The Albanians in Macedonia: The Role of International Organizations in Empowering the Ethnic Albanian Minority
Christina Eva Griessler
ECMI WORKING PAPER #79
September 2014
ECMI- Working Paper # 79
The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethno-political tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned.
ECMI Working Paper # 79 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2014
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THE ALBANIANS IN MACEDONIA1: THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN EMPOWERING THE ETHNIC ALBANIAN MINORITY
The paper analyses the measures taken by the agencies of the international c ommunity, i.e. EU, UN, OSCE and NATO during and after the 2001 conflict in the Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) to promote the integration of the Albanian minority into the political system of Macedonia. When in spring 2001 a violent conflict erupted between the Macedonian security forces and the Albanian paramilitary National Liberation Army (NLA), the international community was quick to bring the most important political parties of Macedonia, including two Albanian parties, together to negotiate an agreement and to end the violence. The negotiations of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) with the support of the US and EU were successfully concluded in August 2001. This paper will analyse the methods used by the international community to de-escalate the conflict and the approaches applied to overcome the difficult inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, which were the cause of the crisis. The paper starts with a short description of the sensitive relationship between Slav Macedonians and the Alb anians, which emerged during the founding years of the state in the early 90s. Moreover, the paper will identify elements of power-sharing and anti-discriminatory policies established in the OFA and promoted by the international agencies. In 2001 the inclusion and empowerment of the Albanian minority in Macedonia aimed to prevent the dissolution of the state and avoided an escalation of the conflict.
Christina Eva Griessler September 2014 ECMI Working Paper # 79
I. INTRODUCTION This article attempts to analyse the efforts population, in the aftermath of the 2001 taken by international actors to strengthen the conflict. It will look at what approaches and constitutional position of the Macedonian mechanisms were used by the international citizens of Albanian origin, constituting community and the local political elite to approximately 25.2 per cent2 of the settle the conflict peacefully and what
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measures where inscribed in the OFA to II. BACKGROUND: IDENTITY, establish a stable inclusive democracy CONSTITUTION AND THE system, which strengthen the rights of the 2001 CRISIS Albanians. The content of OFA will be analysed against theoretical concepts of The Republic of Macedonia, internationally 3 empowerment, minority assimilation, known under the name of the Former 4 integration and the concept of autonomy to Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), identify the instruments applied to appease the proclaimed its independence in September minority group and satisfy the Slav 1991, after it became apparent that the Macedonians. At first the paper will provide Socialistic Federal Republic of Yugoslavia an overview of the issues in relation to the was disintegrating into its constituent contested identities in Macedonia which republics. Serbia under its nationalistic leader surfaced during the 1991 declaration of Slobodan Milošević was perceived by both independence and during the adaptation of a the Albanians and ethnic Macedonians as the new constitution. Moreover, it will briefly biggest threat to the independence of the describe the background of the 2001 crisis, young Macedonian Republic. Apart from the when the Albanian paramilitary National Serb nationalists, who considered the Liberation Army (NLA), claiming to fight for Macedonians to be South Slavs rather than basic rights and equality for Albanians in having an own distinct ethnicity, the Macedonia, fought against the mainly ethnic Macedonian identity was contested by other Slav Macedonian police force. The cessation countries such as Bulgaria, which respectively of the fighting and the disarmament of the defined the Macedonians as Bulgarians and paramilitary fighters in summer 2001 were the Greeks perceiving the naming of the agreed upon in the Ohrid Framework Republic as a territorial claim to parts of Agreement (OFA), which in return included a Greece. The issue of identity is a crucial one number of concessions for the Albanian for the Slav Macedonian population, who in community and contributed hugely to the 1991 intended to establish a distinct ethnic empowerment of the Albanians. Hence, in the Macedonian state, despite the fact that other second part the paper will give a description ethnic groups were living within the of the OFA and its implication for the boundaries of this new state. Neighbouring Macedonian constitution. The third part Albania was seen by the ethnic Macedonians analyses the activities of international actors as a danger to its territorial integrity. The area in addressing the issues of the conflict. And populated by Albanians in Macedonia is finally the article analyses various approaches concentrated in the northwest of the country to minority empowerment and inclusion and in a region close to the capital Skopje. strategies. Geographically, these areas could have been easily merged with the Albanian homeland. Although the Albanian state has not made any indications of supporting the idea of a
