three different categories of impairments. They can affect an individual's cognitive skills, emotional responses, or executive functions. Some common physical effects that may result from a traumatic brain injury are

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headaches, dizziness, amnesia, unusual behavior, seizures, depression, nerve damage, loss of motor skills, and language difficulties (Jolly, 2017; Stocchetti & Zanier, 2016; Tornberg &

Jacobsson, 2018). Language difficulties are more often caused when injuries impact the left hemisphere of the brain, making it unlikely individual BA had language difficulties. Any of these symptoms would require some degree of care or accommodation.

Even for the mildest of head injuries, modern medicine suggests the individual be supervised for at least 24 hours, while severe cases of traumatic brain injury may result in the individual being released to a long-term care facility where they can receive ongoing care, sometimes for years. In 15% of modern traumatic brain injury cases, the injured individual has symptoms that last for over a year (Jolly, 2017). Additionally, broadly speaking, injuries to the right lobe of the brain are more likely to result in attention difficulties while recovering. Therefore, the impact these injuries may have on an individual or a community tasked with their care may have continued for a substantial period of time.

There are two possible interpretations of individual BA’s care, centering around when they were trepanned. As both cranial sites show significant healing, it is possible that the pathology and surgical treatment were acquired in relatively quick succession. It is also possible that individual BA suffered long term side effects from a traumatic brain injury and the trepanation was performed later in an attempt to alleviate some of the symptoms (Moghaddam et al., 2015; Slotten, 2019). In either case, Individual BA survived both the injury and the trepanation process.

Initially, the blow to the head may have caused Individual BA to lose consciousness, even briefly, due to the force of the blow. It is probable that the injury to the skull may have been accompanied by an open wound, so infection may have been a concern. However, the area

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lacks any infectious bone remodeling that would suggest prolonged infection of the area. This could indicate care of the wound by keeping it clean; however, it has also been theorized that the high volume of blood produced by head wounds may help to wash infectious contaminants away at the time of the incisions. This would not preclude continued efforts to keep the area clean.

Trauma to the brain often produces a disoriented state, so in addition to basic medical care, individual BA would likely require assistance in orientating themselves to time and place following their injury. If the trepanation was performed at roughly the same time the injury was acquired, it may indicate some bleeding on the brain or severe enough symptoms that Individual

BA’s healers were concerned about the severity of the injury.

The process of trepanation itself requires a high degree of anatomical knowledge and carries significant risks, such as shock, edema of the brain, infection, and bleeding out (Roberts

& Manchester, 2010). The procedure may have also required the administration of some sort of anesthetic to dull the pain, and restraints or assistance to keep the individual’s head still during the procedure. Undertaking such a procedure would likely only be performed after serious consideration of the risks. Following the trepanation, individual BA would likely have needed significant care during the healing process. They may have needed assistance with feeding themselves, maintaining the cleanliness of the wound and moving around a space. Early in the healing process for brain injuries, functionality can be compromised, sometimes severely, necessitating direct support. As healing progressed, the level of care needed would potentially focus more on accommodation of difference for the fulfillment of mandated social roles. The trauma to the right lobe of the brain may have resulted in long term attention difficulties that may have required accommodation as the healing progress continued. In modern cases, improvement in function is most pronounced in the first 5-6 months following the initial injury (Stocchetti &

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Zanier, 2016). We might then expect the shift from direct care to accommodations of difference to have taken place during this time period.

If instead Individual BA underwent the surgery sometime after the initial injury, the caretakers would have been dealing with two periods of acute care- the first when the original wound was sustained, and a second when the surgery was undertaken. We know from other early cultures, as well as more modern ethnographic accounts, that trepanations can sometimes be undertaken in an attempt to alleviate severe headaches or seizures. Both headaches and seizures are possible long-term consequences of traumatic brain injuries. The surgical intervention may then be a response to significant long-term impacts of the original injury. This scenario would suggest a greater need for care between the injury and eventual surgical intervention. If the impacts of the original injury remained significant enough that later surgical intervention was deemed necessary, it suggests a greater need for care between the injury and eventual surgical intervention. The burden of care on the community may have been significant enough that it was worthwhile to attempt to improve individual BA’s functionality through trepanation, despite the risks, to reduce the level of care required for their continued existence.

A third possibility exists, that a second injury was sustained near the area of trepanation; however, incomplete preservation makes it impossible to assess whether this was the case. A second injury may have occurred at the same or a different time from the obvious blunt force trauma. The existing evidence does not support this possibility, but it is not impossible given the incomplete preservation.

Looking at the remaining skeletal data for Individual BA may help determine the degree of care required. One skeletal change stands out, the presence of maxillary sinusitis. Only one other individual from this cemetery has maxillary sinusitis. Elsewhere in Scandinavia during this

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time period the presence of large amounts of maxillary sinusitis has been linked to a shift towards spending more time indoors (Hedenstierna-Jonson & Kjellström, 2014; Sundman &

Kjellström, 2013). Longhouses in this period all had fires in the main area and air quality indoors may have been full of particulates that could cause maxillary sinusitis. The presence of this infection on Individual BA may suggest that she spent more time indoors than some of her contemporaries. This may have been the result of a prolonged convalescent period or the limiting of individual BA’s activities to those that may not aggravate any lingering symptoms.