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“Great Albania” or made any demands on constitution from 1991 replaced the old 1974- border changes, some radical Albanians in Yugoslav constitution and the 1989- Macedonia have expressed their wish to amendments, but it retained the notion that reunite the Albanian-speaking areas of the Macedonia is the state of the Slav Western Balkans into one Albanian state.5 Macedonians and therefore defining the Whilst Albania did not reject the idea of an Albanians as a non-constituent people independent state called Republic of (narodnost). The Albanians vigorously Macedonia, it perceived the state as not rejected the constitution and boycotted the exclusively belonging to one ethnic group.6 referendum on the basis that Albanians should Hence, the Albanian population in Macedonia receive the status of narod, a constituent boycotted the referendum on the people,11 equally to the Slav Macedonians. independence of Macedonia and held a Despite the boycott of the Albanian deputies separate plebiscite in 1992 on an autonomous in the National Assembly, the new territory for the Albanians in Macedonia, constitution for the Republic of Macedonia which was accepted by a huge majority of was finally adopted in November 1991.12 Albanian Macedonians,7 resulting in the On the political level the Albanian proclamation of a Republic of Ilirida. political parties were always well established Obviously, these developments did not help to and have been coalition partners in the establish trust between the two ethnic groups. Macedonian governments from 1992 onwards. At the time of independence in 1991 the Even the expert government from 1991 until ethnic Macedonians feared not only an 1992 included Albanian ministers.13 The international rejection of their identity by their Albanian political elite had established lines neighbouring states,8 the so-called “four of communication and were actively involved wolves”,9 and a denial of their right of self- in politics with the Slav Macedonians. The determination, but as well a secession of a part common practice of installing grand- of Macedonia to Albania. The external coalitions, consisting of Macedonian and pressures increased the anxiety within the Albanian parties, has proven to be an country and its ethnically divided population. acceptable way of coordinating government The Macedonian constitution enacted policies across the inter-ethnic divide and to in 1991 was another conflict issue, as it was achieve broad support on government perceived by the Albanians as a continuation decisions. Although the founding of grand of a policy of “downgrading” their status coalition governments was not introduced as a within the state. Already in 1989, before the formal institutional power-sharing dissolution of the Yugoslav Federation, an arrangement, it was adopted in the early 90s amendment to the constitution was subjecting and has been accepted ever since as an the Albanians to a status of “second class informal practice. citizens”, when the Socialist Republic of The violent campaign of the Macedonia declared itself as a “nation-state of paramilitary National Liberation Army the Macedonian people”.10 The Macedonian (NLA) in spring 2001 has to be put into the
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context of developments in the region at the discriminating measures, equal status and a time. The Serbian threat of Milošević’s change of their constitutional status. The EU nationalism disappeared in 2000, the NATO and the US had their first success of crisis bombing of Belgrade in 1999 successfully management, when the Macedonian political pressed for a withdrawal of Yugoslav troops parties took their advice and formed a unity from Kosovo, Albanian insurgents were government, thereby marginalising the NLA, active in the Preševo Valley in the South of while integrating the Albanian parties into Serbia14 and the military resistance of the government. In August 2001 the political UÇA in Kosovo led to the implementation of negotiation facilitated by NATO a UN-Administration with military assistance representative James W. Pardew and EU of NATO in Kosovo. Tens of thousands of representative François Léotard ended Albanian refugees escaping the fighting in successfully with the OFA. Although the Kosovo entered an internally instable Macedonian parties were critical about the Macedonia, which at one stage decided to outcomes of the agreement, it could be close the borders, as there were fears that the achieved because of the expectations by the state would not be able to cope with the Macedonian parties that the international masses of refugees. Although the EU community, especially the US and EU, would provided assistance to manage the influx of honour their willingness to compromise and in refugees from Kosovo and established a return would treat Macedonia favourably in European Union Monitoring Mission,15 the their efforts to join NATO and in their fear of profound changes to the ethnic evaluation of their EU application to become a composition of the state remained. Around the candidate country. same time the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) The Ohrid peace accord is a key became active and worked in cooperation with document, because the measures taken by the other international organizations to ease the international community to strengthen the burden of the refugees. Furthermore, the EU position of the Albanians in Macedonia and and NATO forces realised that illegal drug the assigned responsibilities of the and weapon smuggling across the border had international organizations to assist these to be contained as these activities were developments were written into the accompanied by violence, which would have agreement. spilled over into other areas of the Balkan, particularly into Macedonia. III. THE OHRID FRAMEWORK- The international community, namely AGREEMENT (OFA) the US and the EU, immediately appeared on the scene when the fighting broke out in 2001 The main objective of the OFA was to defuse in Macedonia. Both aimed to assist in the conflict by finding a way of coexistence containing the fighting and to negotiate a between the majority of Slav Macedonians political deal to end the conflict, which was to and the large minority of Albanians within a include the demands by Albanians for non- multi-ethnic state. It was one of the few
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political successes of the international municipality where more than 20 per cent of community in the Western Balkans, who the local population speaks another language mediated the ceasefire between the than the official Macedonian language, the Macedonian security forces and the NLA and second language has to be recognised as negotiated the OFA with the political parties. official language beside the state language. However, the ethnic Macedonian parties in The Macedonian government has also agreed general were suspicious of the process, rather to pay for university education in any other disliked the OFA,16 as they felt that the language, if the language is spoken by more Albanians turned out to be the winners of the than 20 per cent of the population of the political negotiations. Whereas the country. Positive discrimination in university international community was clear about the appointment for other than Macedonian territorial integrity, it supported the concept speakers was also granted and translations of of a Macedonian nation state and the official documents into the mother tongue of government’s stance on these issues. The the citizen, if not Macedonian, and the underlying principles of the negotiations were provision of translations in criminal and civil that “there is no territorial solution to the judicial proceeding.19 The 20 per cent- ethnic crises” and that the “multiethnic threshold gives the Albanian minority an character of the state must be preserved and advantage over the other recognised reflected in public life”.17 The objectives of minorities in Macedonia, which are much the international negotiators were to preserve smaller groups with percentages of 3.85 per the state in its current borders, yet to meet cent for the Turkish minority, 2.67 per cent some of the Albanian demands, therefore Roma, 1.78 per cent Serbian and 0.5 per cent aiming to create a situation of equal Vlach.20 Nevertheless, there are some local participation, non-discrimination and municipalities where Turkish, Serbian and inclusion of Albanians into the political Romani became official languages. system of Macedonia. This was to be Furthermore, a municipality has the right to achieved not only through strengthening the take a decision on declaring a language as an minority rights, but by changing the political official language in their area.21 and administrative organization of the state. The OFA also provides for special Consequently, the policy of decentralization parliamentary procedures for issues directly of the state administration and a revised law affecting minority rights, as “culture, use of of Local Self-Governance to increase the language, education, personal documentation, political participation of Albanians had to be and use of symbols“, and of laws in relation to included into the OFA.18 local administration, as “local finances, local Although the Albanians were not able elections, the city of Skopje, and boundaries to “upgrade” their minority status to become of municipalities”.22 The required double- the second constituent people of the state, they majority for selected minority related issues gained a number of their demands, especially also applies to amendments of certain aspects in the language issue. For example, in any of the constitution. The OFA states that a
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“qualified majority of two-thirds of votes, heightened inner-ethnic tensions and to an within which there must be a majority of the incident in which a group of armed Albanians votes of representatives claiming to belong to occupied Kodovo, a suburb of Skopje. Despite the communities not in the majority in the this incident the opposition’s referendum to population of Macedonia”.23 The so-called halt the implementation of the decentralization Badinter majority protects the constitutional failed in November 2004. The successful rights of the minorities and cannot be changed implementation of decentralization was seen without consent of the minorities. by the Macedonian political elite as a The process of decentralization and the requirement for membership in the EU and devolution of power to the municipalities, NATO.25 aiming to empower the local communities was Discrimination of Albanians in public another central measure to include Albanians sector employment was another issue of into the state administration. The revision of concern for the international community, as it the Law on Local Self-Government required created societal frictions which deepened a redrawing of local municipality borders, divisions within society. These divisions were which was based on the population figures of particularly visible in the labour market, as the 2002-census, and the enhancement of ethnic groups were represented in specific competences in the area of local “public employment sectors. The Slav Macedonians services, urban and rural planning, occupied jobs in the public sector, in the environmental protection, local economic police force and in the army, meaning that development, culture, local finances, Albanians had to find employment in