This pathological change could reflect an injury that had a longer convalescent period, or required adjusted social roles following Individual BA’s recovery.

Regardless of which of these scenarios reflects the actual events, we do know that individual BA received enough care to survive their injuries and live to a relatively old age. This suggests a degree of anatomical knowledge necessary to successfully perform the trepanation along with a concern for the health and welfare of the community, or at least high-ranking members of the community. The normative, if high status, burial treatment of individual BA also suggests that the injury and the care necessary after sustaining the injury did not negatively impact their social status in this community (Slotten, 2019). The wealthy grave goods associated with individual BA indicate that their injury and any care and accommodation the community may have engaged in was not a detriment to their social standing.

Discussion of Entheseal and Cross-Sectional Geometry Data

The data dealing with labor practices in the Viking Age show more difference than noted elsewhere in this study. The entheseal change data show that males and females may have performed similar types and intensities of movements, although there are some significant differences in entheseal changes to some leg entheses. This may indicate a difference in activity

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between the sexes. The right and left popliteus and soleus enthesis and the left semimembranosus enthesis of the tibia were statistically significantly more impacted in males than females. Added to this, males were more likely to have both trauma and infection present in their lower legs, suggesting that males were doing something different that involved the lower leg. When the significant difference in entheseal changes to the muscle that control leg abduction are also considered, it suggests cross country skiing as a possible activity that males may have engaged in during the winter when they needed to get around (Bo, 1993; Goksoyr,

2013). Travel overland was easier in the winter when the ground was frozen and was a common pastime. Both the goddess Skaði and the god Ullr are associated with skiing in the Prose Edda, suggesting skiing as a pastime that could be enjoyed by all (Sturluson, 2005). However, the leg movement for cross country skiing requires the skier to push their legs away from the midline of the body. During this movement the legs can be spread very far apart. Given that the standard outfit for a woman includes a long, somewhat narrow dress, their clothing may inhibit spreading the legs wide enough to get the requisite power for cross country skiing. It is therefore possible that the cross-country style of skiing was more commonly undertaken by males whose trousers are more suitable for the required motion.

The muscle movement groups for the arm are also similar, although there are some differences in the order in which males and females used different movements. Noticeably, males put more stress on the muscles engaged in forearm extension than other muscle movement groups for the arm and females did not. When looking at the raw data, it becomes clear that the higher forearm extension score for males is influenced by several instances of ossification exostosis. While females also have some cases of ossification exostosis, they are fewer than the number of male cases, a pattern that holds true throughout the skeleton. The aetiology of

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ossification exostosis is not well understood and further work is necessary. There are two competing theories for how ossification exostosis is created; either it is a macro trauma that is the result of a one-time extreme action, or the result of a jump in severity of muscle movement that is sustained (Charlotte Y. Henderson, 2009; C. Y. Henderson, Mariotti, Pany-Kucera, Villotte, &

Wilczak, 2013; Schrader & Buzon, 2017; Wesp, 2014b). They may, therefore, speak to a lower underlying entheseal robusticity that was unable to normally cope with the sharp increase in the strain put upon them.

The muscles controlling forearm extension have the highest average amount of entheseal changes in males and is the fifth and sixth highest in females on their right and left sides, respectively. This may be because more male individuals exhibit ossification exostosis than females. In an attempt to better understand the physical exertion required onboard a Viking ship,

I visited the Roskilde Ship Museum and took a day course on how to sail a Viking ship. I also discussed the physical requirements of ship life with the instructors. Based on my experience, I would propose that these changes may be related to life on a ship, although it is possible that the entheseal changes relate to some other activity. Steering, rowing, and setting sails all take a considerable amount of forearm extensor strength, even on a calm day on the water. When the seas are rougher, the work would have been that much harder. The muscles involved in shoulder stabilization are also important for rowing. While males actually have a lower mean score for shoulder stabilization, they have twice as many stress scores for the costoclavicular ligament enthesis than females. Only 12 females scored a 3.5 or higher, while 24 males scored higher than a 3.5; only one of these was an ossification exostosis level change. In addition to the strain placed on these entheses, the seasonal cycle of trading and raiding would result in considerable downtime when these muscles may not have been used as extensively. Returning to a ship and

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putting large amounts of strain on entheses that were not adapted to that level of stress may explain the presence of ossification exostosis. Other seasonal activities could also be responsible for this difference. The lack of ossification exostosis on the costoclavicular ligament enthesis may be a result of using the shoulder stabilization muscle for non-seasonal activities. It is worth noting that this type of entheseal change is more common in, but not limited to males, suggesting that some females may have engaged in similar activities as some males, such as helping onboard.