the education, social welfare, and health care”.24 private sector. The low representation of The OSCE became central in assisting the Albanians and other ethnic minorities in the Macedonian government to implement the public service, particularly in the police force project against the backdrop of a huge and army, was finally addressed by the EU opposition in the country. The accompanying and OSCE after the signing of the OFA in law was passed by the parties of the 2001. government coalition, the Social Democratic Many reforms agreed in the OFA were Union of Macedonia (SDSM), the Liberal not wholeheartedly supported by ethnic Democratic Party (LDP) and the Democratic Macedonians, but accepted as compromise for Union for Integration (DUI), the new gaining “closer and more integrated relations” Albanian political party under the leadership with the Euro-Atlantic community.26 In the of Ali Ahmeti, which emerged from the following years the OSCE mission in Skopje paramilitary NLA. The lack of transparency of focused especially on advising the the negotiation process was criticised by the government and the local authorities on the opposition and large parts of the population decentralization efforts of the state rejected the plan after its publication in 2004 administration. and initiated a referendum to halt its implementation. This political dispute led to
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IV. THE INTERNATIONAL in the country. The following political ORGANIZATIONS IN discussions between the parties were held under the auspices of the EU and USA, which MACEDONIA had nominated François Léotard as Isabelle Ioannides describes the situation in representative for the EU and James W. Macedonia in the aftermath of the 2001 crisis Pardew for the US as mediators. The two as an “overcrowded international scene”.27 main objectives of the political talks were to However, even before 2001 a number of foster the inclusion of the Albanian population international organizations, especially the into the public institutions and to ensure the OSCE, UN, EU, and NATO were present in unity of the state, of which the latter was a key Macedonia to monitor the borders to Kosovo, demand by the Slav Macedonian parties. to prevent any border violations, to deal with These aims overlapped with the interests of the Kosovar refugees or to contain weapon or the two mediators aiming to avoid the break- drug smuggling. Although Macedonia until up of Macedonia, but ensuring that necessary 2001 did not experience major political minority rights were written into the violence within the country, it was severely Macedonia constitution and power-sharing affected by the Kosovo war and the violent arrangements, designed for the political conflict in South Serbia, which required the system to protect these laws, were installed. Macedonian government’s cooperation to To achieve the constitutional changes and the allow NATO supplies to be transported from implementation of a number of projects, the Greece through Macedonia to the conflict assistance of international organizations, such areas. Due to the militarily instable situation as NATO, OSCE and EU, was required and in Kosovo at the time of the war, NATO requested by the Macedonian president and decided in May 1998 to increase the strength the signatories of the agreement. The various of its forces in Macedonia.28 tasks conducted by the international During the 2001 crisis, several organizations had to be written into the OFA international organizations - when not already to avoid any legitimacy problems arising from based in Macedonia - (re-)emerged to assist in the presence of “foreign” organizations on finding a military and political solution for the Macedonian territory. The reason for this country. The priority was to stop the fighting procedure was that the international between the Albanian paramilitary NLA and organizations were not at all welcome in the Macedonian state forces, as it was Macedonia and faced some strong opposition perceived as a risk to develop into a full- from hard-line Slav Macedonians, the 29 blown civil war. At first the political mainstream Macedonian media and parts of mediators, NATO Secretary General George the public opinion. The Slav Macedonians felt Robertson and European Union Foreign that the international community was biased 30 Policy Chief Javier Solana, persuaded the against them, as they seemingly were acting Macedonian political parties to establish a in favour of the Albanian community, because unity-government ensuring political stability these organizations pressured the government
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to grant language and cultural rights to the to prepare the Macedonian army for NATO Albanians and supported them in their operation and to strengthen the Euro-Atlantic demand for equal employment in the public Integration.33 In September NATO was the administration. As a consequence the main actor in the disarmament of the international organizations were placed in a paramilitary NLA. Mission “Essential very uncomfortable position, even resulting in Harvest” was followed by mission “Amber physical attacks against their personnel. fox” (27 September 2001 until 15 December The roles and activities of the 2002) to protect members of the international international organizations were specified in community working in Macedonia. The EU the OFA under Annex C, where it was stated dispatched an armed force as replacement for that assistance was requested by the Albanian NATO forces in 2003. Its mission and Macedonian parties and the Macedonian CONCORDIA lasted only eight months, from president:“The parties invite the international 31 March until 15 December 2003, and was community to facilitate, monitor