The differences in the cross-sectional geometric properties of the humerus and femur between males and females is more striking. While the sample size precluded statistical analysis, generally speaking, males are more robust and have more rigidity in their bones. This is the result of increased mechanical loading being placed on the bone. The amount of the load may be related to activity patterns, but it is also related to bone morphology and body mass. Beam theory states that bone further from the center of the beam will have greater rigidity and strength regardless of the total quantity of cortical bone (C. Ruff et al., 2006; C. B. Ruff, 2008). As males have a greater total area than females, the outer limits of their cortical bone are necessarily further away from the center and therefore are stronger and more rigid. Furthermore, there is a statistically significant difference in body mass between males and females. Additional mass will put an increased stress on the bones and may be responsible for some of the differences seen in the cross-sectional geometry data. As a positive linear relationship exists between body mass and cross-sectional geometry values, it is possible that these differences have more to do with biological differences in size rather than a sex-based division of labor.

When these preliminary cross-sectional geometry values and entheseal changes are considered together, it suggests that males may have been undertaking activities that are more

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likely to result in higher order entheseal changes and more loading on the bone. However, there were females with ossification exostosis at different entheseal sites, so exposure to that type of strain is not limited to males. In order to gain a better understanding of the relationship between entheseal changes, body mass, and cross-sectional geometry, a larger and more representative sample size is necessary.

Limitations

Some important limitations should be considered for these interpretations. First, most statistics are more accurate with larger sample sizes. While a sample size of 174 is large for a bioarcheological study, it is small when compared to the sample sizes that many statistics were developed for. In a small sample, outliers can shift the data significantly more than they would in large sample. As a result, the statistics employed on small samples are more likely to be skewed away from the true average.

The absence of statistical significance found in this study cannot be taken to mean that differences did not exist. After all, the absence of evidence is not an evidence of absence. This is further compounded by the fact that certain conditions can have multiple different aeteologies.

However, the lack of evidence does bear consideration when analyzing gender constructs during the Viking Age. Difference cannot be assumed when there is no evidence to support it.

Key Findings

One of the most striking findings from this study is that the presumed differences between males and females did not exist for multiple different skeletal indicators in the osteological sample. The conventional understanding of gender during the Viking Age is that sex corresponds directly with gender and that males and females lived their lives in separate spheres; therefore, these differences should be apparent in both the osteological material and

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mortuary record. If the possibility of multiple genders for each biological sex existed, or if life experiences were not shaped by sex/gender expectations, then no difference in the osteological and mortuary record based on sex would exist. Alternatively, a difference in the mortuary data, but not the osteological data may suggest that social ideals existed, but that individuals did not adhere strictly to those societal roles.

When comparing the osteological material, I noted that both enamel hypoplasia and cribra orbitalia rates are similar for males and females. As these two pathologies relate to nutritional access, they are worth considering together. Teeth develop in early life and record evidence of childhood stressors, such as serious illnesses or nutritional deficiencies. Given that enamel hypoplasia is present in slightly more than a quarter of individuals included in the study, it can be assumed that serious childhood stressors were fairly common, although also not the norm. As enamel hypoplasia is found in both males and females with similar prevalence rates, these childhood stressors affected males and females equally, a conclusion that has been reached in other analysis of enamel hypoplasia during the Viking Age (Buckwalter & Baten, 2019).

Given this, it seems likely that children of different sexes were not treated differently in terms of access to food or exposure to pathogens, which might have caused serious illnesses. If male and female children were treated similarly, it begs the question of whether adult males and females had similar nutritional access. Turning to an analysis of cribra orbitalia, the results are again similar. There is no significant difference for prevalence rates of cribra orbitalia between males and females, suggesting that nutritional access was not different for individuals of either sex during adulthood.

Similarly, differences in pathology prevalence rates are rare between males and females, although certain patterns did emerge from the data. Fewer instances of maxillary sinusitis exist

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in this sample compared to other samples from Viking Age Scandinavia (Liebe-Harkort, 2012;

Sundman & Kjellström, 2013). Females are slightly more likely to have maxillary sinusitis, but not significantly so. As sinusitis is caused by inflammation of the sinuses as a result of illness and/or pollution, the similar prevalence rates suggest similar exposure to either pollution or illness for males and females. Of course, it is possible that either affected males or females developed the condition because of illness and the other sex developed this response because of exposure to pollution, but there is no way to differentiate between the two causes in the osteological record.

More males than females have periostitis on their tibia, although the condition did affect women as well. This may reflect an increased exposure to pathogens or microtraumas to the shin, which might cause inflammation to the area or expose the area to certain pathogens.

Considering that males were more likely that females to fracture their lower limb bones, it is reasonable to suppose that small injuries to the lower leg bones may have also occurred which may have resulted in periostitis. Given the difference in lower leg entheseal change between males and females, this pattern suggests males may have been engaging in some different activities than females, possibly skiing as posited previously.

There is also a difference in which muscles movements were used the most between males and females, though once again the quantitative difference in degree of entheseal change is not significant. It is possible that this relates to a pattern of seasonal activity, such as sailing, whereby muscles could be unused for part or most of the year and then be utilized in higher impact activities for brief periods, necessitating the enthesis deal with radically different mechanical loads. Importantly, while the higher order changes to the entheses are seen more often in males, they do also occur in females, suggesting this activity pattern was not unique to a

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single sex. It is also possible that the entheseal changes resulted from different activities using similar movements and levels of use.

When examining the mortuary record, more differences between the treatment of males and females are apparent, although again, few of them are significant. Males are slightly more likely to have higher numbers of grave goods and more variety of grave goods- both of which indicate a higher social standing. However, there are females who have large numbers of grave goods and a variety of types of grave goods, suggesting it was possible for women to achieve high status. Three types of grave goods were only found in male graves: weapons, economic objects, and equestrian objects. As previously noted, the pathology of the individuals does not suggest they were warriors. These grave goods do indicate a higher status of these males and a status that women may not have had access to. Conversely, women are more likely to be buried with miscellaneous objects. The uniqueness of the objects in this category suggest that some of them may be status markers as well. It is possible that they represent other aspects of social standing that are not well understood at present. Miscellaneous items may also represent sentimental items that were important to the deceased; this may explain why similar items were not found in other graves.

Females are more likely to be buried in a crouched position, which is a less prevalent position, but not considered unusual or deviant. Males, on the other hand, were significantly more likely to be buried under a stone layer, suggesting that the mourners wanted to ensure the deceased remained in the ground. This type of burial is sometimes considered deviant, especially if the individual is also in a prone positions (Gardela, 2013a; Gardela & Kajkowski,

2013). Burial in a crouched position, 13 occurrences, is actually rarer than burial under a stone layer, 18 occurrences. It is possible that burial in an unusual body position or with a stone layer

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may simply be ways of denoting difference, although a stone layer, especially those with very large stones, does seem designed to keep someone in or others out. When looking at the grave goods, burials with stone layers include between one and nine grave goods of up to five different types. This suggests that the deceased could have some wealth and status, although the total number of grave good does not suggest excessive wealth that the stones were put in place to protect.

Based on the above, some revisions to our understanding of sex and gender in the Viking

Age in Denmark should be considered. Statistically significant differences between males and females are rare in both the osteological and mortuary data, although some non-statistically significant patterns did exist. This suggests that there may have been idealized constructs of what roles men and women occupied, but that these roles were not strictly adhered to in daily life. In fact, they may have been common enough to end up in the written record. This brings up the question of when does a group of people not adhering to perceived gender norms stop being discussed as exceptions to the rule and start being worthy of consideration as potential third and fourth genders? The literature provides two possible gender constructs which should be considered: ergi and warrior women.

Ergi has been translated in many ways, as an insult denoting femininity similar to blauðr, as a definition for the passive partner in male homosexual relations, and as a male practitioner of seiðr (Clover, 1993; Solli, 1999). As seiðr is traditionally viewed as the purview of females, all three of these definitions relate to males who may engage in traditionally feminine activities.

Another possible interpretation of ergi, is that of passivity or weakness. Clover argues that “the insult complex seems to me to be driven, not by the oppositions male/female per se, but by the oppositions hvatr/blauðr, which works more as a gender continuum than a sexual binary” (1993:

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377). This recognizes that while hvatr is generally associated with masculinity and blauðr with femininity, both males and females can have either hvatr or blauðr as they are more a statement of power than biological sex. Warrior women, alternatively, are females who may engage in practices more normatively associated with masculinity or hvatr. These women may obtain power by engaging in typically masculine displays. Notably, their femaleness does not necessitate that they cannot access these areas of power, simply that they must behave differently in order to gain access. While no females were found with weapons or other indicators that they may be warriors, the ability of women’s gender to shift over their life course may account for this. Critically, this understanding recognizes power as something that men can lose and something that women can gain, and it is therefore not sex specific. However, the general association of hvatr with males and blauðr with females suggests that individuals have, or do not have, the power normatively associated with their sex may be considered different enough to be considered alternate genders. The fact that acting or dressing too much like someone of a different sex was grounds for divorce suggests that these actions removed individuals from the normative roles available to males and females. The loss of those normative roles should not be considered a bad thing as it may result in access to previously unavailable influence for the individual, either through political, military, or ritual avenues. It may also be an efficient way out of an unwanted marriage. If there are individuals who embody these third and fourth gender constructs, their osteological and mortuary data may obfuscate any differences between normative males and females in statistical terms, particularly given the small sample size.

The unusual burial positions and stone layers may also be related to individuals of third and fourth genders. Considering that the sagas state that warrior women could lose their unique standing if they engaged in marriage and childbirth, it is possible for the gender of a female

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person to transform over their life (Roesdahl, 1998; Somerville & McDonald, 2010). If females had switched from being warrior women to being normative women, they may not have been buried with grave goods indicating their earlier activities, but their earlier gender construction may be recognized through burial in a unique position. Similarly, if males were engaged in seiðr their ritual power may need to be recognized. Furthermore, most males and some females who practice seiðr could be viewed as malevolent, which may necessitate burial under a stone layer.