and assist in followed by mission PROXIMA, which the implementation of the provisions of the finished in December 2004. The EU’s EUPAT Framework Agreement and its Annexes, and project aimed to promote European policing request such efforts to be coordinated by the standards by cooperation between EU police EU in cooperation with the Stabilization and experts and the Macedonian police force, Association Council”.31 To facilitate and started in December 2005 and ended in June coordinate the activities of the international 2006.34 Already in 1992 the UN deployed to community in Macedonia offices were set up Macedonia; it was established as United in the capital Skopje. The OSCE Mission in Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) until Skopje established in 1992 and still active 1995 and remained until 1999, as United today, assists with the implementation of the Nations Preventive Deployment Force provisions in the OFA. The OSCE is currently (UNPREDEP). involved in advisory tasks, i.e. the In the following, the paper looks at improvement of inter-ethnic relations, good the methods the international community used governance, support of the police service to to empower the Albanians in their role as adapt to a multi-ethnic environment, Macedonian citizens. These included a application of the concept of rule of law, number of activities in relation to redrafting support of the Ombudsman institution and is and implementing a new constitution, monitoring local and national elections.32 monitoring elections, advising government in These projects are aimed to strengthen the policing and security issues, and working on democratic system and to improve the inter- projects to improve the inter-ethnic ethnic relations between Macedonians and relationships among the population of Albanians. NATO originally established their Macedonia. The instruments to empower the Headquarters in Macedonia in April 2002. Albanians and other minorities in Macedonia NATO is currently active in consulting the will be discussed in the following. Macedonian government on military aspects
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V. THE CONCEPT OF how empowerment will be achieved, but EMPOWERMENT focuses on who will apply empowerment strategies. Of course, the appearance of an As the inter-ethnic tensions in Macedonia external actor can affect the relational aspects originate from the competition between two of the conflict again and therefore empower a main identities, we can speak of an identity- conflict party. External actors can be hugely based conflict. Especially, during the nation important for implementing empowerment building process, the fear of being strategies, but for analysing empowerment of marginalised by the majority group on the minorities, it is useful to focus on what is one side and the perceived threat by the transformed within society (i.e. structures, majority of being undermined by a relatively relationships or personal attitudes). These large minority on the other side, were three approaches are a combination of powerful emotions, which could have resulted concepts from business and peace studies, in the use of violence against each other. A although originating from different threat to identity tends to create a reaction of disciplines; they cover all aspects of self-protection and develops a one-sided view empowerment within society and can of the conflict causes.35 The issue of therefore be applied to cases of inter-ethnic perception of the other’s behaviour and the conflict situations. perceived danger to one’s own identity can Firstly, the structural approach lead to violent conflicts, which often require assumes that structures foster and sustain the assistance of external mediators to find an discrimination; therefore empowerment acceptable solution for all conflict parties. means to strengthen minority groups in Research has identified three identifying and removing these structural approaches of empowerment, which are obstacles. Minorities are often faced with relevant for minority issues: the structural obstructive structures in society, which hinder approach, the relational approach and the them to reach a desired goal. Empowerment in motivational or self-empowerment this respect assists in overcoming these approach.36 All three are interrelated as the obstacles by “positive discrimination”. This self-empowerment has an impact on the requires a political decision to change the relationships of people and this might lead to structure, which defines the relationship the transformation of societal and political between the state and the minorities or with structures of society. In specific circumstances the wider society. external support is needed to implement one The second approach is based on the of the above mentioned strategies. However, idea that relationships between groups or although mentioned as a distinct dimension in people are constructed on the bases of power the Berghof Glossary on Conflict distribution and dependency of one person 38 Transformation, “empowerment as over the other. The relationships between the professional external support or element of a minorities and the majority-group in a country third-party intervention”,37 is not indicating is determined by the respect and the
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willingness of the majority to, first of all, suggests that every person has the intrinsic declare the minorities officially as national need to achieve certain goals and minorities, secondly, to grant minority rights empowerment will help to overcome the and finally, to protect these special provisions internal obstacles. The Berghof Glossary on and the distinct cultural identity of those Conflict Transformation – similar to the minorities. Nowadays, international concept of empowerment in a mediation organizations are pressuring states to provide process - claims that empowerment in its core minority rights and protection. These is individualistic. Individuals should be conditions of political compliance can also be enabled to trust and believe in their own skills found in the international recognised norms of and strengths to achieve personal autonomy human rights. Human rights, originally and self-determination and to articulate their focusing on the individual, have shifted to own interests.41 The intrinsic or self- recognise the protection of groups and support empowerment approach can explain inner the idea of “the recognition and group dynamics, which might impact on inter- accommodation of minorities and the adoption ethnic relations. A simplified idea of of positive measures to protect their existence empowerment is the assumption that people and facilitate the expression of their through the process of empowerment will be distinctive cultures”.39 The issue of the enabled – “empowered”– to help themselves. contested Macedonian identity impacted This article uses an adapted definition negatively on the relationship between the borrowed from Conger and Kanungo42 to Albanians and the Slav Macedonians. The apply it to the case study of Macedonia, which insecurity of the Macedonian side was defines empowerment as “a process of overcome by the guarantees of the enhancing feelings of self-efficacy” among international community to maintain the state conflict parties “through the identification of as a Macedonian nation state in its 1991- conditions that foster powerlessness and borders. In a way, the international through their removal by both formal (…) community empowered the Macedonian side practices and informal techniques of providing to be able to make concessions and grant efficacy information”.43 This definition stronger minority rights to the Albanians. combines the relational, structural and Empowerment on the relational level goes intrinsic (self-empowerment) approach, as both ways. identified in the mediation process, by The third approach, the motivational empowering a weaker party to enable it to construct of empowerment, refers to the remove the discrimination structures motivation to assume power or can be impacting negatively on the relations between described as “an intrinsic need for self- parties. determination”.40 This is an actor-focused While applying the three identified approach, which would identify the personal approaches of empowerment to the case study reasons for empowerment and combat to of Macedonia, it becomes obvious that these overcome discrimination. This approach will overlap. For the process of conflict
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transformation the self-empowerment, which or to suggest any solution to them.46 This will influence the relationship aspect of the concept of empowerment is based on the idea parties in conflict, is the crucial one. A to strengthen the parties in a conflict situation, sustainable agreement to resolve a crisis has to i.e. intrinsic or self-empowerment approach, be negotiated between equal partners, who are thereby improving their relationship to each able to agree on a solution of the conflict out other and to create a situation where all parties of their own will, ability and independently are able to solve the conflict out of their own without any external pressure. Unfortunately, strength and capacities, rather than accepting in the majority of conflicts the necessary externally developed solutions. equality of parties ("parity of esteem") does It is argued here that the negotiations not exist, subsequently a correction of this of the OFA in 2001 were driven by the self- imbalance is required to conduct fair and interest of the third parties – in this respect the successful negation. A so-called third party EU and US – who dominated the entire entering the conflict situation as mediator process and impacted on the outcome of the needs to ensure that peace talks take place in a agreement. Therefore we cannot speak of a neutral environment and that the same rules mediation process, but of a negotiated apply to all parties. More precisely, it requires settlement of the conflict. Promises were that during the mediation process, the made by the US and EU to support the wish of structural and the power-relational the Macedonians to establish closer relations disadvantages have been removed. Mediation to EU and NATO. When it became apparent processes in contrast to negotiation processes, that the NATO membership was blocked by aim to transform the negative primed Greece and the EU-accession talks were relationships into positive ones, based on delayed, due to the “enlargement fatigue” or trust, empathy and understanding of the other the limited “absorption capacity” of the EU, parties’ needs. Empowerment in mediation the Macedonian parties lost trust in the occurs, when the parties gain “a greater sense international organizations. Since then of strength of self, including self-respect, self- Macedonian politics has become more reliance, and self-confidence”44 and is defined nationalist, emphasising their distinct as “the restoration to individuals of a sense of Macedonian identity, unfortunately fuelling their value and strength and their own ethnic and political tensions. capacity to make decisions and handle life’s problems”.45 The mediator or third party’s VI. CONCEPTS OF role during a mediation session is confined to ASSIMILATION, the facilitation of the process, but should INTEGRATION AND refrain from controlling or influencing the AUTONOMY outcome, neither should the third party’s interests taken into account by the conflict In the OFA the political structures were parties, nor is the mediator allowed to define changed to better accommodate the Albanians the relevant problems for the conflict parties in the political and administrative state