Given the various ways individuals could inhabit non-normative gender roles over their life course, it is worth considering the possibility of these third and fourth genders in any analysis of the Viking Age. This is especially true as the data from this study does not support a strict gender binary social division.

Recommendations for Further Work

This study is limited to the Viking Age archaeological material that was found in modern day Denmark; however, the boundaries of Denmark included both Schleswig in modern day

Germany and Skåne in modern day Sweden during the Viking Age (Pedersen, 2014). A similar study could be conducted on remains from these geographical areas to get a more complete idea of how sex and gender interacted across space at the time. This would also help increase the sample size and would improve the statistical accuracy. A larger sample size may also open the door to utilizing self-guided statistical models based on machine learning to identify patterns in the data. Self-guided statistical models do not seek to answer a particular query; rather they look for patterns in the data that might not be otherwise recognized. Unfortunately, the data sizes for self-guided analysis need to be much larger so that the data model can train itself and test its accuracy. Furthermore, the number of variables included in the model need to be appropriate for the sample size and, at present, the number of variables was larger than the sample size.

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Therefore, identification of relevant variables would need to be undertaken first, which negates some of the value of self-guided analysis as the decision of which variable to exclude biases the sample. Further investigation of the cross-sectional geometry of individuals in this population would also help identify differences in mechanical loads that may be used to further understand labor practices.

Significance of the Study

As mentioned in the opening chapter, this dissertation sought to highlight the usefulness of population level studies for understanding gender constructs, assess the accuracy of the current gender binary model used by many Viking Age scholars, and whether or not the data analyzed supports alternative gender constructions. It is worth evaluating these aims given the data and interpretations presented above.

This study has highlighted the ways in which a population level study can be beneficial to understanding the social construct of gender in a given time. The consideration of a larger data set allows trends to become apparent where they exist, and forces consideration of previous assumptions when the data does not support those assumptions. This is especially useful in gender archaeology where so many of our assumptions are based on restrictive Victorian ideas of appropriate gender roles. As a result, population level studies provide more data for analysis, and make it harder to support outdated ideas.

Turning to the question of whether the mortuary record provides evidence of a gender binary system, it must be concluded that it does not. The lack of statistical significance for the majority of the osteological and contextual variables considered here speaks to a society that was far more gender equitable than has previously been assumed. Even where trends in osteological or contextual information were seen, they were not absolute. While some of the data suggests

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certain roles or expectations may have been more associated with males or females, the remaining data for the individual was normative enough to suggest the social perception of them was not overly different from other individuals. Furthermore, these trends were often seen in a small number of individuals, suggesting that while some rarer cases may have existed, the majority of the population’s lived experiences and treatment in death was not unduly influenced by their sex. While sex and gender may have influences one’s identity, they do not determine who a person is.

Lastly, this data does suggest that alternative gender constructions should be considered during the Viking Age. This conclusion is drawn from the mortuary data discussed earlier in this chapter. It is worth mentioning that the differences seen may be the result of contextual meaning that we do not currently understand. However, the combination of written sources that discuss gender roles that could be considered third gender, and the mortuary evidence that could be interpreted in support of third and fourth genders suggests that due consideration should be given to alternative gender constructions.

The above conclusions showcase the fluid nature of gender and the importance of evaluating multiple strains of evidence before reaching any conclusions. They also highlight the importance of basing analysis on the data rather than preconceived ideas. It has become obvious that a rigidly gender-binary model is not the best way of understanding gender in the Viking

Age. While some roles or activities may have been linked to a certain sex, it is equally obvious that there are exceptions to every norm. Those individuals whose personal desires or life situations resulted in them partaking in activities or roles that may not have been strongly linked with their sex need to be accounted for. An adherence to fixed gender role models during the

Viking Age is not supported by the population level data presented here. It is past time for

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academics to move on from the notion of a strict gender binary society as not only do case studies support the possibility of alternative genders (as discussed in chapter 4) but this population level study found insufficient evidence of clear social demarcation between males and females. Instead, alternative gender constructions should be considered.

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APPENDIX A

SITE INFORMATION

Aggersborg Kirk, Aggersborg parish, Øster Han herred NM II D1906/1977 The site was excavated in 1976. Four inhumation burials were recovered all of which are older than the first wooden church on the site. C14 dating correspond to the early 11th century. One individual was examined from this site. References: Graebe and Roesdahl 1977, Sellevold et al 1984:35, Kleiminger 1993 no 129, Pedersen 2014.