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structures. A nation state can adapt three Macedonian people, in which full equality as strategies to deal with their minorities: to citizens and permanent co-existence with the assimilate them, to integrate them or establish Macedonian people is provided for Albanians, a group or a territorial autonomy.47 The Turks, Vlachs, Romanies and other assimilation approach, defined as a merging of nationalities living in the Republic of a distinctive different identities with the Macedonia, (…)”.51 Although the dominant culture of the nation state,48 is not Macedonian language and its Cyrillic alphabet acceptable for the Albanians in Macedonia. is still the official language throughout the The strategy of integration, according to republic and is used in international relations, Hadden49 maintains the distinctive identity of any other language is considered to be an the minority, but establishes measures to official language, if it is spoken by at least 20 ensure that the minority can fully participate per cent of the population.52 The same rule in society. The efforts by the government and applies of units of local self-government, in the international community – based on the which any other language than Macedonian strategy of integration - were focusing on becomes an official language, if 20 per cent introduction of non-discrimination policies of the population speaks it. This implies that and equal rights for the Albanians in people have the right to use their language as Macedonia. As a consequence of this official language in the local self-government approach, the preamble of the constitution was unit for official business and have the right to changed to reflect the civic concept of the get their official documents issued in the other state, which includes all citizens of language.53 The constitutional rights of Macedonia, regardless of their ethnic minorities in the area of culture, language, background.50 A territorial autonomy was education, identification of symbols and the dismissed by the Macedonian parties fearing a decentralization of the state administration are secession of Albanian areas from Macedonia. protected by a veto-right or special majority, A compromise was found in enhancing the which requires a majority in the assembly competences of local self-governments and making a decision “by a majority vote of the the decentralization of public administration, Representatives attending, within which there which can be classified as a form of limited must be a majority of the votes of the administrative autonomy for people living in Representatives attending who belong to that particular area. communities not in the majority in the The integrative approach is reflected in population of Macedonia”.54 Furthermore, as the amendments of the Macedonian agreed by the signatories of the OFA that non- constitutions. The preamble refers to the discrimination and equitable representation concept of a Macedonian national state as a will be respected according to the law,55 and historical fact, but expresses the full equality that primary and secondary education will be of other ethnicities living on the territory of provided in the student’s native language and Macedonia, as it states that “(…) Macedonia funding for third level education in languages is established as a national state of the
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spoken by at least 20 per cent of the between the conflict groups. Therefore, population is provided by the state.56 important contributions by the OSCE and the The second approach of granting United Nation Development Programme minority groups a group or territorial (UNDP) are to re-establish respect and autonomy was out of the question for the tolerance between the various groups in Slav Macedonians. Nonetheless, the Macedonia. The UNDP in an attempt to move decentralization plan, which was developed forward in the area of community relations during the political negotiations, is a rather promotes a programme to “Enhance Inter- “soft” version of a territorial autonomy for the Ethnic Dialogue and Collaboration”.58 The Albanians living in the predominantly OSCE Mission established a “Programme Co- Albanian area. It can be assumed that the ordination Unit on Inter-ethnic Relations.59 implementation of the decentralization plan by Both, the UNDP and the OSCE conduct the government facilitates an equal and full projects on good governance. OSCE representation of Albanians in political life furthermore focuses on media and education. and administration in their local area. Due to All these activities are aimed to cease tensions the law on decentralization a number of between the ethnic groups in Macedonia and competencies were transferred to the local to change attitudes towards cooperation and level, such as management of primary and to bridge ethnic boundaries. In addition to the secondary education, medical and social improvement of the relational aspects of services, as well as cultural institutions and empowerment and the specific measures to activities. The local head of police was to be protect their distinctive identity, the voted by the municipal council on basis of a Macedonian political structure exerts two list of recommendations by the Minister for forms of power-sharing, the “tradition” of Interior. Double majority voting, i.e. a grand-coalition, which has been common majority by both communities, was accepted practice since the early 90s, and double- as the