Bakkendrup, Bakkendrup parish, Løve Herred NM I 2814/79 A rescue excavation took place at this site in 1979 after it was discovered during road construction. Continued archaeological excavation in 1980 and 1983 revealed a 9th century cemetery with 22 inhumations. Seven individuals were examined from this site. References: Sellevold et al 1984:38f, Jørgensen and Poulsen 1979, Kleiminger 1993 no 23, Albrethsen 1992, 2002, Pedersen 2014

Besser, Besser parish, Samsø herred NM C24368-83, NM I 353/41 Archaeological excavations in 1941 uncovered a cemetery with six inhumation graves, some of which also contained cremated remains. The site is situated on a hill top near a Neolithic stone cist on the East coast of Samsø. One individual was examined from this site. References: Jørgensen 1975 no 77, Sellevold et all 1984:41. Kleiminger 1993 no 30, Pedersen 2014

Bogøvej, Lindelse parish, Langelands, Sønder herred LMR 12077, NM I 6943/89 The site was first excavated in 1924 as a result of gravel digging and then again between 1987- 89 because of agricultural work. An inhumation cemetery containing at least 51 individuals was located on the peak of a hill south of Lindelse Nor. The cemetery is approximated 70m x 30m and the graves were distributed evenly surrounding the hilltop. The site was likely in use around the late 10th and early 11th century. Twenty-nine individuals from this site were investigated. References: Kleiminger 1993 no 119. Grøn et al 1994. Pedersen 2014, AUD 1988 no 149

Bødkergård Mark, Tryggelev parish, Langelands Sønder herred NM C33979-80, LMR 13372 Archaeological excavations in 1997 discovered five inhumation graves on the hill site where two oval brooches and a trefoil brooch had previously been discovered. One mostly dissolved clay vessel was also found on the site, possibly from an older period. Remains of an older Iron Age building have been found nearby. The site’s location would have had a good landing site during the Viking Age before a dam was built. Five individuals were analyzed from this site. References: AUD 1997 no 194, Pedersen 2014 190

Bårse/ Tyvesteensagren, Bårse sogn. Bårse herred SMV 28/86 sb-67 The site was discovered in 1986 during the excavation of nearby Markildegård (SMV15/86) before a construction project. The hilltop site near Risby River contained 16 inhumation graves and a few cremations. A buckle from one of the graves dates from the 10th century. The site is listed as Tyvesteensagren in the literature, but is listed as Bårse in the archives. The site numbers are the same across the literature and the archives. As the skeletal material is listed under Bårse, that is the title I will use for the remainder of this research project. Three individuals were analyzed from this site. References: AUD 1986 no 83. Kleiminger 1993 no 47, Pedersen 2014

Errindlev, Errindlev parish, Fuglse herred NM C8302-21 The site was discovered curing gravel digging and excavated in 1896. The single chamber burial was located near the coast on a small gravel elevation in an otherwise flat area. Other fragmentary remains were found in the area, possibly the remains of other destroyed burial but are not stored in the archive. Grave goods in the burial are from the 10th century. One individual was analyzed from this site. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 95, Sellevold et al 1984:50, Kleiminger 1993 no 78. Pedersen 2014

Forlev, Vemmelev Parish, Slagelse herred NM C7777-7852 C10042-43 A non-expert excavation in 1895 discovered 36 graves which were a combination of inhumation and cremations. Two inhumations had been discovered and reburied in the area in 1890. The site is directly south of the late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age burial mound Aashøj. The site was not square and was 30-40m by 22-42m. Three individuals were examined from this site. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 105, Ramskou 1951 no 21, Sellevold et al. 1984:51f, Kleiminger 1993 no 045, Pedersen 2014

Galgedil, Otterup parish, Lunde herred OBM 4520 During several archaeological excavations in 1999-2001 and 2004-2005 59 inhumations and 2 cremations were discovered. The site is west of Otterup and E of the stream Horsebæk on the island of Funen. The pagan burial site was in use from around 700AD-1100AD. Research into mtDNA reveals a genetic similarity with individuals from Kongemarken. Thirty-three individuals were from this site were analyzed, References: AUD 1999 no 234, AUD 2000 no 194, Pedersen 2014, Melhior et al 2008a, 2008b, Rogers, 2016

Gammel Lejre, Kornerup parish, Sømme herred AS 25/2010, ROM 641/85 Archaeological excavation conducted in 1921 and 1927. Burial site situated across the river from the settlement site. Three individuals from this site were examined. References: Andersen 1995:11, Pedersen 2014, Lund and Arwill-Nordbladh 2016

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Grydehøj-Trekroner Øst, Roskilde parish, Sømme herred ROM 2285, AS189/07 The site is on a small hill near Roskilde. The western side of the hill was used for cemetery where 17 inhumation graves were found. The center of the cemetery contains earlier monuments from the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. The cemetery was in used in the 8th and 9th centuries. Nine individuals were examined from this cemetery. References: Ulriksen 2011.

Hesselbjerg, Randlev parish, Hads herred FHM 1379, FHM 4015 This cemetery was first excavated from 1963-70 and then again from 1997-98. In total 97 graves were found with 79 inhumations in a gravel and sand bank. Skeletons were not preserved in all of the burials. Seventeen individuals from this site were examined. References: Anderson and Klindt-Jensen 1971, Sellevold et al 1984:59ff, Kleiminger 1993 no 209, AUD 1997 no 318, AUD 1998 no 409, Jeppesen 2000, Pedersen 2014

Hesselbjerg Marken, Magleby parish, Langelands, Sønder herred LMR 11163 First excavated by a non-expert in 1860, this site was excavated by trained archaeologists in 1982 after being rediscovered during ploughing. Two inhumations were discovered on the southwest side of the hill during each of the excavations but only the burials from the second excavation have been accounted for. One individual from this site was analyzed. References: Skaarup 1976:185 no 15. Jørgensen 1986:226. Kleiminger 1993 no 121, Grøn et al 1994, Pedersen 2014

Hessum, Skeby parish, Lunde herred NM I 818/50 The site was excavated in 1950 after it was discovered during gravel digging. Several graves had previously been uncovered in the 1930’s. Four burials were discovered during the excavation in 1950. Three individuals from this site were analyzed. References: Sellevold et al 1984:62, Kleiminger 1993 no 93.

Kappelsbjerg, Humble parish, Langelands, Sønder herred LMR 12001. NM II 38/87. NM I 6861/88 The site was identified during agricultural activity and excavated between 1987-88. The cemetery contained 14 inhumations. Two individuals from this site were analyzed. References: Skaarup 1988, Kleiminger 1993 no 115, Grøn et al 1994. Pedersen 2014

Kongemarken/Skt. Jørgensbjerg, Sankt Jørgensbjerg parish, Sømme herred NM C26874, NM I 314/53 ROM 1819 The site was excavated in 1953 and 1996. A single inhumation grave was found west of an early Christian cemetery, the following site. A C14 date from the site date the burial to the end of the 9th century. One individual from this site was examined. References: Sellevold et al 1984:73, Kleiminger 1993 no 13, Christensen and Lynnerup 2004, Pedersen 2014

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Kongemarken, Roskilde county, Sømme herred ROM 1820 This site near Roskilde was excavated in connection with roadworks and is not fully excavated as some of the site is under a road. It is one of the earliest Christian cemeteries in Denmark. The cemetery was roughly 30m by 40m. The remains of a small building have been found in the southeast corner and evidence of a church has been found in the middle of the cemetery. The church was erected after some of the earlier burials. Ceramics from an older Iron Age settlement have been found nearby. The cemetery was in use from 1000 AD to 1250 AD and contained 321 excavated inhumations. Eight individuals from this site were analyzed. This subsection of the population was analyzed due to time constraints and since the site extends into the Middle Ages. References: Rudbeck et al 2005, Melchior et al 2010, Rogers 2016

Kuml Høje, Lindelse parish, Langelands, Sønder herred LMR C27ff, 12845 This site was first excavated in 1855 during gravel digging my amateurs. A single find was made in 1992 by a metal detector and archaeological excavations took place in 1998. In total, 17 inhumations were discovered during the two excavations- six in 1855 and 11 in 1998. The site is located at the base of a Neolithic megalithic tomb. During the 1998 excavation some skeletal remains as well as iron fragments were recovered from the previous excavation. Five individuals from this site were analyzed. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 90, Skaarup 1976:185 no 11, AUD 1992 no 156, AUD 1997 no192, AUD 1998 no 234, Kleiminger 1993 no 116, Kristensen and Bennike 1912, Pedersen 2014

Kaargården, Lindelse parish, Langelands, Sønder herred LMR 9665, C50, 11563 First excavated by non-experts in the late 19th century, the site was reexcavated between 1984-87 because of an agricultural threat. The excavation uncovered an inhumation cemetery with 95 graves. The cemetery is located on a east side of the hill Kaagårdsbanken near the coast. Grave goods from the cemetery date the site to the late Iron Age and Early Viking Age. Fifteen individuals from this site were examined. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 91, Kleiminger 1993 no 117-118, Grøn et al 1994, Pedersen 2014

Ladby, Kølstrup parish, Bjerge herrod NM C30238 L4 Archaeological excavations in 1934 and 1935 revealed a inhumation cemetery and ship burial. The burial was found in a field near Höye Steens Agre in northeast Funen. The ship burial was found in a 2m high mound that was roughly 28 m in diameter. It was plundered sometime in antiquity. The inhumation cemetery was found southeast of the mound. Two individuals from this site were examined. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 75-76, Thorvildsen 1957, AUD 1984, Sellevold et al. 1984:75, Thrane 1987, Kleiminger 1993 no 87088, Sørensen 2001, Pedersen 2014

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Lejre, Kornerup parish, Sømme herred NM C29984-85, C29987-93, C29994-30150, NM I 419/71 Trial excavations in 1944 were followed by archaeological excavations in 1945 and from 1953- 68 which uncovered an inhumation cemetery with ship settings and a few cremations. The burials were discovered southwest of the burial mound Grydehøj on a gravel ridge between Kornerup Å river and the now dry Lejre Å river. Five individuals were analyzed from this site. References: Sellevold et al 1984:76ff, Andersen 1995, Pedersen 2014