voting rule in the new municipal majority voting, introduced by the OFA in councils.57 The main problems faced by the 2001.60 Both instruments are designed to municipalities concerned the issue of finances, include Albanians in political decision as local debts for public projects accumulated making process and to get their full support on the balance sheets and created political and for decisions taken in the assembly or in the ethnic tensions at the municipal councils. government. Facilitating a more permeable access to the political system and enacting VII. CONCLUSION constitutional provisions for the protection of minority rights are only two strategies to The Ohrid peace accord designed by the assist empowerment and the inclusion of international community is based on the idea minorities in public life. Empowerment can be that empowerment can be achieved by achieved as well through improving the reducing the structural obstacles for quality of communication and the relationship Albanians in public life; this consequently
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fosters equality and political and societal for Macedonians to establish a stable political inclusion of Albanians. Three methods of state together with Albanians. Structural achieving these aims can be identified in the empowerment was incorporated in various OFA. First of all, the effort was made to parts of the OFA document. The means to strengthen the cultural, educational and achieve structural empowerment are through language rights in the constitution. Secondly, power sharing (formal and informal) formal power sharing instruments were arrangements and the removal of obstructive designed and included into the constitution to structure by implementing anti-discriminatory ensure a special cross-ethnicity quota for policies and protecting the minority’s distinct amending laws in relation to language, identity and by improving inter-ethnic education, local governance and other relations. minority issues. And finally, the OFA It has to be acknowledged that the included the notion that Macedonia is a multi- international organizations and the external ethnic state, where the focus lies on actors were crucial in assisting to end the citizenship rather than on ethnicity. If the conflict in Macedonia in 2001. The people of Macedonia can honour the civic international community started a number of state concept, it strengthens both parties, as initiatives to support the Ohrid peace accord inter-ethnic competition over the state would and after the initial conflict settlement be reduced. To disseminate the concept of the activities, these organizations turned to long- civic state among the people, projects to term projects of reconciliation and working improve relationships between ethnic groups with the people to foster understanding and a to establish trust and understanding need to be sense of belonging for all citizens of initiated. Macedonia. Empowerment should help to The use of empowerment as a strategy to remove the fear and inter-dependence of settle the conflict was not the actual aim of the people. This can only happen if both international organisations in Macedonia, but communities are empowered and able to face it became an intrinsic element of the political challenges. process. During the political discussions the The political developments since 2001 external negotiators had to address the indicate that the Macedonian state is grievances and needs of the Albanian developing into a bi-national state,61 the population, but also the concerns of the constitutional amendments and ethnographical Macedonian side. The importance of facts would support this assumption. The relational empowerment cannot be political system was transformed to underestimated in a society divided by accommodate the demands of the Albanians, conflict and a distorted image of “the other” but the primary motivation was to satisfy the and “the other’s” intention. It is not by chance EU’s recommendations and the requirements that international organizations are currently for EU accession.62 The EU’s hesitation on initiating projects trying to improve and foster starting EU accession talks, the refusal of inter-ethnic relations, as it will be necessary NATO-membership, and the still ongoing
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name issue with Greece are political issues, that Macedonia will in future need further which create some frustration and an international support to overcome its internal atmosphere of heightened nationalism, and external difficulties. impacting negatively on sensitive inter-ethnic relations. The current development indicates
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Endnotes
1 The author uses the name Macedonia or the Republic of Macedonia instead of Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). 2 Republic of Macedonia State Statistical Office (2005), Census of Population, Households and Dwellings in the Republic of Macedonia, 2002, Skopje, p.34. Available at:
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22Article 5.2. OFA of 13 August 2001. At:
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50 Op.cit. note 28, at 301. 51Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia (2001), Preamble. At:
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Dr. Christina Eva Griessler Research Fellow, netPOL Network on Political Communication, Andrássy University Budapest, Hungary Contact: [email protected]
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION SEE
EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 * fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 * E-Mail: [email protected] * Internet: www.ecmi.de
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