Muldbjerg, Gørløse parish, lynge-Fredrujsbord Herred NM C29710, NM I 1354/75 Archaeological excavation in 1975 revealed an inhumation grave in sandy soil. The site has been C14 dated to the late 9th century. One individual was analyzed from this site. References: Sellevold et al 1984:89, Kleiminger 1993 no .004, Pedersen 2014

Nӕsby, Kirke Stillinge parish, Slagelse herred NM C16346 This site was first uncovered by non-expert recovery in 1914 and 1922. One grave was recovered in 1922 where other graves had been previously reported. A fragmentary oval brooch found near the grave likely comes from the early Viking Age. The site is sometimes listed as Nӕsby Strand in publications but has the same archival number. One individual from this site was analyzed. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 104, Sellevold et al 1984:91, Michélsen 1991, Kleiminger 1993 no 40-41

Nørre Longelse Molle, Longelse parish, Langelands Sønder herred LMR 484-509 The site was discovered during construction in 1903 and 1926. Following the second report of remains in the area archaeological excavations were undertaken in 1926. The site is south of Assemose and north of Nørre Longelse. Grave goods associated with the burial are from the 10th century. Two individuals from this site were examined. References: Brønsted 1936 no 89, Sellevold et al 1984:92, Kleiminger 1993 no 120, Pedersen 2014

Nørre Kongerslev, Nørre-Kongerslev parish, Hellum herred AHM 679 This site was excavated in 1976 following discovery during a construction project. An inhumation burial was discovered that C14 dating placed in the 10th century. One individual was analyzed from this site. References: Sellevold et al 1984:92. Kleiminger 1993 no 153, Pedersen 2014

Rantzausminde, Egense parish, Sunds herred NM C20342-49 Archaeological excavations in 1927 revealed an inhumation cemetery where seven graves were discovered. Six of the skeletons were examined from this site. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 84. Sellevold et al 1984:94f, Kleiminger 1993 no 126, Pedersen 2014

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Runegard, Bornholms Sønder BHR 677, BHR 948 This site was excavated in 1979 and 1980 in conjunction with a nearby settlement. Survey indicated there were at least 14 graves on the site but only two were fully excavated. The burials date to the second half of the 10th century. One individual from this site was analyzed. References: Watt 1983

Sebbersund, Sebber parish, Slet herred AHM 2863 The site was excavated between 1991-1994 after being discovered during agricultural activity. The cemetery contained traces of a church and an estimated 700 burials, although only 468 were recorded. The 40m by 40m site was near an important seasonal trading and handicraft center in eastern Limfjord in norther Jutland. Preservation conditions were very poor. The site was in use from the 8th-11th centuries. Four individuals from this site were analyzed. References: AUD 1991 no 212. AUD 1992 no 221, Birkedahl Christensen and Johansen 1992, Birkedahl and Johansen 1993, 1995, Nielsen 2003, Pedersen 2014, Price et al 2012

Snubbekorgård, Sengeløse sogn, Smørum herrod TAK1304, AS44/2007 The site near Tastrup was partially excavated in 2006 and 2008. Only the northern portion of the hilltop site was excavated as the agricultural research was taking place on the southern portion. The burials extended south from the top of hill in, potentially because the north, east, and west sides of the hill were very steep. Both inhumation and cremations were discovered. The site dates to the late 8th and early 9th centuries. Two individuals were examined from this site. References: Bennike 2007, Danneskiold-Samsøe 2007

Stengade 1, Tullebølle parish, Langelands Nørre herred LMR C158ff First discovered in 1905, this site was further excavated from 1905-1923. The inhumation cemetery is located on a hill about 500 m south of the Stengade II cemetery and west of Sandmarken. In additional to four Viking Age inhumations, 2 early Roman inhumations and 3 undated burials were discovered. Grave goods from the Viking Age burials are from the 10th century. One individual was analyzed from this site. References: Brøndsted 1936 no 87, Skaarup 1976:9,185 no 4. Sellevold et al 1984:116, Kleiminger 1993 no 109, Pedersen 2014

195

APPENDIX B:

FORMS

196

Osteological Recording Form

Site: ______Structure/Op: ______Unit: ______Level: ______

Coordinates: ______Burial: ______Individual: ______

Type of Burial: ______Chronology: ______

Body Position: ______Body Orientation: ______

Photos in situ: ______laboratory: ______Drawing: O Yes O No

Preservation: O Poor O Average O Good O Excellent Notes: ______

Context Description: ______

Taphonomic Observations: ______

Macroscopic Observations: ______

Pathological Observations: ______

Specialized Analysis Forms Samples Taken: O Visual Recording Form O C14 ______O Age, Sex, Stature, Body Mass O Stable Isotope ______O Dental Analysis O DNA ______O Paleopathology O Other: ______O Entheseal Changes 197

DENTAL INVENTORY VISUAL RECORDING FORM: PERMANENT DENTITION

Site Name/Number

Feature/Burial Number

Burial/Skeleton Number

Present Location of Collection

MAXILLARY BUCCAL

1 2 3 4 5 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17

BUCCAL

198

199

200

201

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